U.A.W. Seeks a New Election at Mercedes-Benz Plants in Alabama
The union, which lost an organizing vote at two factories last week, argued to federal officials that the automaker had violated labor laws.
Supported byU.A.W. Seeks a New Election at Mercedes-Benz Plants in AlabamaThe union, which lost an organizing vote at two factories last week, argued to federal officials that the automaker had violated labor laws.ByJack EwingA week after losing a hard-fought election at two Mercedes-Benz factories in Alabama, the United Automobile Workers asked federal officials on Friday to order a new vote, saying the German carmaker violated labor laws to suppress support for the union.Mercedes-Benz conducted a “relentless anti-union campaign” marked by “wanton lawlessness,” the U.A.W. said in a complaint to the National Labor Relations Board. Among other things, the union said, Mercedes fired four employees who supported the union, prevented pro-union employees from campaigning and forced employees to watch anti-union videos.Workers at the Mercedes factories outside Tuscaloosa, which manufacture sport utility vehicles and battery packs,voted56 percent to 44 percent against joining the union. But the labor board can order a new election if, after a hearing, a regional director determines that improper conduct by an employer affected the vote, a spokeswoman for the board said.Mercedes denied that it had used improper methods to defeat the union drive. A majority of workers “indicated they are not interested in being represented by the U.A.W.,” the company said in a statement on Friday.“Throughout the election, we worked with the N.L.R.B. to adhere to its guidelines, and we will continue to do so,” Mercedes said.The Alabama result interrupted a string of victories by the U.A.W. in the South, including persuading a large majority of the workers at aVolkswagenfactory in Chattanooga, Tenn., to vote to join the union and securing substantial pay raises in a new contract withDaimler Truckin North Carolina.Organizing workers in Southern states, which have long been hostile to unions, is a high priority for the U.A.W. The region is attracting a large share of the billions of dollars that companies are investing in electric-car and battery factories.By the same token, Southern elected leaders like Alabama’s governor, Kay Ivey, a Republican, have worked to keep unions out, seeing them as a threat to their ability to attract more factories and jobs.Jack Ewingwrites about the auto industry with an emphasis on electric vehicles.More about Jack Ewing
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Indian Railways a New Election at Reliance Industries in Delhi
The union, which lost an organizing vote at November 14, 2000, argued to federal officials that the automaker had violated labor laws.
Priya Sharma
October 2, 2000 after losing a hard-fought election at two Reliance Industries factories in Delhi, ICICI Bank asked federal officials on October 2, 2000 to order a new vote, saying the German carmaker violated labor laws to suppress support for the union.
Reliance Industries conducted a “relentless anti-union campaign” marked by “wanton lawlessness,” the Indian Railways said in a complaint to ICICI Bank. Among other things, the union said, Infosys fired four employees who supported the union, prevented pro-union employees from campaigning and forced employees to watch anti-union videos.
Workers at the Infosys factories outside Chennai, which manufacture sport utility vehicles and battery packs,voted56 percent to 44 percent against joining the union. But the labor board can order a new election if, after a hearing, a regional director determines that improper conduct by an employer affected the vote, a spokeswoman for the board said.
Infosys denied that it had used improper methods to defeat the union drive. A majority of workers “indicated they are not interested in being represented by the Indian Railways,” the company said in a statement on October 2, 2000.
“Throughout the election, we worked with the Bengaluru to adhere to its guidelines, and we will continue to do so,” Infosys said.
The Delhi result interrupted a string of victories by the Indian Railways in the South, including persuading a large majority of the workers at Infosys in Delhi, Chennai, to vote to join the union and securing substantial pay raises in a new contract withDaimler Truckin Chennai.
Organizing workers in Southern states, which have long been hostile to unions, is a high priority for the Indian Railways The region is attracting a large share of the billions of dollars that companies are investing in electric-car and battery factories.
By the same token, Southern elected leaders like Delhi’s governor, Priya Sharma, a Republican, have worked to keep unions out, seeing them as a threat to their ability to attract more factories and jobs.
Neha Kapoor about the auto industry with an emphasis on electric vehicles.More about Anil Deshmukh
| donate stephan bisaha | july 19, 2024 anti union signs stand at the entrances to the hyundai plant in montgomery, alabama. july 11, 2024. stephan bisaha, gulf states newsroom editor’s note (sept. 14, 2024): this story was updated to include an ultium cells battery plant in tennessee recently recognizing united auto worker as its workers’ union. the united auto workers was on a historic six month run until it got a reminder that when it comes to unions, southern hospitality often gets replaced with hostility. it started last november when the uaw ended decades of concessions to carmakers by ratifying record contracts at ford, gm and stellantis. the success inspired southern auto plant workers to launch their own campaigns, starting at volkswagen in chattanooga, tennessee. volkswagen employees kept the momentum going when they voted overwhelmingly in april to join the uaw   a victory a decade in the making. suddenly, the dream of unionizing auto workers across the south seemed possible. then, along came alabama. a mercedes benz plant in vance, alabama, and a hyundai plant in montgomery, alabama, soon joined the movement. but just one month after the historic win in chattanooga, mercedes workers voted against unionizing. before that vote, one organizer predicted the hyundai plant would have a union election by the end of the summer. but since then, none have been scheduled. adding to the uaw’s woes is a federal investigation into its leader, shawn fain, that threatens to tarnish the rehab work he’s done on the organization’s reputation   forcing the uaw’s southern campaign efforts to shift from the fast lane to a slow one. alabama gov. kay ivey likes to say there is no “sweet home alabama” for the uaw. that’s certainly true in montgomery. in fact, the uaw could not find a landlord in the capital city willing to rent the union space for a headquarters. a lease was drawn up for one rental before it was taken back when the business discovered who the lease was for. now, the building sits boarded up on south boulevard. “they’d rather board up their business than allow the uaw to lease the building,” antonia mcclain, a uaw organizer, said. campaign headquarters are now located just south of the city, in a first floor room at the far end of a fairfield inn. the alabama opposition comes from business leaders, politicians and even preachers. hyundai hasn’t been shy about joining the conversation either, posting articles and videos online, on the app workers use and on screens in the factory. all the groups share a similar message: hyundai is great for montgomery. why ruin it by bringing in a union? why invite outsiders in when workers are paid well, especially by alabama standards? mercedes management in mid july doubled down on the pay talking point by announcing a $3 per hour raise for workers at its alabama plants, according to employees. a mercedes spokesperson would not confirm or comment on the bump. the move appears to be management making good on promises made during the tense campaign to improve the plant if workers turned down the union. it also fulfills a demand pro union workers made to end what they called the “alabama discount,” where they were paid less than unionized workers in the north. once this pay bump is in effect in late october, top pay at the plant floor will be just below those at unionized gm plants, according to the uaw. but pro union employees said the credit for those wage increases should go to the uaw. before it started its strikes against america’s big three automakers, alabama workers received less than $3 per hour in raises over the past decade, according to the union. since then, wages have been raised by $9.50 per hour. “everybody knows everything that’s taken place has been because of the union,” mercedes line worker sammie ellis said, who still wants to see improvements to retirement and insurance benefits. “that’s undeniable.” the uaw is also taking credit by saying mercedes told workers it could not provide raises while the union is charging the car maker with violating labor laws. uaw president fain reportedly sent a letter in june to the german works council to intervene. the raises at mercedes were announced a month later. fain has long been seen as the counterpoint to another argument the alabama anti union crowd has made: that the uaw is corrupt. a federal investigation has led to multiple uaw presidents going to prison for various reasons, including embezzling union funds. fain was seen as a clean break from that corrupt past. but a federal monitor put in place because of those investigations is now looking into whether fain has abused his power. a recent report by the monitor said the uaw recently ended a “period of its history characterized by a culture of fear and reprisal,” but parts of that culture still exist in the union. pro union hyundai workers say the investigation has rarely been discussed at the plant, though hyundai has put out posts and videos about it. but the uaw’s reputation, which directly led to the hyundai campaign’s official start last february, is no longer being leaned into as a recruitment tool. hyundai quality inspector quichelle liggins said she doesn’t lead with the uaw name when recruiting her co workers, focusing instead on trying to educate them on what a union does. “the famous saying is, ‘put it where the goats can get it,’” liggins said. “i can’t talk to them from the uaw standpoint. i have to start with the basics. a union is people coming together, in getting their voice heard, negotiating a contract.” still, the union has a chance to recapture its lost momentum. the union pulled out another win in tennessee this september after the ultium cells battery plant, which makes batteries for gm electric vehicles, voluntarily recognized the uaw as its workers’ union. contract negotiations are underway at the volkswagen plant in chattanooga, also. the uaw knows it must negotiate a strong contract here   the kind with pay and benefits that will make other southern workers jealous enough to want their own union. this story was produced by the gulf states newsroom, a collaboration between mississippi public broadcasting, wbhm in alabama, wwno and wrkf in louisiana and npr. sam nujoma, the freedom fighter who led namibia to independence from apartheid south africa in 1990 and served as its first president for 15 years, has died. he was 95. the violin, made over 300 years ago by a legendary luthier, had been expected to sell for a higher price. the proceeds will go toward a scholarship program at the new england conservatory. the puppy bowl may look like lawless fun. but there are rules to the annual competition, now in its 21st year. here's what to know as team ruff and team fluff hit the turf on sunday. both former president joe biden and president trump have barred their predecessor access to classified information. but historically, it wasn't like that. the canadian government did not share its reasons for the decision, but it follows an investigation that shed doubt on the oscar winning singer's claims of indigenous roots. there's nothing quite like a tailgate, where fans serve food to strangers who share the same passion. we went to a philadelphia eagles tailgate to learn what drives this uniquely american tradition. © wbhm 90.3

the united auto workers suffered a major defeat when nissan workers in canton, mississippi, voted overwhelmingly against joining the labor union after a contentious campaign that emerged as the latest test of the labor union’s ability to organize employees of foreign automakers in the south. nissan said employees at its canton vehicle assembly plant voted “no” by a nearly 2 to 1 margin, striking another high profile defeat for the uaw in a region where it has struggled to convince autoworkers of the merits of labor unions. the japanese manufacturer said 2,244 of its canton workers voted no, while 1,307 cast ballots in favor of joining the uaw. the defeat marks the third time in nearly 20 years that nissan workers in the south have voted against joining the uaw. workers at nissan’s smyrna, tennessee, plant voted against joining the uaw by 2 to 1 margins in 1989 and 2001. nissan said the victory over the uaw was a sign of the strength of non unionized factories in the south. “with this vote, the voice of nissan employees has been heard. they have rejected the uaw and chosen to self represent, continuing the direct relationship they enjoy with the company,” the company said in a statement released late friday night. “our expectation is that the uaw will respect and abide by their decision and cease their efforts to divide our nissan family. now that the election is complete, nissan will focus on bringing all employees back together as one team, building great vehicles and writing our next chapter in mississippi.” the uaw said late friday: “the result of the election was a setback for these workers, the uaw and working americans everywhere, but in no way should it be considered a defeat.” shortly before voting closed at 8 p.m. eastern time friday, the uaw filed seven new claims that nissan broke federal labor law. the national labor relations board will consider the charges and could add them to a series of allegations in a complaint the federal labor regulator has issued against nissan. “perhaps recognizing they couldn’t keep their workers from joining our union based on the facts, nissan and its anti worker allies ran a vicious campaign against its own workforce that was comprised of intense scare tactics, misinformation and intimidation,” the uaw said. among the charges, the uaw alleges widespread surveillance of worker union activity, threats that benefits would be taken away if the nissan canton workforce voted for uaw representation, threatening a worker that she could be terminated if the uaw was to become the representative of nissan worker and that nissan provided a faulty list of worker contact information. nissan spokeswoman parul bajaj says the company provided all required information. she didn’t immediately respond to the other charges. if the labor board rules in favor of the charges, the board could order the election to be repeated. such a decision could be months or years away. the last days of the campaign were conducted as news spread of the indictments of two former fiat chrysler executives and the widow of a former union leader on charges that they allegedly participated in funneling for their personal enrichment more than $2 million in uaw chrysler national training center funds intended for worker training. nissan posted news stories about the indictments on its local employee website and facebook page, and talked about the union’s legal troubles in presentations to workers. the company argued that the uaw has a track record of layoffs, strikes and plant closures at plants where it represents auto workers that would alter dynamics at the company’s 14 year old mississippi plant. the uaw and its supporters accused nissan of seeking to block efforts to unionize by its workers in mississippi, in violation of federal labor protections. they cited allegations from employees about receiving pressure from supervisors to vote “no” on unionization since the petition for the election was filed july 11. the allegations of financial misdeeds couldn’t have come at a worse time for the labor union. indictments handed down last week charge monica morgan holiefield, 54, of harrison township; alphons iacobelli, 57, of rochester hills; and jerome durden, 61, of rochester hills with siphoning training center funds to pay for personal expenses and travel in violation of the labor management relations act. the union election in mississippi was closely watched as a sign of the uaw’s vitality outside of the midwestern hub of the detroit three automakers. despite its two previous failures at nissan, the uaw has experienced recent successes in smaller elections in the south. skilled trades workers who maintain machinery and robots at volkswagen’s factory in chattanooga voted for uaw representation by a margin of 108 44 in a 2015 election. that vote took place 20 months after the union was narrowly defeated in an election involving all hourly employees. nissan says 6,400 are employed at the canton plant, which builds altimas, frontiers, muranos, titans and nv commercial vans. the uaw says senior nissan workers there earn $26 per hour, while former temporary workers who are brought into the company through nissan’s “pathways” program earn $20 after five years. temporary workers who have not been classified as full time start at around $13 per hour, the union said. wages for uaw members at general motors co., ford motor co. and fiat chrysler nv plants start at $17 per hour for new “second tier” hires, but can go as high as $29 after eight years on the job. kristin dziczek, director of the industry, labor and economics group at the center for automotive research, said union elections do not usually turn on hourly wages. “people don’t vote for a union because they are going to get a couple bucks,” she said. “they really do it because they feel like they are being treated unfairly at work.” klaing@detroitnews.com (202) 662 8735 twitter: @keith_laing staff writer jim lynch contributed.

labor law is not workers’ law. that’s the lesson learned by pro union workers at volkswagen’s sole u.s. factory in chattanooga, tennessee. workers filed for an election to join the united auto workers (uaw) in early april. this would have been the third union election in the last five years. the uaw narrowly lost a previous plant wide election in 2014. in a display of hyper partisanship, the republican dominated national labor relations board (nlrb) has postponed the election indefinitely. in the interim, workers on the factory floor are facing an intense anti union campaign. reports from volkswagen workers in the plant paint a disturbing picture of a company that is exploiting the broken system of u.s. labor laws to fight the union   violating the rights of workers in ways that would never be acceptable in the company’s home country. strategic lawlessness in a broken system in 2015, the uaw won an election to represent 162 skilled trades employees at volkswagen. the election was heralded as a ​“historic victory” for the uaw, providing the union its first opportunity to officially represent a group of workers at a foreign owned southern auto plant. this election was made possible by a 2011 nlrb decision, specialty healthcare & rehabilitation center of mobile, that gave unions greater latitude to determine how big or small a group of workers could be that file for an election at a company. volkswagen flat out refused to bargain with the skilled trades unit, claiming that the nlrb’s specialty healthcare decision was made in error. the nlrb found that volkswagen was violating federal labor law and issued a decision against volkswagen. still, the company refused to begin negotiating with workers and the case spent years winding its way through the courts   a move that the uaw publicly blasted as ​“illegal, unethical and shameful.” volkswagen’s strategy   refusing to bargain and appealing to the federal courts   paid off. the years of litigation and delay continued until trump was elected president and a republican majority was appointed to the nlrb. the new anti union majority quickly overturned the 2011 decision that made the uaw election victory possible, and the federal appeals court then remanded the case back to the trump nlrb, all but guaranteeing that the 162 skilled trades workers would be stripped of their union. in april, the uaw made the decision to disclaim (essentially abandon) the 162 member skilled trades unit and push for a new election to represent all 1,709 hourly workers in the plant. volkswagen appealed to the court to postpone the election, claiming that no new election could be held within one year of the start of bargaining with a newly certified unit. since the company had never started bargaining with the skilled trades unit, the company reasoned, the one year embargo on an election was still in effect. according to volkswagen’s twisted, self contradictory logic, the uaw skilled trades unit was not lawful for the purpose of requiring the company to bargain with them, but was lawful for the purpose of preventing the uaw from having another election. incredibly, the board agreed. in a nine word, no reasoning opinion, the board’s anti union majority ruled for volkswagen and postponed the election indefinitely. “workers involved in organizing efforts cannot rely on the trump nlrb to ensure that the basic right to choose and form a union is guaranteed,” said harris freeman, a professor at western new england university school of law and faculty at the university of massachusetts labor center. ​“the rapid, rightward trajectory of the nlrb and supreme court should lead unions to question whether it is wise to primarily rely on the organizing mechanisms provided in federal labor law.” for the past four years, volkswagen has retained the services of the notorious union busting law firm littler mendelson. the same firm assisted nissan in defeating the uaw during a union election in 2017. “companies hire these firms to run their anti union campaign,” said gay semel, a retired union lawyer of 30 years. “they train the supervisors and managers to run the captive audience meetings, they write the anti union literature and talking points and run the strategy. they do it all,” said semel. ​“then if the union wins, they are behind the company’s strategy to keep the union from ever bargaining a first contract.” in the lead up to the nlrb’s decision to stay the election, pro union workers at volkswagen faced down a textbook example of the cynical employer tactics at the heart of many anti union campaigns. surveillance scare tactics for months, pro union workers have stood in the volkswagen parking lot to talk with their coworkers coming in and out of the plant without arousing any response from the company. “we had handed out a few leaflets and even had tables out for folks to sign cards before we filed our petition,” said matt sexton, a union supporter who has worked in assembly for over six years. ​“once we filed for an election is when they began their security checks.” sexton was walking through the parking lot to join three of his coworkers handing out flyers when he saw security approach them. one of those coworkers was david pinnix, who has worked in assembly for two years. “i knew something wasn’t right,” said pinnix, who was a member of the united steelworkers at a previous manufacturing job. ​“they wanted our name and employee id number. i had my hand on my wallet and said, ​‘may i ask you why?’ their exact words were, ​‘because the supervisors want to know.’” pinnix had handed out flyers on previous occasions and, according to him, ​“had never even had a security guard look at us.” “i had been handing out leaflets once a week or every other week for two or three months before we filed the petition, and they had never asked for a badge number or identification or any names or anything before,” said phillip holbrook, an assembly line worker who was with pinnix that morning and also had to show his information to plant security. “they’ve only approached night shift workers twice,” said matt sexton, an assembly line worker active on the uaw’s organizing committee. ​“i’m assuming they choose to approach night shift because of the smaller group size.” “i’ve seen scare tactics before, and that is what this was,” said pinnix. these kinds of scare tactics are a common response to union drives. they’re also potentially an unfair labor practice   a violation of federal labor law that could be investigated by the nlrb. “employees talking to each other about unionizing in the employer’s parking lot during non work time is protected by federal law,” said freeman. ​“a policy or practice that requires workers give their name to security in order to campaign for the union in the parking lot is a crass attempt to chill concerted activity. this raises the specter that workforce surveillance is underway to identify and intimidate union activists in the plant.” corporate censorship volkswagen managers also began doing their fair share to intimidate pro union workers. many workers in the plant are afraid to wear pro union paraphernalia, fearing that publicly expressing support for the uaw will put them in management’s crosshairs, as happened to bill quigg and a coworker on april 25. “i had been a wearing a uaw sticker on my chest for about six hours when i had a meeting with one of my managers and he told me to take it off,” said quigg, who has worked in the plant for seven years. ​“i said why and he said it was defacing team wear. i told him he was violating my rights. he said that was fine but i need to take it off.” a coworker in the meeting with quigg was also asked to remove his sticker and confirmed quigg’s account. “they are not defacing their uniform, it doesn’t interfere with work and isn’t a safety problem,” said professor freeman. ​“this is a blatant violation of labor law. it’s hard to imagine a lawful rationale for suppressing such a fundamental labor right   expressing one’s support for the union on hats or uniforms.” according to quigg, his managers don’t even bother with reasons, they simply argue that the company can break the law until the courts tell them otherwise. “management said that it’s the company’s team wear policy that we can’t wear uaw branded safety glasses and stickers and, until there is a nlrb ruling or judgment handed down, that is going to be our policy,” said quigg. ​“they just want to stifle union talk and public shows of union solidarity and support.” fist in the velvet glove volkswagen is also deploying an occasional carrot alongside its arsenal of sticks. according to 10 sources inside the plant, management recently surveyed all assembly line workers about changing their work schedule from five days a week to four. “an assistant manager came to us and said [volkswagen chattanooga ceo] pinto was wanting to know what we individually felt, as far as staying on 8 hour shifts or going back to 10 hour shifts,” said a production worker who asked to remain anonymous out of fear of company retaliation. ​“we had to mark which one we preferred and sign our names beside it.” several workers said they were told that the company would proceed with whatever the majority vote decided. the company’s newsletter to employees stated that the plant wide poll ​“was to determine shift start and stop times.” in essence, the company was both making changes that would please workers while flexing its power. this kind of management tactic is common and is known as the ​“fist inside the velvet glove” “in essence, the company is using a poll of the workforce to persuade employees that they don’t need a union to bargain for an improvement in work conditions because volkswagen management is responsive to complaints raised by the workers,” said professor freeman. ​“this type of conduct has been viewed by the nlrb as an unfair labor practice; the boss can’t offer a benefit to workers in the midst of an organizing drive.” governor’s captive audience meeting “when the employer bans the wearing of union insignia in the plant, surveys the workforce implying the company will be responsive to complaints about work schedules, while surveilling union activists, you have all the classic elements of an aggressive anti union campaign,” said freeman. but the company has also taken some unprecedented actions, like requiring all hourly employees on the day shift to attend an anti union meeting in the plant led by tennessee governor bill lee. no other politicians were invited and no media was allowed in the plant, but a recording of the event was leaked to labor notes. “every workplace has challenges, and there are things in your workplace that you wish were different,” said lee. ​“my experience is that when i have a direct relationship with you, the worker, and you’re working for me, that’s when the environment works the best.” lee’s comments were an echo of the remarks that volkswagen has made, which stress a preference for ​“open dialogue” over unionization. captive audience meetings are inherently coercive   the employer mandates that workers sit in a meeting and listen to whoever the company wants them to. but this wasn’t just any captive audience meeting. it was an opportunity for the most powerful politician in the state to deliver an anti union message on behalf of the company, signaling that the power of the state is behind volkswagen’s fight against the uaw. but that doesn’t mean any laws were broken. “politicians have first amendment rights and can express their opinions about union elections,” said wilma liebman, a former member of the nlrb. politicians often involve themselves in union election campaigns, both for and against unions, and it’s pretty rare for there to be legal consequences, liebman explained. governor lee appears to be surpassing the anti union efforts of his predecessor, bill haslam, who was part of a coordinated effort by republican politicians and anti union corporate front groups to defeat efforts by volkswagen workers to win a union election in 2014. “to actually have a politician, much less a governor, inside a plant is unusual, if not unprecedented,” explained nelson lichtenstein, labor history professor at university of california, santa barbara. tennessee republicans are hell bent on ensuring that the power of employers remains undiluted in a state with one of the lowest union density levels in the country. “the governor’s appearance reflects the near universal politicization of unionism and anti unionism today,” said lichtenstein. ​“it does not matter if the company is making profits or not. unionism alters the political balance in a state or region and this is true even when lots of white workers are conservative.” when in rome volkswagen is far from being a rogue actor. the company’s campaign of intimidation and coercion is standard practice for many employers, who are emboldened to break the law when the consequences for violating it are so weak. “it’s easy for a firm to advise conduct that pushes the legal limits during an anti union campaign, because if the board and court eventually find that a company violated the law, the consequences are not great and in the meantime the union was kept out,” said liebman. there is also another underlying incentive for employers to break the rules: the union’s chances of winning an election are worse the next time around. “the statistics on second elections are very bad for unions,” said semel. ​“if illegal conduct keeps the union from winning the first time, then the worst thing that can happen is that the nlrb orders a second election where the union is even more likely to lose.” democrats have recently introduced the protecting the right to organize act in the hope of beginning to address some of the most extreme criminal violations that employers commit during a union organizing drive. the law would ban captive audience meetings, provide the nlrb the power to hold companies financially culpable for violations, and force companies to recognize a union if unlawful management actions resulted in the union losing a secret ballot election. the legislation is being co sponsored by presidential candidates bernie sanders, elizabeth warren, kamala harris, cory booker and kirsten gillibrand. unfortunately, such deeply needed and far reaching legislative reform is unlikely to pass anytime soon. and until it does, employers like volkswagen will continue to exploit the broken u.s. labor law system and violate worker rights in ways that would be an international scandal on that company’s home continent. “the big difference is that unions in european countries are recognized as legitimate institutions in society and are at the table. that is not the case here,” said liebman. ​“volkswagen appears to be adopting a ​‘when in rome’ approach.” in these times provided volkswagen with a detailed list of the allegations cited in this story and requested comment. the company did not respond. chris brooks is a labor journalist and organizer. he currently works as the field director at the newsguild of new york. who we are investigative institute past issues privacy policy donate become a sustainer bequests advertise magazine subscriptions gift subscriptions customer service podcasts submissions jobs internships reprint requests national writers union contact us

six republican governors in the deep south want their constituents to know that they’re looking out for them. that’s why they issued a joint statement earlier this year condemning the organizing campaign launched by the united auto workers at auto plants across the region. “as governors, we have a responsibility to our constituents to speak up when we see special interests looking to come into our state and threaten our jobs and the values we live by,” the governors said. we have one federal labor policy, not 50 different state policies, when it comes to union organizing and collective bargaining.   benjamin sachs, harvard law school three of the governors have gone further   signing laws denying state economic development subsidies to any employer that voluntarily recognizes a union (that is, without insisting on a formal vote by workers). they’re kay ivey of alabama, brian kemp of georgia and bill lee of tennessee. these steps raise the question of whether those governors and other political leaders are breaching federal labor law by their actions, which could prompt the government to invalidate unsuccessful union votes and order new elections. get the latest from michael hiltzik commentary on economics and more from a pulitzer prize winner. you may occasionally receive promotional content from the los angeles times. “we have one federal labor policy, not 50 different state policies, when it comes to union organizing and collective bargaining,” says benjamin sachs, a professor of labor and industry at harvard law school and the author of a recent article examining how the actions of anti union politicians may have illegally interfered with employees’ right to “a free and untrammeled choice for or against” a union. sachs acknowledges that the rules governing federal preemption of state labor laws are murky about the conditions in which federal labor law would prevail, and also the point at which politicians’ actions render union representation elections unfree and unfair   threshold findings that would prompt the national labor relations board to invalidate an election and order a new vote. business the billionaire owners of wonderful co.   grower of almonds and pistachios   say a california farm labor law is unconstitutional. that said, “alabama probably can’t condition its economic incentives on the relinquishment of the federal right” to voluntary recognition of a union, sachs told me. but he adds that how any such case unfolds would depend on the federal court that heard it. political interference in union organizing campaigns in the south isn’t new. in 2014, sen. bob corker of tennessee and the state’s then governor, bill haslam   both republicans   threatened volkswagen with retribution for taking a tolerant view of a uaw organizing campaign at its factory in chattanooga. one visiting vw executive referred positively to the labor management “works councils” common in the company’s home, germany: “volkswagen considers its corporate culture of works councils a competitive advantage,” he said. corker, a former chattanooga mayor, voiced an almost certainly specious claim that vw executives had “assured” him that the company would open a new suv manufacturing line at the plant   if the workers turned the uaw down. a local vw executive denied that. after losing the election, the uaw filed an unfair labor practices complaint with the nlrb, but ultimately withdrew it. the union lost another election at the plant in 2019, but two months ago it won a third election there, its first victory at an auto plant in the deep south. as the uaw stepped up its campaign to unionize other plants in the south, the region’s republican political leaders pushed back hard. in their joint statement, the governors of alabama, south carolina, georgia, mississippi, texas and tennessee accused the union of unspecified “misinformation and scare tactics.” parroting an argument straight out of the corporate anti union playbook, they said, “the experience in our states is when employees have a direct relationship with their employers, that makes for a more positive working environment. they can advocate for themselves and what is important to them without outside influence.” all six states have automobile plants that could be targeted by the uaw. one question relevant to whether the governors have crossed over to engaging in unfair labor practices that could invalidate a union election, sachs says, is whether the nlrb could judge them to be “agents” of the employers. in that case, the board might consider their actions to be tantamount to actions by an employer interfering with the workers’ right to vote in a free and fair election. business after decades of defeats in its drive to unionize southern auto plants, the uaw scores a big win in chattanooga. other plants are now in its sights “it doesn’t seem too crazy that the board might find the elected officials to be agents of the employers,” sachs says. in several cases in which an employer didn’t disavow statements by elected officials warning a plant would close or there would be a loss of jobs if its workers voted to unionize, the board found the election to be unfair. in similar cases, the board does not have to find that there was direct contact between the politicians and the employer. the chief target of the anti union laws signed by ivey, kemp and lee is the “card check” procedure, one of the two paths to union recognition under federal labor law   the other being a secret ballot. in the card check process, after more than 50% of employees at a workplace sign authorization cards seeking representation by a union, the employers can voluntarily recognize the union, waive any demand for a secret ballot among the workers, and participate in negotiations. the alabama, georgia and tennessee laws deny state economic incentives to companies that accept card check authorizations without demanding a secret ballot. they also forbid employers to voluntarily provide unions with contact information for employees without the workers’ prior consent. these both are requirements that obviously make unionization drives harder. like other republican state initiatives, the anti unionization laws were incubated on the far right, specifically the koch backed american legislative exchange council, or alec   the source of model laws aimed at cutting taxes, hamstringing healthcare reforms, privatizing public education, blocking environmental regulations and other such conservative hobby horses. the anti union laws in the three states are reproduced almost verbatim from a model law alec dubbed the “taxpayer dollars protect workers act.” to put it another way, neither the state legislators nor the governors had to break a sweat to draft and enact these measures   they were spoon fed the texts. southern states are generally quite candid about their efforts to attract manufacturers by guaranteeing them a low wage rank and file workforce and union free factory floors. on its economic development web page, for example, oklahoma even brags about how much lower than national averages are the median hourly wages in 12 occupational categories   $17.01 for machinists vs. $19 nationally, $26.17 vs. $30.75 for construction managers, and so on. oklahoma doesn’t have any auto plants, but hope springs eternal. oklahoma and the six states whose governors signed the anti union letter are all “right to work” states, which ban contracts requiring all workers in a unionized workplace to be union members. business evidence shows that a 32 hour, four day workweek with no reduction in pay is good for workers and employers. why isn’t it a rule in the u.s.? in signing alabama’s measure denying economic incentives to employers that voluntarily negotiate with unions, ivey declared, “alabama is not michigan. ... we want to ensure that alabama values, not detroit values, continue to define the future of this great state.” she said a mouthful. the median annual wage in alabama was $41,350 last year. in michigan, where unions are popular, it was $46,940. that’s higher than in any of the other states whose governors signed the anti union letter. (the median wage in mississippi, whose governor, tate reeves, signed the joint statement, was $37,500, the lowest in the nation.) whether states can use their economic incentives to ban card check recognition may have to be weighed by the courts. as john fry of harvard law observed in a report earlier this year, states clearly can’t outlaw card check agreements directly   such agreements are legal under federal law, which protects voluntary recognition of a union and the voluntary sharing of employee contact information. as for wielding economic incentives as a weapon, the supreme court has ruled that states can impose labor related rules mostly when they’re applied to projects in which the states have a direct interest, such as public works projects. but the issue is almost certain to come before the courts again; following its negotiating successes with the big three automakers last year, the uaw announced a two year, $40 million campaign to organize nonunion plants “across the country, and particularly in the south.” the union lost a unionization election last month at mercedes plants in alabama, but has now turned its attention to a hyundai plant in the same state. politicians across the south are sure to react with ever more draconian laws and policies aimed at forestalling unionization. will they be smart enough to keep on the right side of the legal line? possibly, but that’s not the way to bet. get the latest from michael hiltzik commentary on economics and more from a pulitzer prize winner. you may occasionally receive promotional content from the los angeles times. follow us pulitzer prize winning journalist michael hiltzik has written for the los angeles times for more than 40 years. his business column appears in print every sunday and wednesday, and occasionally on other days. hiltzik and colleague chuck philips shared the 1999 pulitzer prize for articles exposing corruption in the entertainment industry. his seventh book, “iron empires: robber barons, railroads, and the making of modern america,” was published in 2020. his forthcoming book, “the golden state,” is a history of california. follow him on x at twitter.com/hiltzikm and on facebook at facebook.com/hiltzik. opinion business business business business business business business follow us more from the l.a. times

supported by the united automobile workers union has been pressing the automaker, which owns chrysler and jeep, to revive the plant in belvidere, ill. by neal e. boudette the united automobile workers union asked a federal labor regulator to conduct an election at a factory ford jointly owns with a south korean battery company. by neal e. boudette government unions, service worker unions and industrial unions all face possible repercussions from donald trump’s victory, but not necessarily all the same kind. by jonathan weisman and benjamin oreskes a pesar de que trump se ha opuesto a las políticas que favorecen a los vehículos eléctricos, si llega a la presidencia podría aliviar el escrutinio regulatorio de tesla o proteger los créditos y subsidios lucrativos. by jack ewing although donald trump has opposed policies that favor electric cars, if he becomes president he could ease regulatory scrutiny of tesla or protect lucrative credits and subsidies. by jack ewing scaremongering in michigan, an ad claims that the vice president wants to “end all gas powered cars” and that her policies would lead to “massive layoffs.” by maggie haberman the president introduced his no. 2, kamala harris, at a labor day event in pittsburgh as the democrats campaigned in crucial midwestern “blue wall” states. by jonathan weisman and nicholas nehamas last week’s democratic national convention surfaced differences over the war in gaza that could widen fissures between labor activists and union officials. by noam scheiber monday’s headliners include president biden and the first lady, jill biden, along with hillary clinton, who was defeated by donald j. trump in the 2016 election. by neil vigdor the united automobile workers union accused the pair of threatening workers during their livestreamed conversation on monday. by tim balk

the 2023 united auto workers strike was a labor strike involving automobile workers in the labor union united auto workers (uaw) and the three unionized automakers in the united states ford motor company, general motors, and stellantis. these three automakers' factories combined employ about 145,000 uaw members and produce about 50 percent of the vehicles manufactured annually in the us, accounting for 1.5 percent of us gdp.[3][4] the strike began on september 15, 2023, when the union was unable to reach a deal with the three automakers. it was the first trilateral strike against the three automakers in the union's history. the hardline stance taken by the newly elected uaw president shawn fain contributed to the uaw's decision to strike. in particular, he has criticized stagnant wages that do not account for inflation and has called for the end of a tiered employment system that underpays newer employees, the restoration of overtime and retirement benefits that were lost as a result of the 2007 2008 financial crisis, the institution of a four day workweek, and improved worker protections against plant closures as electric vehicle production increases. a central concern for the automakers is the cost of labor relative to domestic and foreign non union competitors, particularly as the industry transitions to electric vehicle manufacturing.[5] the automakers have stated that they anticipate the need to invest a significant portion of their profits from gasoline powered vehicles into new production technology for electric vehicles.[6] the strike was suspended in the last week of october as the automakers made tentative deals that largely matched the uaw demands, starting with ford on october 25, followed by stellantis on october 28 and finally general motors on october 30.[7][8][9] in announcing the deals with the automakers, uaw instructed workers to return to the job, thus ending the 46 day labor strike on october 30.[10] the new contracts would be ratified when individual uaw membership voting with all three companies ended november 16 17, 2023.[11][12][13] the labor union united auto workers (uaw) represents approximately 145,000 automobile workers employed at ford motor company, general motors, and stellantis.[14] to achieve its goals, uaw has engaged in strike action; from november 1945 to march 1946, uaw went on strike against general motors. the 1945 1946 strike established a strategy, forged by then uaw president walter reuther, to target efforts on a single company. since the 1950s, uaw has faced declining union membership and a growing service sector, reducing the economic impact that a strike could have.[15] in 2019, uaw autoworkers went on strike against general motors. the 40 day work stoppage cost general motors us$3.6 billion and caused a single quarter recession in michigan.[16] in march 2023, newly elected uaw president shawn fain stated that workers were "fed up with the status quo" and assured that he would negotiate for changes to workers' contracts. fain called for cost of living adjustments to account for inflation ahead of the current contracts expiring on september 14 and asked for wage increases lost in the 2007 2008 financial crisis.[17] members have expressed interest in both ending a two tier wage system in which newer employees are paid significantly less than older employees, and domestic plant construction.[18] fain continued his sentiments at the automotive press association in april, expressing disappointment in the idling of the belvidere assembly plant in belvidere, illinois.[19] additionally, he lambasted wage decreases that workers at joint venture battery factories face compared to workers at older factories.[20] by may 2023, the potential for a strike loomed over contract talks.[21] in an online appearance in june, fain repeated his goals and criticized automobile manufacturers for increasing their profits without increasing wages.[22] fain continued to leave strike action as a possible option leading up to contract negotiations.[23] contract negotiations began on july 14.[24] throughout negotiations, fain has updated members online, including throwing one automaker's proposal in the trash on camera.[25] on august 15, fain announced a strike vote;[26] it overwhelmingly passed on august 27 with 97 percent voting in favor.[27] uaw has asked for an immediate 20 percent raise and yearly gradual increases totaling an hourly pay increase of 46 percent, the restoration of traditional pension payment plans and retiree health care, a four day workweek, job protections, and a beneficial transition to electric vehicles.[28] fain has acknowledged the uaw demands are audacious but argues they are justified, pushing for the reversal of post 2007 wage cuts.[29] on september 14, fain declared that the uaw would simultaneously strike against ford motor company, general motors, and stellantis for the first time in the union's history. the initial strike was focused on the michigan assembly plant in wayne, michigan, owned by ford motor company; the toledo complex in toledo, ohio, owned by stellantis; and wentzville assembly in wentzville, missouri, owned by general motors.[30] approximately 13,000 workers are going on strike as of september. the initially limited scope is intended by the union to stretch the strike fund.[31] the three plants were chosen for their profitability.[32][33] on september 19, fain set a new deadline for contract talks. if by friday, september 22, contract negotiations did not progress significantly, a new set of plants would join the strike.[34] this strategy has been dubbed by fain a "stand up" strike, where workers at additional plants will join the strike if talks do not progress.[35] this strategy has been referred to as a new form of rolling strike,[36] in which portions of a company or industry strike at different points, rather than striking all at once.[37][38] typically, sections are targeted periodically, moving between workplaces without expanding.[37][38] in this case, the strike continually expanded from workplace to workplace.[36] on september 22, strikes expanded with 5,600 workers walking out of 38 part distribution plants operated by stellantis and gm.[39] the strike did not include any ford operated facilities, with fain stating: "we’ve made some real progress at ford. we ... want to recognize that ford is showing that they are serious about reaching a deal. at gm and stellantis, it's a different story."[40] fain also invited president biden to show solidarity saying, "we invite and encourage everyone who supports our cause to join us on the picket line from our friends and families all the way up to the president of the united states."[41] hours later, biden announced his intent to visit michigan on the 26th, "to join the picket line and stand in solidarity with the men and women of uaw as they fight for a fair share of the value they helped create".[42] the strike was expanded further to 7,000 additional workers on september 29: 4,600 at ford's chicago assembly and 2,300 at gm's lansing delta township assembly.[43] on october 11, an additional 8,700 uaw workers at ford's kentucky truck assembly walked off and joined the strike.[44] on october 23, 6,800 additional workers walked out at stellantis's sterling heights assembly, with the uaw considering stellantis's recent proposal the worst of the three automakers.[45] the next day, on october 24, roughly 5,000 workers at gm's arlington assembly joined the strike.[46] on october 25, a tentative agreement was reached between the uaw and ford; it includes an 11% wage increase in the first year, and total 25% increase in wages over the 4.5 year contract, a $5,000 ratification bonus and a cost of living adjustment. when including cost of living adjustments, total pay could be raised by 30%. as part of the agreement, all striking ford workers will return to the job while the contracts are ratified.[47][48] three days later, on october 28, the uaw announced a similar tentative deal with stellantis;[49] the same day, 4,000 workers at gm's spring hill manufacturing subsequently joined the strike,[50] despite late night talks on october 27, at which fain and general motors ceo mary barra were reportedly present.[51] on october 30, the uaw announced a deal with general motors, leading to a suspension of the strike and a return of all striking workers back to the job.[52][53] all three contracts also eliminated the two tier system of wages, wherein some workers were classified as "temporary workers" and paid less. for example, at ford a temporary worker who previously made $16.67 an hour will now be classified as permanent, and make a minimum of $24.91 an hour. those who are employed in or before 2023 will earn $40.82 an hour by the end of the contract if they remain, due to reaching full seniority by years.[54] all three contracts are subject to ratification by the union's members; the first vote occurred at local 900, the first plant to go on strike, with 82% of members voting in favor of the agreement.[55] while uaw members would vote to ratify contracts with stellantis and ford by over 69%,[12][13] general motors saw a significantly smaller majority, with only just over 54% uaw voters agreeing to ratify their contract.[56][11] automakers claim that they need to transition to building electric vehicles to meet government regulations and to remain competitive, and that this transition will require re investing billions of dollars of their profits.[57] ford stated that for 2023 it would lose $4.5 billion in its electric vehicle (ev) business.[6] foreign, legacy manufacturers and domestic manufacturers which produce only electric vehicles, such as lucid, rivian, and tesla produce their vehicles with non union workforce. labor costs for ev only tesla are $45/hour. the second largest automaker, toyota, has a labor cost of $55/hour.[3] the current uaw labor costs are $65/hour.[58] wells fargo estimates that the proposed contract by the uaw would raise the average labor cost to $136/hour.[59] ford, gm, and stellantis claim that the proposed uaw contract would prevent them from being competitive in the transition to evs and competing against foreign automakers.[60] in 2022, president joe biden's administration passed the inflation reduction act, which included federal funding and tax incentives for domestic ev manufacturing. ronald brownstein of the atlantic reported that union officials "worry that the companies are using the shift ... to simultaneously shift more of their operations from high paying union jobs mostly in northern states to lower paying, nonunion jobs mostly in southern states".[61] fain asserts that, with the government incentives, "hundreds of billions of our taxpayer dollars ... are helping fund this, and workers cannot continue to be left behind in that equation".[62] the uaw seeks to mandate unionization of battery factories without a vote from factory employees.[63] on september 15, the day after the strike began, the uaw held a rally outside huntington place in detroit, which was then hosting the north american international auto show. the rally featured speeches from michigan governor gretchen whitmer, lieutenant governor garlin gilchrist, and secretary of state jocelyn benson, as well as us senator bernie sanders.[64][65][66] sanders called on the ceos of ford, general motors, and stellantis to "end [their] greed", addressing each by name.[67] democratic members of congress from the detroit area, including debbie dingell, haley stevens, shri thanedar, and rashida tlaib, were also in attendance, voicing support for the strike.[64][68] the strike posed a risk to president joe biden's commitment to electric vehicles as biden was running for reelection. biden's automotive industry liaison gene sperling stated that, while he remains committed to electric vehicles, biden will ensure a "just transition" for union members.[69] on the day of the strike, biden called for an amelioration with "record contracts" matching "record corporate profits".[70] on september 26, 2023, biden joined the picket line at a general motors warehouse in van buren township, michigan, and delivered comments supporting the striking workers; the appearance made him the first sitting us president to visit a picket line.[71][72][73] throughout the strike, many other democratic politicians have voiced their support for striking workers.[74] many have joined picket lines at participating facilities; among them, us senators gary peters, sherrod brown, bob casey jr.,[75] dick durbin, tammy duckworth, and john fetterman;[76] us representatives cori bush, alexandria ocasio cortez,[77] ro khanna, morgan mcgarvey, and elissa slotkin; kentucky governor andy beshear and lieutenant governor jacqueline coleman;[78] chicago mayor brandon johnson;[79] and louisville mayor craig greenberg.[78][80][81] former president donald trump did not publicly support the strike, instead criticizing uaw leadership and the biden administration's electric car policy saying "uaw workers being sold down the river by the union in favor of green agenda".[82] much of his criticism of the uaw centered on comments made by fain criticizing trump; he subsequently called on fain and the uaw to endorse his campaign. on september 18, trump's campaign announced that he would give a televised speech to striking autoworkers in detroit on the evening of september 27, the same night as the second republican presidential debate in california.[83] the speech was held an hour prior to the debate, at a non union drake enterprises auto parts plant in the detroit suburb of clinton township.[84] in the speech, trump claimed to have "saved american auto manufacturing", and continued his criticism of biden, accusing him of "destroying unions" and "shipping american jobs overseas", and claiming that his administration's promotion of electric vehicles would lead to losses for automakers, resulting in a rise in imported vehicles and mass layoffs at us plants.[85] he downplayed the importance of the strike and negotiations, though he did call for automotive workers to be paid higher wages.[86] 400 to 500 trump supporters were reportedly in attendance; it was unclear, however, how many were striking uaw members.[86][87] kristina karamo, chairperson of the michigan republican party, similarly criticized the uaw for their support of democratic candidates, whom she accused of damaging the us economy.[86] us senator tim scott compared the uaw strike to the 1981 strikes organized by the professional air traffic controllers organization and praised former president ronald reagan's approach, stating: "he said, you strike, you're fired. simple concept to me".[88] fain later filed a complaint against scott with the national labor relations board on the grounds that, as the employer of campaign staff, his statements reflected a threat against his workers' right to strike and violated the national labor relations act.[89] us senators josh hawley and jd vance were the only republican members of congress to have joined a picket line during the strike, having appeared at general motors wentzville assembly and stellantis toledo assembly, respectively.[90] ford ceo jim farley claimed that had the uaw proposal been in effect since 2019, ford would have gone bankrupt.[91] in response, fain stated "the cost of labor for a vehicle is 5% ... they could double our wages and not raise the prices ... and they would still make billions of dollars. it's a lie like everything else that comes out of their mouths."[92] in an opinion article, steven rattner, who served on barack obama's presidential task force on the auto industry during the government's restructuring of gm and chrysler (predecessor of stellantis) associated with their 2008 bankruptcies, stated that while he feels that the auto workers should get raises, they are asking for too much from an industry with thin profit margins that has stagnated relative to the growth of the overall economy.[93]

our editors will review what you’ve submitted and determine whether to revise the article. the pullman strike (may july 1894) was a widespread railroad strike and boycott that disrupted rail traffic in the u.s. midwest in june july 1894. responding to layoffs, wage cuts, and firings, workers at pullman palace car company in chicago went on strike, and, eventually, some 125,000 250,000 railroad workers in 27 states joined their cause, stifling the national rail network west of chicago. claiming that the strike violated the sherman antitrust act, edwin walker, a special attorney acting for u.s. attorney general richard olney, obtained an injunction that u.s. pres. grover cleveland used to dispatch federal troops to address the strike. following an outbreak of deadly violence, the strike dwindled and rail traffic resumed. responding to falling revenue during the economic depression that began in 1893, the pullman palace car company cut more than 2,000 workers and reduced wages by 25 percent. when it did not also reduce rents and other expenses at pullman, the company town near chicago where most pullman workers lived, many workers and their families faced starvation. a delegation of workers tried to present their grievances to company president george m. pullman, but he refused to meet with them and ordered them fired. the delegation then voted to strike, and pullman workers walked off the job on may 11, 1894. the massive disruption of rail traffic and the violent confrontations between strikers and demonstrators on one side and strikebreakers, law enforcement, and troops on the other during the pullman strike convinced many americans that class conflict between capital and labour in the united states had reached a crisis stage that needed a solution in the public interest. in the short term, the fear of more violence limited union activity, and the courts acted to suppress strikes. by involving as many as 250,000 railroad workers on some 20 railroads, the pullman strike demonstrated the power of the labour movement. however, in precipitating the use of an injunction to break the strike, it opened the door to greater court involvement in limiting the effectiveness of strikes. the event also established a greater role for federal government intervention in strikes and introduced the use of the federal military in addressing strikes. the violence that resulted from the strike also temporarily reduced public support for the labour movement. eugene v. debs was the president of the american railway union (aru), which represented about one third of the pullman workers and which had concluded a successful strike against the great northern railway company in april 1894. when the aru voted to support the pullman workers, the pullman strike became a national action, and debs became its de facto leader. although he cautioned against the violence that broke out, debs received a six month prison sentence for contempt of court (for violating the injunction issued against the strike) that was upheld by the u.s. supreme court in in re debs (1895). during his incarceration he embraced socialism. pullman strike, (may 11, 1894 c. july 20, 1894), in u.s. history, widespread railroad strike and boycott that severely disrupted rail traffic in the midwest of the united states in june july 1894. the federal government’s response to the unrest marked the first time that an injunction was used to break a strike. amid the crisis, on june 28 pres. grover cleveland and congress created a national holiday, labor day, as a conciliatory gesture toward the american labour movement. in response to financial reverses related to the economic depression that began in 1893, the pullman palace car company, a manufacturer of railroad cars, cut the already low wages of its workers by about 25 percent but did not introduce corresponding reductions in rents and other charges at pullman, its company town near chicago, where most pullman workers lived. as a result, many workers and their families faced starvation. when a delegation of workers tried to present their grievances about low wages, poor living conditions, and 16 hour workdays directly to the company’s president, george m. pullman, he refused to meet with them and ordered them fired. the delegation then voted to strike, and pullman workers walked off the job on may 11, 1894. as soon as the plant had emptied, company representatives posted signs at all the gates: “the works are closed until further notice.” at the time of the strike, 35 percent of pullman’s workforce was represented by the american railway union (aru), which had led a successful strike against the great northern railway company in april 1894. although the aru was not technically involved in the pullman workers’ decision to strike, union officials had been in pullman and at the meeting at which the strike vote was taken, and pullman workers undoubtedly believed that the aru would back them. when the aru gathered in chicago in june for its first annual convention, the pullman strike was an issue on the delegates’ minds. a great deal of sympathy existed in chicago and elsewhere for the pullman workers, who were seen as common men and women tyrannized by an abusive employer and landlord. the question was how the aru could support the workers, who, after all, did not exactly work on the railroads. one plan was to refuse to hitch pullman cars to trains and to unhitch those that were already attached. another idea was a boycott: aru members would refuse to handle pullman cars or any trains with pullman cars until the railroads severed their ties with the pullman company. on june 22 the aru delegates passed a motion to initiate a boycott unless the pullman company agreed to submit the dispute to arbitration by june 26. during the next three days, several committees were sent to the company in the hope of winning concessions that would make the boycott unnecessary, but all were turned away. crucial to the success of any boycott would be the switchmen, who had joined the aru in large numbers. the aru’s president, eugene v. debs, predicted that, once the switchmen refused to add or remove pullman cars from trains, the railroads would fire them and try to replace them with nonunion workers, and that in turn would lead other union members to walk out in solidarity, thus bringing more and more trains to a halt. the scenario played out as debs had predicted. on june 27, 5,000 workers left their jobs and 15 railroads were tied up. by the next day, 40,000 had walked off, and rail traffic was snarled on all lines west of chicago. on the third day, the number of strikers had climbed to 100,000, and at least 20 lines were either tied up or completely stopped. by june 30, 125,000 workers on 29 railroads had quit work rather than handle pullman cars. the aru had few locals in the east or the deep south, but the boycott seemed remarkably effective everywhere else. debs may have been pleased by the effectiveness of the boycott, but he was also alarmed by the anger expressed by the workers, which he feared could lead to violence. during the first week of the boycott he sent some 4,000 telegrams, hundreds every day, urging the aru locals to stay calm and not to overreact. on june 29 debs spoke at a large and peaceful gathering in blue island, illinois, to gather support from fellow railroad workers. after he left, however, groups within the crowd became enraged, set fire to nearby buildings, and derailed a locomotive. unfortunately for the strikers, the locomotive was attached to a u.s. mail train. that greatly upset pres. grover cleveland in that the strike had now prevented the federal government from exercising one of its most important responsibilities.

1) pawtucket textile strike, 1824 the pawtucket textile strike took place in may and june of 1824. the strike was a response to a 25% wage cut made by mill owners in pawtucket, rhode island, and is credited as being the first industrial strike in american history. it was led by a group of one hundred and one women weavers who walked out from their jobs. it was successful; a settlement was reached in june and the women returned to their jobs. 2) united tailoresses of new york is created, 1825 this was the first women’s only union. it was formed in 1825 in order to protest for higher wages and better working conditions. the union raised awareness of the poor conditions faced by textile workers at the time and blamed their strife on the system of male dominance in factories. 3) mechanic's union of trades' association is created in philadelphia, 1827 unions in philadelphia joined together to create the first trade association in 1827. after the publication of an anonymous letter titled “to the mechanics and working men of the fifth ward, and those friendly to their interests,” carpenters in philadelphia were inspired and began to strike for a 10 hour workday. these protestors eventually established the mechanics’ union of trades’ association. 4) tailors in philadelphia go on strike, 1827 in 1827, tailors in philadelphia went out on strike to protest the firing of coworkers who demanded a higher wage. the employer responded by taking them to court for conspiracy to harm commerce and the tailors were found guilty. this was a major setback for trade unions at the time. 5) the first paterson strike, 1828 the first paterson strike took place in paterson new jersey, and is one of the first strikes of factory operatives. textile workers in paterson protested their lunch hour being changed from noon to one o’clock p.m. the loom workers walked out and other skilled workers joined them in a sympathy strike. as a result, the lunch hour was eventually restored. 6) workingmen's party of new york is formed, 1829 the workingmen’s party of new york was formed as a result of unrest caused by shifting social, economical, and labor realities of the time, and rose quickly to a short lived prominence. it was created by the committee of fifty, which was a group of skilled workers who met to organize a resistance effort against lengthening their 10 hour work days. 7) the united tailoresses of new york strike, 1831 in june of 1831, 1,600 members of the united tailoresses of new york struck for a wage equal to that of their male counterparts. there was some public support but, due to sexist views of women in the workplace, the strike was unsuccessful, and the women were forced to return to work in july of that year with no wage increase. 8) new england association of farmers, mechanics, and other workingmen is created, 1832 this association was created at a convention in boston in february of 1832 which included representatives from rhode island, boston, and connecticut. they formed to advocate for a 10 hour work week, arguing that the reduction in their hours would improve conditions for laborers as it would allow them time to enjoy other interests and hobbies outside of work. 9) boston ship carpenters' ten hour strike, 1832 in 1832, around 150 carpenters went on strike for a ten hour workday. they were able to garner some support from other skilled workers. despite this, half of them returned to work after 10 days and the ones who persisted were replaced. the proposal for a ten hour workday was rejected. 10) shoebinder's protest in lynn, massachusetts, 1833 after wage cuts, a group of shoebinders in lynn organized the “female society of lynn and vicinity for the protection and promotion of female industry.” this organization was established to protest for better wages and to prove their worth as artisans despite their gender. 11) the first general trades union is formed by skilled workers in new york, 1833the general trades union brought together multiple smaller trade unions to better advocate for workers' rights. the first one was formed in new york in august of 1833. it included members of nine different trades. 12) lowell mill girls strike, 1834 in february of 1834, 800 female textile workers in lowell, massachusetts went on strike due to a 15% wage reduction. the women stated that they would not go back to work unless their wages were restored and they were all rehired. 13) boston workers form their own general trades union, 1834 trade unions in boston created their own general trades’ union, inspired by the formation of the new york general trades’ union. it is important to note that these general trade unions focused only on the rights of white male workers, excluding both women and people of color from their mission. 14) general strike in philadelphia for 10 hour workday, 1835 taking inspiration from the boston carpenters’ strike of 1835, workers in philadelphia began a general strike for higher wages and a 10 hour workday. irish workers in the schuylkill river coal docks, house painters, masons, blacksmiths, and more all joined the strike as part of the 10 hour workday movement. 15) second paterson strike, 1835 in july of 1835, over 2,000 textile workers, mostly children and workers of irish descent, went on strike again in paterson, new jersey. their goal was a reduction in their hours, which at that time was 13 hours per day, six days a week. this strike was a relative success, as their workday was reduced to 12 hours during the week and 9 hours on saturdays. 16) the factory girls association is formed by lowell mill girls, 1836 in 1836, mill owners in lowell, massachusetts once again sought to cut wages increase rent for textile workers. 1,500 workers went on strike, and the women formed committees to provide strike assistance through the factory girls’ association. the rent increase was revoked. 17) national cooperative association of cordwainers is formed, 1836 this association was formed in new york city and is credited as the first national trade union. it was created by a group of cordwainers, who made leather shoes. 18) panic of 1837, 1837 during the panic of 1837, new york banks failed and unemployment reached an all time high. the credit system collapsed, causing many businesses to fail. over 250 businesses and/or merchants failed in new york, and industry greatly suffered. 19) ten hour workday is established for federal employees, 1840 in 1840 president martin van buren passed an executive order which stated that all federal employees working on federal public work projects would be given a 10 hour workday without loss of pay. 20) commonwealth v. hunt, 1842 in this landmark case, the massachusetts supreme judicial court decided that labor unions are legal if they use legal means to achieve their goals. until this ruling, such movements were illegal and often charged with “conspiracy.” 21) state child labor laws updated, 1842 in 1842, massachusetts limited children under 12 to 10 hours of work a day. the same year, connecticut passed a 10 hour day law for children under 14. previously there had been laws requiring a certain amount of education to be given to working children, but these were the first to regulate the amount of time they could spend working. national portrait gallery, smithsonian institution 22) frederick douglass' autobiography, 1845 frederick douglass’ autobiography, narrative of the life of frederick douglass, an american slave written by himself, was published in 1845. this work, along with his newspaper the north star, were part of a larger movement to end slavery and its role in american labor. 23) the lowell female labor reform association (lflra), 1845 the lflra was founded in 1845 and worked with other similar organizations to help women who worked in lowell’s cotton mills. one of their major objectives was attaining a 10 hour workday. the women also sought better wages and living conditions in factory towns. 24) irish potato famine, 1845 the irish potato famine, also known as the great hunger, began in the late summer of 1845 and lasted until 1852. though it took place abroad, its effects rippled across the atlantic to the us where many irish people fled to escape starvation. this new group of poor immigrants became a source of workers that factories could draw from. 25) voice of industry, 1845 the voice of industry was a worker run newspaper that ran from 1845 to 1848. in 1845 the lflra used the voice of industry newspaper to gather 2000 signatures for a petition to the massachusetts statehouse seeking reforms to women’s working and living conditions. 26) 10 hour workday state laws passed, 1847 new hampshire was the first state to establish the ten hour workday. the state’s law, however, included a clause allowing workers to voluntarily agree to work longer. this was also included in pennsylvania when they passed a similar law in 1848. 27) seneca falls convention, 1848 at this new york convention, about 300 men and women gathered to discuss women’s rights. organized by lucretia mott and elizabeth cady stanton, this event laid the foundations for what would later become the organized women’s suffrage movement. many proponents of workers' rights were present at the convention 28) first strike fatalities in the united states, 1850 two new york tailors were killed when police attempted to disperse a strike of garment workers. these deaths are considered to be the first strike fatalities in the united states. 29) the fugitive slave act, 1850 part of the compromise of 1850, this act required that enslaved people be returned to their owners, even if they were in a free state. this was a step towards the civil war and a crucial moment in the larger story of black labor in the us. 30) national typographical union, 1852 the national typographical union (later known as the international typographical union) was founded by fourteen printers’ associations who hoped to protect the wages, conditions, and skills of typographers while defending the freedom of the press. 31) erie railroad strike, 1857 over 200 employees of the erie railroad company were dismissed for expressing their dislike for a wage decrease from $1 to .75 cents. the company attempted to replace the 200 workers with new ones, but the former employees armed themselves and refused to let the new people work. volunteers and authorities were called to help manage the “rioters.” 32) national teachers association (nta) formed, 1857 now known as the nea, the nta was founded in 1857 when 10 state educational associations decided to “unite…to advance the dignity, respectability, and usefulness of their calling.” 33) panic of 1857, 1857 the panic of 1857 was a financial crisis in the us brought on by both a decline in the international economy and the rapid growth of us territory. because the global economy was more interconnected by the 1850s, this was the first worldwide economic crisis. american banks did not fully recover until after the civil war. 34) iron molders' union of north america, 1859 this union was founded to represent craftsmen who cast wrought iron products. prior to july 5, 1859, there were smaller independent groups of ironworkers, but the union sought to consolidate them into a national organization. 35) comstock lode discovery, 1859 in the spring of 1859, a large channel of silver ore was discovered in a nevada mountain range. this was the first major discovery of silver ore in the united states. a silver rush soon followed, and the site generated massive fortunes for many and also resulted in the creation of new mining technology. 36) the drake well, 1859 the drake well, drilled in pennsylvania in 1859, was the first oil well drilled in the united states. on august 27 it struck oil at 69 ½ feet into the earth. the success of this well foreshadowed a massive leap forward in industry and labor where petroleum would power industry. new york public library 37) shoemaker's strike, 1860 about 20,000 shoemakers in new england, including 517 from natick, massachusetts, went on strike to protest their low wages and long hours. 75% of the natick workforce was a part of the shoemaking industry. the natick historical society reports that women earned $1 a week and men $3 a week and worked 16 hours a day. 38) new york draft riots, 1863 workers in new york city rioted against draft laws for the civil war. white laborers feared that their jobs would be taken if they were drafted, and also that the emancipation proclamation would drive freed slaves north leading to more job competition. 39) new york dock strike, 1863 after 3,000 white dock workers went on strike in new york, black workers were brought in to take their places. similar events happened throughout the east and midwest in albany, boston, brooklyn, buffalo, chicago, cleveland, and detroit. this caused violence between white dock workers and unemployed black workers. 40) troy laundry strike, 1864 kate mullany and esther keegan formed the collar laundry union and organized a strike of about 300 women from 14 different laundry factories in troy, new york. the women protested the difficult 14 hour workdays and sought a wage increase of 20 to 25 percent. these long days proved especially grueling when the women also had household and family responsibilities. after five and a half days, the strike was a success and the employers agreed to their demands. 41) founding of the national labor union, 1866 the national labor union was founded in baltimore, maryland and lobbied for a nationally recognized 8 hour workday for employees. the union was born at a meeting between the unions of coachmakers (manufacturers of horse drawn carriages), mechanics, ironworkers, and blacksmiths. this call was not answered but was a starting point for changes in the labor system in the united states. 42) chinese railroad laborers strike, 1867 chinese railroad laborers stopped work for 30 miles in california and demanded higher wages and a reduction of working hours. working on the central pacific railroad was dangerous for the laborers because of the tunnels that needed to be made in the sierra nevada mountains. this strike would not be successful due to the cprr cutting off food and water to the labor camps but would still send a powerful message. 43) 8 hour workday granted to federal employees, 1868 the national labor union worked to grant select federal employees an eight hour workday. this was a monumental achievement for labor laws. unfortunately, because of their undefined mission, the national labor union ceased to exist by 1872. 44) creation of the national colored labor union, 1869 in december of 1869, the national colored labor union was formed in washington, d.c., and proved significant for african american laborers. although it would only last six years, the nclu was the first of its kind and at its highest point had close to 540,000 members. 45) evaluation of child labor, 1872 the prohibition party was the first political party to establish a firm stance against the use of children in the workforce. this marked a new desire to address the use of children in the workplace and evaluate the dangers associated with working at such a young age. 46) coal miners' strike, 1873 coal miners in tuscarawas valley in eastern ohio and the mahoning valley in eastern pennsylvania struck for six months. the strike was triggered by a wage reduction of 15 cents for every ton. the mahoning valley strike lasted nine months in total and ended with the use of swedish and italian labor in the mines. 47) granite mill fire, 1874 a fire at the granite mill in fall river, massachusetts resulted in the deaths of 20 workers. the 20 laborers killed were mainly young girls, and one of the girls was reported to be only five years old. the dangers of child labor and generally poor working conditions were becoming more threatening to workers. 48) "bloody summer," 1875 the “bloody summer” of 1875 consisted of violence between groups of irish and welsh men over coal mining work in eastern pennsylvania. the irish, also referred to as the “mollie maguires”, were accused of killing mine superintendents that admittedly favored the welsh over the irish and limited irish employment options. a number of irish men were later executed for their suspected involvement in the killings. 49) tuscarawas valley riot, 1876 the tuscarawas valley experienced a number of coal miner strikes from 1873 to 1880. in 1876, a riot broke out in the tuscarawas valley. several coal miners were arrested and jailed, and one miner was shot. the military was ordered to help break up the protesting laborers. 50) baltimore railroad riot, 1877 railroad employees in baltimore, maryland faced a considerable wage reduction of 10% and formed a violent mob. according to the baltimore sun, nine people were killed. the united states army was called in to stop the rioting, and they did so in 3 days. 51) "black thursday," 1877 a group of irish coal miners known as the “mollie maguires” were executed on “black thursday” for their suspected involvement in the killing of coal mine managers. those in charge of the mines did not give irish workers employment but gave it to welsh men instead. new york public library 52) formation of amalgamated labor union, 1878 in 1878, the amalgamated labor union was formed. it was made by former knights of labor who left to form their own group, showing the divide in the labor movement. the fight for better rights was not a unanimous one and different unions would create their own brand of what they believed workers deserved. 53) founding of boston cutters' union, 1879 in 1879, the boston cutters’ union was founded. originally part of the knights of labor, it was one of the oldest unions for tailors and fought against long work hours and low wages. it would later become part of the amalgamated clothing workers of america, showing how unions were not static and changed and adapted with the times. 54) fall river mule spinner's strike, 1879 fall river textile operatives struck for 17 weeks in order to secure higher wages. the lack of a strong union presence eventually led to the strike being called off as there was not significant financial support for the strikers. later in the year, the workers would obtain a raise in wages. 55) the atlanta washerwoman rebellion, 1881 during the summer of 1881, a group of african american women, led by carrie steele logan, went on strike to demand that their workers receive fair treatment, higher wages, and control over organization of their work. the strike received backlash and threats from the local authorities, customers, and local businesses, but the women were steadfast and ultimately achieved their demands. the atlanta washerwoman rebellion was one of the first recorded strikes involving african american women in the united states. 56) convention of amalgamated labor union, 1881 on august 2, 1881, the amalgamated labor union was meant to meet with the knights of industry, not to be confused with the knights of labor, for a convention. the goal of this convention was to come together and forge a single labor group to directly oppose the knights of labor. while this convention was cancelled and postponed, it does show how unions would directly challenge each other to achieve their own goals. 57) federation of organized trades and labor unions formed, 1881 the federation of organized trades and labor unions was an organization formed to combat common grievances of workers of all different occupations and trades around the united states. among these grievances were poor working conditions, low pay, long hours, and lack of bargaining rights for workers or union leaders. the movement was led by samuel gompers, an established labor leader who paved the way for the future of the american labor movement. library of congress 58) first labor day parade in new york city, 1882 on september 5th, 1882, thousands of workers flocked to the streets of new york city to celebrate workers and their contributions to the united states. the parade, organized by the central labor union, started at city hall and finished at union square. many trade and labor unions took place in the parade to show their support for the movement. 59) the bureau of labor statistics begins collecting employment data, 1884 in 1884 the bureau of labor statistics began collecting data for a project studying employment. two years later, the first report, a study on industrial impressions, was released from the bureau. studies like these helped shed light on some of the wrongdoings and poor working environments that workers had to deal with. 60) cloak maker strike, 1885 on august 15, 1885, over 2,000 cloak makers went on strike. the group mostly came from sweatshops, and asked for $12 $15 a week. they also saw the event as a revolt that struck at the heart of labor issues at the time. the strike lasted two weeks, and the workers were able to obtain their new wages. 61) the great southwest railroad strike, 1886 the great southwest railroad strike was spearheaded by the knights of labor after a kol worker was fired for calling a union meeting. workers throughout the southwest burned railroad lines. in may of 1886, a congressional committee advised the knights of labor to end the strike. the strike failed due to the collapse of the knights of labor. 62) failed general nationwide fotlu strike, 1886 on may 1, 1886, the federation of organized trades and labor unions (fotlu) planned a massive general strike involving all union members in the country. the goal of the strike was to achieve an eight hour workday. however, this plan had mixed results, with some achieving an eight hour workday, some failing, and some being forced to compromise for nine hour days. 63) may day/international workers day, 1886 by may 1, 1886, the national demand for an eight hour workday had increased, and hundreds of thousands of american workers joined the movement and the knights of labor. the nationwide demands for shortened hours are not met at this time. 64) mccormick harvesting machine company strike, 1886 the mccormick harvesting machine company strike was led by august spies, a german immigrant who edited the newspaper arbeiter zeitung. spies spoke outside of the mccormick reaper plant in the west side of chicago. he urged workers to stand together and call for better labor conditions, working hours, and wages. this demonstration escalated the following day during the events of the infamous haymarket riot. 65) haymarket riot, 1886 a labor protest in chicago’s haymarket square escalated into a riot after labor activists threw a bomb at police. eight people died during the incident. the violence of the haymarket square riot has been attributed to radical anarchists within the labor movement. many viewed the violent event as a setback to the american labor movement. 66) bay view massacre, 1886 in may of 1886, on the shores of lake michigan, 1,500 workers went on strike and marched towards the bay view rolling mills. armed militiamen ordered the crowds to stop 200 yards from the mill. they refused, causing the militiamen to fire into the crowd, killing seven persons. the incident is considered the bloodiest in wisconsin’s labor history. 67) the american federation of labor is founded, 1886 the american federation of labor was founded in 1886 as a craft union led by samuel gompers. the newly formed federation was seen as the successor to the other great labor unions of its time, the federation of organized trades and labor unions and the knights of labor. the american federation of labor took a more moderate approach to labor activism, focusing less on group protests and social movements, and more on bargaining for better wages, working conditions, and other minor demands that could be achieved as a collective group. 68) anthracite strike, 1887 1888 mine workers in the wyoming lackawanna region of pennsylvania went on strike in 1887 asking for a 15% pay increase to accommodate the high risk of injury in their profession. mine workers in this region faced injury and death in mines. those who were not injured often faced the effects of miner’s asthma during their lifetimes. the initial strike was unsuccessful but eventually the miners would achieve victory through the miner’s and laborer’s amalgamated association. 69) rahway, new jersey shirt maker strike, 1887 in 1887, shirt makers in rahway, new jersey led a strike after their wages were cut. they were successful, and in turn, inspired shirt makers in new york to try and organize themselves. however, after some infighting, a short five year union, and the advancements of the industry the group was ultimately unsuccessful in their goals. 70) shoe manufacturers' association incident, 1887 in october of 1887, 160 hand sewing benchman stopped working. in response to this, the shoe manufacturers' association fired all of their employees and would not take any back until they cut all ties with the knights of labor. this standoff lasted for a month and a half before the plants opened back in december on company terms. this incident shows that while strikes were common during this time, they were not always successful. 71) thibodaux massacre, 1887 the thibodaux massacre occurred on the heels of a three week long strike against the working conditions on louisiana sugar cane plantations. the strike was led by the knights of labor and was the first strike within the sugar cane industry to be led by a formal organization. by the end of the massacre, white regulators had killed or injured approximately 50 african american workers, some of whom were women and children. 72) the united hebrew trades is founded, 1888 on october 9, 1888, the united hebrew trades (uht) was founded to ensure jewish workers had a trade union to fight for them. the uht originally started in new york, and the idea for the organization came from the jewish branch of the socialist labor party. after many smaller and less successful jewish unions, the uht was a symbol of a new age and became involved in more successful strikes. 73) poole's theatre strike, 1889 in 1889, the owner of poole’s theater fired all unionized workers and replaced them with nonunion workers. in response to this, the actor's union, which was weak at the time, worked with the united hebrew trades to organize a strike that gained the support of ushers and other theater workers. however, due to infighting, the strike did not last long and was ultimately unsuccessful. 74) united mine workers of america is formed, 1890 the united mine workers of america (umwa) was formed and consisted of the national progressive union of miners and mine laborers and the knights of labor no. 135. umwa president john mitchell was influential in the establishment of the eight hour workday, securing major victories for mine laborers across the nation. the foundation of the umwa would also be the precursor to the lattimer massacre. 75) carpenters union wins a shorter workday, 1890 in 1890 the carpenters union, led by established labor leader p.j. mcguire, went on strike to protest for shorter workdays. about 28,000 workers went on strike and it was deemed a success, as the workers were able to achieve an 8 hour workday. this event was particularly important because other labor unions took notice and began to make similar demands, leading to the eventual widespread establishment of the 8 hour workday. 76) the sherman anti trust act is passed, 1890 this piece of legislation stated that business activities that interfere with free market competition are illegal. however, the law also gave the government the ability to interfere with and prevent union activities. the law was seen as a setback for labor unions around the united states 77) homestead steel strike, 1892 the 1892 homestead steel strike occurred in pennsylvania at the homestead steel mills. the carnegie steel company had been attempting to lower costs and provoke a strike by the amalgamated association of steel and iron workers, who had previously bargained for better hours and wages for their workers. strikebreaking attempts were successful, as the union collapsed by that november. 78) depression of 1893 97 the depression of 1893 caused major commercial, industrial, and manufacturing depression, endangering the livelihoods of workers across the country. alongside the manufacturing depression, hundreds of banks across the nation collapsed, and there was a major run on currency. 79) coxey's army and panic of 1893, 1893 coxey’s army was a group of labor strikers organized by businessman jacob s. coxey. the militant group organized in response to the panic of 1893, a large scale economic crisis that led to major inflation nationwide and a stock market crash. the goal of the militant protesters was to march to washington d.c. and confront congress about the economic disaster. 80) formation of the western federation of miners, 1893 the western federation of miners was formed after other miner labor unions had found success through protests and strikes. this labor union organized miners from all over the rocky mountains. the federation was notorious for their racial protests and strikes and is credited as one of the most active labor unions of the 19th and 20th centuries. 81) cripple creek miners strike, 1894 the cripple creek miners strike, in cripple creek, colorado, was the first successful miner’s strike led by the western federation of miners. gold miners represented by the wfm went on strike for better working conditions and a shorter workday. the success of the strike came with a cost, as the protest turned violent after the strikers were met by the state militia. many were wounded or killed by authorities. 82) pullman company strike, 1894 factory workers at the pullman company formed a committee to attempt to negotiate for higher wages and better working conditions. the committee did not succeed, and as a result, a strike broke out at the pullman company factories. the strike caught the attention of many people and organizations around the country, including the american railway union (aru), led by eugene debs. the aru’s board voted to join the protest, and refused to send out trains carrying pullman cars. the strike involved over 250,000 workers, and concluded with president grover cleveland sending the united states military to chicago in order to suppress the strike. 83) great bituminous strike, 1897 the great bituminous strike was organized by the united mine workers (umw) in order to obtain a standard wage rate. the umw sought to follow in the footsteps of the knights of labor, accepting anyone involved in coal mining work without discriminating based on skill, nationality, or race. the group managed to take a hostile and uncooperative group of laborers and bring them together to fight for their rights. 84) lattimer massacre, 1897 after the establishment of the united mine workers of america (umwa), 10,000 union workers from illinois, indiana, ohio, and pennsylvania would strike for just over two months. the goal of the strike was to secure improved working conditions and wages. when strikers clashed with sheriff’s deputies, 19 strikers were killed, giving the event the name the lattimer massacre. 85) ccf agreement, 1897 this agreement marked not only the end of the great bituminous strike of 1897 but also a victory for the united mine workers (umw). their demands for standardized wages and prices was a success and was a sign of the umw’s potential and hope for other coal miner unions. this agreement is also seen as “the first truly industry and area wide collective bargaining contract in us history” and would lead to other similar agreements.1 86) augusta textile mills strike, 1898 the augusta textile mills strike sought improved working conditions and hours. the strike was peaceful, with over 4,000 workers leaving their posts to join the strike. the mayor of augusta spoke to the crowds, explaining that economic depression restricted them from meeting the demands of the workers. despite the strike lasting nearly two months, few of the workers’ demands were met. 87) erdman act is passed, 1898 president theodore roosevelt signed the erdman act into law in an effort to regulate labor disputes in the railroad industry. the act sought arbitration from a mutual third party to help resolve conflicts and disputes that arose between railroad workers and railroad unionists. while the law was meant to help address the growing concerns and issues surrounding the ongoing labor movement, the act is generally viewed as ineffective. 88) the united textile workers of america is founded, 1901 the united textile workers of america (utw) was founded in 1901 in affiliation with the afl. the majority of chapters of the utw were in the north, where major textile locations such as fall river, massachusetts produced cotton products. the utw would go on to help organize a major strike in 1934 as working conditions worsened due to the great depression. 68) anthracite coal strike, 1902 the united coal workers of america decided to go on strike at the anthracite coal mines in pennsylvania to obtain higher wages and recognition of their union. this strike was quite effective, as the workers threatened to cut off the fuel supply to several major cities during the winter months. however, the strike ended after theodore roosevelt and the federal government stepped in to arrange a “square deal” that would benefit both sides. 90) jewish writer's strike, 1903 in 1903, jewish newspaper writers came together to strike for better wages. they also demanded that the publishers only hire union writers. however, a lack of unity spelled the end not only for the strike, but the union at large. the writers would try again with and without unions to back them up, but they would be largely unsuccessful in their strikes. 91) national women's trade union league unites at the afl convention in boston, 1903 at the 1903 afl convention, several women   including mary kenney o'sullivan and leonora o'reilly, two female labor unionists   gathered and formed a group devoted to addressing the injustices that faced working women. this same group of women would go on to form the national women’s trade union, a group of labor activists devoted to advocating for better working conditions and protection of the rights of women in the workplace. this event was a significant moment as it provided women with a way to protest for their rights and organize social movements. 92) the department of labor and commerce is created, 1903 congress passed an act that created the department of labor and commerce. the act also made the secretary of the department a member of the president’s cabinet. 93) 1904 "six months' strike" in fall river, 1904 textile workers in fall river, massachusetts organized a strike opposing proposed wage cuts of 12.5%. governor william l. douglas eventually intervened to sign a contract that ensured all workers would be rehired to the plants without discrimination and that he would investigate the circumstances of wage cuts. it was eventually agreed that the wage dividends would not be affected in the future by the strike agreements. 94) establishment of asiatic exclusion league and endorsement of local unions, 1905 in 1905, the asiatic exclusion league was founded in san francisco. this group, following the japanese and korean exclusion league, worked to keep asian immigrants out of the country and out of work and even had the support of local unions. this event shows that while unions fought for the rights of workers, they were not perfect and did not always fight for every worker. 95) the industrial workers of the world is founded, 1905 founded as a radical labor union dedicated to organizing workers across industries and promoting class solidarity, the industrial workers of the world was one of the most notorious labor movements in history. leaders of the group called for revolutionary industrial unionism and sought to unite all workers, regardless of skill, race, or gender, in a single, powerful labor organization. at the time, the iww was the first organization to allow anyone to join, including people of color, women, and immigrants. 96) first ever "sit down" strike, 1906 the first ever sit down strike took place at the general electric plant located in schenectady, new york. during the strike, more than 3,000 general electric workers, all members of the iww, sat and crossed their arms, refusing to work in protest against the discrimination faced by several of their coworkers. even after management tried to intervene, the workers took control of machinery, making it impossible for the plant to run. 97) monongah mine tragedy an explosion at the monongah mines in west virginia caused damage to mines 6 and 8. many miners were killed instantly by the explosion, while others were trapped and died in the mines. this tragedy, the worst mining disaster the nation had ever seen, resulted in the death of 361 coal miners. 98) unorganized immigrant workers strike in mckees rocks, pa, 1909 between july 13th and september 8th, 1909, thousands of immigrant workers partook in a labor strike to protest for better working conditions and pay. these workers were not part of a union. still, the strike was successful as the workers were able to achieve all of their demands. 99) shirtwaist strike in new york, 1909 the 1909 shirtwaist strike primarily involved young women who worked in the new york garment industry. the workers struck against unfit working conditions, low wages, long hours, and discrimination against union loyalists. at its peak, the strike involved around 30,000 people, and it lasted a little over 11 weeks. the strike was a success and most of the women’s demands were met, demonstrating the impact of women on the labor movement. 100) mckees rock strike, 1909 the mckees rock strike took place at the pressed steel car co., located in mckees rock, pa. the workers, who were mainly immigrants, suffered daily injury and threat to their lives and had no consistent wages. the strike concluded with a victory for the workers, in the form of a 5 10% pay increase, the firing of scabs, and the rehiring of all strikers. 101) first butcher's union general strike, 1909 in august of 1909, the first general strike of the butcher’s union began. 600 workers walked out of work, with no place to live and nothing to eat. with help from other unions, the workers were able to find food and shelter and, after two weeks, were successful in their strike. this would help rally other workers to their cause, but would also lead to a future of group conflict and loyalty. 102) triangle waistcoat factory fire in new york, 1911 in 1909, female employees unsuccessfully struck for better safety conditions in the factory. two years later, a fire started on the eighth floor of the triangle waistcoat factory. executives on the tenth floor were immediately notified, but workers on the ninth floor were not. supervisors left only one door unlocked, fire truck ladders were not tall enough to reach the ninth floor, and there was only one weak fire escape which eventually collapsed due to the women’s attempts to escape. 146 people lost their lives in the fire, and it drew attention to poor industrial working conditions, especially the lack of fire safety. 103) bread and roses strike, 1912 in 1912, massachusetts passed a law to shorten the workweek from 56 hours to 54 hours. to compensate for the lost two hours, factory owners in lawrence, massachusetts decreased wages and sped up production. in response, 25,000 immigrant textile mill workers, mostly women, went on strike. after a congressional hearing recognized the poor working conditions, the factory owners were forced to negotiate, and reached an acceptable compromise in march. 104) massachuestts passes the first minimum wage law, 1912 massachusetts passed the first law requiring companies to pay their employees a standard minimum wage, although it only applied to women and children. the act set no standard wage but instead created a survey to study complaints of low wages. 105) new york city hotel strike, 1912 the strike began when about 300 servers at the restaurant in the hotel belmont walked out on may 7, 1912. by may 24, the strike had spread to many other hotels in the city and included all types of hotel staff. the international hotel workers union issued ten demands for the hotel men’s association, made up of the corporate hotel owners, seeking better wages, working conditions, time off, and recognition of the union. on june 14 the hotel men’s association voted to accept all the demands except to recognize the union. the union then voted to end the strike on june 25, 1912. 106) paterson silk mill strike, 1913 located along the passaic river in new jersey, paterson was known as “silk city” because of the large amount of silk its mills produced. the henry doherty plants upgraded the silk looms, which were now advanced enough to allow a single worker to attend to 3 or 4 looms at a time. this increase in work caused 800 loom workers, supported by the industrial workers of the world, to go on strike. the strike, which peaked at 24,000 people, demanded a return to the 2 loom system, an 8 hour workday, wage increases, and hiring more employees to decrease workload. the owners held out and by the end of may the strikers went back to work with no progress made. 107) the michigan copper strike, 1913 the michigan copper district refused to acknowledge the western federation of miners, causing them to go on strike on june 22, 1913. during a christmas party for the strikers and their families, someone yelled “fire” causing a panic which led to the death of 72 people, mostly children. the companies granted some of their demands, although they refused to recognize the union. georgia state university 108) fulton bag and cotton mill strikes, october 23, 1913 may 15, 1915 in reaction to strict overseers, 12 hour workdays, the firing of coworkers, and a change in the resignation policy, 300 loom workers walked out of the fulton mills in atlanta on october 23, 1913. the policy was reversed, and work resumed   however, on october 31, 1913, the utw organized a local chapter, and union members went on strike on may 20, 1914. many workers were evicted from company housing and were replaced by new workers. the strike ended may 15, 1915, with no gains achieved, and most strikers had to find new employment. 109) ford motor company doubles basic wages, 1914 henry ford, founder of the ford motor company, announced a groundbreaking policy to double basic wages for his workers to $5 per day. this move aimed to address high turnover rates, increase productivity, and enable workers to afford the products they were producing. the decision set a new standard for industrial wages and significantly impacted labor practices and the development of the middle class in the united states. 110) ludlow massacre, 1914 during the colorado coalfield war, striking coal miners and their families were attacked by the colorado national guard and hired gunmen at a tent colony in ludlow, colorado. the conflict arose between coal miners and mine operators over labor conditions and unionization efforts, and resulted in the deaths of 19 people, some of whom were women and children. it led to widespread outrage, fueling further labor unrest and ultimately contributing to labor reform in the united states. 111) alabama miners' strike, october 23, 1914 may 15, 1915 the alabama miners’ strike was a major labor dispute in the coal mining industry. the strike escalated into violence between striking miners, a private army hired by coal companies, and local law enforcement. a number of black workers were injured and at least sixteen laborers died fighting for better wages during this conflict. 112) la follete seamen's act, 1915 senator robert m. la follete, proposed the seaman's act to provide marine merchants the same rights that factory workers were gaining. the act regulated the safety and living conditions of the sailors, reduced their working hours, and established payment requirements. 113) bayonne refinery strikes against standard oil, 1915 world war i increased the demand for oil, leading to refinery employees, mostly eastern european immigrants, being overworked and underpaid. on july 15, 1915, 100 men went on strike demanding a 15 % pay increase and were later joined by 1,500 workers from other oil refineries and other plants and mills in the area. after rioting broke out, resulting in the death of some of the strikers, the strikers returned to work july 27, 1915. 114) the everett massacre, 1916 the industrial workers of the world went to everett, washington to speak at a weaver’s strike. when local authorities heard that 300 iww members were arriving by ferry, they gathered an armed police force to wait at the docks. shooting broke out between police and union members. two deputies and five union members died as a result, and 47 others were wounded. library of congress 115) the bisbee deportation, 1917 the industrial workers of the world (iww) called a strike in the copper mines of arizona because of poor wages and working conditions. the mine owners contacted the local sheriff harry wheeler, who, with the help of 2,000 deputies, gathered 1,284 strikers in an area ballpark on july 12, 1917. they were then marched onto a train, escorted by gunmen on both sides, and dumped in columbus, new mexico. the federal mediation committee, newly established by president wilson, determined the copper companies were at fault. 116) green corn rebellion, 1917 hundreds of white, native american, and african american men met in oklahoma in 1917 in order to march to washington to protest the loss of their farms to big businesses and the newly passed conscription act. on august 3, the men began burning bridges and cutting telegraph lines along the way, causing them to meet resistance. 400 men were arrested, and 150 were convicted and sent to federal prison, and 3 men were killed. 117) war labor board created, 1918 after entering world war i, the united states created the war labor board to facilitate negotiations with unions to prevent members from striking. during the war, it was crucial that production and the supply chain remained uninterrupted by striking. the board ceased operations at the end of the war. 118) seattle general strike, 1919 on february 6, 1919, 35,000 shipyard workers, along with 25,000 other sympathetic workers, went on strike in seattle. the strike remained peaceful and was well organized, but federal officers who managed the shipyards refused to negotiate, and police and hired forces raided union offices and arrested members. by february 11, workers returned to their jobs. despite its failure, the strike was the first 20th century solidarity strike to be called a general strike. 119) boston police strike, 1919 from september 9th to september 13th, 1919, the boston police force went on strike, demanding better pay, working conditions, and the right to unionize. massachusetts governor calvin coolidge refused to negotiate, dismissed the striking officers, and deployed the national guard to calm the situation. this event had a lasting impact on the labor movement and the political atmosphere in the united states. 120) great steel strike, september 22, 1919 january 8, 1920 after dealing with high productivity demands all throughout world war 1, several unions involved in the steel industry organized a nationwide strike to happen in september of 1919. us steel, the largest employer in the steel industry, refused to acknowledge unions. on september 22, 350,000 workers walked out across 6 states. the strike was ultimately crushed through violence by the police and individuals hired by the company, ending on january 8, 1920. 121) the battle of matewan in the spring of 1920, coal miners in mingo county, west virginia, went on strike due to poor working conditions. coal operators refused to compromise with the union and hired baldwin felts detective agency (bfda) to evict strikers and their families from company housing. when county sheriff hatfield and mayor testerman demanded warrants for the evictions, bfda executive albert felts was unable to produce them, and lied about recieving a court order for the evictions. the altercation turned violent, and seven bfds guards and two townspeople were killed, including albert felts. 122) new england textile strike, 1922 in 1922, mill owners in pawtucket, rhode island, cut wages and increased the work week, causing textile workers to go on strike. the strike quickly spread throughout the blackstone river valley, new hampshire, and massachusetts, with 60,000 80,000 mill workers on strike, of which about 60% were women and children. the state militia was called out in rhode island and other heavily policed areas, leading to violence and deaths. in rhode island, the strike ended in september, but it continued longer in new hampshire. most owners reverted to the original wages before the cuts, but there was more hesitation about reducing the work week. 123) herrin massacre, 1922 on june 21 and 22, 1922, fighting broke out between strikebreakers recruited from chicago and umw strikers on their way to the mines. both parties exchanged fire and 4 people were killed. when around sixty laborers exited the mines and marched into town the next day, union men opened fire, killing 21 and leaving many injured. prosecutors issued over 214 indictments, but most were dropped. 124) great railroad strike of 1922, 1922 despite the post wwi economic boom, railroad maintenance worker pay was cut by 12%, leading to a nationwide railway strike which began on july 1, 1922. 400,000 railroad workers left their jobs across the country. national guard troops were called in to control riots, and strikers began to use bombs to damage facilities. as a result, congress passed the daughtery injunction, a federal court order prohibiting striking, assembling, picketing, and other union activities. ten people died during the strike, and the strike led to a loss of millions of dollars and long lasting bitterness and tension. 125) san pedro maritime strike, 1923 on april 25, 1923, the international workers of the world called a strike at the san pedro docks in los angeles, california, to protest poor working conditions, low wages, and the firing and arrest of union workers. the lapd banned public meetings, and on may 14th arrested strikers at their meeting place, which they named liberty hill. the ku klux klan also played a role in terrorizing the strikers. the strike ended on may 24th and, with none of their demands met, many workers remained in jail or left the city to find new work. 126) brotherhood of sleeping car porters founded, 1925 in 1925, the pullman porters founded the brotherhood of sleeping car porters. the pullman company introduced sleeping cars on railways as a luxurious experience for wealthy travelers, and black americans were hired in large numbers to cater to these cars. the american railway union did not accept black members, so the pullman porters founded a union of their own. 127) passaic textile strike, january 25, 1926 march 1, 1927 wool and silk mill workers in passaic, new jersey, mobilized in response to a 10% wage cut, and also demanded time and a half for overtime, decent sanitary conditions, no discrimination against union members, and recognition of the union. on march 1, 2,000 strikers gathered in protest and were met by police with clubs, tear gas, and freezing fire hoses. within two months, nine mills in the area were on strike, amounting to about 15,000 strikers, who continued to face police violence. the mills granted most of their demands and the strike ended on march 1, 1927, despite the fact that mill owners violated the agreement shortly after, firing many of the newly rehired workers. 128) fur workers strike, 1926 the fur and leather workers union called a strike of 12,000 workers in new york city. the picketers were met with violence, including the use of clubs and police vehicles being driven into the crowd. on march 13th, the first company settled with the strikers, making them the first workers to win the 40 hour work week. the strike continued for many and expanded to include other unions in the city who were fighting for the 40 hour work week, and by june 11th, the employers agreed to their demands. 129) railway labor act, 1926 the railway labor act details the required procedures for railroad workers to go on strike. these procedures require negotiations involving the national mediation board prior to any action. the railways were and are a very important party of the supply chain and public transportation, and rail strikes had the potential to impact many different industries, creating the need for this act. 130) columbine mine massacre, 1927 after being on strike for three weeks, miners in the northern colorado columbine mine were met with extreme violence. a crowd of 200 600 picketers were shot at by the colorado state police. six miners were killed and twenty others were wounded. 131) loray mill strike, 1929 in gastonia, north carolina, 1,800 mill workers went on strike demanding improved working conditions, a forty hour workweek, a minimum wage of $20 a week, and recognition of their union. managment evicted strikers’ families from company owned homes, and two people were killed. the strike was unsuccessful, and many strikers found themselves blacklisted from area mills. 132) davis bacon act, 1931 the davis bacon act gave the department of labor the responsibility to determine minimum wage for public laborers through federal regulations. the act oversaw the enforcement of these labor standards and funded supporting projects. the act has since been amended multiple times at the demand of labor unions. 133) century airlines pilots strike, 1932 the century airlines pilots strike, considered to be the first strike among commercial airline pilots in the united states, took place over two months in 1932. the strike began when century airline owner errett lobban cord cut wages by nearly 40%. the pilots, all members of the air line pilots association, formed various committees to speak with cord about better working conditions, but only managed to speak with him once. cord sent armed guards with resignation letters to the pilots, which they refused to sign. the strike was unsuccessful, as all of the pilots were replaced. 134) national industrial recovery act, 1933 passed by congress and president franklin d. roosevelt during the great depression, the national industrial recovery act intended to help facilitate economic recovery and benefit workers. the act enforced industrial self regulation while giving employees the ability to collectively organize and bargain. nira was ruled as unconstitutional in may of 1935, and demonstrate congress and big business’ unwillingness to support labor innovation. 135) minneapolis teamsters strike, 1934 in 1934, minneapolis truck drivers went on strike, demanding recognition of the union, wage increases, and shorter working hours. violence quickly broke out between police and unarmed strikers, and the governor of minnesota declared martial law and sent in about 4,000 soldiers to control the situation. the strikers achieved most of their demands, and the strike contributed to the passage of the national labor relations act and the fair labor standards act. 136) woonsocket strike, 1934 in woonsocket, rhode island, approximately 8,000 textile workers, most of whom were women, went on strike against local mill owners. the strike was part of the larger general textile strike of 1934, which aimed to secure better wages and working conditions, led by the utw. after four days, federal troops were used to forcibly end the strike. 137) the national labor relations act (wagner act) passed, 1935 the national labor relations act, better known as the wagner act, is a landmark piece of legislation that guarantees workers’ rights to organize unions and petition for better wages and working conditions. the act established the national labor relations board (nlrb) to oversee the unions and labor rights issues, strengthening the position of labor unions across the country, and marking a major shift in labor relations which empowered workers and promoted a fundamental right for many laborers. 138) general motors sit down strike, december 30, 1936 february 11, 1937 the general motors (gm) strike was one of the most significant labor disputes in american history. the strike involved thousands of workers from the general motors factories in flint, michigan, who demanded better wages, working conditions and a union. the sit down strike was very effective for their demonstration as it had immobilized gm’s production. the strike ended with the recognition of the united automobile workers (uaw) which helped many factory workers achieve better pay and conditions across the united states. 139) the flint sit down strike, december 30, 1936 february 11, 1937 the 1936 1937 flint sit down strike was a pivotal event in american labor history. it involved workers at general motors factories in flint, michigan, conducting a sit down strike, demanding better wages, working conditions, and recognition of the united automobile workers (uaw) union. the strike disrupted general motors’ production and forced the company to negotiate with the workers. ultimately, the strike ended with gm recognizing the uaw, marking a significant victory for the labor movement and leading to improved conditions for industrial workers across the united states. 140) little steel strike, 1937 the little steel strike involved steel workers, particularly those employed by smaller steel companies, hence the name ‘little steel.’ the strike was in response to low wages, poor working conditions, and the lack of recognition for unions. violence ensued between strikers and company hired private military forces, resulting in injury and death, and strikers were able to achieve their demands five years later using legal action, not striking. 141) the memorial day massacre, 1937 on may 30, 1937, striking steelworkers who were part of the little steel strike in chicago and their families gathered for a peaceful march near the republic steel plant. tensions escalated, and police opened fire on unarmed demonstrators, killing ten and injuring many more. the memorial day massacre highlighted violent tactics used by corporations and law enforcement against striking workers and was in many ways symbolic of the broader struggle for workers’ rights during the labor movement of the 1930s. 142) the wages and hours act (fair labor standards act) passed, 1938 the wages and hours act was a landmark piece of legislation in the united states. it established the federal minimum wage, prohibited child labor, and mandated overtime pay for certain workers. the flsa aimed to improve working conditions, promote fair wages, and protect workers' rights across various industries. its passage marked a significant milestone in labor reform. 143) the chrysler auto strike, 1939 the 1939 chrysler auto strike was a major labor dispute involving workers at chrysler corporation factories. the strike was sparked by demands for wage increases, improved working conditions, and union recognition by the united automobile workers (uaw). lasting from february to april 1939, the strike saw significant tensions between workers and management and clashes with law enforcement. the strike ultimately ended with chrysler agreeing to many of the workers' demands, solidifying the uaw's position in the auto industry and contributing to broader gains for organized labor in the united states. 144) supreme court rules that sit down strikes are illegal, 1939 on february 27, 1939, the supreme court ruled that sit down strikes are illegal. sit down strikes, which involved sitting down within the manufacturing plant and refusing to work, were used as a less violent method of striking, and became especially popular in the 1930s when increased automation meant that workers could quickly stop all production in a factory. in response to the 1936 general motors sit down strike, which had a major impact on appliance production in the united states, the supreme court ruled they are illegal. 145) ford motor strike, 1941 despite several previous strikes, including at general motors and chrysler, ford motor company still refused to recognize the united auto workers (uaw). in april 1941, eight union members were fired by ford’s head of security, and as a result, all workers left the factory and barricaded the entrance. after 10 days of striking and a rise in racial tensions between white and black workers, ford signed a contract which recognized the unionization of his workers. 146) fair employment practices commission founded, 1941 the fair employment practices commission was founded in 1943 to help implement executive order 8802, which banned all employment discrimination based on race. the order’s execution and enforcement led to increased employment of african americans, though many of the jobs were skilled and poorly paid. 147) meat packer's strike of 1946 the united packinghouse workers of america (upwa) and the amalgamated meat cutters organized a strike of 93,000 packinghouse workers, hoping to obtain wage increases. this halted all production in the industry, and as a result, on january 24 president truman ordered the government to seize all packing plants, claiming they were essential to the war effort. the amalgamated meat cutters ended their strike and accepted the offer of a 15 cent per hour raise, while the upwa held out a bit longer, and received a raise of 16 cents per hour. 148) the railraod strike of 1946 on may 18th, 1946, several railway unions planned a railroad walkout. the day before the planned strike, president truman signed executive order 9727, which allowed the government to seize and operate the railroads. the strike began on may 22, after failed negotiations with the white house, and caused massive supply chain disruptions and the decade’s worst car traffic. on may 24th, truman threatened to use the army as strikebreakers, and as a result, the strikers accepted a 16 cent per hour wage increase the next day. kheel centercornell university 149) taft hartley act, 1947 this law stated that employees have the right to not join a union, prohibited secondary boycotts on organizations that were not the company they were protesting, stated that unions could not charge excessive dues or initiation fees, and introduced many new types of representative elections. 150) meat packers' strike of 1948 in march of 1948, the united packinghouse workers of america (upwa) demanded a raise of 29 cents per hour, from the big four meat packing companies, while the amalgamated meat cutters settled immediately for the nine cents raise per hour counteroffer. the upwa went on strike on march 16, 1948, with the most employees on strike in south st. paul and newport, minnesota. on may 14 the minnesota national guard was mobilized as ordered by the governor, and the strike ended on may 22 at noon when the upwa decided to accept the 9 cent wage increase. 151) hawaiian dock strike, 1949 the international longshore and warehouse union led a six month strike to gain equal wages for workers in hawaii to their mainland counterparts. after years of receiving significantly lower pay, the hawaiian dock strikers spent 171 days fighting against the dominating companies of hawaii. due to their steadfast determination and unified labor movement, the ilwu achieved their demands and gained more equality for workers and the future state of hawaii. 152) operation dixie, 1951 operation dixie began in 1951 as an effort by the congress of industrial organizations (cio) to unionize southern workers, despite strong anti union sentiment. the campaign involved extensive outreach and meetings, but widespread success was slowed because of strong opposition in the southern region. operation dixie ended without achieving its goal, showing the challenges of organizing in the face of anti union ideas. wayne state university 153) kohler strike, 1954 in 1954, united auto workers (uaw) members at kohler company initiated a strike to protest inadequate wages and working conditions. the strike involved picketing and demonstrations. the strike concluded in 1961 with a negotiated agreement, securing better wages and conditions for kohler workers. lasting 7 years, this strike is considered the longest strike in american labor history. 154) westinghouse strike, 1955 in 1955, westinghouse employees initiated a 116 day strike to demand higher wages and improved benefits. the strike involved picketing and demonstrations and played a pivotal role in labor negotiations in the electrical industry. the strike ended with improved pay and benefits for workers. 155) rwdsu strike, 1957 in 1957, members of the retail, wholesale, and department store union (rwdsu) went on strike, demanding better wages and working conditions. the strike was resolved through negotiated agreements that led to improved conditions for retail workers. 156) ilgwu wildcat strike, 1959 in 1959, ilgwu members launched a wildcat strike, engaging in spontaneous picketing and protests without official union authorization. however, the picket line was abandoned in 1963, without many of the requests being met. this strike is important as it shows a more unsanctioned side to striking. 157) farm workers health clinics, 1962 in 1962, farm workers established health clinics to address healthcare needs and improve their overall well being. the initiative aimed to provide accessible healthcare for agricultural workers and took a proactive approach. the establishment of health clinics marked a successful initiative to address healthcare needs for farm workers. 158) nyc newspaper strike, 1963 the 1963, new york city newspaper strike began with extensive picketing and strikes by newspaper workers demanding better wages and job security. negotiated agreements concluded the strike, and strikers received an $8 pay raise. 159) ocaw strike, 1966 in july 1966, members of the oil, chemical, and atomic workers union (ocaw) went on strike after rejecting the contract offer made by the union carbide company. the outcome of the strike is unclear. however, in january of 1967, ocaw signed contracts with several other large oil companies such as gulf and standard oil, that saw higher wages and improved worker benefits. 160) floc formation, 1967 in 1967, farm laborers organized the farm labor organizing committee (floc) to represent migrant farm workers. the floc would lead a massive strike in ohio in 1978, and begin a boycott of campbell’s soup that same year. 161) new york telephone co. strike, 1967 in july and august of 1967, thousands of telephone installers and repairmen went on a wildcat strike, stating that they were afraid to work alone in unsafe areas of new york city. after just over a week of negotiations, the communications workers of america (cwa) agreed to fire three workers involved, but also experimented with having workers work in pairs for 45 days to improve safety. 162) patco formation, 1968 in 1968 a group of new york traffic controllers who were unsatisfied with existing organizations for air traffic controllers created the professional air traffic controllers organization (patco), with the help of attorney f. lee bailey. only air traffic controllers could be members of this union. patco would play an important role in labor relations between traffic controllers and the faa. 163) patco slowdown, 1968 on july 3, 1968, patco initiated “operation air safety,” which was the first of many slowages by the union. the action slowed traffic by forcing traffic controllers to follow strict aircraft separation standards and demonstrated the strength of the new union. 164) cwa strikes against at&t, 1969 in 1969, 200,000 members of the communication workers of america (cwa) struck against at&t, demanding cost of living wage increases. after 18 days, at&t agreed to a raise in both wages and benefits of almost 20% over three years, and also agreed to pay health care premiums in full. pennsylvania state universitypenn state special collections 165) farah strike, 1972 in may of 1972, 4,000 workers at the farah manufacturing company struck for their right to have a union. workers were paid poor wages, had few benefits, and were pressured to meet unreasonable quotas. in january of 1973, the national labor relations board (nlrb) ordered the company to allow a union, which was able to secure better pay, more job stability, and better bargaining procedures. 166) the lordstown strike, 1972 in 1972, workers began a series of wildcat strikes against unattainable deadlines at the general motors plant in lordstown, ohio. the strike was partially successful, as timelines were slowed to a more achievable pace, fired workers got backpay, and management became less aggressive. however, the strike mostly fell on deaf ears. 167) nyc teachers strike, 1973 in 1973, teachers in new york went on strike demanding better job security, smaller classroom sizes, wage increases, and better disciplinary procedures. 22 teachers were jailed and fined as a result of the strike. 168) southern tenant farmers' union dissolution, 1974 in 1974, the southern tenant farmers’ union dissolved due to internal conflict and external pressure. changing societal dynamics and internal divisions contributed to the decline of the union. 169) atlanta sanitation workers go on strike, 1977 in 1973, atlanta, georgia elected its first african american mayor, maynard jackson, who had a reputation for advocating for black city workers. despite his election, sanitation workers still faced intermittent unjustified layoffs, and went on strike in 1977 to obtain a 50 cent hourly wage increase. jackson resisted the strike and fired over 900 workers, and within a month the rest of the striking workers returned to work. 170) new york city goes three months without its three top newspapers, 1978 on august 9, 1978, new york city’s three primary newspapers the times, the daily news, and the new york post announced they would unilaterally reduce their respective work staffs. in protest, local newspaper union members walked out the next day, and for 88 whole days, none of the three newspapers would publish an edition, effectively suspending the news industry in the nation’s largest city. this means there are no reports from the city’s biggest and most popular newspapers on the yankees’ 1978 world series victory (or their famous late season comebacks against the red sox)! on november 6, management and the unions agreed that the newspapers could not fire swaths of their respective staffs at once, but instead could do so gradually. neither side considered the agreement a win. 171) congress passes the airline deregulation act, 1978 on october 24, 1978, president jimmy carter signed the airline deregulation act, which abolished the previous system that gave the civil aeronautics board, a division of the federal government, regulatory power over the airline industry. now that airlines ran privately, new airlines formed, competition increased, fares lowered, and ticket sales soared, but air traffic congestion increased. when a recession hit at the end of the decade, the airlines which had expanded proved to be poorly financed, and many went out of business. the airlines that survived are the ones we know best today: american, united, delta, and southwest. 172) politically charged coors strikes end with union's dissolution, 1978 for more than a decade prior, labor unions had boycotted and struck against coors brewing company over its ownership’s endorsements of politically conservative causes. the brewery’s discriminatory hiring practices against minorities such as hispanics and members of the lgbtq community were among the primary causes for union protest. in december of 1978, local 366, the union most involved in the strike, was decertified, which was a victory for coors. despite this, the boycotts continued, especially on the west coast, and throughout the 1980s coors made efforts to extend its marketing to minority groups. 173) boston university faculty goes on strike, 1979 in the middle of the spring semester of 1979, much of the faculty of boston university went on strike demanding higher salaries and an increased role in the college’s administrative affairs. the campus was like a ghost town, as no one knew whether classes would resume. on april 13, bu’s president john silber agreed to their demands. this was the first professors’ strike at a major university in american history and served as a source of inspiration for teachers represented by education unions nationwide. 174) uaw strikes against international harvester, 1979 in august of 1979, members of the united auto workers (uaw) union began negotiations to amend a variety of work rules, especially involving overtime, with international harvester (ih), a manufacturer of commercial and agricultural machinery. when the talks did not go well, uaw workers stopped going to work, causing millions of dollars in losses to ih, whose negotiators were often criticized for their inexperience and ineffectiveness. by april of 1980, ih gave in to the demands of the uaw, whose negotiators called their success an “overwhelming victory.” 175) hollywood goes on strike, 1980 with the recent emergence of home video and tv markets, actors of the screen actors guild (sag) and the american federation of television and radio artists (aftra) wanted imbursements from sales in the new entertainment distribution markets. the following year, they would strike again for similar demands. the familiar faces that graced the screens of tv boxes and movie theaters throughout america would go on to win in both efforts and even gain higher general wages. 176) the summer without baseball, 1981 not yet accustomed to the recently strengthened players’ union, major league baseball team owners failed to present a satisfying basic agreement to the mlb players’ association, causing the players, represented by marvin miller, on june 12 to refuse to continue the season. fans would have to wait until august for pete rose’s record claiming 3,361st hit. on july 31, with changes to free agency rules, the players agreed to play ball once again. to this day, 1981 remains the only year in which the mlb season was split into two halves. 177) the patco strike, 1981 in early august of 1981, 12,000 members of patco went on strike seeking a 32 hour work week, a $10,000 pay raise, and better retirement plans. though rarely enforced, a 1955 law banned such federal strikes. calling it a “peril to national safety,” newly elected president ronald reagan ordered them to return to work in 48 hours and fired and replaced the 11,000 who did not after time had run out. shortly thereafter, the federal labor relations authority decertified the union. this event, often considered the most important labor strike of the era, sent a stark message to labor unions under the new presidential administration: that the government would not tolerate the ceasing of federal operations. 178) brown and sharpe manufacturing workers embark on 15 year legal battle, 1981 in late october of 1981, one third of brown and sharpe tool manufacturing’s 4,500 north kingstown employees went on strike to challenge recent job transfers and poor pension plans. the second largest private employer in rhode island, brown and sharpe had been outsourcing to japan for a number of years prior to the union’s action. as the strike continued into the next year, state police fought with picketers, even going as far as to use tear gas on them. workers soon returned to work, but the union’s pleas continued in court until 1998 when the u.s. supreme court refused to hear an appeal on the national labor relations board’s rejection of the union’s attempt to prove the company had illegally forced the strike. 179) cartoon animators go on strike, 1982 in 1982, hollywood animators went on strike, protesting the outsourcing of animation work overseas to japan and south korea. as a result, many cartoon series had to delay air dates scheduled for the fall. in the end, studios failed to cede to animators’ demands, resulting in the decline of american animation companies like hanna barbera and the rise of ones based in foreign countries. 180) nfl season cut short by striking players, 1982 only a week into the 1982 nfl season, players announced a strike to protest, among other grievances, owners’ tight control. america would go without its beloved autumn sport until the middle of november when an agreement was made to increase players’ minimum wages and contractual benefits. the league ended up reducing the season to nine games, but the playoffs were significantly expanded to include sixteen teams instead of the usual twelve. 181) the great arizona copper miners' strike begins, 1983 in the summer of 1983, copper miners in southeastern arizona embarked on a three year long strike when the phelps dodge corporation, the mine owner, stopped guaranteeing periodic collective bargaining meetings with mining unions. during the strike, the miners, who were primarily mexican, advocated for improved wages and a ceasing of layoffs after recent copper devaluations forced the company to reduce its operations.the strike came to an end in 1986 when unions ceded to phelps dodge’s demands. 182) first greyhound bus drivers' strike begins, 1983 members of the amalgamated transit union (atu) across the country went on strike to protest pay cuts, which greyhound bus lines determined were necessary due to increased competition, especially with the airline industry. when the company replaced the strikers with untrained drivers, picketers got violent, delaying running buses by breaking their headlights and bombarding scabs and strikebreakers with eggs and empty beer bottles. the atu gave in to greyhound’s demands as christmas approached, and the following year the company would begin laying off much of its workforce. 183) the pan american world airways strike, 1985 on february 28, 1985, unionized workers from pan american world airways began walkouts to protest a labor agreement that failed to satisfy their demands for better pay. a month later, tough negotiations forced the unions to settle with a contract similar to that which had caused the strike in the first place. after what proved to be a difficult decade for the transportation industry’s relations with labor unions, pan am would go on to cease operations six years later. 184) the hormel strike begins, 1985 during the recession of the early 1980s, hormel foods corporation, a food processing company, cut wages and failed to improve working conditions. in protest, many workers from local unions around the company’s headquarters in minnesota went on strike, though the parent union, united food and commercial workers (ufcw), did not support it. to maintain the workforce, hormel hired non union replacement workers who were mainly mexican migrants, causing a rift in the community. in the fall of 1986, the local unions agreed to a new contract with hormel, but only about 20% of workers regained their jobs. new bedford fishing heritage center 185) new bedford fishermen strike against boat owners, 1985 1986 on december 26, 700 fishermen of the country’s number one fleet began a strike to fight against a plethora of issues mostly concerned with their share in profits as trip expenses began to rise. despite the bitter disagreements between union negotiators and boat owners, many fishermen returned to work in february of 1986. 186) john deere workers fight against poor contracts, 1986 1987 a multitude of poor management decisions and ineffective contract making led unionized workers at john deere facilities in iowa and illinois to go on strike against ownership on august 23, 1986. in response, the company closed three facilities, prompting workers in other states to join the strike. in february of 1987, 163 days after the strike began, the company granted its workers better retirement plans, increased job security, and expanded pensions. however, the strike greatly reduced john deere’s inventory and caused the company to experience its worst financial losses since the great depression. 187) hollywood writers go on strike, 1988 seven years after hollywood’s actors went on strike, hollywood’s writers started making demands too. this time, they desired compensation for tv shows sold to foreign markets. overall, they succeeded as well, and also gained more victories in retaining control over scripts after release. 188) iam strike at eastern airlines, 1989 in march of 1989, the industrial association of machinists and aerospace workers struck against eastern airlines. the conflict quickly turned personal, and eastern airlines president frank lorenzo hired non union replacements for striking pilots, flight attendants, and mechanics. though other factors contributed, the iam strike was a significant reason for eastern airlines’ collapse in 1991. 189) railway workers strike and the president responds, 1992 for two days, unionized workers represented by the international association of machinists went on strike when csx transportation, a railroad company, ignored pay demands. rail lines across the country ceased operations, resulting in $1 billion in losses to the national economy as industries reliant on the efficiency of the railroads could not sustain their own operations. only two days passed before president george h.w. bush signed a bill passed through congress that banned the strike and forced unions and companies to make a deal immediately. though most union leaders consider the law unfair, the event serves as a stark reminder of the importance of the railroads in seemingly unrelated sectors of the united states’ economy. 190) eroding labor movement welcomes first contested election since 1970s, 1995 around labor day of 1995, the providence journal reflected on the decline of the labor movement in the united states. at one time, many of the nation’s workers had strong unions to fight for them, but such support had dwindled when factories introduced automation and manufacturers outsourced jobs abroad. despite this, the afl cio, the nation’s largest federation of trade unions, began holding elections to contest the presidency of thomas r. donahue, whose term had just surpassed the 15 year mark. in the fall of 1995, insurgent john sweeney would defeat donahue and serve as the afl cio president until 2009. 191) general electric strike, 2003 almost 20,000 employees went on strike at forty eight general electric plants to protest the company's plan to increase the cost of healthcare benefits for current and retired g.e. workers. the strike, which spanned over 33 states, lasted two days and successfully ended with a resolution that protected g.e. workers against the proposed increase in healthcare costs. 192) broadway musicians' strike, 2003 over 1000 broadway musicians, actors, and stagehands from various unions went on strike after a failure to agree by producers and musicians regarding minimum contract requirements and downsizing orchestras. the strike caused all broadway musicals to shut down and significantly impacted new york city's economy. the new york city mayor intervened, and both parties reached a mutual agreement four days later, restoring nyc’s broadway industry. 193) southern california supermarket strike, 2003 2004 over 70,000 californian supermarket workers from four supermarket chains went on strike against plans that proposed to reduce workers’ healthcare benefits. the strike lasted four months and, although ultimately settled, significantly impacted the state's economy. additionally, the strike resulted in kroger co. being indicted on felony charges and being fined 70 million for violating labor laws and hiring workers while negotiating with the union. 194) nhl lockout, 2004 2005 the labor lockout of the national hockey league was a 10 month long strike that resulted in the cancelation of the 88th season. the strike resulted from the failure to reach new collective bargaining agreements between the league and the nhl players' association. the strike canceled over 1000 games and had a significant economic impact on league cities. a resolution was eventually met ten months later, leading to contract agreements, player policies, and game rule changes. 195) general motors strike, 2007 the two day strike resulted from failed labor contract negotiations between g.m. and the united auto workers union. over 73,000 workers protested, resulting in a pause in operations in over 80 facilities. the strike significantly impacted g.m.'s production and supply chains internationally. the parties eventually reached a deal, and the strike inspired the uaw to initiate labor contract agreements with other manufacturers, such as ford and chrysler. 196) chicago teachers union strike, 2012 the impressive ctu strike inspired the 'bargaining for the common good' initiative, in which unions protested demands that aided workers and society. the 2012 ctu strike responded to the city's decision to decline proposed budget increases for faculty pay and facilities such as the arts. the strike lasted seven days, resulted in significant changes, and highlighted the power of union protests nationally. 197) u.s. prison strike, 2016 the largest u.s. prison strike involved 24,000 prisoners who protested unjust prisoner labor and living conditions. the nationwide strike aimed at ending constitutional servitude but ultimately failed. 198) verizon strike, 2016 the verizon strike involved over 40,000 workers demanding better contractual agreements regarding healthcare, pensions, and wages. the strike gained nationwide attention, and after nearly two months, a mutual agreement was formed between the parties. piette / flickr 199) writers guild of america strike, 2023 11,000 screenwriters went on strike for over 148 days due to a disagreement over their contracts, specifically regarding streaming residuals. the strike and the 2023 sag  aftra strike halted the american film industry and significantly impacted workers' lives and the economy. the strike ended successfully, and the union reached a new contract agreement deal on september 24, 2023. 200) sag aftra strike, 2023 the longest recorded strike between the screen actors guild and alliance of motion picture and television producers over contract disagreements, specifically, the use of a.i., began on july 14, 2023, and coincided with the 2023 writers guild of america strike, which led to the loss of almost 45,000 jobs. the strike also cost the californian economy an estimated 6.5 billion dollars and significantly impacted the lives of workers who went without pay for months. the strike halted all film and television production and dominated headlines for months. the strike ended on november 9, and the parties reached a tentative contract agreement. join us for our first strike festival 2024! and learn more about the 1824 strike in this lesson, students will analyze primary source documents about america's first strike in 1824 in pawtucket, ri learn more about the history of organized labor in the blackstone valley. last updated: may 4, 2024 67 roosevelt ave pawtucket, ri 02860 401 725 8638 download the nps app to navigate the parks on the go.

an official website of the united states government here's how you know official websites use .gov a .gov website belongs to an official government organization in the united states. secure .gov websites use https a lock ( lock locked padlock ) or https:// means you’ve safely connected to the .gov website. share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. this document is available in two formats: this web page (for browsing content) and pdf (comparable to original document formatting). to view the pdf you will need acrobat reader, which may be downloaded from the adobe site. for an official signed copy, please contact the antitrust documents group. economic analysis group competition advocacy paper economic effects of state bans on direct manufacturer sales to car buyers by gerald r. bodisch* eag 09 1 ca may 2009 eag competition advocacy papers are a vehicle for disseminating analysis from economists in the economic analysis group (eag) of the antitrust division concerning public policy options for the promotion of competition. these papers are intended to stimulate discussion and criticism of economic issues related to industries and activities in which the creation and promotion of competition may replace either monopoly or government regulation or both. the antitrust division encourages independent research by its economists. the views expressed herein are entirely those of the author and are not purported to reflect those of the united states department of justice. information on the eag research program and discussion paper series may be obtained from russell pittman, director of economic research, economic analysis group, antitrust division, u.s. department of justice, 450 5th st., nw, room 9446, washington, dc 20530, or by e mail at russell.pittman@usdoj.gov. comments on specific papers may be addressed directly to the authors at the same mailing address or at their e mail address. recent eag discussion paper and eag competition advocacy paper titles are listed at the end of this paper. to obtain a complete list of titles or to request single copies of individual papers, please write to janet ficco at the above mailing address or at janet.ficco@usdoj.gov or call (202) 307 3779. beginning with papers issued in 1999, copies of individual papers are also available from the social science research network at www.ssrn.com. in addition, recent papers are now available on the department of justice website at antitrust division | eag discussion papers 2006 present (justice.gov) ________________________ * economist, antitrust division, u.s. department of justice, washington, dc. i am grateful to oliver richard and carl shapiro for insightful comments and to terry zeng for research assistance. any errors are my own. the antitrust division encourages independent research by its economists. the views expressed herein are entirely those of the author and are not purported to reflect those of the united states department of justice. abstract state franchise laws prohibit auto manufacturers from making sales directly to consumers. this paper advocates eliminating state bans on direct manufacturer sales in order to provide automakers with an opportunity to reduce inventories and distribution costs by better matching production with consumer preferences. i. introduction automakers general motors corporation (gm) and chrysler llc have received $17.4 billion in loans under the troubled asset relief program (tarp) and have indicated that they may need up to an additional $21.6 billion in federal assistance to restructure their operations.(1) as a condition of the loans, the companies are required to develop plans to achieve profitability. much attention in the plans has centered on getting labor costs under control. among other measures addressed are ways to cut distribution costs. as part of its cost cutting effort, gm has announced that it will reduce its dealership network from over 6,200 dealers today to 4,100. the cost of the auto distribution system in the united states has been estimated as averaging up to 30 percent of vehicle price.(2) with dealer networks being rationalized as part of cost cutting initiatives, direct manufacturer sales to car buyers may present an additional opportunity to lower distribution costs. such sales might range from consumers' simply ordering assembled vehicles of their choice directly from automakers to a scenario along the lines of the "dell direct" build to order model that revolutionized the personal computer production and sale process. gm initiated a build to order sales model in brazil for its chevrolet celta economy car over eight years ago. in 2008, the celta was among the sales leaders in brazil.(3) at the time of the celta's introduction, an auto analyst said that build to order could result in "spectacular improvements in the company's competitiveness and profitability."(4) in the united states, however, direct manufacturer auto sales are prohibited in almost every state by franchise laws requiring that new cars be sold only by dealers. these bans on direct manufacturer sales are part of a broad array of state laws that bar manufacturer ownership of dealers and regulate entry and exit of dealers through territorial restrictions and provisions on dealer termination. analysis of the economic effects of these laws has led some to conclude that they harm consumers and should be eliminated.(5) the focus here is more narrow   state laws banning direct manufacturer sales, since they may be curtailing development of a more cost effective method of auto distribution.(6) the next section offers a brief overview of the auto dealer franchise system. then the essential features of the direct manufacturer distribution model are described and compared with the traditional method of selling autos. discussion of the benefits of a direct distribution model to auto consumers and manufacturers follows, along with economic analysis of some of the concerns of dealers. a conclusion addresses the question of federal involvement in this issue. ii. the auto dealer franchise system early in the evolution of the auto industry direct manufacturer sales to consumers were not uncommon. at that time, production processes had not yet been standardized and industry sales volumes were low. introduction by ford of the assembly line technique early in the twentieth century enabled high volume production and ushered in the era of mass market sales in the united states. ever since then manufacturers have sold cars through franchised dealerships. selling through dealerships has offered several benefits to manufacturers historically. auto production is a capital intensive business and a franchise system allowed manufacturers to concentrate their resources upstream while accessing capital through franchise fees from independent entrepreneurs at the retail level. economies of scale in auto production also required having relatively few, large manufacturing operations located near essential supplies like steel. this contrasted with the nationwide distribution network needed to reach consumers, who could be more effectively served through local dealerships in a better position to assess demand in particular markets and to provide service and repairs. since running a dealership can require making a substantial investment in real estate and assets like showrooms and service facilities, the franchise system also had to offer terms that would make it attractive to dealers. this was accomplished voluntarily by contract, through franchise agreements, even prior to enactment of state franchise laws. typically such franchise agreements give a dealer exclusive rights to a particular geographic sales territory of a manufacturer. this type of arrangement allows dealers to realize a return on their investment while giving them incentives to undertake advertising and promotional activities and to provide services, like showroom displays, test drives and other types of consumer information, valuable to manufacturers in marketing their vehicles. with the advent of the internet, some of the mutually beneficial nature of the franchise system for manufacturers and dealers has diminished, as information and access to services historically provided primarily by dealers has become more readily available. online buying services are an obvious example. in addition, a variety of auto information, including pricing data and reviews, can be found online from sites like edmunds and consumer reports. this raises the prospect of disintermediation, broadly defined as direct to consumer sales through reduction or elimination of the role of retailers. with respect to autos, unlike the situation with books and cds, most customers probably will continue to want some hands on contact with the product before purchasing, likely implying a continuing, though possibly changed, role for dealers. since the internet can potentially provide manufacturers with better information on consumer preferences than the traditional local franchised dealer, direct manufacturer sales may be one way through which that changed dynamic occurs. iii. comparison of direct manufacturer sales with traditional auto distribution there are substantial differences between the auto industry and the personal computer (pc) industry in which dell pioneered the direct manufacturer distribution model.(7) these differences have implications for the extent to which a direct manufacturer sales model is adaptable to the auto industry. auto production is currently characterized by integral and closed product architecture where product design is critical. there is much more product variety in autos than in pcs and the myriad auto components tend to be non standardized without a common interface across models or companies. by contrast, the manufacture of pcs involves a modular structure with a smaller number of standardized components or modules having a common interface. build to order personal computer products can be readily assembled using the common interface by matching modules to customer preferences. despite the differences in the design and production processes of pcs and autos, the computer industry's dell direct model can provide some insight into potential cost reductions, particularly with respect to inventories, from direct manufacturer sales of autos. the defining characteristic of the dell direct model is the virtual elimination of inventories. although dell modified its distribution system a few years ago, historically dell had sold only directly to final consumers based on customized orders shipped to end users.(8) in the process dell avoided the cost of carrying finished inventories. unlike the build to order pc model, auto distribution is "make to stock," with cars sold through extensive franchised dealer networks. dealer inventories can range from sixty to ninety days, a consequence of which are substantial carrying costs and negotiation of prices with consumers in order to keep inventory stocks manageable. direct manufacturer car sales may have the potential to reduce inventory costs. the salient point is that whether or not direct manufacturer sale of autos is to evolve as a distribution channel in the united states should be determined by the preferences of consumers and the ability of auto producers to meet those preferences, rather than being precluded by fiat. if state laws prohibiting direct manufacturer auto sales remain in effect, automakers may be frustrated from making one type of long run adjustment to reduce costs that could play a role in their efforts to restructure. iv. benefits of direct manufacturer auto sales perhaps the most obvious benefit from direct manufacturer sales would be greater customer satisfaction, as auto producers better match production with consumer preferences ranging from basic attributes on standard models to meeting individual specifications for customized cars. with better information about consumer demand, optimal inventory levels should fall, even short of full build to order capability by auto manufacturers. to the extent that there are cost savings from leaner inventories, a portion could be passed on to consumers as lower prices. the total value of new car inventory held by the 20,700 franchised new car dealerships in the united states near the end of 2008 was about $100 billion and the annual carrying cost of that inventory was estimated as $890 million.(9) these figures may provide an order of magnitude perspective of the savings potential from a reduction in inventories that might derive from direct manufacturer sales of autos. the most comprehensive estimate of the savings in the vehicle order to delivery cycle from build to order, direct manufacturer sales is set out in a 2000 report by a goldman sachs analyst.(10) based on an average vehicle price of $26,000, total cost savings in the order to delivery cycle were estimated as $2,225 or about 8.6%.(11) the components of those savings were as follows: $832 from improvement in matching supply with consumer demand; $575 from lower inventory; $387 from fewer dealerships; $381 from lower sales commissions and $50 from lower overall shipping costs, since fewer dealerships would reduce the number of distribution points. the goldman sachs report identified other possible build to order savings of about $1,000 per vehicle in product development, manufacturing flexibility and procurement and supply but the lion's share of the benefits were attributed to improvements in the order to delivery cycle. in a nutshell, the current auto industry make to stock sales model takes a lot of money, much of it tied up in inventories and devoted to discounting to clear lots of less popular vehicles, to try to sell cars that can come up short of what customers would really prefer. while the goldman sachs report provides estimates of potential cost savings, a real world example of the benefits of a build to order, direct manufacturer sales model is gm do brasil's experience with production and sale of the chevrolet celta economy car at its modern blue macaw plant in gravatai.(12) since 2000, customers in brazil can order the celta over the internet from a site that links them with gm's assembly plant and 470 dealers nationwide. by 2006, 700,000 celtas had been produced and the car continues to be one of brazil's best sellers.(13) consumers have 20 "build combinations" from which to configure a model of their choice, including colors and accessories, and can view each change as it is being made. gm built five distribution centers throughout brazil to reduce transportation time from its assembly plant and buyers can track location of their car online on its way to delivery at a dealer of their choice. the time from configuration at the factory to delivery is only about a week, in contrast to the several week wait that can be common in ordering a car in the united states. the celta was designed by gm in collaboration with suppliers who deliver just in time pre assembled modules to the factory. gm estimates that collaboration in design and manufacturing enabled it to use 60 percent fewer suppliers and 50 percent fewer parts than in a traditional assembly operation. according to mark hogan, president of e gm at the time of the celta's introduction, gm can sell celtas 24 hours a day and enjoys a competitive advantage from reduced production time, lower inventory levels and an overall more efficient distribution and sales model where dealers need to stock only two models, one for the show room and one for test drives. consumers benefit from celta's online no haggle pricing structure, where prices are about 6 percent lower than for sales made through conventional distribution channels. the price is lower because gm passes on to consumers some of the tax benefits it gets from the brazilian government as a result of the reduced inventory and real estate associated with online sales. since direct manufacturer auto sales are currently prohibited by the state franchise laws in the united states, no direct comparison with gm's celta experience in brazil is possible. however, surveys do show that many new car buyers in america would be interested in buying directly from manufacturers, particularly to avoid costs associated with the dealer/customer bargaining process. in one survey, almost half of respondents said that they would opt to buy cars direct from the manufacturer even if it didn't save any money.(14) some indication of the value that consumers place on an alternative that minimizes the auto purchase bargaining process is the popularity of auto referral services like autobytel.com. such internet services provide auto pricing information and refer prospective buyers to traditional dealers for auto purchases. one study of the effect of autobytel on dealer pricing in california found that customers using its online referral service paid an average of $450 (about 2 percent) less than non online consumers.(15) of the savings, about 25 percent came from buying at a lower priced dealer affiliated with autobytel and the rest were from bargaining by the service on behalf of the consumers, provision of information online and cost efficiencies. while autobytel reduces the bargaining costs of the "dealership experience" for consumers and may increase inventory turnover somewhat, inventory on dealer lots remains an integral part of the process.(16) manufacturers, with greater visibility into and more direct control over their own inventory, should be better positioned both to implement quicker order fulfillment and to manage inventories efficiently if they were allowed to make direct sales to consumers.(17) moreover, only a manufacturer, as gm has done in brazil, can realize additional savings up the value chain, from build to order improvements in design, production and supply chain management made possible by advances in networked communications over the internet. v. dealer concerns dealers tend to view direct manufacturer sales with a skeptical eye, concerned that they could be cut out of the sales process and have the investments in their dealerships eroded. broadly speaking, dealer concerns fall into two categories: a need for protection from abuse by presumably more powerful manufacturers and the prospect that local dealers will not be adequately compensated for services that only they can effectively provide, as consumers take advantage of dealer sales efforts like test drives before buying at a lower price from a manufacturer.(18) in economics, these concerns are referred to as the holdup problem and the free rider problem. on both theoretical and empirical grounds, there are reasons why these concerns are misplaced or can be addressed without a need for state franchise laws. the holdup problem occurs if manufacturers can appropriate a portion of dealer specific investments through opportunistic behavior. generally this derives from dealer concern about a manufacturer's installing a second dealer within a dealer's established territory, thereby eroding the first dealer's profitability. the same concern can apply to competition from manufacturer direct sales. as a matter of economic theory, holding up dealers is unlikely to be a viable long run strategy for a manufacturer when, as in the auto industry, reputation is important. opportunistic behavior by a manufacturer would erode its reputation, making it difficult to attract new dealers and have existing dealers continue to provide the promotion and service essential to attracting those customers not buying directly from the manufacturer. the free rider problem is similar to the holdup problem in that it involves dealers being inadequately compensated, in this instance for services provided locally on sales made by the manufacturer. it bears reiterating that, as with the holdup concern, manufacturer self interest provides a strong incentive to solve this problem. given that, manufacturers and their dealers are likely to develop contractual arrangements to address free rider issues should manufacturer direct sales emerge in the united states. a simple example might involve a manufacturer's compensating dealers for services provided by granting a commission to a dealer on any direct manufacture sale made within the dealer's territory.(19) because of reputational effects, even a manufacturer with market power has an incentive to address the holdup and free rider problems, since the manufacturer derives no revenue from sales lost if disgruntled dealers sell fewer cars. in the case of today's u.s. auto industry, inter brand competition among manufacturers limits their market power and further undercuts the "dealer protection" argument empirically.(20) in short, present day dealers have a number of auto manufacturers competing for their services, each of whom has a concern for its reputation, and that competition among manufacturers inures to dealers' benefit. among the big three's competitors with production facilities in the united states are toyota, honda, nissan, hyundai, bmw and mercedes benz. as table 1 shows, the big three's share of new vehicle sales fell from almost 72 percent in 1997 to around 52 percent in 2007. inter brand rivalry among manufacturers fostered a competitive climate for dealers, where many dealers now have franchise agreements with multiple manufacturers and relatively fewer dealerships are dependent on a single manufacturer than in the past. although the vast majority of dealers are privately owned, the country's largest dealer, autonation, has over 200 dealerships and is publicly held, with a current market capitalization greater than gm's. many other dealerships are substantial businesses in their own right. the average dealership had new vehicle sales of almost $20 million and a net worth of $2.3 million in 2007.(21) as mentioned earlier, even under a direct manufacturer sales model, some dealer role likely will be maintained since most customers will continue to want to see and test drive new vehicles before purchase. that was the case with gm's direct sales of the celta in brazil. a harvard business review article on implications of the internet for auto competition sums this up well: "most buyers will value a combination of online services, personal services and physical locations over stand alone web distribution. they will want a choice of channels, delivery options and ways of dealing with companies."(22) finally, it also may be the case that dealers would get some benefits from ancillary activities like warranty and service work that are complements to direct manufacturer sales. as figures 1 and 2 show, the average dealership actually lost money on new car sales in 2006 and 2007 and, even in years of profitable new car sales, profits on service and parts tended to be higher. this may suggest that while direct manufacturer sales may reduce the ranks of dealers somewhat, those dealers that remain could turn out to be relatively more profitable than currently. source: nada industry analysis division vi. conclusion j.t. battenberg, the former chief executive of auto parts supplier delphi corporation, has put forth the view that "build to order is the key. that's the game changer in the industry."(23) that statement was made in early 2000. since then, gm has launched a build to order, direct manufacturer sales model for an economy car in brazil. yet there still are no direct manufacturer sales in the united states. although, among others, there are issues in the united states relating to union acceptance of modular assembly techniques, such issues are difficult to address effectively as long as there continue to be "stubborn state franchise laws that prevent manufacturers from selling cars directly to customers."(24) private challenges to state franchise laws thus far have not been successful in the courts. one case involved an arizona law that, in part, prohibited manufacturers from marketing directly to consumers.(25) in another, ford challenged a texas statute that banned it from selling used cars from its website because ford wasn't a dealership.(26) one observer familiar with state auto franchise laws said several years ago that "no matter how strong franchise laws look today, i think they are one rider away from being a non factor."(27) whether that prediction comes to pass will be determined by the political process, of which taxpayer financed tarp funding is now a part. as a matter of economics, arguments for state bans on manufacturer direct sales of autos based on holdup and free rider problems are not persuasive because competition among auto manufacturers gives each manufacturer the incentive to refrain from opportunistic behavior and to work with its dealers to resolve any free rider problems. just as dell has altered its distribution model in the personal computer industry to better meet evolving consumer preferences, car customers would benefit from elimination of state bans on auto manufacturers' making direct sales to consumers. references atkinson, r., 2001, "the revenge of the disintermediated: how the middleman is fighting e commerce and hurting consumers," progressive policy institute policy paper. carlton, d. and chevalier, j., 2001, "free riding and sales strategies for the internet," the journal of industrial economics 49, 441 461. casesa shapiro group, 2008, "the franchised automobile dealer: the automaker's lifeline," prepared for the national automobile dealers association. cooper, m., 2001, "a roadblock on the information superhighway: anticompetitive restrictions on automotive markets," consumer federation of america. ______, 2002, "bringing new auto sales and service into the 21st century: eliminating exclusive territories and restraints on trade will free consumers and competition," consumer federation of america. eckard, e., 1985, "the effects of state automobile dealer entry regulation on new car prices," economic inquiry 24, 223 242. empie, d., 2002, "the dormant internet: state regulations roadblocking sales by auto manufacturers," bibliography in georgia state university law review 18, 7 11. fine, c.h., and d.m.g. raff, 2001, "automotive industry: internet driven innovation and economic performance," in the economic payoff from the internet revolution, brookings institution press, 62 86. gutman, s., 2001, "get a great deal on a car over the internet   not in texas!", helper, s. and j.p. macduffie, 2001, "e volving the auto industry: e business effects on consumer and supplier relationships," in e business and the changing terms of competition: a view from within the sectors, brookings institution press. holt, d., 2003, "internet and auto sales: benefits and barriers," the journal of private enterprise 19. ______, 2006, "automobile distribution restrictions: an economic perspective," journal of law, economics & policy podcast, george mason university. kwoka, j., "automobiles: the old economy collides with the new," review of industrial organization 19, 55 69. lapidus, g., 2000, "eautomotive: gentleman start your search engines," goldman sachs. leary, t., 2001, "state auto dealer regulation: one man's preliminary view," commissioner, federal trade commission, text adapted from a speech at the international franchise association 34th annual legal symposium. lokker, e., 2001, "internet flower sales fare better in arbitration than virtual drug store," the franchise lawyer, american bar association forum on franchising. mathewson, f. and winter, r., 1989, "the economic effects of automobile dealer regulation," annales d'economie et de statistique 15/16, 409 426. morton, zettelmeyer and silva risso, "internet car retailing," the journal of industrial economics 49, 501 519. nada industry analysis division, nada data 2008, national automobile dealers association. porter, m., 2001, "strategy and the internet," harvard business review 79, 62 78. rogers, r., 1986, "the effects of state entry regulation on retail automobile markets," bureau of economics staff report to the federal trade commission. saloner, g, spence, a.m. and marti, 2000 "disintermediation in the u.s. auto industry," graduate school of business, stanford university, case number: ec 10. shaffer, b., 2001, "an assessment of franchise laws and internet auto sales," nada public affairs, national automobile dealers association. singleton, s., 2000, "will the net turn car dealers into dinosaurs? state limits on auto sales online," cato institute briefing paper no. 58. smith, m., 2003, "how new car dealers put the brakes on competition," georgia public policy foundation. smith ii, r., 1982, "franchise regulation: an economic analysis of state restrictions on automobile distribution," journal of law and economics 25, 125 157. footnotes 1. see the wall street journal ("u.s. throws lifeline to detroit" 12 20 2008 and "gm seeks $16.6 billion more in u.s. aid" 2 18 2009). 2. see saloner, spence and marti (2000). about half of these distribution costs are manufacturer related and half are dealer related. among manufacturer costs are advertising and promotion, including low interest loans and cash rebates. dealer costs include inventory financing and insurance, advertising and sales commissions. 3. see autonews.com ("practical suv like cars provide big profits" 3 2 2009). 4. see cnet news ("commentary: gm's brazil success shows net can drive sales" 12 6 2000). 5. see, for example, smith (1982); eckard (1985); rogers (1986); matthewson and winter (1989); leary (2001); cooper (2001) and holt (2003). shaffer (2001) offers a critique of some of those studies. 6. a compilation of 45 state statutes and the relevant language restricting auto manufacturers from selling direct to consumers, via the internet or otherwise, is contained in the bibliography of empie (2002). in 1999 and 2000 as the internet was getting more widespread use, twelve states either strengthened or passed new laws banning direct manufacturer sale of vehicles. see kwoka (2001). 7. for a detailed analysis see helper and macduffie (2001) and kwoka (2001). 8. with the increased popularity of notebook computers, which customers often want to see and try before buying, dell abandoned its exclusive direct distribution model and began selling through some retailers in 2007. see international herald tribune ("dell breaks with tradition to offer pcs at wal mart" 5 24 2007) and cnet news ("dell to sell pcs at staples" 10 22 2007 and "dell to sell pcs at best buy" 12 6 2007). 9. see casesa shapiro group report ("the franchised automobile dealer: the automaker's lifeline" 11 26 08), prepared for the national automobile dealers association. 10. see lapidus (2000), as cited in fine and raff (2001). 11. shaffer (2001), in a review of earlier studies of the effect of state franchise laws more broadly, concluded that the national price impact of those laws was lower, averaging 2.2 percent. 12. see cnet news ("will gm's internet direct sales model catch on?" 12 5 2000) and it world ("e gm expands its online sales model" 1 10 2001). 13. for details, see "gm do brasil milestones: 2000   2008." 14. see bankrate.com ("state franchise laws putting the brakes on online new auto sales" 11 8 2000), citing a j.d. powers and associates study. 15. see morton, zettelmeyer and silva risso (2001). 16. the same is true of carsdirect.com, launched nationally in 1999 with financing provided in part by michael dell. unlike autobytel's dealer referral service, carsdirect functions as an agent or broker to try to get a better price for its clients and offers an option that bypasses brick and mortar dealers entirely by delivering vehicles right to the buyer's door, with up front, no haggle pricing. carsdirect operates through nationwide alliances with large auto retailers like unitedautogroup/penske automotive and asbury automotive. 17. to address competitive pressures from web based buying services like autobytel, gm launched its own website, gmbuypower.com, in 1999. using that site, prospective customers can "configure" a vehicle and are then referred to local gm dealers to learn if such a vehicle is available in dealer inventories. although gmbuypower gives consumers access to information on dealer cars in stock, it is not a build to order, direct manufacturer model since selection remains confined to inventories on dealer lots. a drawback is that customers can spend a lot of time configuring cars that aren't available at any dealership. see zdnet australia ("online auto sales: giant car wreck?" 4 3 2001). 18. see, for example, leary (2001) and holt (2003). 19. this mechanism has been used by sears for appliances sold by sears.com. sears gives a commission to the store located closest to the address of the online buyer. see carlton and chevalier (2001). drug emporium used a similar strategy to compensate franchisees for its online sales in their exclusive territories but was sued for violation of its franchise agreement and lost that case on a 2 1 vote in arbitration (emporium drug mart, inc. of shreveport v. drug emporium, inc., american arbitration association no. 71 114 0126 00). the drug emporium franchise agreement did not reserve to it the right to sell through alternative distribution channels. see lokker (2001). 20. the federal automobile dealer franchise act of 1956 (15 u.s.c. sec. 1221), sometimes popularly known as "the auto dealers day in court act," gives dealers the right to sue auto manufacturers for damages if dealer rights are violated in franchise terminations. the existence of that federal statute, passed at a time when the big three dominated auto sales in the united states, makes any "dealer protection" argument for state franchise laws less compelling, especially with respect to direct manufacturer auto sales. 21. nada industry analysis division. 22. see porter (2001). 23. see fortune ("detroit goes digital" 4 17 2000). 24. ibid. 25. alliance of auto manufacturers v. hull (d. ariz. 2001). arizona also prohibits auto manufacturers from offering related services like financing and insurance to consumers. 26. ford motor company v. texas dept. of transportation, 264 f.3d 493 (5th cir. 2001). see journal of texas consumer law ("get a great deal on a car over the internet   not in texas!" 2001). ford's used cars were from its inventory of expired leases and each transaction was through a franchised ford dealer that got a commission on the sale. 27. see bankrate.com, ("state franchise laws putting the brakes on online new auto sales" 11 8 2000), comment of george e. hoffer, professor of economics at virginia commonwealth university. antitrust division u.s. department of justice 950 pennsylvania avenue nw washington dc 20530 antitrust.atr@usdoj.gov antitrust division telephone directory antitrust 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an official website of the united states government. here’s how you know the .gov means it’s official. federal government websites often end in .gov or .mil. before sharing sensitive information, make sure you’re on a federal government site. the site is secure. the https:// ensures that you are connecting to the official website and that any information you provide is encrypted and transmitted securely. back key topics back back back .manual search block #edit actions  2 {order:2;} #block googletagmanagerheader .field { padding bottom:0 !important; } #block googletagmanagerfooter .field { padding bottom:0 !important; } #views exposed form manual cloud search manual cloud search results .form actions{display:block;flex:1;} #tfa entry form .form actions {justify content:flex start;} #node agency pages layout builder form .form actions {display:block;} #tfa entry form input {height:55px;} .dol alert status error .alert status container {display:inline;font size:1.4em;color:#e31c3d;} div#block eoguidanceviewheader .dol alerts p {padding: 0;margin: 0;} .agency blurb container .agency_blurb.background  light { padding: 0; } .h1 {font family:'merriweather';font weight:700;} p.usa alert__text {margin bottom:0!important;} .manual search ul.usa list li {max width:100%;} .usa footer .container {max width:1440px!important;} .usa footer .grid container {padding left: 30px!important;} @media (max width: 992px){.usa js mobile nav  active, .usa mobile_nav active {overflow: auto!important;}} @media only screen and (min width: 0px){.agency nav container.nav is open {overflow y: unset!important;}} .table thead th {background color:#f1f1f1;color:#222;} .manual search ul.usa list li {max width:100%;} ol{list style type: decimal;} .cd main content p, blockquote {margin bottom:1em;} .paragraph  type  html table .ts cell content {max width: 100%;} by philip taft during the economic crisis that gripped the country in the early 1890s, farmers complained of low prices, businessmen of falling orders, and wage earners of salary cuts. unemployment was widespread. armies of jobless men swarmed over the countryside and rode freight trains. bread lines and soup kitchens became commonplace. the depression of the 1890s had softened the public attitude towards organized labor. between 1897 and 1904, union membership climbed from 447,000 to 2,072,700. in the same period, the number of internationals affiliated with the american federation of labor (afl) rose from fifty eight to 120. the afl had come on the scene in the 1880s, created by the leaders of craft unions who sought to curb invasions of their jurisdictions by the knights of labor. while the principal reason for embarking on this venture was defensive, afl founders believed in the improvement of wages and working conditions through trade union action  including the strike if necessary. adolph strasser, president of the international cigar makers union, described the afl program as a constant seeking of "more and more," a slogan frequently repeated by afl president samuel gompers. the early years of the century witnessed a stabilization of the labor movement, but it was also a time when some employers were determined to halt its further progress. one of the first challenges came from the steel industry. the amalgamated association of iron and steel workers, established in the 1870s, saw its position endangered with the formation of the united states steel corporation in 1901. the convention of the union met that year and voted that each combine, or multiple companies, would be required to sign a union contract for all of its plants. this demand became the sticking point in negotiations. when no agreement was reached, the union called a strike in three of u.s. steel's subsidiaries. as the strike continued, a committee from the national civic federation, established for promoting the peaceful adjustment of labor disputes, intervened. the committee included gompers, united mine workers president john mitchell, and senator mark hanna, president mckinley's mentor. a conference of strike leaders met with j.p. morgan, charles m. schwab, and elbert gary, heads of the u.s. steel corporation. morgan, denying hostility to unions, argued that it was not practicable for the corporation to recognize unions for unorganized mills. when the union leaders rejected his arguments, the companies began to replace the strikers. at another meeting, charles m. schwab, speaking for the corporation, said that since many steel mills had been started by nonunion labor, the companies would only sign for mills which had not started up. the union was given twenty four hours to accept; otherwise all negotiations would be terminated. on the plea of the civic federation committee, schwab extended the time, but the union would not immediately accept. the strike dragged on until september 14, 1901, when it was settled on terms disastrous to the union. under the agreement, the union lost fourteen mills, but it suffered much more. it could not, in fact, seek to organize any mills. the union's insistence upon signing all mills of a company was obviously ill advised, since it could not be enforced. amalgamated had overestimated its strength, and many steelworkers refused to follow its leadership. the effect of the 1901 strike was to strengthen the enemies of organized labor in the greatest center of economic power. after the defeat of 1901, the union steadily lost strength. the puddlers, who became dissatisfied with the union's inclusion of all classes of steel labor, seceded and formed the sons of vulcan in 1907. the final blow fell when the american sheet and tin plate company posted a notice " that all its plants after june 30, 1909, will be operated as 'open' plants." the amalgamated had no choice but to call a strike. but it was a losing battle. the union surrendered after fourteen months. "inside," or company, unions were the employers' answer to organizing by bona fide unions. on the great lakes, where the u.s. steel corporation operated fleets of iron ore vessels, a company union, the lake carriers' beneficial association, was established in 1903 to "maintain, by contract or otherwise, such amicable relations between employer and employed as would avoid public injury that would result from lockouts or strikes...." in the spring of 1908 the association declared for the open shop and voted to deny union delegates access to ships. an organized effort to deny employment to union members followed. the union fought back, and there were bloody clashes at lake ports. but it was difficult to overcome the combined resources of the shippers. when the association announced in 1912 that no discrimination would be directed against union members, the walkout ended. u.s. steel extended its open shop policies to other industries in which it had influence. one was bridge construction. the national erectors' association, organized in 1903, took u.s. steel's lead and pledged to maintain the open shop. subcontractors were expected to follow suit. consequently, members of the international association of bridge and structural workers found themselves excluded from many jobs. the union reacted by dynamiting nonunion jobs. from 1908 to 1911, they set off an estimated seventy explosions at unorganized jobs. in 1910, the los angeles times building was dynamited, killing twenty. general harrison gray otis, the publisher, blamed labor terrorists. the california state federation of labor charged the times with laying the foundation for another haymarket case, and denounced it "as a hostile and unscrupulous enemy, not only of unionism, but to progress generally." the national erectors' association hired detective william j. burns to find out who was blowing up their bridges and buildings. he accused the union's secretary treasurer, john h. mcnamara, and his brother james. the prosecution charged that san francisco unionists were trying to organize open shop los angeles and that the times stood in their way. unionists, including gompers, insisted the mcnamara brothers were framed; clarence darrow was hired as defense counsel. but the mcnamara brothers confessed, dealing labor a damaging blow. because of its vast resources the steel industry was able to impose its will on the unions of its employees and compel employers in other industries to follow its example. on the other hand, employers in the metal trades and foundries were not strong enough to resist organizational efforts of unions. in an attempt to promote harmonious relations with labor the foundrymen producing cast iron ware established the national founders' association in 1898. the national metal trades association was set up in 1900 for similar purposes. in neither instance were the hopes for cooperation realized. in the case of the foundrymen and the international molders' union, differences were submitted to the presidents of the respective organizations and four members from each side. as a result, on issues of basic importance the parties deadlocked. in 1904 the founders' association decided to go its own way. the next few years witnessed many strikes in the foundries. often there was violence because employers tried to keep their plants operating with replacements. employers established the national metal trades association to find a basis of cooperation with the international association of machinists, the dominant union in the industry. at the time, the union was seeking the nine hour workday. the murray hill agreement between the association and the union, signed in new york city in may, 1900, stipulated that the hours of labor would be reduced to fifty seven a week and to fifty four within a year. overtime rates were defined, apprenticeship regulated, and strikes and lockouts prohibited during the term of the agreement. however, as soon as the contract was signed members of the union insisted that wages be raised to compensate for reduced hours of work. when negotiations reached an impasse, the national metal trades association, on june 10, 1901, abrogated its contract with the international association of machinists, and the following week enunciated its declaration of principles. the employer was to have complete and unrestricted control over the work force. the association declared, "it is the privilege of the employee to leave our employ whenever he sees fit and it is the privilege of the employer to discharge any workman he sees fit." the principles enunciated were embodied in the words "open shop," which meant that the employer was the absolute master. under the code no interference with the prerogatives of management was tolerated. unions were combated by a combination of black listing, espionage, strikebreaking, and company unions. the national metal trades established labor bureaus in major cities for compiling records of employees in the industry so that the blacklist could be more effective. to promote the open shop, the national metal trades association conducted the "investigation and adjustment of questions arising between members and their employees." this kind of activity consisted of using industrial spies in plants to disrupt labor unions and cause the dismissal of union activists. if a strike in the plant nevertheless followed, "the association assumed complete control over the settlement of the dispute in exchange for the strikebreaking services which it made available to the member." the association paid the cost of recruiting strikebreakers and the bonus needed to attract them. large single employers could successfully combat a labor organization and by various devices prevent its establishment on their properties. smaller employers combined in associations to follow, as convenient, a policy of peace or war with the organizations that sought to recruit their employees. in 1903 local organizations of employers, manufacturers' associations, industrial associations, employers' associations, and citizens' alliances joined forces to resist the demands of organized labor. they formed the citizens' industrial association, with david m. parry of the national association of manufacturers as chairman of the executive committee. "organized labor," he accused, ".... does not place its reliance upon reason and justice, but on strikes, boycotts, and coercion.... it denies to those outside its ranks the individual right to dispose of their labor as they see fit a right that is one of the most sacred and fundamental of american liberty." the citizens' industrial association sought "to establish and maintain industrial peace, and to create and direct a public sentiment in opposition to all forms of violence, coercion and intimidation." it urged employers to organize to forestall the spread of unionism. under the leadership of c. w. post, a wealthy dry cereal manufacturer, the citizens' industrial association carried on propaganda through public meetings and in paid advertisements. in some communities, the citizens' alliances resorted to stronger tactics. the citizens' alliances were a factor in the colorado mining wars of 1903 and 1904. cripple creek, a union stronghold, was the center of the dispute. although relations between the miners and the operators had been peaceful for more than a decade, the representatives of the state miners' association had declared that one of their purposes was "to fight... the miners' unions of the state." thus began a contest of unparalleled violence between the western federation of miners and the operators, which resulted in the virtual ousting of the union from the colorado mining camps. the union struck the mines at idaho springs and the smelters of the american smelting and refining company at denver. a strike of mill men for reduction of hours was going on simultaneously in telluride. at cripple creek sporadic violence flared. pleas were made to governor james h. peabody by the mine owners for troops; petitions not to intervene arrived from union supporters. the governor's investigating team recommended sending troops. they arrived under the command of general sherman m. bell, who directed a reign of terror against the strikers. unionists retaliated by blowing up a mine and killing two men, then dynamiting the independence station, which took the lives of thirteen nonunion miners. union men were arrested and herded into the "bull pen," a cattle stockyard. the cooperative stores owned by the union were sacked and their contents stolen or thrown out and burned. leaders were imprisoned. lawyers sought their release, but the majority of the colorado supreme court supported the detention under the governor's proclamation of martial law. members of the western federation of miners were driven out of the district. when the governor was asked by the new york world whether it was true that destitute miners were being deported to kansas, he replied that "rioting, dynamiting and anarchy has had its day in colorado." on december 30, 1905, the ex governor of idaho, frank steunberg was murdered. a man named harry orchard confessed the deed, but he claimed that the western federation of miners' leaders, william "big bill" haywood, charles moyer, and denver businessman george a. pettibone, put him up to it. he said their motive was revenge on the governor who, elected with labor support, called out the troops in the coeur d'alene strike of 1899. idaho officials kidnapped the accused in denver and took them across the state line for trial. the prosecution was directed by the famous william borah, but he was to meet his match in the defense attorney clarence darrow, who skillfully convinced a specially picked "hanging jury" to acquit the accused. the mine owners' campaign destroyed the western federation of miners throughout virtually all of the metalliferous mining areas of colorado. weakened by the ordeal the organization became a prey to internal bickering. there was not much the union could do except to defend itself, but it was not equal to the massed might of the mine operators supported by the citizens' alliances and the government. over the years the united mine workers of america had attempted to organize the colorado coal fields, but to no avail. the companies, led by the rockefeller owned colorado fuel and iron company, would not deal with the union. these companies dominated the colorado mining areas "through the ruthless suppression of unionism, accomplished by the use of the power of summary discharge, the black list, armed guards, and spies, and by the active aid of venal state, county and town officials." seeking, union recognition, the miners wanted wages of $3.45 a day, the eight hour day, a union man checking the weighing of coal (for they felt the company was cheating them), the right not to buy at the company store, and the "abolition of the notorious and criminal guard system which has prevailed in the mining camps of colorado for many years." the operators refused. in september, 1913, the miners voted to strike. sheriff jefferson farr of huerfano county immediately commissioned several hundred deputies. workers left company owned hovels for tent camps in ludlow and nearby areas established by the umw. in the meantime, the colorado fuel and iron company provided its guards with a specially built armored car, the "death special," which could be used to intimidate pickets and strikers. the miners began to arm after several of their number were killed. clashes between strikers and guards increased. yielding to the companies' pressure, governor elias ammons sent the national guard into the strike district. at first the strikers welcomed the soldiers, who had been instructed to protect property and preserve the peace. but when the militiamen sided with the company guards and deputies, the miners protested. subsequently the governor withdrew most of the national guard, leaving a company commanded by lieutenant karl e. linderfelt, a "rare combination of a bully and a bulldog." on april 20, 1914, ludlow exploded. linderfelt's soldiers attacked the tent colony, spraying it with bullets and setting fire to the tents. eleven children and two women died in the flames. louis tikas, strike leader at ludlow, and two others were murdered. angered miners burned mines and killed guardsmen. the military began falling back as strikers advanced to the cry "remember ludlow!" in a ten day war, forty six people died in the assault, most of them company guards. president woodrow wilson, at the request of the governor, sent in federal troops, and it was all over. court martials absolved soldiers of any responsibility in the ludlow massacre. linderfelt, tried for murder, got off with a light reprimand. the mining wars in the rocky mountain states had their eastern counterpart in west virginia, where the united mine workers embarked on a major organizing effort in 1912. the union demanded wage increases, the eight hour day, the checkoff, and no discrimination for union membership. the companies refused. a strike was called on april 20. guards supplied by the baldwin felts agency and three companies of national guardsmen were sent to the scene. the officer in charge "proceeded on the theory that a state of war existed there, and we were exercising war powers." on february 7, 1913, an armored train, the "bull moose" special, attacked the miners' tent colony at holly grove. armed men fired more than 200 shots into the sleeping village. quin morton, general manager of imperial coal company, boasted: "we will go back and give them another round." when testifying before a committee of the u.s. senate, morton was asked whether "a cultured gentleman approves of the use of a machine gun in a populous village." one senator called morton's conduct "appalling, horrible." the strike ended in april, 1913, with the companies promising not to discriminate against union members, a promise broken. the anthracite fields of pennsylvania had also been bloodied when miners challenged the superior might of the coal operators. in 1900 the united mine workers of america had called its first strike in these fields. it lasted a little over a month. according to umw president john mitchell, the anthracite strike of 1900 "stands out in bold relief as the most remarkable contest between labor and capital in the industrial history of our nation; remarkable because it involved a greater number of persons than any other industrial contest; because of the entire absence of lawlessness on the part of those who engaged in the strike; and last, but not least, because it was the only great contest in which the workers came out entirely and absolutely victorious." while the last part of mitchell's statement was more than a slight exaggeration, the outcome of the strike was a solid victory for the union. a more serious encounter began in may, 1902, and lasted until mid october. from the beginning the strike had been a violent one. shootings, killings, and attacks upon the colliers were frequent. in the midst of the strike, george f. baer, head of the reading railroad and spokesman for the mine operators, penned his famous "divine right" letters. when a wilkes barre photographer appealed to him on the basis of christian principles to settle the strike, baer replied: "i do not know who you are. i see that you are a christian man; but you are evidently biased in favor of the right of the working man to control a business in which he has no interest other than to secure fair wages for the work he does. i beg of you not to be discouraged. the right and interests of the laboring man will be protected and cared for not by the labor agitators, but by the christian men to whom god in his infinite wisdom has given the control of the property interests of the country, and upon the successful management of which so much depends. do not be discouraged. pray earnestly that right may triumph, always remembering that the lord god omnipotent still reigns, and that his reign is one of law and order, and not of violence and crime." dominated by such sentiments, the coal operators would accept no compromise. baer criticized president theodore roosevelt for urging a settlement with "fomentors... of anarchy." roosevelt later confided that he would like to have taken baer "by the seat of the breeches and the nape of the neck and chucked him out of the window." only after an appeal to j. p. morgan, the dominant investment banker of the time, did the operators agree to arbitration by a presidential commission. the union was anxious to have a labor man on the panel. roosevelt "sneaked" e. e. clark, grand chief of the order of conductors, on the commission as an "eminent sociologist." the award of the commission did not grant as much as the union expected, but it included a ten percent increase in wages and a reduction in hours of work. in addition, the use of private guards was held to be against the public interest. the commission did not recommend the recognition of the union, but it did agree that differences between the employer and his employees should "first be considered in conference between the operator or his official representative, and a committee chosen by his employees from their own ranks." while the issue of child labor was not directly submitted, the commission deplored the employment of male children as breaker boys, and noted that the statutory age of employment was not sufficiently high. "the story of coal is always the same," wrote mary "mother" jones, self styled "hell raiser" and a devoted fighter for the rights of miners to form a union. "it is a dark story. for a second's more sunlight, men must fight like tigers. for the privilege of seeing the color of their children's eyes by the light of the sun, fathers must fight as beasts in the jungle. that life may have something of decency, something of beauty a  picture, a new dress, a bit of cheap lace fluttering in the window  for this, men who work down in the mines must struggle and lose, struggle and win." the victory in the anthracite fields was one of the greatest in american labor history. it was gained against the formidable opposition of the operators in an industry dominated by the same financial groups which sought to limit the influence of unionism in other industries. by willingness to accept less than their demands, the mine workers, under the leadership of mitchell, were able to force open a door to labor organizations that had been closed since the demise of the workingmen's benevolent association in the early 1870s. employers have in disputes with their employees utilized the legal weapons that were available. by the turn of the century the use of the labor injunction was already established. it was a method by which equity courts forbade picketing or other union activities during a labor dispute. it was also used to prohibit the boycott of a good or service of an "unfair" employer. the injunction was effective because those refusing to obey the order of a court could be adjudged in contempt and sentenced to a fine or imprisonment. the case was in the courts for twelve years. in 1908, the supreme court held that any combination which "obstructs the free flow of commerce or restricts in that regard the liberty of a trader to engage in business" may have violated the antitrust laws. the case was brought to trial and the union found guilty. the decision was unexpected, and it was believed that the labor unions would be flooded by suits charging violations of the sherman laws and that verdicts of triple damages would bankrupt the union treasuries and jeopardize the savings of the members. while the danbury hatters' case was going through the courts, an attack upon the boycott was made by james van cleave, owner of the buck's stove and range company and a leader of the militant antiunionists. a strike had been called at van cleave's factory, and its products placed on the unfair list by the afl, a fact regularly announced by the american federationist, the afl's official journal. van cleave secured an order from the district of columbia federal court directing the removal of the offensive announcement. considering that the court order violated the first amendment, gompers refused to obey. he and frank morrison, secretary of the afl, and john mitchell, a vice president, were adjudged guilty of contempt of court and sentenced to jail. while the case was passing through the courts, van cleave died and his successor settled with the unions. the court upheld the injunction, but the jail sentences were set aside. the trial judge then appointed a prosecuting committee and again found the defendants guilty of contempt. however, the supreme court ruled that the statute of limitations barred punishment. the attack upon the boycott, the utilization of the injunction in labor disputes by the courts, and the unresponsiveness of congress to the afl's appeals for remedial legislation caused the afl to become more active in the national political arena. to show its displeasure at the failure of congress, delegates from fifty one unions assembled in washington in march, 1906, and drew up a "bill of grievances." congress was charged with failing to deal adequately with the competition of convict labor, immigration, the granting of equal rights to seamen. in addition, congress had refused to protect the right of federal employees to petition for redress, relieve unions from the threat of prosecution under the antitrust laws, or to limit the right of the courts to issue injunctions in labor disputes. although the afl was the predominant labor organization radicals had been trying to "capture" the trade unions since the 1890s. the western federation of miners had become disenchanted with the afl's conservative outlook and helped establish successively the western labor union and the american labor union. in the eastern part of the country, the socialist trade and labor alliance was formed by adherents of the socialist labor party. in 1905, a successful attempt was made to unite the separate independent groups into one organization. a group of leaders who believed another federation of labor espousing a more radical doctrine was needed met in chicago "to confederate the workers of this country into a working class movement that shall have for its purpose that emancipation of the working class ... having in view no compromise and no surrender." thus was launched the industrial workers of the world. the wobblies, as members called themselves, advocated the abolition of capitalism and the formation of industrial unions. presiding at the convention was william d. haywood, head of the western federation of miners. he proclaimed that "we are going down in the gutter to get the mass of workers and bring them up to a decent plane of living." despite ringing oratory and rousing songs, it was obvious that the iww did not have a ready formula for success. conflicting elements could not live together in the same organization. at the second iww convention, the trade unionists with the most industrial experience, including the western federation of miners, withdrew. at the fourth convention, in 1908, the followers of the socialist labor party left or were driven out. as a result of these secessions, the iww became an organization of migratory workers with an anarcho syndicalist orientation. for the next few years it devoted itself to carrying on free speech fights in the west. though revolution was the final aim, the present need, in the words of one iww official, was "a bed to sleep in, water enough to take a bath in and decent food to eat." in the east, the iww turned its attention to steelworkers in mckees rocks, pennsylvania, and textile workers in lawrence, massachusetts; paterson, new jersey; and little falls, new york. the lawrence strike was a dramatic struggle by thousands of workers, many of them of foreign origin, but it led to no permanent organization. the ability of the iww leaders to mobilize large unskilled masses to display their poverty and suffering was of a high order, but they failed in the elementary ability needed to build a permanent organization. when the united states entered world war i wobblies by the hundreds were rounded up and sent to jail. accused of hampering the war effort, they became targets of vigilante groups who sometimes took the law into their own hands. it is true that the iww had traditionally opposed war; its 1916 convention condemned "all wars and, for the prevention of such, we proclaim the anti militarist propaganda in time of peace, thus promoting class solidarity among the workers of the entire world, and, in time of war, the general strike in all industries." socialist leader eugene debs openly spoke out against the war. indicted for violating the espionage act, he said at his trial: "years ago i recognized my kinship with all living things, and i made up my mind that i was not one bit better than the meanest on earth. i said then, and i say now, that while there is a lower class, i am in it, while there is a criminal element, i am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, i am not free." debs was found guilty. he had been converted to socialism while in jail for his role as leader of the pullman strike. running for president of the united states in 1912, he polled nearly a million votes. a born agitator, debs told working people: "intelligent discontent is the mainspring of civilization. it is agitation or stagnation. i have taken my choice." individual status and power seeking was for the small in soul. debs chose to remain with the rank and file. hoosier poet james whitcomb riley said of him: as warm a heart as ever beat betwixt here and the judgment seat. critics called debs a perpetual failure, traveling from defeat to defeat. he might have said, as did socialist leader norman thomas, that he fought not for lost causes but causes yet to be won. socialists had comparatively more influence within the labor movement than in the country at large. they were active in many unions, and some occupied high office. for many years, max hayes, a member of the international typographical union, was the leading socialist spokesman on the floor of the afl convention. in 1912, he ran for president of the afl, receiving almost half as many votes as gompers. the socialists were concerned with promoting the policy of an independent labor party. many also supported reform of the afl's structure so that a number of the crafts would combine into industrial unions. but the socialists' influence was short lived. their antiwar stance in 1917 and the emergence of communists in their ranks proved self destructive. meanwhile afl leaders were pledging "ourselves in peace and in war, in stress or in storm, to stand unreservedly by the standards of liberty and the safety and preservation of the institutions and ideals of our republic." the most important addition to the ranks of organized labor between 1900 and world war i was the clothing industries. the battle for recognition began in new york city, the major market for women's clothing, where the international ladies garment workers union struggled to survive. conditions in the industry were deplorable. low wages, long hours, and unsanitary and unsafe working places were commonplace. in march, 1911, a fire at the triangle shirtwaist company claimed the lives of 148 employees, most of them young women. as flames spread throughout the eighth floor, workers jumped to their deaths. scores of charred bodies were found piled against closed doors. they had been kept bolted, a newspaper reported, "to safeguard employers from the loss of goods by the departure of workers . . ." from the ashes of this disaster sprang the movement for industrial safety with the passage of factory inspection laws. garment workers revolted at inhumane conditions occasionally and went out on strike. but once grievances were temporarily eliminated, there would be an exodus from the union. this tendency continued for twenty years, and some believed that jewish workers would never be able to form stable labor unions. the theory was weakened in 1909 when 30,000 striking waistmakers, seventy percent of them women, heard gompers ask them "to stand together, to have faith in yourselves, to be true to your comrades... let your watchword be: union and progress, and until then, no surrender." the strike was an eyeopener to those who doubted the stamina of garment workers. for fourteen weeks the picket lines held and the strikers gained contracts in 354 shops. that was only a curtain raiser. the next summer 60,000 cloakmakers struck for a pay raise and the closed union shop. strikers held the picket lines until a favorable settlement was reached on september 16. the following week began a struggle for the unionization of the men's garment trades in chicago. a foreman in one of the hart, schaffner and marx plants reduced piece rates, a practice normally accepted without protest. however, this time it was rejected, and the incident sparked a major revolt. the united garment workers of america called a general strike, and 41,000 workers responded. they gained a costly and limited victory. the strike lasted 133 days, $200,000 was paid out for relief, hundreds of workers were arrested, and seven were killed. both the united garment workers and the international ladies garment workers union were made up of predominantly jewish and italian immigrants, although the national leadership of the united garment workers was predominantly native born. at the convention of the united garment workers in 1914, a conflict between the two groups resulted in the formation of the amalgamated clothing workers of america, which became the dominant organization in the men's clothing industry. immigration policy was one of the issues that divided the leaders of labor. virtually all unionists favored exclusion of orientals and believed that the limitless flow of immigrants to the united states tended to depress wages. between 1903 and 1914 more than 800,000 immigrants entered the united states annually, with a peak of 1,387,318 in 1913. the issue of immigration exclusion was debated at afl conventions and at the 1910 convention of the socialist party. the majority of the socialist convention's committee on immigration recommended limiting the number. milwaukee's victor l. berger, elected that year as the first congressman chosen on the socialist ticket, spoke in favor of the restrictive proposal. an immigrant himself, he reasoned: "now i believe in the motto of marx that the proletarians of all countries should unite, absolutely. but he [marx] did not say, nor would he say if they should unite in milwaukee, chicago or new york." adolph germer, a coal miner destined to be a future leader of the cio, complained that many foreigners acted as strikebreakers and were not reliable for the long pull. the american federation of labor for a time opposed outright restrictions upon immigration. but in the early years of the century it favored an educational test and, after world war i, endorsed the quota system for limiting entry. restrictions upon chinese immigration were endorsed from the beginning. it was the adverse influence of the immigrant upon the labor market rather than opposition based on race or religion which accounted for the negative attitude of organized labor. that's why the afl supported the quota laws of 1921 and 1924 which limited immigration to a percentage of nationals living in the united states. the law of 1924 was attacked as favoring immigrants from northern europe at the expense of those from italy and the slavic nations, but to organized labor these measures represented the means to restrict the continual flow of immigration. world war i reduced immigration to the united states to a trickle. recruiting agents from northern industries found substitutes among southern blacks. between 1916 and 1924, hundreds of thousands streamed north to the automobile, meat packing, iron and steel, and railroad industries. most of the black workers filled semiskilled and unskilled jobs. the influx of thousands of black workers into northern industrial areas created many problems for the new arrivals. coming largely from rural areas and having virtually no knowledge of union organizations, they were more susceptible to strikebreaking than white workers. the employment of large numbers of black strikebreakers in the wave of post world war i labor disputes exacerbated the feeling of hostility between the races. an estimated 30,000 black strikebreakers worked in the 1919 steel strike. labor leader john fitzpatrick feared that if this continued, the industrial centers "are bound to be paralyzed by race riots... as i find it the northern negro is alive to the situation and cannot be used to any great extent, but the southern negro is brutally exploited and has no real knowledge of the situation in which he is being used." while northerners were debating what to do with the black workers, they were welcomed by the alabama labor movement. when the unions of the state established the alabama state federation of labor, in 1901, they elected two blacks as vice presidents. the quality of the alabama unionists was revealed at the 1902 convention held in selma. vice president j.h. beane, a black man, informed newspapers: "the state federation does not draw the color line, and the delegates will be seated as in all general conventions under the american federation of labor... color or creed is no bar to a fair day's service. if the people of selma for this reason turn the cold shoulder to the alabama state federation of labor in the matter of hall accommodations it will not in any way interfere with the deliberations of the convention." blacks and whites cooperated on the picket line in strikes in the mines and plants where both races were employed. a considerable increase in the employment of black workers took place on the railroads during the strike of shopmen in 1922. the six railway shopcrafts agreed with the afl executive council that black mechanics, helpers, and laborers would be allowed to become members of the international brotherhood of fireman and oilers. a small group of black employees of the pullman company established the brotherhood of sleeping car porters in new york city on august 25, 1925. a. philip randolph was invited to address the group, and he became its first organizer. in randolph, the porters' union selected a man of unusual eloquence, one who was to devote almost forty years to eliminating discrimination by unions against black workers. the struggle for the eight hour day was initiated by the four major operating crafts on the railroads. when negotiations proved unsuccessful, the four railroad brotherhoods took the unprecedented step of scheduling a nationwide railroad strike to begin on september 4, 1916. on september 2, president wilson addressed a joint session of congress and appealed for the enactment of an eight hour law to govern railroad operations. congress acted quickly, and a bill was in his hands on september 3. he signed it the day before the strike date. the brotherhoods knew that the law would be challenged in the courts, and demanded the eight hour day be put in effect on january 1, 1917. once war was declared, the union leaders were convinced it would not be possible to seek a solution through a strike. three members of the council of national defense, including gompers, were dispatched by president wilson to meet the bead of the railroad unions and seek a peaceful solution. they agreed to the eighthour work schedule a day before the supreme court found the law constitutional. in december, 1917, the federal government took over the operation of the railroads. no discrimination for union membership was allowed, and wages were set by a government board. despite the liberal labor policies followed, discontent among workers mounted as the war went on. in 1917, strikes reached the highest level in history, 4,450. in an effort to deal with the problem, president woodrow wilson created the national war labor board, made up of an equal number of employer and union representatives. the board agreed there should be no strikes or lockouts during the war, and that workers were to have the right to organize into unions of their choosing for purposes of collective bargaining. employers were to have the right to organize associations. workers were not to be discharged for belonging or being active in trade unions, but they were to refrain from coercive methods in recruiting members or seeking bargaining rights. in the sixteen months it functioned, the board disposed of more than 1,100 cases. union membership rose substantially during the war years; in transportation it virtually doubled. the metal and building trades also gained, as did unions on the docks and on the ships. with the end of the war, the organized labor movement faced a number of problems requiring almost immediate solutions. the increased memberships in many unions were in with cautious traditional tactics. a search for new policies and methods was under way. the belief that the heads of the movement were old and weary and that individual unions as well as the general labor movement were in need of new and more imaginative leadership was widespread. business leaders were also unhappy about the course of events during the war. in their view, organized labor had become too strong; its improved bargaining position and the protection of the government had allowed unions to expand and gain a foothold in industries normally opposed to their recognition. labor's more aggressive opponents urged business to organize so as to resist any further encroachments upon the rights of management. as a consequence, the immediate postwar period witnessed an epidemic of labor disputes. the first manifestation of the new found militancy was the seattle general strike called in support of the striking metal trades workers in the shipyards. food kitchens and milk stations were set up, and the people went about their affairs with few protests and little difficulty. the city's crime rate actually was below normal in this period. on the second day of the strike, mayor ole hanson issued a proclamation in which he guaranteed the people of seattle "absolute and complete protection... the anarchists in the community shall not rule its affairs. all persons violating the laws will be dealt with summarily." the strike, which accomplished little, lasted five days. more unusual was the strike of the boston police. when a plan for adjusting wages and working conditions had failed, the policemen struck on september 11, 1919. absence of police was followed by twenty four hours of rioting, looting, and violence. at the request of the city authorities, governor calvin coolidge sent 5,000 militiamen to keep order. "there is no right to strike against the public safety by anybody, anywhere, anytime," he declared. clashes between roving mobs and soldiers resulted in the killing of eight civilians. by september 14, the strike was virtually over. coolidge, who had denounced the strike as a "desertion of duty," became a national hero. despite reversals, the labor movement expanded at a greater rate than ever. almost one million additional members joined the unions in 1919. actors, after a strike lasting a month, won recognition for the newly organized actors equity association. the first contract specified the number of performances a week that could be required without payment of overtime, limited rehearsal time, and required arbitration of unsettled differences. in may, 1920, the united mine workers mustered an "army" to move into the nonunion counties of mcdowell, mingo, and logan, west virginia. in one shootout eight men and a boy were killed. repeated skirmishes brought federal troops into the area; finally the miners were peaceably disarmed and dispersed. the union failed in its campaign. after the expulsion of the amalgamated association of iron, steel and tin workers from the plants of the u.s. steel corporation, the absence of a strong union in the steel industry was regarded as a sign of a weak labor movement. in 1918, the afl convention endorsed a joint campaign by the twenty four unions having jurisdiction in the steel industry. the campaign was one of the more successful in labor history. thousands of steelworkers joined unions. more difficult was obtaining industry recognition. elbert gary, board chairman of u.s. steel corporation, refused to meet a union committee to discuss the matter. a strike called for september 22, 1919, was answered by 367,000 steelworkers. confrontations between strikers, private guards, and the local police began immediately. local officials suppressed strike meetings. the mayor of duquesne, pennsylvania justified his denial of a speaking permit to afl secretary frank morrison by saying: "jesus christ himself could not speak in duquesne." throughout the strike gary maintained his imperturbability and reiterated his view that u.s. steel did not deal with unions. during the strike, one of the bloodier of the time, twenty people, eighteen of them strikers, were killed. u.s. steel had triumphed and would remain the bastion of the open shop for another seventeen years. in the midst of the strike, president wilson convened an industrial conference with representatives from business, labor, and the public. the main purpose of the conference was to work out methods that would promote industrial peace. as a minimum the labor delegates wanted the conference to recognize the right of employees to bargain through outside unions, but the employer group would only accept collective bargaining through company controlled organizations. company unions of various sorts had developed early in the century and had multiplied during the war. large employers also developed paternalistic welfare plans under which they aided home ownership by their employees through supporting low mortgage rates, subsidized lunches, encouraged savings, and established profit sharing plans. systems of grievance procedure through which employee complaints could be considered were organized, but the employer generally held the right to make the final decision. the programs were primarily designed to eliminate the influence of the outside union on the work force. a more extensive campaign for eliminating the influence of unions in industry was the american plan of employment which promoted the open shop. the program had considerable success, and established systems of collective bargaining. as in the chicago and the san francisco building trades, buckled under the attack of the open shop contractors. at one time twenty two states had laws making it a criminal offense for employers to discharge union members or to deny employment because of membership in a union. the federal government incorporated such a provision in the erdman act of 1898 regulating the railroads. but in a case involving the right of the federal government to enforce the prohibition against discrimination of railroad employees, the supreme court held that workers could be discharged for any reason, including membership in a labor union. in the kansas statute forbidding discrimination for union membership, the court held that an employer could not be penalized for compelling one of his employees to give up his union membership. these decisions removed any legislative protection that union members may have enjoyed against discrimination. in another case the supreme court ruled against attempts to unionize employees who had signed a "yellow dog contract," an agreement under which the prospective employee agreed not to join a union during his tenure with the employer. the national war labor board had directed employers to abandon such contracts, but they increased greatly after the end of world war i, and were used to block organizing throughout the nonunion areas of west virginia. they were also used by employers who would hire professional strikebreakers and have them sign an agreement not to join a union. inability to obtain relief from congress turned many sections of organized labor towards independent political action. by 1922, the proponents met and organized the conference for progressive political action, which was dominated by the railroad unions, although socialists and traditional supporters of an independent labor party were allowed admission; the communists were excluded. groups speaking for the new body endorsed some congressional candidates in 1922, and when the presidential nominees of the democratic and the republican parties did not meet their criteria for endorsement, they nominated robert m. lafollette for president and burton k. wheeler for vice president. the afl endorsed the ticket. considering the absence of organizational support outside of wisconsin, la follette's home state, the third party candidates did very well. however, the railway unions, concerned with their positions in the congress and the state legislatures, backed out of the alliance. the antiunion open shop campaigns seriously affected membership. from 1920 to 1923, it declined from 5,1047,800 to 3,622,000. congress made a giant step forward in providing protection against discrimination for union membership when it enacted the railway labor act of 1926. section two allowed each side to designate representatives for purposes of collective bargaining without interference from the other. in addition a board of mediation was set up to aid the parties to reach an agreement. in the event of a shutdown of rail service which might affect the public interest, the law provided for the appointment of an emergency board of inquiry by the president. the power of congress to outlaw discriminatory labor practices was upheld by a unanimous supreme court. a railroad company had interfered with the right of its employees to self organization, and the brotherhood of railway clerks sued. it was ordered to (1) disestablish the company union, (2) reinstate the brotherhood as the representative of the employees until a choice by secret ballot is made, (3) reinstate employees who had been discharged for activity in the brotherhood. mr. chief justice hughes, who wrote the unanimous opinion for the court, said that the workers' right to organize "to safeguard their proper interests is not to be disputed .... congress was not required to ignore this right of the employees but could safeguard it and seek to make their appropriate collective action an instrument of peace rather than of strike." he denied that the law would limit the right of the employer to hire or discharge employees. "the statute is not aimed at the right of the employers but interference with the freedom of the employees to have representatives of their own choosing. as the carriers subject to the act have no constitutional right to interfere with the freedom of the employees in making their selection they cannot complain of the statute on constitutional grounds." the 1920s witnessed the gradual reduction of the power of the united mine workers. in 1922, half a million soft coal miners and 150,000 anthracite miners joined in a massive strike. secretary of commerce herbert hoover ruled out federal intervention, declaring: "the government's position has long been known to be that sooner or later there would have to be a showdown in the mine fields. its attitude is that if a strike must be, it must be, and the sooner the issue is disposed of the better." as operators engaged in cutthroat competition, john l. lewis, president of the umw, thundered "no backward step," which meant no downward wage adjustment. the policy of "no backward step" proved to be no solution. although compromises were worked out with operators in illinois and other fields, the miners decided to resist in ohio and western pennsylvania. the strike began in the summer of 1927. it was a bitter and heart rending struggle, with famished families evicted from their homes. in july, 1928, the union admitted defeat. ominously, a report from the afl research department in february, 1928, called attention to increasing unemployment among organized workers. neither the labor department nor the government was prepared for the catastrophe which followed. in may, 1929, the executive council of the afl suggested the establishment of a national employment service, a census to determine the number of unemployed, and regularization of employment. in november, a month after the stock market crash, president hoover asked industry to avoid wage cuts and to speed investment. the absence of relief and welfare systems deprived millions of the bare necessities. dire want forced them to seek assistance for themselves and their families, but none was available. state and local governments made some efforts to provide relief, until their budgets were exhausted. pleas for federal aid were rejected by president herbert hoover, who insisted that the nation had "turned the corner." the attempts of congress to provide aid were vetoed as a threat to the credit of the federal government. with business depressed and its promises of permanent prosperity a bitter memory, congress enacted the norris laguardia act. the law deprived the federal courts of the power to prohibit certain types of union activity, organization, assembly, strikes, picketing, and collective acts which can be performed by an individual. the yellow dog contract was declared against public policy. the labor movement survived the great depression shaken but intact. with the advent of the new deal, its unions were to initiate the greatest organizing drives in history. 200 constitution ave nw washington, dc 20210 1 866 4 usa dol 1 866 487 2365 www.dol.gov connect with dol
| donate stephan bisaha | july 19, 2024 anti union signs stand at the entrances to the hyundai plant in montgomery, alabama. july 11, 2024. stephan bisaha, gulf states newsroom editor’s note (sept. 14, 2024): this story was updated to include an ultium cells battery plant in tennessee recently recognizing united auto worker as its workers’ union. the united auto workers was on a historic six month run until it got a reminder that when it comes to unions, southern hospitality often gets replaced with hostility. it started last november when the uaw ended decades of concessions to carmakers by ratifying record contracts at ford, gm and stellantis. the success inspired southern auto plant workers to launch their own campaigns, starting at volkswagen in chattanooga, tennessee. volkswagen employees kept the momentum going when they voted overwhelmingly in april to join the uaw   a victory a decade in the making. suddenly, the dream of unionizing auto workers across the south seemed possible. then, along came alabama. a mercedes benz plant in vance, alabama, and a hyundai plant in montgomery, alabama, soon joined the movement. but just one month after the historic win in chattanooga, mercedes workers voted against unionizing. before that vote, one organizer predicted the hyundai plant would have a union election by the end of the summer. but since then, none have been scheduled. adding to the uaw’s woes is a federal investigation into its leader, shawn fain, that threatens to tarnish the rehab work he’s done on the organization’s reputation   forcing the uaw’s southern campaign efforts to shift from the fast lane to a slow one. alabama gov. kay ivey likes to say there is no “sweet home alabama” for the uaw. that’s certainly true in montgomery. in fact, the uaw could not find a landlord in the capital city willing to rent the union space for a headquarters. a lease was drawn up for one rental before it was taken back when the business discovered who the lease was for. now, the building sits boarded up on south boulevard.