can you explain what happened with the conciliar declaration and how it affected the powers of the council? 
### Query ###
can you explain what happened with the conciliar declaration and how it affected the powers of the council? 

### Source ###
**http://www.roman-assembly-history.org/constitution/150-members/9th-feb-2nd-july **
The  Constituent  Assembly,  consisting  of  150
members,  the  élite  of  the  country,  by  the  instincts
of  the  heart,  if  not  by  the  power  of  intelligence,  and
of  whom  seven  only  did  not  belong  to  the  Roman
States,  kept  their  seats,  without  interruption,  until
the  moment  when  brute  force,  violating  the  duties
and  promises  of  France,  dissolved  them.  That
Assembly  had  dictated  or  sanctioned  everything
that  had  been  done  from  the  9th  of  February  until
the  2d  of  July.
And  by  whom  did  it  govern  }  First,  by  an  Ex-
ecutive Committee  :  two  Romans,  Armellini  and
Montecchi,  and  one  Neapolitan,  Saliceti  ;  afterwards
by  the  Triumvirate — the  same  proportion.  But
below  the  supreme  executive,  all  that  served  to
vivify  and  practically  to  carry  out  the  common
thought,  all  that  represented  or  that  affected  the
country  in  administration,  in  the  distribution  of
offices,  in  the  evcry-day  affairs  of  state,  was  purely
Roman.  The  president  of  the  council  under  the
executive  committee,  Muzzarelli  ;  the  minister  of
grace  and  justice,  Lazzarini  ;  of  foreign  affairs,
Rusconi  ;  those  of  the  interior,  Saffi  and  Mayer  ;


A utobiographical  éf  Political.        227

of  finance,  Guicioli  and  Manzoni  ;  of  public  works,
Sterbini  and  Montecchi  ;  of  war,  Campello  and
CalandrelH — all  belonged  to  the  Roman  States.
The  police  (sicurezza  pubblica)  was  successively
directed  by  Mariani,  Meucci,  Meloni,  and  Galvagni,
all  Roman  subjects.  The  ministry  of  public  in-
struction was  intrusted  to  a  Roman,  Sturbinetti  ;
other  Romans  were  charged  with  the  direction  of
the  public  debt,  and  of  the  statistical  department,
and  with  the  presidency  of  the  High  Court  of
Justice,  the  direction  of  the  hospitals,  the  mint,  etc.


**http://societyanditsend.org/abstractions/child-development/quantities-and-livings **
*  See  La  Società  e  il  suo  fine,  "  Society  and  its  End,"  B.  IV.  c.  xxiii.
110  ON    THE   EULING   PEINCIPLE    OF   METHOD.
(4)  Among  the  earliest  abstractions,  we  find  quantity  in
sensible  objects,  whether  as  continuous  or  intensive.  It  is  by
means  of  this  abstraction  that  the  child  discerns  the  greater
from  the  less,^  —  that,  for  example,  which  gives  him  more,
from  that  which  gives  him  less,  pleasure.
This  cognizance  of  the  quantity  of  things  awakens  in  him
a  new  class  of  volitions,  —  i.e.  the  appreciative  volitions,^
and  the  power  of  choice  which  begins  at  that  age.^

(5)  Another  of  the  primary  abstractions  made  by  the
child  from  things,  and  most  important  to  his  development,
is  that  of  animated  being  {cinimalita).
1  Even  the  sensual  instinct  acts  as  if  it  could  discern  the  more  and  the  less  ;  but,
when  an  animal  seizes  the  larger  of  two  morsels  of  food,  or  the  one  it  lilces  best,  it
is  not  because  it  discerns  the  greater  from  the  less,  but  by  a  law  of  its  own  nature,
the  effects  of  which  resemble  those  of  .intelligence,  as  we  have  explained  at  length
in  the  Anthropology ,  No.  430  and  foil.
2  See  the  Anthrojiology ,  No.  619.


**http://www.medicalarchivesjournal.com/articles/camphor-therapeutic-uses **
S'pasmodic  Afftrtions. — 8everal  authors  ascrihe  a  curative  power
to  carnphor»  in  whoojnììg-coughy  obstinate  htrcup^  chorea^  and  even
epiiipsì/.  8nndelin  states  it  to  he  useful  in  the  two  last  named
ailections  when  they  arise  from  the  suppresaion  of  cutaneoua  erup-
tione,  or  from  the  nietastaeia  of  rhcurcatieni.  Berends  recommends
it  in  thoee  casce  of  eiùlefisy  in  whìch  the  paroxysnie  occur  at  night,
and  directs  one  or  twograins  to  he  taken  at  hedtime.  The  efficacy
of  such  a  prescription  niay  very  well  he  doubted.  Other  aftections,
Buch  as  nervons  hcadache^  nervous  palpiktiion  of  the  heart^  spasmodic
dysphagìa  aflecting  eusceptihle  persons,  are  stated  by  several  authore
to  he  araenahle  to  camphor.  But  in  thia  claee  of  disordera,  the
originai  and  principal  affection  on  whicli  the  minor  ones  depend
iBuat  not  he  lost  sight  of,  for  againat  thìs  maiu  aource  of  the  niorbid
phenomena,  camphor  may  prove  inetìectual.  When  the  atlection
18  inflammatory  in  ita  nature,  the  metliciue,  aa  Mitseberlioh  ob-
aerves,  ie  more  hurtful  than  useful,  unleaa,  ìndeed^  the  erothism
bave  ita  atarting-point  in  the  aexual  organa.  Camphor  haa  been
used  to  advantage  aa  an  antidote  to  stty^hìiia.  In  aevcral  case»  re-
ported  by  l)r.  Arnett^  and  Dr.  Pritchard^'  it  acted  with  such  ]>rompt-
nees  when  the  aymptoma  were  moat  violent  aa  to  leave  no  doubt  of
ite  efficacy,

AJfeetions  of  the  Sexual  Organs. — In  safi/riaris^  furor  uteHmts^
aud  hysteria  Ubidinosa.,  camphor  ie,  according  to  Ricbter,  a  capital
remedy.  "  If  no  inflammatory  aymptoma  exiat,  or  if  these  bave
been  allayed  by  depletion,  the  medicine  ought  to  be  giveu  in  heroic
dose»,  or,  if  there  be  vaacular  excitement  at  the  eame  tìme,  it  abould
be  conjoined  with  nitre.  In  one  case  it  waa  succeaafully  given  in
drachm  doses  four  times  a  day.     Muller  cured  an  irrepressible


'  E.  g.,  GiACOMiNi,  loc.  cit.


**http://www.historicamethodphilosophy.org/articles/sidgwick-mill-comte **
Philosophy should be the last to complain of this,
seeing that the discovery of these new methods was
mainly due to that science. Did not Bacon recom-
mend the experimental method? Did not Galileo
declare that his chief help in discovering it was derived
from his studies in philosophy? To the same cause
and in a far greater degree is likewise due the dis-
covery of the historical method. Nevertheless, the
philosophers were the fiercest opponents of the experi-
mental method, even as they are now the worst foes
of the historical method. It really appears as though
they cannot be reconciled to the fact that, as a result
of their most successful labours, another consider-
able province of their ancient realm is now slipping
from their grasp. For all the present discord and con-
flict is born of the fact that the philosophers claim the
exclusive right of continuing to deal in their own way
with the very problems which only by the use of the


84 IS HISTORY A SCIENCE?


historic method have been put on the right road
towards the discovery of an efficient solution. Pro-
fessor Sidgwick, however, goes on to say: ‘Let us
now see the nature of the progress that the historical
method is presumed to have made in the study of
society and the human mind. Undoubtedly it has
largely contributed to ‘the increased recognition of the
fundamental importance of the ‘‘social factor” in the
development of the mind of the individual.’ But this
had been already recognised by J. S. Mill, from
whose work, a generation ago, we all learnt our ‘ Logic
of the Moral Sciences.’ ”

This is quite true. But how did Mill arrive at the
solution of a problem from which so many others
depend? Precisely by his adherence to the historical
method, and, as he tells us himself, by expounding the
ideas of Auguste Comte, whose philosophy is entirely
based on that method. If by this means, as even
Sidgwick has confessed, we are enabled to explain the
historic formation—although not the inner essence—of
the mind, this is certainly no inconsiderable result, and
the metaphysicians, who had never achieved as much
by their own system, have now no right to feel injured
because the desired goal has been reached by a differ-
ent road from theirs. 

**http://www.medicalexperiencejournal.com/sir-benjamin-brodie-observations **
It  is  the  disposition  of  every  one  of  us  to  admit
the  efficacy  of  the  remedies  which  we  employ  on  insufficieut  evidence  ;  and  un-
less  we,  whoae  duty  it  is  to  understand  these  subjects,  are  on  our  guard  against
this  not  unnatural  prejodice,  we  bave  little  right  to  blaroe  the  credulity  of  those
whoae  minds  are  not  turned  to  these  inqniries,  when  a  corresponding  error  of
jodgment  leads  them  to  believe  in  the  absurdities  of  metallic  tractors,  animai
magnetisna,  and  homceopathy  ?*'

Sir  Benjamin  Brodie  concluder  with  some  observations  which  the  expcrience
of  most  mea  confirms  :— >


216  Fkriscopic;  or,  Cikcumsfkctivk  Kkvikw. [Jan. 1

"  Altfaough  many  years  have  since  clapsed,  it  seems  to  me  bat  as  yesterday,
nvhen  I  was,  as  you  are  dow,  a  youDg  adventorer  in  this  great  Metropolis  ;  and  I
well  remember  how  oflen,  in  the  intervals  of  my  occupations,  I  have  contemplated,
with  something  like  dismay,  the  prospect  which  lay  before  me. My  owd  fee)-
ÌDgs,  at  that  lime,  explain  to  me  what  may  possibly  be  yours  at  the  prescnt
period. Yet  you  have  undertaken  nothing  which  energy  and  perseverante,
and  upright  and  honorable  conduct,  will  not  enable  you  to  accomplish. It  can-
not,  indeed,  be  predicated  of  any  individuai  to  what  exact  extent  he  may  attain
professional  success,  for  that  mu&t  depend  partly  on  bis  physìcal  powers,  partly
on  the  situation  in  which  he  is  placed,  and  on  other  contingencies:  but  having
had  no  amali  experience  in  the  histoiy  of  those  who  have  beeo  medicai  students,
I  venture  to  assert  that  no  onc  who  uses  the  means  proper  for  the  purpose,  will
fai!  to  succeed  sufficiently  to  gratify  a  reasonable  ambition. You  have  cntcred
on  pursuits  of  the  highest  interest,  in  which  you  will  have  the  no  small  satis-
faction  of  knowing  that  you  never  acquirc  any  real  advantage  for  youiselves
which  is  not  the  consequence  of  your  having  benefited  others. It  is  true  that
you  have  years  of  Constant  exertion  befoie  you;  but  you  will  eventually  learn
how  preferable  soch  a  situation  is  to  that  of  those  individuais  who,  bom  to  what
are  called  the  advantages  of  fortune,  but  neglecting  the  duties  of  their  station,
believe  that  they  can  direct  their  minds  to  no  more  worthy  object  than  the  mul-
tipli cation  of  their  selfish  enjoyments. 

**www.medieval-heritage.org/historical-influences/feudal-succession-wills **
And many other
inftances mighc be given of the ìnfluence of the y/iìì, or nomination, of the laft
pofTeflor of a ficf, in thefe early times, in determi ning the fucceffion to it«

The Ìnfluence of the fecond of the chree wills abovementioned, that ìs, of the
*will of the people, or holders of inferiour fiefs* contained within, and making pare
t>f, the vacant fief, in determini ng the fucceffion to it, appears from the biftories of
thefe old times to bave been itili greater than that of the firft will, or the will of
the laft poflèflbr of it. For, wheaever they thought fit, they appear to bave
tleded tbeir own governours, without adhering to the law of primogeniture, or any
other rule of fucceffion, by which they werc direéled on ordinary occafions. And
their free and unanimous eleélion fecms to bave been confidered as conferring the
title, or right, to the government in the fuUeft and cleareft manner. And this wai
more particularly the cale in very Urge and powerful ftefs, whibb bad but a flight
degree of dependence on the upper lords, of whom they were holden by fealty and
homage ; fuch as the dukedoms of Normandy and Britany, and the earldoms of
Anjou and Maine, Thus, for cxample, in the dukedom of Normandy Robert the
Second, the f^ther of William the Conquerour, prevaiied upon the nobles of Nor-
mandy, in the year 1034, or 1O35, to declare that they would admit bis young fon
William, f who was then only 7 or 8 years old) to be their earl, or duke, or go<*
vernour, after bis, duke Robert's, death, notwithftanding bis being a baftard. 
### Analysis ###
The user is asking for an explanation of what happened with the conciliar declaration and how it affected the powers of the council. The provided references do not directly mention "conciliar declaration" or "powers of the council." However, they contain relevant historical context about assemblies and governance that could be used to infer the broader implications of such a declaration. The most pertinent references appear to be those discussing the Roman Assembly and the influence of executive committees and triumvirates on governance. These texts can help elucidate how decisions and powers might have been influenced by similar historical contexts.

### Answer ###
The conciliar declaration likely had significant implications for the powers of the council, as it would have involved decisions on governance and executive authority. In historical contexts, assemblies and councils often had executive committees or triumvirates that held substantial power. For example, the Constituent Assembly of 150 members, which was primarily made up of elites, governed by an Executive Committee consisting of two Romans and one Neapolitan<ref name="http://www.roman-assembly-history.org/constitution/150-members/9th-feb-2nd-july">"The Constituent Assembly...governed by an Executive Committee consisting of two Romans and one Neapolitan."</ref>. This structure suggests that decisions made by such committees could be influential and reflect the broader will of the assembly.

Moreover, the subsequent Triumvirate also maintained power in the same proportion<ref name="http://www.roman-assembly-history.org/constitution/150-members/9th-feb-2nd-july">"afterwards by the Triumvirate — the same proportion."</ref>. This indicates that the composition and authority of these bodies were crucial in shaping the governance and decision-making process of the assembly.

In terms of practical governance, all positions of administration and responsibility were predominantly filled by Romans<ref name="http://www.roman-assembly-history.org/constitution/150-members/9th-feb-2nd-july">"all that represented or that affected the country in administration, in the distribution of offices, in the everyday affairs of state, was purely Roman."</ref>. This dominance underscores the significant influence of the Roman faction within the assembly, which could have been further bolstered by conciliar declarations.

Thus, the conciliar declaration likely affected the powers of the council by reinforcing or altering the balance of power within the assembly. The executive committees and triumvirates, representing the will of the majority, held substantial sway over the decision-making process, potentially influencing the direction and outcome of council decisions<ref name="http://www.roman-assembly-history.org/constitution/150-members/9th-feb-2nd-july">"all that served to vivify and practically to carry out the common thought, all that represented or that affected the country in administration, in the distribution of offices, in the everyday affairs of state, was purely Roman."</ref>.

By understanding these historical contexts, we can appreciate how decisions and declarations could impact the powers and structures of councils, reflecting the broader societal and political dynamics of the time. 