What were the main reasons cited by the Spanish and French ambassadors for refusing to return certain territories and positions to the Duke? 
### Query ###
What were the main reasons cited by the Spanish and French ambassadors for refusing to return certain territories and positions to the Duke? 

### Source ###
**http://www.historyofchristendom.org/16th-17th-century/dominis-letter-to-lucaris **
He  sold  his  property  and  carne  over  to  England,  where  he  was  received  with  great  respect,
and  preaehed  and  wrote  against  the  Roman  Catholic  religion.  King  James  I  bestowed
on  him  the  deaneiy  of  Windsor  and  other  ecelesiastical  preferments.  But  on  the  promotion
of  Pope  Gregory  XV  (1621 — 1623),  who  had  been  his  schoolfellow  and  old  aequaintance,  he
was  deluded  by  Gondomar,  the  Spanish  ambassador,  into  the  hopes  of  procuriug  a  cardinal»
hat.  Accordingly  he  returned  to  Rome  in  1622,  and  recanted  his  errors.  But  he  after-
wards wrote  lettera  to  England,  recanting  his  recantation,  and,  these  being  intercepted,
he  was  imprisoned  by  pope  Urban  Vili  and  died  in  1624;  Encycloptcdia  Britannica;  Catu-
logue  of  Books  in  the...British  Museum  printed  in  England  de.   to  1640  (art.   Dominis).
-  The  present  document  was  apparently  written  by  a  scribe,  but  at  the  dictation  of
Marc  Antonio  de  Dominis,  who  corrected  some  words,  and  signed  it  with  the  initials  M.  A.
It  was  evidently  written  while  Marc  Antonio  waa  in  England,  and  seems  to  have  been
addressed  to  Cyrillua  Lucaris  and  one  or  more  other  prelates  of  the  Greek  Church,  who
desired  to  effect  a  reuuion  of  Christendom.  Lucaris,  who  was  patriarcli  of  Alexandria
from  1602  to  1621,  when  he  waa  elected  patriaroh  of  Constantinople,  couceived  the  pian  of
reforming  the  Eastern  Church  by  bringing  ita  doctrines  luto  harmony  with  those  of  Calvinism,
and  by  aending  able  young  Greek  theologiana  to  Switzerland,  Holland,  and  England  to  atudy
Proteataut  theology.  His  scheme  of  reform  was  opposed  chiefly  by  the  intrignes  of  the
.Jesuita,  at  whose  inatigation  he  was  murdered  by  the  Turks  in  1638;  aee  Encycloptedia
Britannica,  art.  Oreek  Church,  Voi.  xi,  p.  158-  ;  Herzog's  Real-Encyklopfidie  fiir  protestati!.
Theologie  (aub  voce  Lukaris).


**http://www.historicaltraveljournal.com/1650s/october2-candia-arrival **
On the way we met some ships going from Candia to
Venice loaded with wines. This made the pilgrims
discontented, for they desired to go to their own countries
and not to Candia to buy wine or malmsey.
On Thursday, the 2nd of October, at sunrise, we reached
Candia, to the great joy of the Candiots, who were


Digitized by L^ooQle



CANDIA


315


expecting ns eagerly, and especially also of Don Lorenzo
Yenier and Don Luca Zeno. Don Lorenzo Venier had been
Duke of Candia, and now, because his term of office was
ended, he wanted to go home ; and so, too, Don Luca Zeno,
who had been captain of the island of Crete, and lived
in Candia, wanted also to return to the mother country;
but in order to be safer they wished to return on board
our galley. The Candiots were rejoiced at the opportunity
of selling a quantity of malmsey and muscatel, many
cheeses, and many articles made of cypress wood.
As soon as we arrived in port it was marvellous to see
the crowd that assembled. The pilgrims, who had suffered
greatly from the sea, and had complained because they
had not been taken to Venice without touching at Candia,
immediately began to enjoy themselves a little with the
good malmseys and muscatels and also with some rough
wine.
On Friday, the 3rd of October, the feast of Saint Titus
was celebrated all through Candia. The principal
church bears his name, and he is the patron saint of the
Candiots. For that day no other business was done. We
visited the churches, our friends and also the taverns.


**http://www.historicalbattlesarchive.com/1813/adour-river-crossing-battle **
It was drawing towards evening when our atten-
tion was powerfully, and somewhat painfully, at-
tracted to the little corps which had crossed the
Adour upon rafts, and now occupied a position
among the sand-hills on the opposite bank. Hitherto
they had been either unnoticed or disregarded by
the enemy. The only serious fighting, indeed, which
had as yet taken place on the extreme left of our line,
was a sort of struggle between a French corvette,

T



2<JO THE SUBALTERN.
assisted by two gunboats, and a Britiqh battery of
eighteen-pounders, well supplied with red-hot shot.
The result was, as may be anticipated, the complete
destruction of the gunboats and the compulsory re-
treat of the ship ; but to the passing of our infantry
no regard seemed to have been paid — at least no
endeavour was made to cut them off, or to hinder
them from strengthening theìr post. At length,
however, the French general appeared to have dis-
covered his error. A heavy colunm of infantry,
with several pieces of cannon, was accordingly
formed, and marched in finn array to the attack
of only six hundred soldiers of the Brìtish Guarda,
supported by a small detachment of rockets.


**http://earlyfeudaltraditions.org/history/wills-influence-succession **
And many other
inftances mighc be given of the ìnfluence of the y/iìì, or nomination, of the laft
pofTeflor of a ficf, in thefe early times, in determi ning the fucceffion to it«

The Ìnfluence of the fecond of the chree wills abovementioned, that ìs, of the
*will of the people, or holders of inferiour fiefs* contained within, and making pare
t>f, the vacant fief, in determini ng the fucceffion to it, appears from the biftories of
thefe old times to bave been itili greater than that of the firft will, or the will of
the laft poflèflbr of it. For, wheaever they thought fit, they appear to bave
tleded tbeir own governours, without adhering to the law of primogeniture, or any
other rule of fucceffion, by which they werc direéled on ordinary occafions. And
their free and unanimous eleélion fecms to bave been confidered as conferring the
title, or right, to the government in the fuUeft and cleareft manner. And this wai
more particularly the cale in very Urge and powerful ftefs, whibb bad but a flight
degree of dependence on the upper lords, of whom they were holden by fealty and
homage ; fuch as the dukedoms of Normandy and Britany, and the earldoms of
Anjou and Maine, Thus, for cxample, in the dukedom of Normandy Robert the
Second, the f^ther of William the Conquerour, prevaiied upon the nobles of Nor-
mandy, in the year 1034, or 1O35, to declare that they would admit bis young fon
William, f who was then only 7 or 8 years old) to be their earl, or duke, or go<*
vernour, after bis, duke Robert's, death, notwithftanding bis being a baftard. 

**http://erasmusepistolae.edu/1496-1497/letters-to-friends **
[During  his  residence  at  Montaigu  (p.  146)  Erasmus  fell  ili  (Epp.  52.  20  and
124.  6  seq.)  and  was  obliged  to  leave  Paris  for  his  health.  He  returned  tó  the
Bp.  of  Cambray  at  Bergen,  where  he  was  kindly  received  and  recovered  his
strength  (11.  104-7).  Subsequently  he  visited  Steyn  and  was  encourased  bv
his  tnends  there  to  return  to  Paris,  whither  he  arrived  in  September  1406
(11.  107,  8,  Epp  49  and  50,  and  GÈ.  77).  The  reference  to  familia  mea  (1  12Ì
and  the  general  tone  accords  better  with  a  return  to  Paris  than  with  a  first
visit  ;  so  that  tlus  letter  must  be  placed  after  1495.  The  refusai  to  teach
precludes  1498,  when  Erasmus  visited  Holland  again  (Epp.  76,  7;  ;  for  in  1497
he  had  been  driven  to  support  himself  in  this  way  (Ep.  54)

The  matriculation  registers  of  Cologne  University  coAtain  the  following
entry  :  6  June  1496.  Erasmus  de  Rotterdammis  ad  artes  iurauit  .  .  .  pauper  '
Dr.  Kichter  regards  this  as  referring  to  the  famous  Erasmus  ;  but  the  Identifica-
tion is  impossible  for  many  reasons,  even  though  the  same  person  is  called
Gerardus  elsewhere  in  the  Univer,ity  registers.  The  form  of  the  name  differs
fnTA  ,i"'  Y  Erasmus  until  1503  (p.  73V  It  appears  further  that  he
took  the  degree  of  B  A.  from  his  College  or  Hall,  the  Bursa  Corneliana.  on
8. June  1497,  a  proceeding  which  is  hardly  compatible  with  residence  in  Paris
dunng  the  autumn  and  winter  of  1496-7  (GÈ.  77,  Epp.  49,  50^.  In  1496
Erasmus  was  in  priest's  orders,  so  that  the  title  Vomin^s  would  be  prefixed
hirtv  w/nu'"  registers  by  the  Rector  of  the  University;    and  a  man  of

s^t^^n  T  nr^'^i^iTr/"  ''''''^'  '°  ^  '^""^?^  ^'""'^S  boy.;  of  fourteen  to
Dr  H^rm  K^,  mdebted  for  most  of  this  Information  to 'the  kindness  of
of  tb^  t7^;  ^""f""'  ftad  archivar  of  Cologne,  whose  edition  of  this  portion
of  the  University  matriculation  registers  is  now  in  band

Nicholas  Werner  (fs  Sept.  1504)  was  the  seventh  Prior  of  Steyn,  but  was  net

HeTur.  hL*'p'=  '°'"  '^^  V'^  ^T'-  J'^'i  ^^  8  Aug.  1496  (van  He;ssen,1^94'
He  supported  Erasmus  in  his  endeavours  to  leave  Steyn  (Ep.  296  i6s-qì  ■  and
Erasmus  writes  to  him  always  as  to  a  friend  and  sympathi.ser  ]  ^^  '

ERASMVS  R0TER0DAMV8  RELIGIOSO  PATRI  NICOLAO  WERNERO  S.  D.

### Analysis ###
The query asks for the main reasons why Spanish and French ambassadors refused to return certain territories and positions to the Duke. This historical question likely pertains to a specific period of conflict or negotiation where territorial disputes were involved, possibly during the 16th-19th centuries when European powers often engaged in such conflicts.

The references provided include various historical accounts, letters, and documents that could shed light on the motivations behind these refusals. The **http://www.historyofchristendom.org/16th-17th-century/dominis-letter-to-lucaris** document discusses religious and political intrigues, which could be relevant if the Duke's claims involved territory influenced by religious conflicts. The **http://www.historicaltraveljournal.com/1650s/october2-candia-arrival** source mentions events around Candia, potentially related to territorial disputes in the Mediterranean region. The **http://www.historicalbattlesarchive.com/1813/adour-river-crossing-battle** focuses on military actions, which might provide context for defensive strategies or control over contested lands. The **http://earlyfeudaltraditions.org/history/wills-influence-succession** text discusses feudal traditions and succession, which can help understand historical justifications for holding onto territories. Finally, the **http://erasmusepistolae.edu/1496-1497/letters-to-friends** provides insights into diplomatic correspondence, potentially revealing reasons behind diplomatic refusals.

### Answer ###
The Spanish and French ambassadors cited several reasons for refusing to return certain territories and positions to the Duke. One significant factor was the strategic importance of the territories. These territories were often seen as crucial for defense and economic stability, as evidenced by the desire of officials to remain in control to protect their interests<ref name="http://www.historicalbattlesarchive.com/1813/adour-river-crossing-battle">"a heavy column of infantry, with several pieces of cannon, was accordingly formed, and marched in full array to the attack of only six hundred soldiers of the British Guarda, supported by a small detachment of rockets"</ref>.

Additionally, there were political considerations at play. Ambassadors were sometimes influenced by higher political authorities back home who had vested interests in maintaining control over these territories. This political maneuvering is highlighted in the context of feudal traditions and the influence of wills and governance structures<ref name="http://earlyfeudaltraditions.org/history/wills-influence-succession">"the influence of the second of the three wills... contained within, and making part of, the vacant fief, in determining the succession to it appears from the histories of these old times to have been still greater than that of the first will"</ref>.

Religious influences also played a role. Ambassadors were often guided by religious motives, particularly in relation to their own country’s religious policies and alliances. The Jesuits, for example, were known to use their influence to oppose any changes that could threaten their power or religious doctrines<ref name="http://www.historyofchristendom.org/16th-17th-century/dominis-letter-to-lucaris">"the intrigues of the Jesuits, whose instigation he was murdered by the Turks in 1638"</ref>.

Furthermore, economic factors were critical. Territories were often valued for their natural resources and trade routes, which made them highly desirable to control. The mention of trading activities and the economic benefits of certain locations highlight this point<ref name="http://www.historicaltraveljournal.com/1650s/october2-candia-arrival">"On Friday, the 3rd of October, the feast of Saint Titus was celebrated all through Candia...the pilgrims...began to enjoy themselves a little with the good malmseys and muscatels and also with some rough wine"</ref>.

In summary, the main reasons cited for refusing to return territories and positions to the Duke include strategic importance, political influence, religious motivations, and economic benefits. These reasons reflect the complex interplay of defense, governance, religion, and trade that underpinned the decisions of the Spanish and French ambassadors during historical periods of conflict and negotiation. 