Virginia” he described very accurate
ly the difference in mentality be
tween the negro and the white man.
And he recognized frankly that one
wrhite intellect differs from another.
But he protested that ability is
equally distributed through all
classes, that only opportunity and
education are required to make a
vast fund of “genius” available to
the nation. At that time the state
ment could not be disproved—and
politically it was of obvious value.
Since then biologists, students of
heredity talent and mental testers
have united in questioning it. What
is perhaps more significant still, in
Jefferson’s own generation all but
the doctrinary democrats rejected it.
John Adams rated the doctrine of
equality in good set terms. Most of
his fellows felt the impolicy of say
ing so, but in practice they recog
nized that many of the people are
unfit for citizenship. When, in 1880,
the equalitarian principle triumphed
politically, their despair was pro
found—if also, in retrospect, rather
comic. “This country,” cried Fisher
Ames, “is too large to be united, too
sordid to be patriotic and too demo
cratic to be free!”
For over a century historians,
even of Federalist predilections,
have looked askance at this idea of
the Fathers that only the qualified
should vote. It is perhaps the most
striking of all examples of the
eclipse of political thought by a pol
itician’s phrase. The old touchstone
of fitness was property—an institu
tion which, though we prize it, as
always in private life, has in public
a connotation subtly evil. The fact
that Alexander Hamilton called upon
his fellow-citizens to revolt against
England in the name of “life, liberty,
property and religion” makes us
smile derisively, but there was a
genuine crescendo and climax for the
ears of his hearers. In the mainly
agricultural society of the eighteenth
century opportunities of fraud and
cupidity were few. As a rule of
thumb, and no other rule was avail
able, property meant honest worth—
ability and character. And the sum
required to qualify as citizens was
generally quite moderate. The vil
lage idiot was there, and was treated
with an amused tolerance as friend
and brother; but he did not vote.
Today our tests of fitness are
subtler and surer. The crude prop
erty qualification has doubtless gone
forever. But the growing public in
terest in the findings of pedagogues,
psychologists and police commission
ers suggests that the ideas of th6
Fathers may not always move our
historians to embarrassed apology.
—New York Times.
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NOW FOR THE ALASKA FISH
ERMAN.
STRAWS
The House of Representatives of
the late Legislature were in heavy de
bate on the bill to license Chiroprac
tors. The Honorable Thomas Jensen,
as we remember it, had summoned
Dr. DeVighne, secretary of the Ter
ritorial Board of Medical Examiners,
to uphold the cause of the “regular”
schools of materia medica; while
“Doc” Barton came to present the
side of the “new.”
Through the foresight of Repre
sentative Paul, a bloody conflict was
avoided for he it was that required
that the opposing debaters stand on
opposite sides of the hall and to use
no other weapons than their fists at
that distance. Otherwise no holds
were barred.
Dr. DeVighne had declared such a
bill had passed the legislature of
1923 and that Governor Scott C.
Bone refused to sign it, for, said
the M. D., “Governor Bone said that
the bill was dangerous and under
no circumstances would he lend his
office to legalizing the new fad.”
“Doc” Barton was not to be out
done, so he came back (shall we say
he countered using his left fist?)
and said: “Governor Bone had a long
talk with me and he told me that
the reason he vetoed the b:ll hi 1923
was because the legislature had set
up too cumbersome a machinery.
‘Now if the bill had not provided for
a board, I would have been glad to
sign the bill. I am sorry,’ said the
good governor.’ ” So there.
But Dr. DeVighne had the closing
argument, rebuttal, it is called, and
so he rebutted as follows: “1 am
glad now to know that Governor
Bone is a liar.” “Hear! Hear! I
object! Point of order!” thundered
from the throat of the Honorable
Thomas Jensen. “I object to having
the governor called a liar.” And so
the good doctor had to explain that
he meant to say that “somebody
had lied. Mr. Barton reported that
the governor told him one thing
and he (the gov.) told me quite an
other. Therefore I must conclude”,
said the M. D. “that somebody has
lied.”
The sergeant-at-arms had retired
with the mace, peace was restored,
the Honorable Thomas Jensen had
upheld the dignity of the high office
of governor, and soon the House ad
journed.
But everywhere we heard words to
this effect, “I believe that Mr. Bar
ton told the truth about what the
governor had told him, and I believe
that Dr. DeVighne also told the truth.
And that if any lying was done,
the doctors did not.”
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