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THE PEN AND THE SWORD
While it may be true that “Beneath the rule of men entirely great,
the pen is mightier than the sword," yet no instance is recalled where,
after nations have once resorted to arms, the issues have been deter
mined by the former implement. It has very often happened that the
pen has been a mighty instrument in forming public opinion prior to
the opening of hostilities, as in our own civil war, but, war having
started, the pen and what it stands for—reason—are usually cast to
the winds. Since the war in Europe started there have stepped into
the limelight two famous wielders of the goose quill who attempt to
usurp the lists now occupied by armed millions. The world, or that
portion of it not busily engaged in slaughtering each other, will read
with interest the words of these wise men, but as far as any practical
purpose to be served is concerned, they might well save themselves the
trouble of putting their thoughts into print. Their prophecies, how
ever, will be interesting indeed at the conclusion of the war.
H. G. Wells, the famous English novelist, starts the battle with a
broadside in which, among other things, he says:
At hi.-it the intolerable tension is over. Europe is at war. The monstrous vanity
that was begotten by the easy victories of 1870 71 has challenged the world. Germany
piepares to reap the harvest that Bismarck sowed. That tramping, drilling foolery in the
heart of Europe that has arrested civilization and darkened the hopes of mankind for
fr.rtv years—German imperialism and German militarism- -has struck its inevitable Mow.
The victory of Germany will mean the permanent enthronement of the war god over all
1 uman affairs. The defeat of Germany may open the way to disarmament and peace
throughout the earth. To those who love peace there can be no other nope in the
present conflict than her defeat, the utter discrediting of the German legend ending it
n r good and all of blood and iron, the superstition of Krupp, flag-wagging, Teutonic
Kipb'igism. and all that criminal sham efficiency that centers in Berlin. Never war a
war so righteous as is the war against Germany now; never any state in the world so
ihunored for punishment; but be it remembered that Europe's quarrel is with Germany
a state, not with the German people; with the system, not with the race.
The older tradition of Germany is a pacific, civilizing tradition. The tempera
ment of the mass of the German people is kindly, sane, amiable. Disaster to the Grr
man army, if it is unaccompanied by such a memorable wrong as dismemberment or
intolerable indignity, will mean the restoration of the greatest people of Europe to the
filiowship of western nations. The role of England in the huge struggle is as plain as
daylight. We have to fight, and, having fought, then in the hour of victory it will bc
for us lo save the liberated Germans from vindictive treatment, to secure fur this great
people their right to a place in the sun as one united German-speaking state. First, we
have to save ourselves and Europe, and then we have to stand between the Germans on
the one hand and Cossack revenge on the other.
Mr. Wells is positive that Germany will be defeated, and enters at
length into the means by which this will be accomplished. It is but fair
to say that some of his predictions have already been discredited. He
reviews the positions of the different countries involved in the struggle
and expresses a hope for the end of the armaments phase of
Europeai history.
In answer to Mr. Wells, Professor Hugo Munsterberg, eminent au
thor and distinguished scientist, generally regarded throughout the
United States as the leader of Germanic thought and sentiment in this
country since the day of Carl Schurz, defends the position of Germany
and the kaiser in the present war by firing the following volley:
England would send not only her battleships against Germany, but above all, her
superdreadnuughts. Killing and Wells. Kipling may still be exhausted from the fight
about Ulster, but Wells has opened the cannonading with word shells. But there are
shells which do not reach the enemy because they explode in the air. Wells' bomb, that
German imperialism has arrested civilization and darkened the hopes of mankind for the
past forty years must be exploded by its inner grotesqueness. If Shaw or Chesterton had
proclaimed it, everybody must have enjoyed it. Theirs is the amusing art of taking a self
e vident truth and turning it around. Or was it not until yesterday an axiom that Ger
many since the foundation of the empire has been astonishing the world by its triumph
in science and arts: in technique and industry; in progressive legislation and in social
reform? Was it not self-evident that Russia could not compare with it; that France
fell behind it. and that England made tremendous efforts to keep pace with it? And let
us not be deceived. These victories of civilization were won. not by the kindly, amiable
mass of the German people, in spite of the imperial government, with its "trampling,
drilling foolery.” but at every pulse beat of history and life this people, which Wells con
descendingly approves, was one and the same as that imperial state which he despises.
That drilling foolery was the foolery of discipline, of subordination, of self-control. Not
the amiability but the thoroughness made the German peonle efficient in its cul'ura.
v.-i rk ; not its kindliness, but its moral obedience ; not its geniality, but its intellectual dis
ci: line. The emperor was only the symbol of this united will of the nation. But We'ls
philosophizes not only about trampled Germany's pitiful past. As he has written about
the future of America, his proclamation deals with the future of Germany too. Only the
defeat c f Germany can open the way to disarmament and peace Were Germany vic
torious the world would become a barrack and culture would be buried. We all have
often admired Mr. Wells’ fantastic imagination, but even the boldest novelist cannot turn
the world upside down.
What was the only reason that turned Europe into an armed camp during the last
few decades? Was it Germany's desire to expand, to take everything away from its
neighbors? Had any sane German the desire to add still more Poles to its Polish prov
inces or still more Frenchmen to its Alsace-Lorraine? Every square foot of land taken
from its Russian or French neighbors would have become a new burden to the German
empire. Germany wanted from its neighbors nothing but to be left alone. This they
did not allow. Both France and Russia longed for German provinces. Their craving
alone forced Germany to drill its soldiers to prevent its dismemberment. If France and
Russia had pledged not to attack the land between them, Germany’s would have been
superfluous. If Germany were victorious in this European turmoil the only essential
effect for which it could hope would be liberation from the danger with which its neigh
bors have threatened it so many years. If France's and Russia's fortresses on the fron
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tier were leveled, Germany might send every soldier back to the fields and factories and
international disarmament would be near. If Germany were defeated the militarism of
yesterday will appear in mild contrast to the over-militarism of tomorrow. Russia and
France could not leave the battlefield without disrupting the fatherland and forcing in
dignity on the German nation. Of course some enemies cling to the hope that when the
German lands have been devastated and when the people are starving the mob may
march on and the banner of socialism be unfurled. Yet it is endlessly more probable that
the nation in its tragic hour would sacrifice everything but its honor and would be
welded together with but the one idea <f loyalty to the throne and of preparedne. ~ for
the day of reckoning. It was cruelly thrown to the ground once before by brutal Na
poleonic force in 1806, and once before, in 1813. it broke the yoke with heroic energy.
But even if. in this unequal struggle, the Napoleonic sword were to strike the death blow
of the nation, the spirit of Luther and Goethe and Kant and Beethoven might be lost,
but the spirit of militarism would not be taken away from the world. That was not
Germany’s own. Even Mr. Wells speaks warningly of the Cossacks. Annihilate the buf
fer state, and the world fight between Engl a nd and Russia is imminent. And if one of
them demolish the other, Europe and Asia would arm for the further decision. The vic
tory of Germany alone could relieve the terrible tension. * * Some time sooner
or later the cables will be laid again and we shall read the true story which the god of
history has written. Whether that speaks of German victory or defeat, nobody knows.
Only this is sure: It will tell deeds of loyalty, of righteousness and of honor.
GOVERNMENT-OWNED MERCHANT SHIPS
Why should not the American government buy, own and operate
a merchant marine to carry the European commerce of the United
States? asks the New York World, and suggests that existing conditions
warrant such a step on the part of congress. It speaks of the fact that
monopolistic tariffs and oppressive navigation laws, under the pretext
of protecting our sailors, have resulted in driving our commerce off
the seas. Every attempt to rehabilitate the American merchant marine,
says that newspaper, is met with a demand for subsidies, and not for a
modification of antiquated statutes. In consequence, even the threat
of a great European war instantly paralyzes commerce. The sugges
tion of government ownership and operation of a merchant marine, it
is explained, would offer scanty competition to American capi ta!, un
like the parcel post, which has cut deeply into the business of the ex
press companies. The competition would be largely between govern
ment owned ships under foreign flags.
This idea, tentatively put forth by a great newspaper in the
metropolis, must cause a shudder in the precincts of the money centers.
It shows the trend of public opinion, and a few years ago would imve
caused the New York newspaper to have been regarded as a “menace
to the country.” But why suggest half measures? If it be a good
thing for the United States to own and operate ships, why not also
build them and operate them under our own flag? The present crisis
has demonstrated, now that our commerce is completely at the mercy
of foreign powers, that the present system is a failure. It is a good
time to institute and put into operation a new order of things. By all
means, instead of giving subsidies and protective duties to enrich ship
ping concerns composed largely of foreign capital, let Uncle Sam build
and operate his own ships and be independent of any other nation
when it gets ready to fly at its neighbor’s throat.
As the New York newspaper truly says, if the American people are
going to spend money on a merchant marine, they should control it
and have something to show for the investment.
A bill has been introduced in congress to exclude from readmis
sion into the United States all aliens who leave to engage in a foreign
war. While it should not be made to apply in the present instance, the
suggestion is an excellent one. No man can serve two masters. If a
citizen of this country is still so loyal to the country from which he came
as to fee! called upon to fight for it, against a nation with which the
United States is at peace, he cannot by any means give the loyalty to
his adopted country which she has a right to expect when she confers
the privilege of citizenship upon him.
A band of returning American tourists wept hysterically and
threw kisses at the Statue of Liberty the other day. The “See America
first” crusade will receive an impetus that will be of great benefit to ail
as the result of the war, and the “idle rich” will be taught that the
country which gave them their riches is a pretty good place to spend
their money in. _
Getting out a newspaper in Paris at the present time seems to be
a somewhat difficult matter, as the following from Gil Bias would indi
cate: “Hardly a member of the staff or a printer remains. We have
other duties now—on the frontier. This is our last edition till the war
is ended.”
Whether they be true or otherwise, the stories that the govern
ment railroad is to be built from Cook inlet to Iditarod make pleasant
reading. And the best part of it is that it is within the range of prob
ability.
War lends speed to merchant vessels on the high seas these days.
Hie mammoth Cunarder Mauretania arrived in Halifax on August 6
after crossing the Atlantic in four days and ten hours.
BOY BITTEN BY DOG
Whitley Ray, the little nephew of Mrs.
J. J. Smith, was painfully but not seriously
bitten by a dog last Sunday. The little
fellow will suffer no permanent ill effects. '
Mrs. Joseph McDowell and daughter ar
rived here last Monday from Seattle, and
will spend the winter with Mr. McDowell
on Flat creek.
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EXPLAINS A WORD THAT IS '
NOW IN COMMON USE
(Seattle Post-Intelligencer)
“I see by the papers they are considering
establishing a moratorium in France,” said
the Constant Reader.
“Oh, I should think they’d have lots of
them,” said his wife. “But then they aren’t
as far advanced over there as they are in
this country.”
Constant Reader threw down the paper
in disgust.
“What do you think it is?” he demanded,
glaring at his spouse. “It isn’t a sanato
rium; it’s a crematorium, and they need
them on account of the war.”
“Oh, I see,” she subsided meekly. “You
men know everything.”
This word “moratorium” has been send
, ing people all over the country to their
Webstcrs and Centuries. Honestly, did you
know what it was before you looked it up
yesterday? Here’s one of the standard defi
nitions :
MORATORIUM—An emergency act of
legislation authorizing a debtor or a bank to
suspend specie payment for a given period.
The root of the word is the Latin verb
morare, to delay. One of the analogous
j forms is this: “Morators—Persons who
strove in the Roman races to embarrass
and delay the runners for the amusement
of the crowd.”
VIVID PICTURE OF
FIGHT WITH SUBMARINE
BY BRITISH CRUISER
EDINBURGH, Aug. 12.—The Scotsman
today prints the story of an eye-witness of
the naval battle between British cruisers
and German submarines, in which the sub
marine U-15 was lost.
“The cruiser squadron on Sunday,” the
story runs, “suddenly became aware of the
approach of the submarine flotilla. The
enemy was submerged, only the periscopes
showing above the surface of the water.
The attitude of (he British in the face of
this attack was cool, and the enemy was
utterly misled when suddenly the cruiser
Birmingham, steaming at full speed, fired
the first shot. This shot was carefully
aimed, not at the submerged body of the
submarine, but at the thin line of the peri
scope.
“The gunnery was superbly accurate and
shattered the periscope. Thereupon the sub
marine, now a blinded thing, rushed along
j under the water in imminent danger of self
destruction from collision with the cruisers
above.
“The sightless submarine was then forced
to come to the surface, whereupon the Bir
mingham's gunner fired the second shot of
the fight. This, shot struck at the base of
the conning tower, ripping the whole of the
onper structure clean, and the U-lo sank
| like a s tone.
“The remainder of the submarine flotilla
1 fled.”
EUROPEAN DISTANCES
Miles
! Berlin to Paris. 674
Berlin to London. 746
Berlin to St. Petersburg. 1.091
Berlin to Luxemburg. 350
| Berlin to Metz. 425
! Berlin to Russian border. 175
Beilin to French border. 375
Berlin to Warsaw. 398
| Bet! :i to Vienna. 427
! Berl'n to Belgrade. 600
j Bori n to Hamburg. 178
Beilin to Posen . 130
I Berlin to Antwerp. 497
Berlin to Brussels. 550
London to Paris. 28,
| Hamburg to St. Petersburg. 1.269
Dover to Kiel. 650
Dover to Cuxhaven. 550
MILITARY UNITS
A friend of The Pioneer sends us the fol
lowing :
European armies are all somewhat sin;i
j larly cinstituted. A German corps consists
of two divisions, each division of two
i brigades, each brigade of two regiments,
each regiment of three battalions, with
I four companies of 250 men each in each
I battalion. This is the infantry. In addi
tion there is one regiment of arti lery. con
sisting of six batteries of six guns each to
each brigade, as well as a regiment of cav
alry, consisting of four squadrons of 150
men each, with engineer, signal and hospital
corps.
A French corps differs only in that its
regiment of artillery consists of three bat
talions of three batteries, each battery con
sisting of four guns. This gives the same
total of guns as the Germans, but there are
also four battalions of corps artillery of
three batteries and four guns each in them.
The Russians have four battalions of in
fantry instead of three in their corps, while
in their artillery regiments they have two
battalions, each with three battalions of
eight guns each. Their cavalry regiments
have three squadrons instead of four.
The Austrian organization is similar to
tiie German.
When you come in from the creeks, fol
low the crowd.
Where
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A SLAV VIEW
Prince Lazarovich-IIrebelianovich of
Servia, who came to the United States at i
the request of Dr. David Starr Jordan to j
draw up for the use of students of the '
peace propaganda a scientific study of the \
European military situation, makes instruc- i
tive observations in regard to the Austrian '
army. Of course, some allowance must be |
made for national prejudice, but the prob- |
ability is that the prince is well within j
the truth. He says many Austrian colonels \
need interpreters to converse with their own j
soldiers. Their under officers cannot help I
them out because they cannot speak the
language of many of the soldiers. This
makes f< r a luck of spirit in the Austrian
army. The prince declares that history
shows the Hapsburg house never changes, j
In one war after another Austrian soldiers,
he says, have deserted under fire or have ;
! rebelled. As the prince sees the general situ- j
: ation, Germany has bluffed once too much,
j The bluff has been called and Germany is,
! in the Servian prince’s opinion, sure to meet
with defeat. The prince, having a Slav j
leaning, thinks the czar of Russia will now
I become the great “man of peace” in Europe.
| Tacoma Ledger.
MONARCHY ON TRIAL
'‘The souls of emperors and cobblers are
least in the same mold. Ihe reason that
makes us wrangle with a neighbor causes a
war betwixt princes.” Montaigne.
Now that the war in Europe is rapidly
developing into a general conflict among
the powers, changes of far greater impor
tance than those affecting the boundaries
of the nations are likely to result. For
monarchy, which has shown itself a menace
to peace, will be swept- away or its authority
will be greatly curtailed. The infatuated
emperors of Austria-Hungary, Russia and
Germany evidently do not realize that the
ancient system of government which they
represent is on trial. The two Teutonic
kaisers and the czar, each bearing as his
chief title of authority the name of Caesar,
are taking liberties recklessly with the
aroused spirit of democracy by drawing their
swords in a useless and wicked war.
These twentieth century Caesars having
succeeded in plunging their own countries
and others into a devastating and unneces
sary conflict, the close of the gha-ily strug
gle is not unliktlv to find them shorn of
their pretensions and power, and democracy
ruling in their places.
The welfare of the human race, or of
large portions of it. cannot 1 nger be left
at the mercy of the hereditary rulers who
I may or may not be actuated by the highest
motives, and who may or may not be po»
i sessed of sound judgment. The shortcom
ings of governments based upon the will of
' the people are many and serious, but no
government ruled by an enlightened people
would commit the gigantic crime of pre
cipitating a stupendous armed conflict
through pride and panic.
Russia. Germany and Austria Hungary
stand pre-eminent among the civilized na
tions of the world as examples of mon
archical rule. The western hemisphere has
no monarch. France is a republic. Britain
is a monarchy in name only, the real power
being more directly in the hands of the
pecp;e than in almost any other country.
Even the Orient is waking up. China, after
i centuries of absoli itism, in government, is
I developing republican institutions. The
: hereditary rulers of Russia, Germany and
Austria-Hungary have opposed the march of
I democracy more successfully than have any
other autocrats. The great war with which
j these men are preparing to afflict Europe
J will certainly go far toward destroying the
j outworn system of government represented
i by them. Cldc ago News.
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j. c. MOODY,
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IDITAROD, ALASKA
Office: Second Avenue
W. F. HARRISON,
Attorney at Law
IDiTAROD, ALASKA
Room 12, Regina Hotel
CM AS. E. TAYLOR.
Attorney at Law
BANK BLOCK
First Avenue Iditarod
MAX SIMEL,
DISKAKET AND CRIPPLE CITY
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Dissolution of Partnership
Notice is hereby given that the partner
ship heretofore existing between the un
dersigned at Fiat City. Alaska, under the
IIrm name or Glantz & Engquist. conduct
ing tie- Grand Bar saloon, lias this day been
dissolved. The Grand Bar will be con
ducted from this date by Charles Engqm.- r,
who will pay all bills against the said firm
or Glantz & Engquist. and to whom all ac
counts due the said ilrm are payable.
Dated August 2 4, 19 14.
NELS GI.ANTZ.
CHAS. ENGQUIST.
Witness:
W. F. HARRISON,