ID1TAROD PJONEER
- Pl'ULlSHKD FYK1XY S A Tl'HD AY fr'.NLNG AT IDITAHuD, ALASKA
Vo< 5 Cog M. Arbucklc. Publish or No. 38
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notices. It is. therefore, mipi-raiue that such notices be clearly written, particu
larly as regards names and dates.
Coir. mencing with this issue, The Pioneer will be issued on Satur
day morning instead of Saturday evening, as heretofore. This is done
that our creek patrons may receive their favorite weekly on Saturday
evening.
CLUTCHING AT STRAWS
Floundering in a sea of uncertainty and insincerity, the news
papers which are opposing the candidacy of Mr. Wickersham to suc
ceed himself as delegate are grasping at the -proverbial straw in an
effort to justify their attitude. The Alaska Empire, which is the head
ar.d front of the half-hearted campaign being made for Mr. Bunnell,
perpetrates the following, which indicates the straits they are in for
material upon which to make a contest:
The Iditarod Pioneer thinks Delegate Wickersham does not favor a territorial
form of government in Alaska because he did not include it in his platform. It sup
ports him because, among other things, it agrees with him. It is opposed to a full terri
torial form of government. That is fair. Mr. Bunnell docs favor a full territorial form
of government, and the platform upon which he stands declares for it. That issue is
squarely joined, and it may be frankly and fully discussed.
The Pioneer is not the spokesman of James Wickersham, and does
not presume to vouch for any statement as to what he does or does
not favor we can only quote from his published platform and his public
utterances. If the fact that Wickersham does not announce himself as
in favor of “a full territorial form of government” is to be made an
issue in the present campaign, no doubt \\ lekersham will be prepared
to meet it. We do not pretend to say what his attitude will be. The
Empire is wrong when it says that we support him because we agree
with him, in this respect, at least. He is entitled to the support of all
Alaska n- in spite of what his views may be on this subject.
The advocates of a “full territorial form of government” have not
vet ind'eated what it is intended to accomplish, even should congress
heed the request. The territorial executive and his newspaper have
admitted that the present form of government is “a delusion and a
sM>e.” yet they have not explained how matters are to be remedied by
the bestowal of additional responsibilities in that direction, "lhe Em
pire says that Mr. Bunnell is in favor of a full territorial form of gov
ernment. and that it may be “frankly and fully discussed.” The dis
cussion will be welcomed. _
THE MONROE DOCTRINE
Since the European war commenced considerable anxiety has
been manifested as to the application of the Monroe doctrine in the
event that Canada were invaded by Germany. It has been urged that
the application of that doctrine would compel the United States to
protest in case of such an eventuality. There would seem to be no
reason for this view of the policy of the United States. Germany is at
war with Great Britain, and Canada, as a colony of that empire, would
be subject to attack and occupation by an armed enemy. The Monroe
doctrine was formulated to prevent the further exploitation by
European nations of the lands on this hemisphere. It would seem to be
no more inimical to the interests of the United States that Germany
should occupy Canada, were such a thing possible, than that it should
be under the protection of Great Britain. It would be a nice question
for an administration to decide, and no doubt would result in endless
controversy. The Seattle Post-Intelligencer discusses the question in
a recent editorial as follows:
Should the European war be prolonged and should it go heavily against the
triple entente, the extension of the war to Canada would not be unlikely. Already there
has been some discussion of the Monroe doctrine in the English newspapers, and there
lias been some speculation as to the course of the United States should Germany or
Austria attempt the conquest of our neighbor across the northern border.
In speaking of the President’s proclamation of American neutrality the London
Times says: “Americans have long since acquitied Great Britain of any designs upon
the Monroe doctrine, but they are not so sure they could return an equally favorable
verdict in the case of Germany.”
It has been more than ninety years since President Monroe made his famous
pronouncement to the nations of the world that the American continents were no longer
to be considered as fields for colonization by European powers, and that any attempt to
extend their systems of government to this hemisphere would be considered as dangerous
to our peace and safety.
When Louis Napoleon of France sought to establish a monarchy in Mexico and
to place Maximilian on the throne, the United States took a decided stand. Louis Na
poleon found it prudent to abandon Maximilian to his fate, with the result that the
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empire was overthrown. The situation in Canada would not be analogous. While Can
ada is self-governing, the Canadians owe allegiance to their king, and they are now at
war with Germany and Austria. The Monroe doctrine announced to the powers of
Europe that any extension of their systems of government in this hemisphere would
be combated by the United States. Whether it would be interpreted to apply to an
attempted conquest of Canada by a power now at war with Great Britain probably
would depend upon the temper of the American people. Also it would depend upon
whether Canada made appeal to Uncle Sam.
SUSPENDING THE ASSESSMENT PROVISION
Whenever disaster overtakes any portion of the country’s popu
lation or territory, there is always some solicitous member of congress
ready with a proposition to relieve the downtrodden miner oi the ne
cessity of performing annual assessment work on mining claims. It is
not explained how this is to relieve the situation,* but it is assumed th- t
if the poor miner is relieved of the duty of doing his $100 worth of
wor kon Ins mineral claim all will be well. Let a forest fire occur, relief
for the poor holder of a mining claim is asked for. Should a volcano
erupt unexpectedly and destroy agricultural possibilities over a stretch
of sparsely inhabited country, immediately congress is assailed to re
lieve the poor miner. It matters not that the mining claims are not m
the least affected by these disasters-—the miner gets relief, whether he
want it or not.
Last year, on account of the tidal storm at Nome, a bill was passed
relieving the holders of mining claims on Seward peninsula from the
necessity of doing their annual assessment work to hold their claims
under the law. The consequence was that the big mining companies,
which hold a large proportion of the mineral lands in that region, were
saved much money, which might have helped to relieve the distress oc
casioned by the havoc of the storm. The men v/lrp were accustomed to
secure a winter’s grubstake by doing this work were deprived of the
opportunity to earn the money, and the corporations were about the
only ones to benefit.
Congressman Johnson’s proposition to apply the same relief to the
country at large on account of the dearth of labor caused by the
European war is a piece of officious meddling which should be discoun
tenanced. If relief is needed by the miners, let it be at the instance of
a representative of a mining section, who is supposed to understand the
situation.
Earl Kitchener, the British secretary of war, said in the house of
lords on August 27: “The fighting on land will last a long time, but
Britain’s command of the seas controls the ultimate issue. Britain s
fleet is on the sea, which is its proper place. Germany s is in her har
bors. This is the British naval case in a nutshell.”
~ " . !
The Ruby Record-Citizen takes us to task for a headline used over
an item credited to that paper, in which an estimable gentleman was re
ferred to as a pessimist. The Ruby paper is grieved, and says we acted
unjustly. Still it seems to us that the headline referred to was appro
priate. Our neighbor takes things too seriously.
THE PRIDE OF A CHIEF
Chief Healey, who reigns in the village
at the month of the Healey river, and over
all the land adjacent thereto, is of that
j rare type Cooper pictured in the “Leal her
Stocking Tales.” Tall, sinewy, slender, de
scended from a long line of chiefs, his dig
nified mien and haughty eye impress one
with the fact that he was born to rule.
To instance Chief Healey’s pride, which
approaches the sensitiveness of a cultured
white man, he once entered Newton’s trad
| mg post, near his village, and asked to pur
■ chase a package of tobacco. Engaged in a
perplexing task and further muddled by
the interruption, Newton took up a pack
age and tossed it over the counter, where
it fell on the floor. Chief Healey took out
a quarter and flipped it over the counter,
where it likewise fell on the floor.
The contempt was equal. Chief Healey
allowed the tobacco to remain on the floor
until a tribesman picked it up and prof
fered it to him. He also enjoyed the satis
faction of seeing the trader pick up the
quarter bimseif.
Again it is told of two prospectors at
whose camp the chief visited that one of
them, a thoughtless fellow, offered him a
piece of soap as a present. The chief
pocketed the soap, but it was evident that
his pride had been wounded.
Days later, when the prospectors stopped
at the Healey village, the chief’s squaw
brought out a basin of warm water and
the identical bar of soap. This she placed
before the offending prospector, and by
signs showed him to use it. As the white
man happened to be none too well washed,
the retaliation was espcially fitting and the
indignity avenged.
The chief’s interest in the trader’s chil
dren reveals another angle of his character.
He seems to consider them among his wards
and goes often to the Newton home to
look them over and note how fast they are
growing. To the little girls he gives scant
attention, the boys' being of more impor- j
tance in his eyes. And it is a safe venture j
that should anything happen to Mr. and |
Mrs. Newton, Chief Healey would look after
the children with a pride passing anything
which has ever stirred his Indian heart.
—Ex.
ATTITUDE OF GEN. VILLA
MAY CAUSE MORE TROUBLE
VERA CHUZ. Aug. 21.—General Fun
ston. in charge of the United States troops
at this place, and in charge of the city of
Vera Cruz, has recommended to the govern
ment at Washington that the troops be
maintained at Vera Cruz for another year.
This recommendation has been made in
view of the threatened split between Car
ranza and Villa, which in all likelihood
would mean another Mexican revolution,
although all pressure is being brought to
bear to have Villa refrain from any fur
ther hostilities. However, Villa is deter
mined that the Mexican lands be divided
among the peons of the country, and there
is a growing suspicion in his mind that
Carranza will not carry out these schemes.
Villa Is Well Equipped
WASHINGTON, Aug. 21.—Information
received here from Mexico is to the effect
that Villa is able to muster 40,000 follow
ers, most of whom are well armed and sup
plied with plenty of ammunition. Many of
them also are seasoned campaigners in his
army.
ALGERIAN TROOPS ARE
LIKENED TO LIGHT BRIGADE
LONDON, Aug. 27.—During the German
bombardment of Charleroi the French
Turko troops from Algiers charged the Ger
man batteries, bayoneting the gunners. The
loss of the African troops exceeded that of
the Light Brigade at Balaklava. Only 100
returned out of the whole force. The
streets of Charleroi were so jammed with
the dead that the killed remained upright
when shot.
We guarantee satisfaction.
Clemons & Koon.
NAVAL EXPERT’S OPINION
ON EUROPEAN WAR
At the time of the British declaration of
war on Germany, Rear Admral Mahan, one
of the world’s foremost authorities on naval
strategy, outlined his views of the situa
tion in a New York paper. He said:
“With her Hoet England could effectively
close against neutrals all the rivers prop
erly German except those emptying into the
Baltic. She could not divide her fleet and
carry on an effective blockade in both the
Ninth and Baltic seas, but, by throwing
her power into the North sea, she would
greatly aid France by shutting off German
•hipping.
“In my opinion a right appreciation of
the situation should determine Great Brit
ain to declare war at once. Otherwise her
entente engagements, whatever the letter,
will be violated in spirit, and she will earn
the entire distrust of all probable future
a'lies.
“Italy, likewise, owes it to herself to do
clare war against her recent allies, and with
Greece, reinforced by the two American hat
tFships just purchased, she can doubtless
maintain the balance of maritime power *n
the Mediterranean, prevent the Turks from
giving their expected support to Germany,
keep quiet the Bulgarians, if these are so
ill advised as to purpose a diversion in favor
of Austria, and in brief, consolidate the
opposition in the Balkan states to Austria
IIungarv, whose ambitions are notoriously
inconsistent with those of Italy.”
Admiral Mahan thinks that Germany be
gan the war for two reasons, setting aside
the desire to support Austria. First, be
cause Russia’s power was growing rapidly
since the Japanese war, and would surely
become a menace to Germany before long,
and secondly, because French armament is j
i deficient, and (he fact was admitted re-j
cently.
“The aggressive insolence of Austria's ul
timatum to Servia, taken with the conces
sion by the latter of all the demands ex
cept those too humiliating for national self
respect, indicate that the real cause of the
war is other than set forth by the ulti
matum,” said Admiral Mahan.
“Knowing from past experience how the
matter must be viewed by Russia, it is in
credible that Austria would have ventured
on the ultimatum unless assured beforehand
of the consent of Germany to it. The in
ference is irresistible that the substance of
the ultimatum was the pretext for a war
already determined on as soon as plausible
occasion offered.
“The cause of this predetermination is to
be found in the growing strength of Russia
on recovering from her war with Japan.
With the known deficiencies of French arma
ments, which were recently admitted, the
moment was auspicious for striking down
France and Russia before they regained
strength. The motives are to be found in
Austria’s apprehension of the growing Slav
power in the south and that of Germany
concerning Russia on the cast.
“Great Britain, as the third member of
the entente, finds herself in the position of
Prussia in 1805, when she permitted Na
poleon to strike down Austria unaided, and
was hersdf struck down the following yeai
at Jena. Or of that of France in 1866.
when she stood by while Prussia crushed
Austria, and was herself overwhelmed in
1870.
“Germany’s procedure is to overwhelm at
once by concentrated preparation and im
petuous momentum. If she fads in this
she is less able to sustain prolonged aagres
sion, as was indicated in the Fraiico-Prus
sian war during and after the siege of
Paris.
“If the first German rush proves inde
cisive cr prolonged, the financial pressure
exerted by a blockade by England’s fleet
may determine the issue or may force the
German fleet to fight, in which case the
issues will be determined by battle.
“if Germany succeeds in downing both
France and Russia she gains a respite by
land which may enable her to build up her
sea force equal to or superior to that of
Great Brit aim
“In that case the world will be confronted
by the naval power of a slate not, like
Great Britain, sated with territory, but one
eager and ambitious for expansion, eaeer
also for influence. This consideration may
well affect American sympathies.
“Undoubtedly the North sea will be the
theater of naval battles,” he said. “The
German fleet, so far as we know, steamed
immediately from Kiel to the North sea.
ready to strike. For a long time it has
been the German policy to keep her navy
ready and virtually cleared for action, and
we may expect at any time apparently to
get word of a great engagement, and should
expect the British fleet to win.
“The Kiel canal will undoubtedly be used
in Germany’s naval strategy as affording ac
cess to the North and Baltic seas, but not
as the deciding movement. England can
not, as I have said, throw a preponderat
ing fleet into both seas, and Germany’s
hope is to strike immediately. It is a ques
tion of existence for her. The stagnation
of her carrying trade on the seas must
threaten her very life, and the neutral
shipping, already taxed to its limits, cannot
bear the additional burdens of supplying
Germany.
“The suggestion made that Germany
[ might demonstrate with her fleet in the
| Baltic is not tenable. The Russian fleet,
! with only eight pre-dreadnaughts, and no
I dreadnoughts and battle cruisers—however
much of’an absurdity that type may be—
| is negligible. Germany could achieve noth
I ing with her fleet in the Baltic, for it is a
principle of warfare that under modern
I conditions no nation can afford to waste
its navy in operations against fortifications.”
Admiral Mahan says this greatest war will
determine the science of naval operations
and will show whether or not the battle
ship is doomed in favor of the submarine,
though he believes the latter cannot be
effective in daylight against modern guns.
“And believe me,” he said, “the British
fleet, which sailed with sealed orders, is at
present in the North sea, with the purpose
of being just out of the effective range
of submarines. I do not know definitely
what the effective cruising range of such
submarine craft is, but T should estimate
it to be 200 miles. To accomplish that
distance they must travel for a long way
upon the surface, and so be in sight of the
scouts which the British fleet, of course,
has posted.
“This question of the use of increased effi
ciency of the submarine is assuredly one
of the most important to be tested in actual
warfare. They had, of course, no oppor
tunity in the Russo-Japanese war, but in
the present confined theater of operations
should be seen at their best. I do not
share Sir Percy Scott’s views of the sur
passing power of the submarine to the com
plete effacement of the battleship.
“The torpedoes, as used in the Russo
Japanese war, were utilized chiefly to put
a finish to a ship almost silenced already [
by gun fire, and for such purposes were
effective. But torpedo boats are night
craft. They cannot be effective in daylight
against modern guns. Germany, appar
ently, does not place much faith in them.
“But most of these problems of the tech
nical science of warfare arc too abstruse
for the general observer. They are really
even too technical for the experts to agree
on. As General Sherman said: ‘One may
demonstrate something in maneuvers, but
you really need the elemtnt of human fear
to be conclusive.”
“The mooted question of the big guns
will also be tested. For my own part, I
have always believed that the volume of fire
was the determining fact. The number of
hits, and not single shots, is the most im
portant element, I believe. However, all
those things we shall soon know, perhaps
any minute.”
IT WAS A FAMOUS VICTORY
It was a summer evening,
Old Kaspar's work was done,
And he before his cottage door
Was sitting in the sun,
And by him sported on the green
His little grandchild Wilhelmine.
She saw her brother Peterkin
Roll something large and round,
Which he beside the rivulet,
In playing there, had found.
He came to ask what he had found
That was so large, and smooth, and round.
Old Kaspar took it from the boy,
Who stood expectant by;
And then the old man shook his head,
And with a natural sigh,
“ ’Tis some poor fellow’s skull,” said he,
“Who fell in the great victory.”
“Now tell us what ’twas all about,”
Young Peterkin he cries;
While little Wilhelmine looks up
With wonder-waiting eyes.
“Now tell us all about the war,
And what they fought each other for.”
1
“It was the English,” Kaspar cried,
“Who put the French to rout;
But what they fought each other for,
1 could not well make out.
But everybody said,” quoth he,
“That ’twas a famous victory.
“My father lived at Blenheim then,
Yon little stream hard by;
They burned his dwelling to the ground,
And he was forced to fly;
Fo with his wife and child he fled,
Nor had he where to rest his head.
“With fire and sword the country round
Was wasted far and wide;
And many a chiluing mother, then,
And new-born baby died;
But things like that, you know, must be
At every famous victory.
“They say it was a shocking sight
After the field was won,
For many thousand bodies here
Lay rotting in the sun;
But things like that, you know, must be
After a famous victory.
“Great praise the Duke of Marlborough won.
And our good Prince Eugene.”
“Why, Twas a very wicked thing!”
Said little Wilhelmine.
“Nay, nay, my little girl,” quoth he;
“It was a famous victory.”
“And everybody praised hte duke,
Who this great fight did win.”
| “And what good came of it at last?”
I Quoth little Peterkin.
j “Why, that I cannot tell,” said he,
i “But 'twas a famous victory.”
—Robert Southey.
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