THE ID3TARCB PIONEER
Published Every Saturday Morning at Iditarod, Alaska
Vol. 7 CHARLES A. DERRY, Editor and Publisher No. 25
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THE CAMPAIGN IS ON
Ere this issue of The Pioneer reaches our readers
the presidential campaign will have been fairly
Jau'i :hed bv the nomination by both great political
partes of their candidates for President and Vice
President. At this writing there seems to be no
doubt that Woodrow Wilson and Thomas Marshall
will be the standard-bearers of Democracy, and the
Republicans last week placed Charles E. Hughes in
nomination for President and Charles W. Fairbanks
for Vice President.
Regarding the candidates it may be said that
probably never have there been placed in nomina
tion for the high offices to which they aspire men
of higher motives or broader conception ol public
duty than these. No word of aspersion has ever
been heard with reference to the personal character
of any of the candidates. Viewed from this stand
point there is nothing to choose. But this is to be
a campaign of principle, a campaign wherein the
very ioundations of American institutions and Amer
ican ideals easily may be put in issue. It is a time
of much excitement. The relations of this country
with the warring nations of the old world are such
that hatreds and animosities have arisen in tne re
public, fostered by those who cannot or will not
so far forget former allegiance as to accept the neu
trality policy of President Wilson, but are demand
ing that the policy suggested by one or other of the
belligerents be substituted for it. How far thus ques
tion of neutrality is to be injected into the campaign
remains to be seen. If, as has been suggested, the
opposition to President Wilson relies to any extent
upon dissatisfaction with his policies abroad, there
can be but one outcome, and that will be that the
Citizens of the United States will stand solidly behind
their chief executive without regard to party ties.
The patriotic attitude of the President on this ques
tion can have no higher recommendation than that
it has been criticized by all the belligerents.
As a candidate for President, Charles F.. Hughes
cannot but be a disappointment to the most ardent
Republican. A man of great attainments and re
served nature, he seemed to be peculiarly fitted for
the position on the bench of the greatest tribunal
in the world, which he has sacrificed to pursue the
coveted presidency. The fact that he allowed his
name to be used by the politicians while still holding
the position on the bench has been a great shock to
these who look with jealousy on even a remote con
nection between the machinery of politics and the
supreme court of the United States. It may be said
that this incident alone has at least not been the
means of adding strength to his candidacy. The
fact that the country at large is not conversant with
the views of Mr. Hughes on current problems of
government also will act as a handicap. How far,
if at all, the views which he may later give voice to
will be dictated by conditions always will be prob
lematical, and in politics it is not always the char
itable view which prevails. Mr. Hughes’ candidacy
will be further handicapped by the reluctant state
ment of Roosevelt that he will support him, after
having worked with all the strenuousness of his na
ture to prevent his nomination. It will not be at all
surorising if many of the followers of Roosevelt be
moved to support Wilson rather than the Republican
candidate.
A man with Roosevelt’s ability to arouse the en
thusiasm of the masses, but unhampered by the
controversies wrhich appear to be of the very life of
that interesting national character, might have stood
a chance to wrest the presidency from Mr. Wilson.
A cold-blooded, matter-of-fact statesman such as
Mr. Hughes, lacking every requisite for a popular
idol, has not the remotest chance of election.
-—-♦
THE FOURTH OF JULY
Flat City is preparing to fittingly celebrate Inde
pendence day as usual this year, and as there is a
probability that no public celebration will be held in
Iditarod, there should be an opportunity for a cele
bration of the great holiday on a scale such as has
not been possible heretofore. In all likelihood
the people of the entire district will participate in
the event.
Merely as a suggestion, would it not be fitting
that the celebration partake more of the nature of
a patriotic event than has been the case in former
years? Let it be an occasion for the eagle to scream,
and to heat again the immortal document which pro
claims all men free and equal. Let the celebration
be marked by a recital of the blessing that are
enjoyed in this land of equality of opportunity and
equality of rights. Let us applaud once more the
do- trines enunciated by the fathers of the republic
in language which sends a thrill through the hearts
of all loyal Americans whenever it is repeated. Let
us also be imbued again with the spirit of American
jpm which has made a grand and glorious country
out of a wilderness, and that country the haven ofj
the oppressed and down-trodden from the four cor-,
ners of the earth. Let us brag about the deeds of
those builders of the nation who have gone before,
and renew in our hearts the pledge to emulate their
example. Let there be a renewal of the pledge that
“government of the people, by the people, and for
the people shall not perish from the earth. ’
Above all, let there be a liberal display of the
nation’s colors. On this day of all others every
emblem of liberty in the camp should be in use, and
the starry banner should be in evidence every
where.
In this district are many persons of foreign birth.
Many of them who have lived in this northern land
for a great length of time scarcely ever have had a
chance to see and participate in a real Fourth of
July celebration. It is a grand opportunity to give
them the privilege of seeing with what veneration
and appreciation the citizens of the republic regard
their institutions and their government. To the
citizens of native birth it will act as a vent for then
patriotic sentiments which at times there is a ten
dency to repress.
Let us celebrate.
— ♦ -
IS IT AN OBNOXIOUS LAW?
The people of Anchorage and other coast cities
recently held mass meetings and passed resolutions
condemning the Houston bill, “to confer additional
authority upon the President of the United States
in the construction and operation of the Alaska rail
road, and for other purposes.” We have just re
ceived a copy of this bill from Delegate Wickersham,
and accompanying it is a note reading as follows:
This “full territorial form of government” bill was prepared
by Secretary I.aue's office and introduced in congress at his re
quest, ils effect will be to give the Alaska railroad commissioners
autocratic power to suppress labor organizations and other free
people. Do you want it ?
We have not the least hesitancy m saying that li
the effect of the proposed bill is to be as slated by
Delegate Wickersham we certainly do not “want it.
But there are those who question the delegate s
estimate of the effect of Secretary Lane’s proposal,
and until more is heard in relation to it condemna
tion appears to be premature. The bill provides—
That in connection with and during the construction and oper
ation of the Alaska railroad, under the provisions of the aci of
congress approved March 12, 1914, entitled "An act to authorize
the President of the United States to locate, construct, and oper
ate railroads in the Territory of Alaska, and for other purposes,'
the President is hereby authorized and empowered to make and
promulgate such police, quarantine and sanitary rule- and regu
lations as shall be necessary to preserve order and to preserve the
public health along and in the vicinity of said railroad or rail
roads constructed, being constructed, or located by survey, and
within town sites established or to be established under and pur
suant to said act of March 12, 1914.
The supposition is, of course, that a method of
policing the railroad is to be put into effect such as
was provided for the Panama canal zone. But there
was no local American form of government in the
zone, while the people of Alaska, as in ail other sec
tions of the United States, have a right to exercise
local self-government, at least in the towns estab
lished on the railroad. But an exchange suggests
that the purchasers of lots in Anchorage “have noth
ing to say in regard to any improvement—or any
thing else, for that matter. The improvement is
made, whatever it may be, by the commissioners,
and the charges tacked onto the property. I His.
whether the property owner likes it or not, he must
pay. The inhabitants cannot incorporate their com
munity unless by special act of congress. If this
be true, some sort of government must be provided,
and in the absence of confirmation of the effect of
the passage of the bill submitted by the delegate,
we prefer to give Secretary Lane credit for endeav
oring to further the work of railroad building rather
than to destroy the labor unions.
‘ FORFEITS CONFIDENCE AND ESTEEM”
In view of Mr. Hughes’ nomination for President by the Re
publican party, the following leading editorial article printed in
the Seattle Post-Intelligencer some time ago will bo of much in
terest. It may be remarked that the Seattle newspaper is one of
the staunchest of Republican party organs- a stand patter of the
extreme type. The article was printed on February 18, and is as
follows:
“It is high time to silence the Hughes presidential propaganda
and cease making a political plaything of the naipp of that dis
tinguished jurist and fine American. He is not a candidate. No
contingency can possbiy arise that will render him available as a
candidate. Disavowal on his part ought not to be required. The
impropriety of the thing is palpable -its jarring unfitness all too
manifest.
“The supreme court of the United States must forever be kept
out of politics. It is belittling to the august tribunal to suggest
the drafting of one of its members for a political race. It is
shocking to national sensibtiities as well.
“Mr. Justice Hughes served the Empire state well as governor;
he made his mark upon his day and generation in an administra
tive and executive role; he captured the country’s imagination for
his courage and independence.
“That he is qualified in high degree to serve as executive of
the nation nobody will deny. But available, no. When he donned
the judicial robe he closed his political career. He closed it finally.
His greatness would vanish were he now to consent to step from
the bench back into politics. He would at once forfeit the place
he holds in the confidence and esteem of his countrymen.
“Keenly conscious of all this, of his duty to himself and to the
nation, Mr. Justice Hughes justly frowns upon the propaganda.
Right-thinking people must universally approve his attitude and
condemn the political movement that would sacrifice a sound prin
ciple to a seeming expediency.
“By contrast with some of the seekers of White House honors
Mr. Justice Hughes looms large indeed. He is a national figure,
and becomes all the greater for his sense of duty.
“The Republican party is not so hard pressed today, nor will
any party ever be so hard pressed, as to find justification fop drag
ging the supreme court into politics and making that tribunal a
stepping stone to the presidency, or political leadership. And party
men are singularly ill-attuned to the spirit of American institutions
and to the eternal fitness of things in juggling with the jurist’s
distinguished name and marking time with the impossible propa
ganda. It is high time to stop it.”
-♦
The house having authorized an increase of 20,000 in the army,
all that is necessary now is to find 20,000 men willing to give up
wages of $5 per day for $16 per month.—Boston Transcript.
CHARLES E. HUGHES
Charles Evans Hughes was born
in Glens Falls, N. Y., August 11,
1802, the son of David Charles and
Mary Catherine (Connelly) Hughes.
He studied at Colgate University
from 187G to 1878, and won degrees
from Brown University. The degree
of LL. D. was conferred on him by
numerous institutions of learning.
He was married in 1888 to Antoin
ette Carter. In 1884 he was admit
ted to the New York bar, and prac
ticed his profession in that city
from 1884 to 1891, and from 1893
to 1896. For some years he was
professor of law and special lec
turer at Cornell University and at
the New York Law' School. He was
counsel for the Stevens gas commis
sion of the New York legislature in
1905 and acted in the same capacity
for the Armstrong insurance com
mission of the same body in 1905 0.
In the investigations conducted by
these bodies he acquired an enviable
reputation, and his work was re
sponsible for the inauguration of
many reforms in the operations of
insurance companies, with ultimate
benefit to thousands of policy-hold
ers. Mr. Hughes also acted as
special assistant attorney general in
the coal investigation of 1906. He
was elected governor of New York
and served two terms, his last term
expirng December 31, 1910. He
was appointed to the supreme court
of the United States by President
Taft in 1910.
REPUBLICAN INCONSISTENCY
(Valdez Prospector)
Pi liticians who attended tlie Seward con
vent ion state that the sticking point over
which the delegates and the members of
the party could not agree was the plank
in the platform which gave the federal pat
milage' to the committeemen of the sev
eral divisions. Possibly this is true, but
i n the other hand, there are inconsistencies
between the declaration of the platform
and the action of the convention so glar
ing that the delegate may well have balked
on them instead of on the question of pat
ronage. Wick may, it is true, have de
sired to handle the patronage of tlie terri
tory, for it would mean added strength to
his candidacy, but the acts of the conven
tion, so inconsistent with the platform, may
also have been an important factor in the
refusal of the delegate to accept the terms
proffered.
One of the important planks of the plat
form adopted at the convention proclaims
that all Alaska offices shell be filled by
Alaskans. This plank is an important one.
and if carried out would mean a material
strengthening of the organization through
out the territory, but when the convention,
immediately following the adoption of this
platform, elects C. I>. Mur&iie as national
committeeman and W. A. Gilmore as one
i f the delegates to the national convention,
it demonstrates beyond all question that
the platform was a meaningless instrument
to the politicians, and was adopted only
as a means of catching the votes of the
people, and that its principles were not con
sidered binding upon either the political
leaders or their candidates.
C. 1). Murane was never an Alaskan in
the true sen.-e of the word. It is true that
he resided in Alaska for several years while
he filled the position of district attorney
for the Third division, and as judge in the
Second. But he lias no legal residence in
Alaska at this time, and for several years
past he has lived in Seattle. He is a mem
ber of the bar of that city, and to become
such he must be an acknowledged resident
of King county. If Mr, Murane is a resi
dent of King county the only manner in
which he might he considered a resident of
Alaska is to acknowledge the claim Seattle
has made that Alaska belongs to that city
anyway, and should be governed from there.
This is all right if Alaskans do not object.
But the people of the North have had the
statement Hung at them so many times
and from so many different directions that
they are not able to govern themselves, like
the Filipinos and other semi-civilized races,
that it does not set well any more, and we
believe they are likely to revolt against any
attempt to govern them from the “Spirit
City."
Mr. Gilmore was a resident of Alaska for
a number of years, but he has given up his
residence in the North and, like Mr. Mu
rane, is now a resident of Seattle. Mr. Gil
more, as an Alaskan, was probably entitled
to any honor the convention might bestow
upon him, but when he ceased to be an
Alaskan, when he became a resident of
Seattle and had absorbed the Seattle ideas
regarding Alaska, he became as much of a
carpet-bagger as any federal official sent,
here from the States.
There are plenty of able Alaskan-, There
is no need to go outside of the country for
federal officials or party representatives.
Until the Seattle bunch is eliminated from
Alaska politics the candidates named by
the party will have as much chance of elec
tion at the hands of the people as; the
proverbial snowball wiil have of maintain
ing its frigid condition in the regions of
perpetual fire.
WHY BEEFSTEAK IS HIGH
Captain A1 Jones of the good ship Beaver
hands us the following newspaper clipping
as an explanation of the high price of beef
steak. It is from the Princeton Post, but
whether Princeton is in Kansas, Missouri or
New Jersey we are not informed:
“Over at the little city of Harris last
Wednesday the world’s record for cattle
sales was probably broken when Messrs.
0. Harris & Sons sold sixty-one head of
their fine registered Herefords for $76,025.
The average per animal was $1,246. The top
price was $8,100, paid for Repeater 63d,
and Repeater 68th brought $7,000. Only
two animals started at below $400 in the
auction. . . More than three hundred
stockmen were there from all parts of the
country, and more than twice as many
spectators crowded the gallery about the
sale ring. So eager were the buyers to get
these animals that they would not permit
the auctioneer to make lengthy talks. Bid
ding started quickly, and on some of the
best animals the bids jumped $500 at a
time.”
-♦
Fresh Olympia and Eastern Oysters,
$1.50 per can. Iditarod Meat Co.
NOTED GERMAN EDITOR
UPHOLDS PRESIDENT WILSON
ROTTERDAM, May 6.- Probably the
most remarkable article which has yet
come from the pen of Maximilian Harden
appeared in Die Zukurift. Under the title,
"If I Were Wilson/’ Herr Harden writes
an imaginary speech for the President of
the United States and puts into his mouth
severe indictments of Germany's relations
with America. Beneath this thin disguise
he warns Germany of tie* untenable nature
of her position in the U-boat controversy
and the consequences that will follow a
breach with America. He puts these words
into the mouth of Mr. Wilson:
"[ demand that Germany shall, without
reserve, protect the life and property of
American citizens. She can protect them.
“No longer may the question of the future
of the two great peoples, whether they shall
live in friendship or in enmity, depend upon
the whim or the nerve of a young sub
marine commander who wishes to serve
his fatherland, to carve his name on the
German oak, and who listens to his c*• n
science only when it says, ‘Down with every -
I thing I can catch.’
“The courage of such men is admired
by everybody, but their boats have not yet
such a fixed position in international law
a-' Napoleon's Corsairs.
“To give way would be reckoned on
neither side as weakness, but only as an
expression of the reasonable wish of two
peoples to preserve friendly intercourse.
“I.ceder* of the empire’s business know
what the remits of a breach would be. Our
whi le IteuM-phere, north and south, vv i ;
be made tlie enemies of Germany, and not
only for war time. Germany would lose
all her ships lying in American harbors and
w udd have to reckon with a cmisiderabl •
increase in the enemy s tonnage.
‘‘From the day of the breach she would
have to provision Belgium herself. Holland
end Scandinavia could scarcely hone to get
any more supplies by the sea f r Germany,
for they would need them themselves.
Whether at such a high price the loss of
jiower to England, through the lack of food
and of shipping, could be bought. Germany
alone must decide.
“That the end of the war would then
disappear into the unforeseeable distance '
certain, and not less so because from tb *
moment we should have a united front in
America. The Germans, Irish and Au ■ r
Hungarians of our land would foigK a:
I once everything else but that they w?i a ilic.i
■ under the Stars and Stripes.”
HE WAS
At a recent examination of 151 men who
i wished to become citizen*: of the United
| States Judge IV P. Dyer had asked one ap
plicant the usual questions and had re
j eeived unsatisfactory replies, although it
i was evident that the man had a hard time
! fathoming some of the questions. At last
| he asked:
‘‘And now, do you belong to any society
i or organization inimical to the government
i of the United States?”
This was too much for the man, and he
| was silent. Judge Dyer explained the mean
ing and again asked the question. A gleam
■ of understanding overspread the face of the
j man and he replied:
“Yes, judge; I'm a Democrat.” St. Louis
Globe-Democrat.
—»
Job Printing at The Pioneer office.
Professional
Michigan, 1881 Alaska, 1910
Kentucky, 1891
George Woodruff Albrecht
COUNSELOR AND LAWYER
IDITAROD, ALASKA
The Pioneer Attorney of Iditarod
E. M. STANTON
Attorney at Law
Office: Corner Willow and Second Sts.
Iditarod Pioneer Building
CHAS. E. TAYLOR
Attorney at Law
BANK BLOCK
First Avenue Iditarod
Fred Harrison
ATTORNEY AT LAW
Room 1 Over Merchants Cafe
OR. MOCRE
PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON
i
I
DR. H. E. AUR1NGER
Office: Flat City Hospital. Flat City
i Consultation Hours in Forenoons and l y
Appointment
DR. H. BEHLA
DENTIST
FLAT CITY
i Will Arrive in Iditarod by the first boat in
the spring
Best of Everything
ALL THK TIME AT THE
Arcade Cafe
K L, AT CITY
Onen Dav and N i £ h t
FINE WATCH REPAIRING
NUGGET JEWELRY TO ORDER
j. L. SALE, Flat City
]
j
I
Second St. IDITP-ROD E3 E A 1 OCX Pflono 15
Gold St., Flat City
Mrs. Geo. Mutchler, Prop.
Nicely Furnished Rooms Barn for Horses and Dogs Baths in Connection
HARRY DONNELLEY !
bEEH general merchandise
DISCOVERY, OTTER \
THE BEST OF EVERYTHING ALL THE TIME
~MERCHANTS’ CAFE
|
FIRST AVE.
GOOD MEALS
SHORT ORDERS
OPEN DAY AND NIGHT
ROBT. SOUTARi
Prop.
Groceries Hardware
Glass war© Chin a ware
Clothing
Leather and Rubber
Footwear
mcmahon
FLAT CITY