THE NOME NUGGET
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Second Front Issue Is Cause Of
Friction Between Allied Nations
WASHINGTON—Unfortunate and inside fact about
the statements and counter-statements for a Second
Front is that they have increased suspicion, blame,
and even bitterness between governments which have
to pull together. The British are blaming the United
States, the Russians are blaming both.
This has little to do with Wendell Willkie's visit
and the clamor he touched off. The resentment was
smouldering long before, and had been stated just as
pungently and forcefully in diplomatic cables. The
trouble goes back to Foreign Minister Molotoffs visit
early in the summer which terminated with no clear
understanding on a Second Front in Europe.
At that visit, the President agreed in principle re
garding the urgency of a Second Front, but called in
Chief of Staff Gen. Marshall and Commander of the
Fleet Admiral King, who, after detailed studies, point
ed out to the Russians the great risks involved in a
Second Front before the United States was ready;
also the effect upon Occupied France should a Second
Front fail. The people of France. Belgium, Holland,
Norway, Poland, Czechoslovakia and the Balkans
would all give up their struggle and figure that future
resistance was hopeless, Molotoff was told, if the
mighty Unite 1 Stat's, which turned the tide in 1918,
now should fail.
Stirring A Hornet’s Nest
So nothing was agreed to in detail—except the gen
eral principle that a Second Front in Europe would
be started just as soon as the United States was ready.
But no time was set.
It was about then that Gen. Marshall delivered his
graduation speech at West Point definitely promising
a Second Front, though fixing no time. Afterward, the
President received a phone call from Churchill which
upset him considerably. Churchill warned that Mar
shall’s speech was too definite, would arouse false
hopes. Gen. Marshall had made the speech obviously
with the advance okay of the President, and for the
purpose of worrying the Germans into diverting troops
from Russia to France.
By a stroke of circumstances, the President had
scheduled a conference with Senate leaders, plus Gen.
Marshall, Admiral King, Donald Nelson and other
war chiefs, just before the Churchill phone call came
in. Afterward, he was obviously upset, warned Nelson
that he must have more steel, ‘‘and don’t tell me you
can't get it.” Then turning sharply to Gen. Marshall
he warned that there were to be no more Second
Front speeches.
Churchill, of course, was not. present at the Molotoff
conversations, so high U. S. officials flew to London to
get his views. This was mid-summer. Meanwhile the
Nazi mechanized legions were plunging across the
plains of South Russia toward Stalingrad at the rate
of 20 to 50 miles a day. Meanwhile, also, Army-Navy
needs had sidetracked certain supplies which might
have gone to Russia, convoys via Murmansk had suf
ered heavily, and Stalin was getting more and more
irate over lack of Allied support:
Britain-U. S. 50-50
But Churchill remained more convinced than .ever
that a Second Front IN EUROPE was out of the ques
tiun THIS YEAR. Among other things, he wanted an
approximate 50-50 participation of U. S. and British
troops; enough American troops to at least replace the
British in England and defend it if the Second Front
failed. So Churchill, the chief NO man, flew to Mos
cow to present his views to Stalin face to face, and if
possible smooth down the rumpled feathers of the
Russian leader.
On the first day of the conference, all went well.
Stalin, the Communist, and Churchill, the arch-con
servative, got along beautifully. On the second day
the experts sat down, but did not get along so well.
On the third day, Churchill and Stalin, reviewing the
conclusions of the experts, came to grips. They parted
on good terms, but only after being very frank and at
times even billigerent with each other. However,
though no Second Front was agreed upon, Churchill
did accomplish the main purpose for which he wenl
to Moscow. That was to allay fears that Russia might
withdraw from the war and make a separate peace
with Germany. How serious these reports actually
were, perhaps never will be known.
But at any rate, Stalin gave him assurance that
Russia would put up the best defense possible at Stalin
grad and fight to the bitter end. Meanwhile Churchill
promised that the Second Front would continue under
discussion. Although Churchill was against it, Presi
de nt Roosevelt continued to be for it—if humanly pos
sible. And this belief that a Second Front must be es
I
tablished somehow, some way,
was behind his Labor Day
speech, which, though ambig
uous, was interpreted as pledg-,
ing a Second Front in Europe.
Military Advisers Opposed
Roosevelt’s chief stumbling
block, however, has been h;s
own miliary and naval advisers,
especially Admiral Leahy. Al
though they have not been op
posed to a Second Front in cer
tain other areas, they have been
very much opposed to the kind
of second front which would sat
:sfy Stalin, namely in France or
Northern Europe, where it
would be a direct threat to Ger
many. The occupation of Dakar
or French West Africa apparent
ly would not satisfy Stalin.
But the opposition of certain
high U. S. Army-Navy officers to
a European front has been very
strong indeed. There the matter
rests, which is why Stalin has
brought the matter so frankly
and vigorously out into the open
through Willkie and the Asso
ciated Press.
What the Russians have made
very clear, and what most people
do not realize, is that it is not
merely a matter of munitions —
vital though that is—hut also a
question of keeping the Russian
people alive. Russia has now lost
her granaries, and millions this j
winter with suffer or starve. Rus
sia has also lost her coal deposits •
and is completely cut off from
her oil—while U. S. oil compan
ies and U. S. government agen
cies have dickered and frittered
away priceless months trying to
decide whether Russia should be
given closed-down Texas oil re
fineries—all biK.'ause the big oil
companies wanted to be paid
royalties (even though they nev
er took out patents in Russia).
Naturally, because of all this,
morale is not too good in Russia.
And the Willkie-Stalin state
ments are relatively mild com
pared with the sentiment of the ,
Russian people. This is what re
turning Ambassador Standley
doubtless will report to thi
White House, and this is one of
the big factors to be considered
regarding a Second Front IN
EUROPE.
For Stalin has nis military [
leaders to contend with, too.
(The Washington Merry-Go-;
Round by Drew Pearson).
WHAT THE WANT AI)S
MEAN TO NOME
To Sell that gun, furniture
baby carriage, coat, trunk at »
profit.
To Buy that ice box or rug
piano or suit, car or accordian at
low cost.
To Rent that room, garage,
apartment or that house to de
•arable tenants.
THE NOME NUGGET
I
• V r- . > . ■■'ip
______-___s
. ts RIGHT
(§iwny Oe cad ion
Let the scene be camp,
tavern, or mansion—your
. choice of OLD SCHENLEY
will give you the luxury of
L "
enjoyment of the finest
whiskey money can buy
■ i , .i ■■■ ——
■
|
Second Front
—
■
Hanson W. Baldwin
Operations that are strategically desirable are not
always strategically possible. There can e no doubt
that now or within the next few weeks the opening
of a second front on the continent of Europe would
be very desirable strategically. But the shipping short
age. supply difficulties, inadequately trained troops in
sufficient numbers; the great strength of the German
fortifications along the coast of Europe, and the great
size of the Axis armies which permit large garrisons
in western Europe despite the heavy concentrations
in Russia would make the establishment now or in
the near future another permanent land front in Eu
rope, very, very hazardous — indeed, more of a des
perate gamble than a practical military operation. .
This situation will change w’ith time, but there is
little time; Russia’s need for a diversion is great.
Therefore increasingly intensive bombing operations
coupled with large-scale commando raids by forces
of a division or more are indicated immediately with
the objective the eventual seizure of a beachhead and
the extension of that beachhead into a second front
next spring or if the opportunity permits—sooner.
—New York Times
In Hitler’s big push more Germans have crossed the
River Styx than the River Don.—Chicago Daily News.
A new musical instrument, resembling a saxophone,
is said ot be simple in design that a child can play it
It is a great pity.—The Humorist.
92.4 Cents of Every
$1 Goes for War
WASHINGTON. Oct. — Presi
dent Roosevelt in a report to
Congress disclosed that 92.4
cents of every dollar the govern
ment spends in the present fiscal
year will go to the war effort.
Non-war activities get only 5.2
cents.
Interest on the public debt re
quires 2.4 cents.
The President requested the re
port from Budget Director Har
old D. Smith "to provide a fact
ual background for informed pub
’ic opinion" and the question of
■xpenditures for non-military
purposes.
Many individuals and two spec"
al congressional committees
have urged reduction in these
ion-miliary expenditures in re
:ent months.
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SWANK SETTINC FOR NAVY CHOW — Apprentice seamen of the II. S. navy line up for chow in the swank Louis
XIV room of Boston's Hotel Somerset, once a gathering place for Back Bay society but now a navy barracks.