The Evening Echo. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 20, 1878.

Sir George Grey has come ; he has. seen; he has spoken • and he has conquered. Never was a more deliberate, intelli gent, and unmistakable vote of confi dence passed in any man or Ministry than was passed in Sir George Grey’s Government by'the peopie of Ashbur ton last evening. The meeting, crowded like,all others he has held in Canter bury, was less pugnacious and noisy: than that at Christchurch ; less enthu siastic and demonstrative than thatjof Woolston, but more earnestly ■and -critically attentive than either. The. wonderful fertility of ideas and words 'at the command of the Premier is sti ikingly shown by the complete variety -and entire change of mediod with which ■tie handles the same subject, meets the 'same objections, and announces the' .same intentions to so many different audiences. His speech last night was less argumentative and unanswerable than that at Christchurch—less fervent and eloquent than that at Woolston • but on some points it was more definite and entered on more dangerous ground than either. There was some evidence of weariness and exhaustion, and that the three days of enormous and inces sant brain work he has had in Canter bury have not been without their effect ■even on his wonderful brain power.

In some critical remarks on the speech, ])r. Stewart said the meeting would readily, agree with Sir George on .all the subjects he had referred to except that of manhood suffrage. We differ from the Doctor in that opinion, and believe that manhood suffrage would be fir more readily acceded to by those opposed to Sir George than either his land tax, his abolition of a plurality of votes to property, or’ his non-taxation of improvements. The class legislators Sir George exposes and -opposes have never cared much about an extension of the franchise, but would fight to the death to save their 45 votes to t, and to insist on the taxation of improvements rather than that of unim proved land. They believe, and so do we, that Sir George is himself too san guine as to the overwhelming effect of an extended franchise on class legis lation. They have found by experi ence that a large proportion of the votes which Sir George Grey would add to the electoral roll can be “ managed ” at the poll, and be too often directed Against the most evident interests of the holders, whilst the forty-five or any smaller plurality, can he certainly relied on in the interests of those who have •obtained them. Give our landed in terests the choice of two evils—univer sal suffrage or non-plurality of votes — and they would not hesitate a moment, 'to choose the former as the lesser evil. 011 the land tax and the non-taxation of improvements, Sir George went more into details last night than we have ever heard him in any former speech ; and whilst we heartily agree with his object, we are bound to say that we strongly dissent from the details of bis proposals. It seems to us that his pro posed plan is at once unnecessarily complicated, impracticable, and unjust. 'Why not simply rate land at its selling value exclusive of all artificial and in dustrial improvement put 'on it. by its owners, leaving it to pay for sail in creased value from public, roads, har bors, or general progress around it. The three classes into which he would divide the land would not. meet every case equitably, nor would thirty classes —the land must be valued, but without the owner's improvements—that is, land speculation, not land improvement, must be taxed, and so far discouraged. That what we most strongly disapprove ol in Sir George Grey’s proposals is the exclusion of all small or moderate sized holdings. This may be very popular, it would no doubt he very effectual in suppressing land specula tion, but it would be very unjust : it would be exchanging one ■ system of class legislation for another far' worse, and would entirely ignore a great and essential principle in all fair taxation, which no one has more strongly insisted on than Sir George. The voters who lay on taxes must feel-that they’are taxing themselves as well as their neigh bors, and not that they can lay on bur

dens which they themselves will pot have to touch with one of their finglrs.

Sir George hi's abhpr rence of thg- rich, to tax the poor without thejr own Consent, • but. there is a natura[ linMt to .that process and some compensating causes are af work which generally .make the process an unprofitable one ; not so if the poor are to tax the rich—if an immense ma jority of the electors are to freely put their hands in. the pockets of their richer neighbors without putting any corresponding burden on their own shoulders. We had hoped that we misunderstood the Premier, or that in the hurry of his explanation Some ma terial safeguards were omitted. At any rate we - believe too thoroughly in his sincere desire to do justice to all and oppress none, to suppose for a moment that he has ''done anything ‘more than overlooked the danger and the injustice by such legislation. We are quite wil ling to tax the rich in proportion to their means, bgt those who tax them must themselves at'lctist have some in terest in moderation and economy.

The Ashburton County Council held a special meeting to-day to consider four schemes for a town, water supply, submitted in reply to advertisement. Three of- them, were not in .compliance with the’tetnis’advertised, and after the members had individually examined the schemes laid before them,'it-was decided to visit anf inspect the sites and pro posed sources of supply of the suggested schemes.

Cooperand bailey have'at least, the credit of knowing the secret of adver tising, foqnevpr before did the walls of Ashburton display posters of equal size and attractiveness of color to the illus trations of their show posted by this Company, and numerous groups have done them the honor of admiration.

SIR GEORGE GREY IN ASH BURTON.

rUBLIC MEETING TN THE LIBRARY lIALL. The last train from Christchurch last night brought with it Sir George Grey, to fulfil the promise made by h’lll to.address, a pubb'c meeting of .the .residents ‘in .Ashburton. A considerable crowd waited lrs arrival at the Railway Station ' and when lie‘left the plat fonn, accompanied .by Mr.' Alfred Saunders, who had been a fellow passenger with bun from the City, a hearty cheer from the people followed.

The train was a few minutes late, and some time was spent by Sir George in partaking of necessary refreshments, so that it was some what past the hour announced, and the Hall had been crowded before the Premier was able to attend at the meeting place. The audience showed signs of impatience, but the reason of the delay having been explained by Mr. Saunders, the meeting was at once put in good humour. Mr. Saunders said tlnit, having been engaged all day receiving deputations, and desiring to return to Christchurch immediately on the close of that nieet'n j, it was necessary that what refreshments Sir George Grey re quired should he partaken of then. On the Premier’s arrival,' he was greeted with great cordiality, the audience risiug to do him honour.

Mr. Saunders having been called to the chair, introduced

Sir George Grey, who, on rising to speak, was received with renewed applause. Thank ing them for his reception, he proceeded to speak of the rising prosperity of Ashburton. Its sudden conversion from a waste to a thriv ing .town was but one more evidence of what could be done by persevering earnest men in a new country. There were very many such settlements scattered over the Colony, and these were forming the foundation of l what in the future would be a great nation. The last 50 years had been an important epoch in the world’s history in the matter of emigration. Various causes had forced many people in different countries from their homes to seek new ones in the Southern Hemisphere. In Ireland, the famine had been one cause, and the unfair system of land tenure had been another to drive away men ; the evictions of shepherds to make room for red deer had de populated the Highlands of Scotland; in England, the enclosure of the commons had cut oil" the means of subsistence of many, and the administration of .the poor laws had left the labouring poor in a worse position than in any one of the three .preceding —it had been said that Hie‘only hope the labouring man had was the Union ..workhouse ; while ill Ger many the laws of King William, present Emperor of Prussia, to force a particular form of Protestant faith upon the people, had sent many from her shores. The Australasian. Colonies opened a good hope of futuie homes to those wardering, ones, and the actract’ors of these countries were added to by the dis covery of gold—all. this tended to create ail efflux of people such as the world had never seen. The power of steam just discovered,

and its usefulness 1 but newj'y. developed, gave timely aid to facilitate tjie niovl-111 ents over the face the earth of. tKe people {bus changing place.- ,Amongv"others .who gyis left the homes of their fathers he -was'one. Feeling that it was-, possible ' to make arid live .under better laws than those’-existing "in the old country, he had as .a young man resolved to devote his life to the' casting of laws in a new country, under which greater happiness would he secured and higher freedom enjoyed. He had devoted his earlier years to the question of settlement of these colonies, and now he saw with pleasure the foundation laid of a great nation, from the work of completing which they could not go hack. They were not to look to old country precedents. If they went back to the Middle Ages , they would find baronial castles, bands of retainers following the lords of those castles, and almost despotic power possessed 5 by those, barons. Now, there was here nothing of the kill'd-—no laws forced upon an unwilling, people, no aristocracy, no class distinctions, hut all in a certain degree equal. This equality was seldom abused, and in all countries where it existed he found it followed by no bad/'results : New Zealand was -thus, not fettered by the old country at all—they had no fears of invasion-from neighboring states as in Europe, and need care not what quarrels agi tated the Continent. Would prefer of course that our antipodean friends lived at peace with each other arid, bought.our wool, but from any connection with these wars we were free. In so far as the constitution of our country had not been shattered by recent Acts, we had the skeleton of a constitution the freest on the face of the earth. Let the people of New Zealand therefore chalk out a line for themselves, and not depend on old British precedents. Sir George then went on to show by a happy illus tration that lie had reached the highest point in this colony, arid had twice held it, vizi, Gover nor—had held many other positions under the Crown, and at last, in his old age, after he had retired from public life, he had again sallied out to the war of politics, joined the rank and file of Parliament, and was once more a leader. Many odd things had been said of this latter course, hut surely a man who had been a com mander of an army and left that position, joining it again as a common soldier when he felt he would be useful to it in its need, was not a man likely -to harm that army. What ever was good for ourselves as a people we were justified in doing, and in a new country it was our duty to meet ills so heroic ally as to be an example to the world as long as our nation lasts. All he proposed to ask the people of. New Zealand to do was to avail themselves of the privileges given to them by tlveir Sovereign, and thereby work out their own welfare. He might by promises made of public works to be given to districts, have been able to get a majority in the House that would have carried anything he wished and this would have been no breach of established cus tom. But lie chose rather to go round amongst the people and ascertain their feelings, and try to get them to accompany him in a triumphant march, with colors flying, to the bringing about of a better stale of things in the government of this country. Sir George then" spoke of the propositions he meant to lay down as his future policy. One of them was manhood suffrage.- It was not popular with many who were con scientiously blinded to its merits by self-inter est. Men could he so blinded —as witness the supporters of the Corn Laws. In a large por tion of New Zealand a system of voting upon miners’ rights (which cost AO was carried on, and many men—Chinese, and many others equally incompetent to exercise the franchise from an intelligent knowledge of its responsi bility—were called upon, and had the power, to vote at any election. Surely giving a vote to every male, resident in .the district for a certain time, was a more conservative measure and greatly in advance of such a system as that. Ignorant people, it had been said, had no right to a vote, but he had known honest men who could just sign their names and no more as well qualified to discriminate in politics as many who sat in Parliament, and better able to hold that position than spine who held it. (Applause.),. The most sagacious man he had met in his life was a sheep farmer who could with difficulty sign his name to a cheque, and kept his accounts in his head. Besides, pur educational system would in time remove this objection, but it would rot do to wait till then, because an array of vested interests and an aristocracy of wealth would arise meanwhile. There was no law for altering the franchise without the consent of both Houses, and as the LTpper House was formed of the nominees of the reigning Ministry, that House would be formed of men drawn from the ranks of wealth, opposed to parting with the power given to them. It was therefore right not to wait for the educa tional system to accomplish its work of em lightenment, hut to strike now, for at a future time the great battle would have to be fought in the Upper House. There would be no trouble now if the people were wilbng. There were men who behoved they possessed a divine right to govern then fellow men who might allow that the vote of the majority was right, hut believe it necessary that they should keep that vote right. He had no sympathy with these men nor their feelings. No man had a right to more than one vote. If a man had done good in his town or district he would be able to influence a greet many minds — this should be the only influence a man ought to possess, and he should be satisfied with it. He himself, if he raised his voice, could in fluence several hundred votes—this was enough for him, and though he could if he wished possess many votes, he was content to "Use only one, arid had never used more. If a man deserved that his fellowmen should go with him, they certainly would go. The law punished a criminal within certain Pipits—but ■ it took no vote from him. What right have we to take votes from one or two persons whom we did not think able to use them in the selection of a representative for the district ? Men deprived of votes have a sense of inferiority to those who possess them. He had seen instances jn Ireland of freeholders whipping back at an election

those who were notrtyoters7 and- tfidse--non electors submitted to this usage. Separation into voters and non-voters could not be indulged in without raising feelings of superiority in the one class and inferiority in the other. No man building up a new nation would make two classes. 1 lie nation who gave us our arts and letters—the most highly civilised and polished nation of history—Greece—so fully felt this truth that it gave to.every man a voice in the making of the laws. Under free institutions it preserved its liberty and handed down to pos terity its laws and institutions. He could therefore fortify himself behind history in proof of his argument of equality. Every man, woman, and child had to pay a share of taxa tion ; therefore every father of a family had a right'to a voice in the adjustment of this taxa-.i tion and in the government Of the country. - " ’No ‘ worthy man ought to neglect or reject this right, and if not possessed it should be given, if the classes who govern stand out as the governing classes they will make the burden of: taxation fall upon the shoulders of those who are governed. It was no use saying they would not—what had been done already was that the class now in power had provided that the mass should pay all the taxation. Many men had made fortunes in New Zealand, and had gone to England and elsewhere abroad, paying not a single penny to the exchequer of the colony they had left, while they drew their incomes from the colony itself. Was that fair? Eng land makes every absentee pay his share m the expenses of the country. Sir George then severely criticised the taxation of improvements on land, while waste ground; unproductive to the colony, and held only for speculation, was allowed to go free ; and a gratuitous value was given this idle property by public works exe cuted near it, of which the speculator yielding nothing to his country reaped the benefit. He then spoke very strongly on the system of giving a plurality of votes to property, by which the poor one-vote man was made to raise the colony’s funds, while the plurality voter made the laws. This state of allairs could not exist in Great Britain because ol the existence of a powerful press that gave to every man in the country a full report of the proceedings in Par liament, whereas none of the New • Zealand newspapers gave or could give more than a resume of such proceedings, and the people had to depend for their-, information upon the sejdopi seen, reports lof Hansard. Mr. Gladstone had recently asked the people of England to adopt manhood suffrage as the only righteous mode of procuring an expression of the country’s political feeling, and other men of standing were now following; „ the same course. It would be necessary, to avoid the injurious effect upon an election of the votes of a floating population, who had no real interest in the country, that the citizenship of residence should be proved, and then votes would be given to settlers or bona jide intending settlers. Electoral districts ought to he fairly adjusted to population—the want of such an adjustment produced what in England were known as rotten boroughs. The wants of a small community were easily supplied, and where such had three or four representatives <1 Government found it easy to keep them in hand with a little money to meet the little wants of their district. The Constitution given to New Zealand by the Sovereign was .the most liberal under the sun. Under it the people through the Provincial Councils had the power of .legislating upon all questions except such as Customs duties, marriage, &c. No other,part of the British empire has such liberty; but now through recent legislation all this had been handed over to the Secretary of State. History has no parallel of a people giving up such a privilege as New Zealand had ’ surrendered, and it would take centuries to recover what they had sacrificed. It would be necessary in the future to levy a tax on land, so that large blocks of land held for speculative purposes would not be profitable, and it would then be better to part with it to those who wanted it for use. The difficulty would be met by dividing the land into three classes of value— the lowest, a higher, and the best. The system of education enjoyed in New Zealand was an admirable one. It was free, but not free in the common sense which meant charity. Every soul ; paid, his share of taxation—therefore the sense of 1 charity in the matter did not exist. But every man who consented to this educational system consented to a sacrifice for the good of the country, lhey had in times past seen the best offices in the Colony filled by i mported men in .- -> no way better qualified than men in the Colony. This would disappear before a perfect system 'of education, and the best men would seek our shores because their merits would be recognised and rewarded. When speaking at Christchurch he had been surrounded on the platform by a large number of gentlemen with whom the his tory of Canterbury had been identified. These lie looked upon as the embodiment of the' Past. Before him in the great, mass sat the personifi cation of the future. Cries had been uttered by that Past which were not ready directed at him but at the Future. The Past could realise the fact that the Future muse wipe them away with all their power.- The Past has lost its opportunity of forming a great nation, and the energy of ,a tyoung’ future-,was marching upon the past to chase away its errors and to change the face of the nation about to rise here. He thanked providence for his chance of assisting the work—for the noble allies given to him ; • and the Past, forgetting its losses, ought to join f the march of the country’s triumph until the 1 necessary foundation was laid for the constitu tion which must be built, arid is to last for centuries to come.

Sir George was loudly applauded at the con clusion of his speech.

_ Hr. Stewart, complimented Sir George on his plain and lucid ,speech, but objected to manhood suffrage. If it was a birthright it 1 ought to be guarded from abuse. There were crimes, for instance, which ought to disfranchise a man for ever. New York had given evi dence of the great -swindles that rcould be per petrated under maiihood suffrage. Womanhood suffrage, he thought, was equally necessary

THE EVENING ECHO, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 20, 1878.