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Putting a target on firearms: Manufacturers shouldn't be held liable for gun crimes
Posted by Gabriella Hoffman on May 11, 2016 in Business, Featured, Judicial | 3 comments
There is a growing effort in the country to prosecute gun manufacturers and retailers for the crimes committed by those who abuse their products.
Proponents of such a gesture — namely, the gun control lobby — believe suppliers of firearms should be held liable for any wrongdoing or crime committed with their products. They believe suing gun manufacturers and suppliers will end gun violence.
How does suing a gun manufacturer or retailer stop gun violence? It won't. Gun manufacturers shouldn't be held liable for the actions of criminals; criminals should be held accountable instead.
This urgency to target gun manufacturers and retailers comes on the heels of a recent court ruling allowing the families of nine Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting victims to proceed with a case against Remington Arms, which made the Bushmaster AR-15 rifle model XM15-E2S used by mass murderer Adam Lanza.
This is the first court case of its kind to advance. It goes against the Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act (PLCAA), which was passed by Congress in 2005. The PLCAA was passed to "prohibit causes of action against manufacturers, distributors, dealers, and importers of firearms or ammunition products, and their trade associations, for the harm solely caused by the criminal or unlawful misuse of firearm products or ammunition products by others when the product functioned as designed and intended."
Ignoring the precedent established by this 2005 law, Superior Court Judge Barbara Bellis said that the law "does not prevent lawyers for the families of Sandy Hook victims from arguing that the AR-15 semi-automatic rifle is a military weapon and should not have been sold to civilians."
Interestingly enough, an April 25 poll jointly conducted by National Shooting Sports Foundation and Harper Polling found that 72 percent of respondents believe the PLCCA should be left in place, while 26 percent of respondents said it should be overturned, and 4 percent were unsure about it. This shows that a growing majority of Americans oppose individuals suing gun manufacturers and retailers.
Taking legal action against gun manufacturers and retailers will have deleterious consequences. Much to the chagrin of gun control activists, three points of action should be taken. This involves prosecuting individuals for crimes they commit, enforcing existing laws, and not killing off the gun industry as a means to stop crime.
First, guns are tools without a mind of their own that are operated by individuals. Blaming gun manufacturers for illegal gun crimes is like blaming cars for manslaughter, blaming Airbnb for your spouse's infidelity, or blaming Snapchat for causing car crashes. In these particular cases, much like illegal gun crimes, perpetrators — not products — are to blame for the problems they inflict on society.
Second, enforcing existing laws will help curb illegal gun crimes. Gun manufacturers and retailers already abide by federal and state laws. If negligent, they are held to account and pay for their mistakes. Calling for additional restrictions in the form of more background checks, magazine bans or wrongful death lawsuits does nothing to curb crime before it strikes. Federal and state laws already prohibit those with mental illness, domestic abuse, drug convictions and other offenses from obtaining firearms. Unsurprisingly, criminals violate laws and slip through the cracks. Washington Navy Yard shooter Aaron Alexis had delusions and a well-pronounced mental health record prior to killing 12 innocent people in September 2013. Despite these signs, Alexis — who was a government contractor — received a security clearance. Similarly, Lanza displayed unusual and disturbing behavior prior to carrying out his attack on Sandy Hook Elementary. His mother ignored signs and ultimately became his first victim. These criminals are responsible for the wrongdoing they committed.
Third, suing gun manufacturers and retailers to avenge for the acts of criminals will not only drive the gun industry into extinction, it will fail to rid society of crime. Lawsuits aimed at running the gun industry into the ground will lead to mass business closures, a greater loss of freedom, and no reduction of crime in society. It's unfortunate gun controllers boast a dangerous agenda aimed at killing off true safety measures and self-protection.
The gun industry exists on the pretext of promoting actual gun safety. The negligent few who commit crimes don't represent nor speak for the gun industry — and never will. Despite media reports, the presence of more firearms in the hands of good people has led to the reduction of crimes committed by bad people with guns.
Scapegoating the gun industry will perpetuate illegal gun crimes and lead to the further criminalization of legal gun owners. If the gun control lobby's true aim was to reduce crime, it wouldn't target gun companies such as Remington. Instead, it would seek to prosecute criminals for the crimes they commit.
More of Gabriella's articles ranging far beyond the 2nd Amendment can be seen at her home site: thegabriellahoffman.com
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220-Year-Old Beer Recipe Resurrected by Belgian Monks
words: Cat Wolinski
photo: Annavee / Shutterstock.com
updated: May 21st, 2019
A book of 12th-century beer recipes is being used to recreate beers from the past. The books were discovered in the archives at Grimbergen Abbey, a monastery founded in Grimbergen, Belgium in 1128.
The books, which Grimbergen Abbey has had possession of for some time, once belonged to the Norbertine monastery, which was burned down by French revolutionaries in 1798, the Guardian reports.
Now, after four years of research, the 220-year-old recipes are being resurrected. The brew will yield a hefty Belgian ale of 10.8 percent ABV. The ale is being produced by Carlsberg, based in Copenhagen, Denmark, which currently produces Grimbergen-brand beer for markets outside of Belgium; and by Alken-Maes brewery for the Belgian market.
"We had the books with the old recipes, but nobody could read them," Father Karel Stautemas, the abbey's subprior, said. The recipes were written in old Latin and old Dutch, so the abbey brought in volunteers to study the texts.
"We've spent hours leafing through the books and have discovered ingredient lists for beers brewed in previous centuries, the hops used, the types of barrels and bottles, and even a list of the actual beers produced centuries ago," he said.
An interesting aspect of the recipes is their use of hops, which was novel at the time, when monasteries brewed with other herbs. That said, the beer recipe will be tweaked to cater to modern tastes.
220-Year-Old Beer Recipe Resurrected by Belgian Monks | VinePair
https://vinepair.com/booze-news/220-year-old-belgian-beer/
wbs_cat Beer, wbs_type Belgian Ale, wbs_brand Carlsberg, wbs_brand Grimbergen, beer, belgian beer, recipe
World's Best Movie Theater Lets You Bring Your Dog and Has Bottomless Wine | VinePair
https://vinepair.com/booze-news/worlds-best-movie-theater-lets-you-bring-your-dog-and-has-bottomless-wine/
Tim McKirdy
wbs_cat Spirit, wbs_cat Wine, wbs_type Whiskey, dog, Movies

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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About Staf
New Vice-Chancellor at the Royal College of Music in Stockholm Brita
New Vice-Chancellor at the Royal College of Music in Stockholm
Today, Helena Wessman takes over as the new Vice-Chancellor at the Royal College of Music in Stockholm (KMH). She has for the past five years and up to now been the General Manager at Berwaldhallen concert hall with the Swedish Radio Symphony Orchestra and the Swedish Radio Choir.
Helena Wessman is herself educated at KMH, with trombone as the main instrument. Since 2013 she has been a member of KMH's Board of Directors and is thus well acquainted with the university college. She has a broad competence in music life – as an active musician, and as a manager and vice-chancellor. In addition to being the manager of Berwaldhallen, she has also been the CEO and artistic director of the Gothenburg Symphony Orchestra and, before that, the head of the Academy of Music and Drama at the University of Gothenburg in 2007-2009.
Photo: Clément Morin (Exterior KMH) and Bo Söderström (Portrait Helena Wessman)
More from Staf.
News | 16 Dec 2019
International scholars at Stockholm City Hall
News | 3 Dec 2019
Mehdi Attarpour appointed International Talent of the Year
News | 27 Nov 2019
2019 SDCN International Talent of the Year Award


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The Top Five Best James Bond Title Sequences
The James Bond title sequence, like much to do with the phenomenon that is James Bond movies, is iconic. You know you are watching a Bond movie just from seeing a few seconds of one.
The gun barrel sequence that preceded the pre-credits sequence in the classic films has, of course, become iconic in its own right. But the Daniel Craig Bond movies have moved away from the gun barrel sequence – integrating it into the opening in Casino Royale and relegating it to the end of the movie in Quantum of Solace and Skyfall.
The title sequences, usually with a memorable song and visuals, are more interesting as some work better than others. They've also moved with the times more, adding visual effects and computer generated imagery.
So, what makes a James Bond title sequence into one of the all-time great James Bond title sequences?
Three factors:
Theme music – it has to have a great song.
Silhouettes – these are part of the iconic nature, a must have.
Style – some James Bond title sequences are too generic, the best have a powerful theme.
Everyone's top five James Bond title sequences are probably different, but here's mine.
Fifth best James Bond title sequence: Goldfinger
Robert Brownjohn designed the title sequence for Goldfinger.
The images being reflected on the gold body make this one. Of course, the theme song is awesome too.
Fourth best James Bond title sequence: Goldeneye
Designed by Daniel Kleinman, the themes are mildly disturbing: mutant faces and Soviet symbols, all silhouetted with flame. The song isn't the best ever, but it fits.
Third best James Bond title sequence: Quantum of Solace
Designed by American studio MK12, Quantum of Solace is the most classic of the recent Bond film intros. I love the long tracking shot of the bullet and I like the song.
Second best James Bond title sequence: The World is not Enough
Also designed by Daniel Kleinman. The girls made of oil in this one are great and I love the song.
Best James Bond title sequence ever: Diamonds are Forever
Designed by the original Bond title sequence designer Maurice Binder. Glittering Diamonds, slinky Persian Cats, iconic song – it all adds up to the perfect Bond title sequence.
The Art of Bond by Laurent Bouzereau has a wonderful chapter on the Bond title sequences. It's available from Amazon US here. and on Amazon UK here.
A Kill in the Morning
If you like James Bond, then you'll love my novel A Kill in the Morning which SFF World described as "an action-packed romp that Ian Fleming would be proud of."
You can read the opening here: The first two chapters of A Kill in the Morning.
Agree, Disagree?
If you'd like to suggest a different top five, then please email me. Otherwise, feel free to share the page using the buttons below.
Alternative James Bond Themes How to Choose a Title for Your Novel Skyfall Review Spectre – Movie Review The Spy Who Loved Me: Movie Review From Russia with Love – Book Review


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Home > News and events > News > 20Dec-Nursing Reform Release
Developing nursing leadership and a support for nurses is crucial to the quality of patient care
Ward sisters/Charge nurses need to be a given a more prominent leadership role in hospitals if standards of acute nursing care are to be improved according to a new paper from the University of Birmingham's leading health policy unit the Health Services Management Centre
The paper: (Time to Care? Responding to concerns about poor nursing care) makes a series of recommendations to support nurses working in acute hospital care to deliver a better service for patients. As well as recommendations focussed on leadership the paper also identifies the need for a systematic approach to supporting nurses with the emotional stress of caring work and a recognised training programme for healthcare support workers.
A number of external reports including the Francis Inquiry (2010) and most recently the Care Quality Commission report (Care Quality Commission 2011 have highlighted problems with nursing care in the NHS.
Researchers gathered views of those working in the NHS before convening a series of focus groups involving senior nurses, particularly Directors of Nursing, a job that is designed to oversee good nursing care in the NHS, to explore the relevant issues and seek practical solutions.
The seven core recommendations are:
1. Ward sisters/Charge nurses need to be a given a more prominent leadership role in hospitals if standards of acute nursing care are to be improved according to a new paper from the University of Birmingham's leading health policy unit the Health Services Management Centre
2. Senior Nurse leaders need to be freed from the competing demands placed upon their time to enable them to fulfil the prime role of leading clinical nursing
3. Where new ward designs limit the visibility of nurses, systems of 'intentional rounding' should be introduced to ensure organisational processes enable nurse patient contact to be maintained.
4. Clinical dashboards that measure nursing care indicators, which can then be reported to the Board, are an important tool which should be introduced into every acute hospital trust
5. Student nurses need to feel a greater sense of belonging to the nursing profession rather than being identified primarily as a university student.
6. Healthcare support workers would benefit from a recognised training programme in every organisation, underpinned by a probationary period for all new starters.
Emotional Labour of Nursing
7. Boards should recognise the emotional labour of nursing and establish a systematic approach to supporting nurses. This should be evaluated to assess its impact on nurses as carers and the subsequent outcome for patients.
Lead author Yvonne Sawbridge, Senior Research Fellow at HSMC explains: "Maintaining the quality of nursing care is a policy focus for all governments and this has meant regular changes to the system nurses work in.
What we try to do in this paper is provide some clear principles for improving the experiences of nurses working in acute care, as the literature identified the emotional cost of care, but this recognition was not embedded in practice. Whilst many would acknowledge that nursing is an emotionally difficult job, this rarely features in current debates, and organisations rarely discuss nursing in these terms.
Giving nurses systematic support would enhance the experience for all nurses and their patients on acute wards and send a clear message that the role nurses play in acute care is genuinely valued"
For further information contact: Ben Hill, PR Manager, University of Birmingham, Tel 0121 4145134, Mob 07789 921163.


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The knockout format that knocked India out of AFC Cup
Chennaiyin's poor performance in the continental tournament is a cause of concern for the league format.
On 26th June, Chennaiyin FC won the away final fixture of the AFC Cup against Manang Marshyangdi in Nepal, but there was no joy of the win for the AFC Cup debutants nor for the Indian fans, as the team got knocked out of the AFC Cup finishing second in the group to Bangladeshi club Abahani Dhaka.
This meant that Chennaiyin would go down in the history books for an embarrassing record- the first team in the last seven years from India to have not been able to make it to the knockout stage of the Asia's second-most coveted club competition.
Ever since Bengaluru FC earned the best track record for India in the AFC Cup in 2016 by finishing runner-ups, surpassing the previous best record of Dempo's fairytale run to the semi-final of the competition, the expectations from Indian clubs to win the silverware had risen exponentially.
There were even expectations from the clubs to earn a spot in the Asia's premier club competition- the AFC Champions League. But fast forward in 2019, Indian fans witnessed a downfall no one ever expected. India's club game has always been considered a notch above in terms of quality in comparison to its counterparts from the other countries of the subcontinental and overall the entire South Asian region.
With the birth of Indian Super League (ISL) and subsequent allocation of a spot in the continental competition to the league, it was expected that India's performance would see an unexpected rise- due to the quality of foreign players and coaching staff brought in by deep pocket owners.
But Chennaiyin's performance put up an exact reverse image of ISL. The club couldn't even manage to top the group stage playing against clubs of South Asian region. None of the clubs from this region have a very good track record in the club competition and none of the clubs from this region spend big.
Traveling back in the time, Chennaiyin's journey to the AFC Cup definitely will tell us what could exactly have been a big, if not the only reason for the disastrous end of India's part in the AFC Cup. Chennaiyin FC won the ISL title after defeating Bengaluru FC in the final of the 2017-18 ISL season.
However, the Machans were an unlikely winner. Bengaluru FC were the favorites to win the league as they were the best team in the league stage. The Blues had topped the group that season and were the league leaders by some remarkable margin in the points table. They were ahead of second-placed Chennaiyin by 8 points and third and fourth-placed teams by 10 points. No team was close to the Blues. But Chennaiyin defeated them in the final to win the league.
The Blues and India skipper Sunil Chhetri expressed his disappointment at missing out of the continental competition due to this, "I think if you work hard for 18 weeks, you deserve to be called the champions of India," Chhetri posted on Twitter. "The minimum that you deserve is an AFC Cup slot. I am not just saying it because of what is going on right now. Last two years, I played for clubs that won the league and eventually lost the trophy.
He added, "The semifinal is great for fans, the atmosphere, everything is interesting and then getting the ISL trophy is great. But I think the AFC slot is should at least go to the one who worked so hard for 18 weeks because it is not easy; you get injured, you have away games, you have suspensions. I just hope that soon the rule changes. I am sure that every players, clubs and fans associated with the ISL will feel the same way."
"I want to thank the fans and I want to congratulate Chennaiyin FC for winning the final. But I believe we won the league phase and so we are the champions," Bengaluru and India custodian Gurpreet stated.
Indeed, had the club played in I-league they would have been called the champions, and this is how the champions are decided in most leagues of the world. All top European leagues follow this suit.
While the knockout format of the ISL makes it a thrilling competition, it must be remembered that the ultimate goal of the league should be to send the best team of the league to Asian competition- which is none but the most consistent team of the league, the league table-toppers.


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Democratic Republic of Congo in Crisis
We are no longer updating this blog. For more information about Human Rights Watch's reporting on Congo, please visit: https://www.hrw.org/africa/democratic-republic-congo.
The year 2017 will be critical for the Democratic Republic of Congo. After much bloodshed and two years of brutal political repression leading up to and following the December 19, 2016, deadline that marked the end of President Joseph Kabila's constitutionally mandated two-term limit, participants at talks mediated by the Catholic Church signed an agreement on New Year's Eve 2016. It includes a clear commitment that presidential elections will be held before the end of 2017, that President Joseph Kabila will not seek a third term, and that there will be no referendum nor changes to the constitution. While the deal could prove to be a big step toward Congo's first democratic transition since independence, there's still a long road ahead.
Human Rights Watch's Congo team will continue here to provide real-time updates, reports from the field, and other analysis and commentary to help inform the public about the ongoing crisis and to urge policymakers to remain engaged to prevent an escalation of violence and abuse in Congo -- with potentially volatile repercussions across the region.
00:01 AM EDT
The Congolese Government Is at War with Its People
Click to expand Image
A girl stands in an Internally Displaced Camp in Bunia, Ituri province, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, April 9, 2018. © 2018 Reuters
Published in openDemocracy
The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo is putting its own short-term interests over the well-being of the Congolese people. It is refusing to attend and encouraging others to stay home from today's international conference in Geneva, a United Nations-led initiative to raise $1.7 billion for emergency assistance to over 13 million people in Congo affected by recent violence.
Government officials deny that there's a humanitarian crisis. This appears related to a sinister attempt to attract foreign investment and further enrich those in power, while avoiding outside scrutiny.
Congolese security forces and armed groups have killed thousands of civilians in the past two years, adding to at least six million Congolese who have died from conflict-related causes over the past two decades – making the conflict in Congo the world's deadliest since World War II. Today, some 4.5 million Congolese are displaced from their homes – more than in any other country in Africa. Tens of thousands have fled into Uganda, Angola, Tanzania, and Zambia in recent months – raising the specter of increased regional instability.
Congo is Africa's biggest copper producer and the world's largest source of cobalt–which has tripled in value in the past 18 months because of the demand for electric cars. Hundreds of millions of dollars of mining revenue have gone missing in recent years, as Kabila and his family and close associates have amassed fortunes. While Congo's immense mineral wealth could help address the emergency and other basic needs of an impoverished population, income from any new investments are more likely to end up in the pockets of those in power.
Much of the recent violence is linked to the country's worsening political crisis. President Joseph Kabila has delayed elections and used violence, repression, and corruption to entrench his hold on power beyond the end of his constitutionally mandated two-term limit on December 19, 2016.
Kabila has presided over a system of entrenched impunity in which those most responsible for abuses are routinely rewarded with positions, wealth, and power. Congolese security forces have carried out or orchestrated much of the violence, in some cases by creating or backing local armed groups. Well-placed security and intelligence sources have told us that efforts to sow violence and instability are an apparently deliberate "strategy of chaos" to justify further election delays.
Congolese security forces shot dead nearly 300 people during political protests over the past three years. Since December, security forces have hit a new low by firing into Catholic church grounds to disrupt peaceful services and protest marches following Sunday mass.
Meanwhile, attacks on civilians have intensified in eastern Congo's Ituri province over the past three months. We have documented terrifying accounts of massacres, rapes, and decapitation. More than 200,000 people have been forced to flee their homes.
While government officials have insisted that the recent violence is the consequence of inter-ethnic tensions, baffled residents say that isn't so. Many referred to an "invisible hand" – seemingly professional killers came into their villages and hacked people to death in what appeared to be well-planned assaults. Some alleged that government officials may be involved.
But Congo's deputy minister for international cooperation said last week that "there is no humanitarian crisis." Congo's foreign minister said the UN's description of the humanitarian situation in Congo is "counterproductive for the public image and attractiveness of our country and could scare away potential investors."
Congolese government officials sent threatening letters to the Netherlands and Sweden, who are supporting the conference, saying Congo would be "forced to impose consequences" if they continue with their preparations, and they successfully convinced the United Arab Emirates to pull out.
Donors should not be intimidated. They should instead work to ensure that adequate funds are raised to meet the life-threatening humanitarian and protection needs of the Congolese people. And just as important, they should work to address the underlying causes of the violence to prevent the crisis from spiraling out of control even further.
That means working closely with regional leaders to ensure Kabila steps down in accordance with the constitution and allows for the organization of free, fair, and credible elections. Congolese need an opportunity to elect a new president who is accountable to the people and who will work to bring an end to Congo's violence, impunity, and suffering. The Congolese people deserve no less.
17:53 PM EST
Congo's Kabila Ignores Political Crisis Amid New Repression
A rare press conference by President Joseph Kabila on Friday signaled that the Democratic Republic of Congo's political crisis was far from resolved and that further repression and restrictions on free expression and assembly may be in store.
Democratic Republic of Congo's President Joseph Kabila addresses a news conference at the State House in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo, January 26, 2018. © 2018 Kenny Katombe/Reuters
As concern has grown over the deadly consequences of Kabila's efforts to remain in power beyond his constitutionally mandated two-term limit, which ended in December 2016, there have been increasing calls domestically and internationally for Kabila to state explicitly he will not be a candidate in proposed December 2018 elections, and not seek to amend the constitution, and that he will step down by the end of 2018. Among those weighing in was a bipartisan group of United States senators in a letter sent to Kabila last week.
In the press conference – his first in five years - Kabila made none of those commitments. While claiming the electoral process was "resolutely under way," he said only the national electoral commission (CENI) is empowered to decide when exactly the poll will be held. When a journalist asked Kabila whether he would run again, he didn't say no but asked that a copy of the constitution be given to her.
Despite the rights of Congolese to demonstrate peacefully under the constitution and international law, Kabila said a new law is needed to "reframe" the legality around such demonstrations, noting that "democracy isn't a fairground." He claimed to have "burst out in laughter" when he sees those who "pretend to defend the constitution." Unfortunately, what Kabila considers to be a laughing matter has been the security forces shooting dead, wounding, and jailing hundreds of people peacefully calling for the constitution to be respected.
Kabila also questioned the price tag on the electoral process, which he said could come at the cost of the country's development: "Should we be cited as the most democratic country in the world, or is development what matters?" he said. "When the time comes," he added, "courageous decisions" will need to be made. Was this a veiled reference to an upcoming referendum or change to the electoral process that would allow Kabila to stay in power?
Kabila's remarks came two days after the United Nations human rights office in Congo reported that some 1,176 people were extrajudicially executed by Congolese "state agents" in 2017, representing a threefold increase over two years.
On January 21, thousands of Catholic worshipers and other Congolese protested in several cities and towns, calling for Kabila to step down and allow for the organization of elections. Security forces responded with unnecessary or excessive force, firing teargas and live ammunition to disperse crowds. At least seven people were killed, according to Human Rights Watch's research, including a 24-year-old woman studying to be a nun, shot dead right outside her church. The January 21 crackdown followed similar protests called by Congo's Catholic Church lay leaders after Sunday Mass on December 31, when security forces killed at least eight people and injured or arrested scores of others, including many Catholic priests.
Over the past three years, Kabila and those around him have used one delaying tactic after another to postpone elections and entrench their hold on power through brutal repression, largescale violence and human rights abuses, backed by systemic corruption. A Catholic Church-mediated power sharing agreement signed on New Year's Eve 2016 provided Kabila another year in power – beyond the end of his constitutional term limit – to implement a series of confidence building measures and organize elections by the end of 2017. But instead, these commitments were largely flouted. Despite CENI's publication of the electoral calendar on November 5 – which set December 23, 2018 as the new date for elections, with the caveat that numerous "constraints" could push the date back even further – Kabila has not demonstrated that he is preparing to step down, or create a climate conducive to the organization of free, fair, and credible elections.
While some of Congo's international partners have increased pressure on Kabila's government, more needs to be done to show that there will be real consequences for further attempts to delay elections and entrench his presidency through repression. Belgium recently announced it is suspending all direct bilateral support to the Congolese government and redirecting its aid to humanitarian and civil society organizations. Other donors should follow suit. In December the US sanctioned Israeli billionaire Dan Gertler, one of Kabila's close friends and financial associates who "amassed his fortune through hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of opaque and corrupt mining and oil deals" in Congo, as well as a number of individuals and companies associated with Gertler. Yet the impact of these actions would be much greater if the UN Security Council, the European Union, and the US work together to expand targeted sanctions against those most responsible for serious human rights abuses in Congo and those providing financial or political support to the repressive tactics.
Ultimately, Congo's partners are going to need to decide whether their interests lie with supporting an abusive, dictatorial government, or with respecting and advancing the rights of the Congolese people – and what that means in terms of concrete action.
15-Year-Old Peaceful Protester Beaten and Detained
Police arrested 15-year-old Binja Happy Yalala during a peaceful protest in Idjwi, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, on November 15, 2017. © 2017 Private
On Wednesday, Binja Happy Yalala, a 15-year-old secondary school student on Idjwi Island in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, was beaten by police who accused her of being a sorcerer and detained her for over 10 hours. Her actual "crime" was that she had participated in a peaceful march organized by the citizens' movement "C'en Est Trop" ("This is Too Much").
The marchers were responding to a call from other citizens movements and civil society groups, and backed by political opposition leaders, for Congolese to mobilize on November 15 and demand that President Joseph Kabila leave office by the end of 2017 in accordance with the constitution and the New Year's Eve agreement signed late last year.
The Idjwi protesters arrived at their local administrative office, singing the national anthem, to deliver a memo when the police commander gave the order to arrest them.
"The police immediately followed the order with brutality and violence," said Binja's father, who had joined the march with his daughter. "Some of us started to run, but others were taken immediately, including myself. They beat us with their fists and batons and kicked us. They said to us: 'You all are rebels. We're the ones who control the law. You will see how we'll make you suffer.'"
When Binja saw her father and the others being arrested, she said she couldn't just stand by and watch.
"I was scared, but it also made my heart ache because I didn't understand what my father and the others had done wrong," Binja told Human Rights Watch. "So I went up and asked the police to let them go. When they didn't listen to me, I told them that I wasn't going to leave without my father, so if they don't release him they should arrest me too. Then without hesitating, one of them grabbed me roughly by the arm, beat my back with his gun, and tied my hands tightly behind my back. It hurt a lot, and I cried out. They then put me in the cell with my father and the others."
Binja, her father, and the 11 others detained were soon taken to Idjwi territory's main prison.
"They asked us a lot of questions about what had happened," Binja said. "They beat my father because they said he had taught me things. He tried in vain to explain that I wasn't a member of the movement. They then accused me of being a sorcerer, and they beat me again with their batons."
Binja said that when they were all finally released about 10 p.m., she hurt all over and could barely walk.
In total, Congolese security forces detained at least 52 people on November 15 while they were participating in or planning small marches and demonstrations in Goma, Kasindi, Kindu, Kisangani, Kinshasa, and Idjwi. Most were later released, but eight remain in detention, including six in Goma and two in Kinshasa.
Two activists who police arrested in Goma on Monday while encouraging people to join the planned protests were still in detention.
On November 14, the day before the protests, the provincial police commander in Goma had instructed his forces to "mercilessly repress" the planned demonstrations, in a filmed message that was widely shared on social media.
The next morning, many people across Congo – including in Kinshasa, Lubumbashi, Mbandaka, Matadi, Mbuji-Mayi, Kananga, Goma, Idjwi, Beni, Kasindi, Butembo and Kisangani – woke up to the sight of a heavy deployment of security forces on their cities' main roads. In several cities, streets were less crowded than usual, shops and markets remained closed, and many students stayed home from school. People stayed home as a sign of protest or to stay safe from any violent crackdown, or both. The few protesters who dared go out on the streets were often quickly arrested by security forces or dispersed by teargas.
The United Nations peacekeeping mission in Congo (MONUSCO) had urged Congolese authorities on November 14 to respect "the freedom to demonstrate in a peaceful and restrained manner" and to "allow all voices to express themselves calmly and peacefully." The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights reinforced this appeal, calling on Congolese authorities to "halt the inflammatory rhetoric against protestors" and to ensure security personnel "receive clear instructions that they will be held accountable for their conduct during law and order operations in the context of demonstrations, regardless of their ranks or affiliation."
In a joint statement published yesterday, the European Union, American, Swiss, and Canadian missions in Congo called on Congolese security forces to refrain from the excessive use of force and warned that those responsible could be held to account, including in an individual manner.
Many political prisoners and activists, arrested during previous political demonstrations or for their participation in other peaceful political activities, remain in detention. For a list and summary of a selection of these cases, please see here.
Congolese authorities should immediately release all those held for the peaceful expression of their political views, and should start working to create a climate conducive to the organization of free, fair elections.
New DR Congo Electoral Calendar Faces Skepticism Amid More Protests, Repression
The Democratic Republic of Congo's national electoral commission (CENI) has set December 23, 2018 as the date for presidential, legislative, and provincial elections – more than two years after the end of President Joseph Kabila's constitutionally mandated two term-limit.
Security forces killed 11-year-old Jotham Kasigwa Murume during demonstrations in Goma on October 30, 2017. © 2017 Private
According to the calendar released yesterday by the CENI, the new president would be sworn in on January 12, 2019, and the whole electoral cycle, including local elections, would continue until February 16, 2020. As with past electoral calendars that CENI and government officials have blatantly disregarded, the new calendar includes a list of 15 legal, financial, and logistical "constraints" that could impact the timeline.
The CENI's announcement comes about a week after the United States ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley visited Congo, where she announced before meeting with Kabila that Congo's long-delayed elections must be held by the end of 2018 or they would not receive international support.
While some diplomats might see the new calendar as a sign of progress, many Congolese are rightly skeptical. Over the past several years, Kabila and his coterie have blocked the organization of elections as the deadline for when he needs to step down keeps getting extended. Senior US officials and other diplomats delivered similar messages to Kabila in the lead-up to December 19, 2016, the end of Kabila's two-term limit. When that deadline passed with no progress toward elections, the UN Security Council and others pressed Kabila to organize elections by the end of 2017, in accordance with a Catholic Church-mediated power sharing arrangement signed on December 31, 2016, known as the New Year's Eve agreement.
Kabila and his ruling coalition then disregarded the main terms of the agreement, as Kabila entrenched his hold on power through corruption, large-scale violence, and brutal repression against the opposition, activists, journalists, and peaceful protesters. Security force officers went so far as to implement an apparently deliberate "strategy of chaos" and orchestrated violence, especially in the southern Kasai region, where up to 5,000 people have been killed since August 2016. Government and CENI officials have announced since July that elections could not be held in 2017 as called for in the New Year's Eve agreement, ostensibly due to the violence in the Kasais.
Meanwhile, there has been no independent oversight or audit of the ongoing voter registration process. Civil society organizations and political opposition leaders have raised concerns about possible large-scale fraud. Some fear a deeply flawed electoral list could be used to push through a constitutional referendum process that could remove term limits and allow Kabila to run for a third term. Kabila himself has repeatedly refused to say publicly and explicitly that he will not be a candidate in future elections. The extra year the new calendar gives Kabila allows him more time to attempt constitutional or extra-constitutional means to stay in power.
The Struggle for Change (LUCHA) citizens' movement strongly denounced the calendar presented by the CENI yesterday as "fantasy" and called on the Congolese people to mobilize to defend themselves peacefully against the "shameful maneuver by Kabila and his regime to gain more time to accomplish their goal of staying in power indefinitely." LUCHA stated that the movement no longer recognizes Kabila and his government as the legitimate representatives of the Congolese people and urged Congo's international partners to do the same.
Other citizens' movements, human rights activists, and opposition leaders made similar calls, denouncing the new CENI calendar, urging the Congolese people to mobilize, and calling for a "citizens' transition" without Kabila to allow for the organization of credible elections.
Meanwhile, the repression against opposition leaders and supporters, human rights and pro-democracy activists, peaceful protesters, and journalists has continued unabated. Security forces arrested around 100 opposition party supporters and pro-democracy activists during protests in Lubumbashi, Goma, Mbandaka, and Beni over the past two weeks. Many of them were later released. During the protest in Goma on October 30, security forces shot dead five civilians, including an 11-year-old boy, and wounded 15 others.
Security forces killed 19-year-old Jean Louis Kandiki during demonstrations in Goma on October 30, 2017. © 2017 Private
More protests are planned across the country in the coming days to reject the CENI's newly announced calendar. Congolese government officials and security forces should not use unnecessary or excessive force against protesters, tolerate peaceful protests and political meetings, and allow activists, opposition party leaders, and journalists to move around freely and conduct their work independently, without interference.
Congo's international partners, including the UN peacekeeping mission in Congo, should work to protect peaceful protesters and individuals at risk and show their support for the Congolese people's quest for a more democratic and rights-respecting future.
Three-Year Mystery Behind DR Congo's Beni Massacres Unravels
New research has cast light onto one of the Democratic Republic of Congo's most gruesome mysteries – the slaughter of more than 800 people in Beni territory that began three years ago this week.
Coffins of three people killed on December 1, 2014 in Eringeti, around 60 kilometers north of Beni town. A total of six people were killed that day. The most recent attack documented by Human Rights Watch in Eringeti was on May 3, 2016, killing 19. © 2014 Private
The more than 120 massacres in eastern Congo, in which assailants methodically hacked people to death with axes and machetes or fatally shot them, continued through August this year and have baffled analysts. But a new investigative report by the New York University-based Congo Research Group offers a breakthrough in understanding the dynamics and gives hope that perpetrators will one day face justice.
Based on two years of painstaking research, the report identifies distinct killing phases and an array of diverse armed actors responsible for the massacres: the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), an Islamist Ugandan rebel group based in eastern Congo; former officers from the Congolese Patriotic Army (APC); the armed branch of the Congolese Rally for Democracy-Liberation Movement (RCD-ML), the Ugandan-backed rebellion during Congo's second war from 1998 to 2003; and various other local militia groups; as well as elements of the Congolese army. Instead of the killings being committed by a cohesive group with a singular political agenda, these actors constantly shifted alliances fighting alongside and against each other.
During the Rwandan-backed M23 rebellion in eastern Congo in 2012 and 2013, remnants of the APC in Beni territory mobilized and established an informal alliance with the M23 fighters, according to the report. After the M23 was defeated in November 2013, the Congolese army turned its focus to Beni, officially to defeat the ADF rebels, who had been present on Congolese territory for many years. According to the report, former APC officers in Beni perceived these operations as an attempt to dismantle the lucrative political and economic networks they had established in Beni, including through collaboration with the ADF and other local militia groups. In response, they orchestrated the first of a series of small-scale killings in Beni in 2013. These initial attacks were reportedly meant to show the Congolese government's failure to protect the population, and thereby delegitimize its authority and pave the way for a new rebellion.
Once the killings began, some Congolese army officers under the command of Gen. Akili Mundos decided to co-opt the network of former APC officers, ADF combatants, and other local militia fighters, the report found. Instead of ending the violence, the army began working together with members of the same network responsible for the initial killings, allowing the killings to continue on a much larger scale starting in October 2014.
With Pandora's Box opened, the web of foes and friends changed constantly with various local militia groups taking a more prominent role as the massacres continued. All the while, the Congolese government blamed all the violence on so-called "radical ADF terrorists," in an apparent attempt to mislead the Congolese population, foreign diplomats, journalists, and the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Congo, which continued to provide uncritical support to the army.
While there are still many unanswered questions, the new Congo Research Group report sheds important light on those responsible for the Beni massacres. It should serve as a basis for credible judicial investigations as well as targeted sanctions by the UN Security Council and others.
International attention on Congo has shifted from the Beni crisis to Congo's southern Kasai region, where new massacres have killed more than 5,000 people and displaced some 1.4 million from their homes since August 2016, according to the UN. To finally break these devastating cycles of violence and impunity, the Beni massacres cannot be forgotten. Strong action is needed to show that there are consequences for those responsible – no matter their rank or position.
16:43 PM EDT
Congolese Authorities Arrest, Later Release 49 Activists Holding Anti-Kabila Protests
Sixteen activists were arrested in Kisangani, Democratic Republic of Congo, on September 30, 2017, and released later that day. © 2017 Private
On September 30, Democratic Republic of Congo security forces arbitrarily arrested 49 activists from several citizens' movements protesting the failure to hold presidential elections before the end of the year.
Activists from Struggle for Change (LUCHA), Countdown (Compte à Rebours), and Bell of the People (Kengele ya Raia) were arrested in Congo's eastern cities of Goma and Kisangani. Small protests were also held in Bukavu and Bandundu.
The activists were peacefully protesting the electoral commission's failure to call the presidential elections in time for them to be held before December 31, 2017, as called for in the Catholic Church-mediated agreement signed on December 31, 2016. Under Congo's constitution, national elections need to be announced at least three months before the voting date, which means the deadline to hold elections during 2017 has now passed.
In Goma, activists tried to deliver a letter to the electoral commission's office, but they were prevented by riot police. "They cornered us with two police trucks and tried to take our banners from us," one LUCHA activist told Human Rights Watch. "Some of us managed to get away but the rest of us were forced onto the police trucks."
The 16 activists arrested in Kisangani were released later that day, while the 33 activists in Goma were released three days later without charge. These latest arrests show the government's intent to quickly quash peaceful protests before they build momentum.
Last week, four LUCHA activists in Mbuji-Mayi – Nicolas Mbiya, Josué Cibuabua, Mamie Ndaya, and Josué Kabongo – were released from prison. They had been arbitrarily arrested in mid-July for investigating the voter registration process in Kasai Oriental province. Mbiya and Cibuabua had already been detained for nearly a week in May for demanding the publication of an electoral calendar. Earlier, from December 2016 to February, Mbiya was also detained with another LUCHA activist, Jean Paul Mualaba Biaya, for protesting President Joseph Kabila's decision to stay in power beyond his constitutionally mandated two-term limit.
The September 30 protests came a week after President Kabila's address to the United Nations General Assembly in New York. In his public remarks and in reports that have emerged about his private meetings with various foreign officials in New York, Kabila did nothing that would suggest that he is preparing to leave power, making no clear commitments about when elections would be held or that he would not be a candidate.
Earlier this week, a coalition of United States senators led by Cory Booker wrote to US President Donald Trump, urging the US government to "use the means at our disposal" if the Congolese government continues to refuse to implement the "spirit and letter" of the December 31, 2016 agreement, "including sanctions designations under Executive Order 13671 on DRC, anti-money-laundering regulations, and additional tools available under the Global Magnitsky Act – to affect the incentives of individuals who have strong influence over President Kabila to incentivize them to urge him to change course."
The US – and Congo's other international partners, including the European Union – would do well to act now, before it's too late and more Congolese pay the price for Kabila's unconstitutional intransigence.
Heavy Fighting in Eastern DR Congo, Threats to Civilians Increase
The risk of increased violence and deteriorating security for civilians in South Kivu province in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo has spiked sharply, as a coalition of armed groups moved in on the province's second largest city, Uvira, last week.
"Militia men attacked the eastern city of Uvira on September 28, 2017." © MONUSCO/Abel Kavanagh
The potentially destabilizing impact of a brewing rebellion in the midst of Congo's ongoing political crisis does not bode well for civilians, already fatigued from two decades of conflict.
The stated goal of the so-called National People's Coalition for the Sovereignty of Congo (Coalition nationale du peuple pour la souveraineté du Congo, CNPSC) is to topple the government of President Joseph Kabila, who they say is illegitimate following his refusal to step down at the end of his constitutionally mandated two-term limit last December. The coalition, which includes at least several hundred fighters from numerous armed groups, has also been referred to as the Alliance of Article 64, a reference to Article 64 of the constitution, which says the Congolese people have an obligation to thwart the efforts of those who seek to take power by force or in violation of the constitution.
Others suggest this is an effort by the Congolese government to stoke further chaos and justify election delays, just as the violence in the Kasais has been used as the main excuse for why elections won't be held before the end of 2017, as called for in the Catholic Church mediated agreement of last December.
The coalition began fighting the Congolese army in late June in Maniema province and Fizi, the southernmost territory of South Kivu, and has moved steadily north, and taken control of several villages along Lake Tanganyika in the past week. The Congolese army and United Nations peacekeepers sent in reinforcements and have kept the rebels out of the city of Uvira, a strategic trading hub.
More than 100,000 people have been displaced since the fighting began in June, and the Congolese army reportedly arrested scores of local youth suspected of having links with the coalition.
The CNPSC is led by self-proclaimed "General" William Yakutumba, commander of one of the most powerful armed groups in South Kivu, which is largely made up of ethnic Bembe fighters. His "Mai Mai Yakutumba" group has committed many abuses over the past decade, including attacks on aid workers, large-scale theft of cattle, piracy on Lake Tanganyika, and illegal exploitation of gold and taxation of the population. The group claims to represent the interests of various local ethnic groups and to protect them against those they perceive as "foreigners," especially members of the Banyamulenge, a minority ethnic group in the province.
The CNPSC's move on Uvira came less than two weeks after Congolese security forces used excessive force to quash a protest at a Burundian refugee camp in Kamanyola, to the north of Uvira, killing around 40 Burundian refugees and wounding more than 100 others. A security force officer was also killed.
The show of force by the CNPSC and increased armed mobilization in South Kivu around the national political crisis is a bad omen for Congo. With Kabila bent on staying in power, violence and instability will likely only increase, with ordinary civilians bearing the brunt of it.
Congo Should Release All Political Prisoners
From left to right: Timothée Mbuya, Erick Omari, Patrick Mbuya, Jean Mulenda, and Jean Pierre Tshibitshabu. They were arrested in Lubumbashi on July 31, 2017. © 2017 Private
The Democratic Republic of Congo should release the dozens of people detained simply because of their political views or for exercising the rights to peaceful protest or free expression.
Yesterday, Human Rights Watch joined 44 international and Congolese rights organizations in an urgent appeal, calling for the release of nine human rights and pro-democracy activists detained in Lubumbashi and Mbuji-Mayi. Human Rights Watch also published a list list today, detailing 30 people arrested between January 2015 and July 2017 – a small sample of the hundreds arbitrarily arrested in the sweeping crackdown of those opposed to President Joseph Kabila's extending his hold on power.
Political Prisoners in Detention in DR Congo
These individuals, who are all still in detention, include political opposition leaders and supporters, human rights and pro-democracy youth activists, journalists, and those suspected of having links to political opposition leaders. Many have been held for weeks or months in secret detention, without charge and without access to families or lawyers. Some allege they were mistreated or tortured and some are suffering serious health complications. Many were put on trial on trumped-up charges.
This list is not exhaustive and only includes cases in which Human Rights Watch was able to confirm the circumstances of arrest. Hundreds of other protesters and political opposition supporters have been arrested over the past three years, many of whom remain in detention. Because Human Rights Watch has not confirmed the grounds for their arrests, these additional cases are not included in our list.
Human Rights Watch has also documented the cases of 222 prisoners arrested since January 2015 who were subsequently released, often after months of arbitrary detention.
Congolese authorities should ensure all detainees have access to necessary medical care, their family members, and a lawyer. All those detained because of peaceful political views or activities or alleged connections to political opposition leaders should be released immediately and cleared of all charges. Congolese authorities should also investigate and appropriately sanction and prosecute security force, intelligence, and government officials implicated in cases of illegal arrest and detention, mistreatment or torture, and political interference in judicial proceedings.
Human Rights Watch's list of political prisoners in detention can be found here.
Detained Opposition Leader Forcibly Removed from Hospital
Opposition leader Franck Diongo in Kinshasa's central prison, Democratic Republic of Congo. © 2017 Private
Congolese opposition leader Franck Diongo has told Human Rights Watch that Congolese military intelligence officials and Republican Guard soldiers removed the intravenous drip and dragged him out of his hospital bed in Kinshasa, capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, last Thursday, August 31. Diongo was then taken back to Kinshasa's central prison.
Diongo, who appeared to be in a seriously weakened state when he spoke to Human Rights Watch, said that the Republican Guard and military intelligence soldiers showed no documents and did not speak to the doctors before forcing him to leave the hospital. In a letter sent on Sunday to a doctor who treated him in the past, quoted by Actualité.cd, Diongo writes that he "vomits blood" and suffers from "severe headaches and stomach pains," and asks to be returned to the hospital. Denial of medical care in such cases amounts to cruel and inhuman treatment in violation of the Convention Against Torture, to which Congo is a party.
Diongo is president of the opposition party Movement of Progressive Lumumbists (MLP), part of the Rassemblement opposition coalition. He was a member of parliament at the time of his arrest.
Authorities in Kinshasa arrested Diongo on December 19, 2016, the last day of President Joseph Kabila's second and final term in office, after Diongo and his colleagues allegedly apprehended, held, and beat three Republican Guard soldiers wearing civilian clothes. Diongo said he feared they had been sent to attack him. "Security forces staged a stunt to arrest me," he later told us.
Diongo was detained in several locations and says he was severely beaten in the following days, including at the Tshatshi military camp and the military intelligence headquarters in Kinshasa. According to the United Nations, Diongo was "subjected to cruel, inhumane or degrading treatments" while he was held by military intelligence officers.
Congo's Supreme Court of Justice sentenced Diongo to five years in prison on December 28, 2016, following a hasty trial that he attended in a wheelchair and on an intravenous drip, which his lawyers said was due to the treatment he endured during arrest and detention. According to Diongo and his lawyers, this amounted to torture. Diongo was convicted of "aggravated arbitrary arrest" and "illegal detention." As a member of parliament, Diongo was tried by the Supreme Court; he has no possibility to appeal the judgement.
After his conviction, Diongo was sent to Kinshasa's central prison, still in a wheelchair. As Diongo's health continued to deteriorate, the doctor treating him in prison submitted a report to the prison's director, who then wrote to the minister of justice, asking for Diongo to be treated in a specialized hospital. Diongo was finally transferred to the Centre Médical de Kinshasa on August 18. As his treatment was ongoing, Diongo was then forcibly removed from this hospital last Thursday.
In June, Diongo's lawyers submitted a request in his name to the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. The document, seen by Human Rights Watch, argues that Congolese authorities did not respect minimum fair trial standards and that Diongo was targeted because of his political opinions. They also made the case that Diongo's right to his conviction and sentence being reviewed by a higher tribunal was violated given that he was convicted in the first and last instance by the Supreme Court. If the Group decides that "the arbitrary nature of the deprivation of liberty is established," it will render an opinion to that effect and make recommendations to the Congolese government.
Diongo also faced problems attempting to register to vote, which would be a pre-condition for him to run again for parliament or another office. On June 21, when other prisoners were registering to vote, the director of the voter registration center at Kinshasa's central prison did not allow Diongo to register, without offering any reason. While Diongo's conviction stripped him of his status as a member of parliament, he did not lose his civil and political rights, including the right to register to vote.
"The members of my political party and myself are victims of persecution and harassment," Diongo told Human Rights Watch. "I am a fierce opponent who refused to participate in the two dialogues with Joseph Kabila … knowing that President Kabila is not a sincere person, and that he'd only want to buy time to extend his presidency."
Congolese authorities should urgently ensure that Diongo is given the medical care he needs, that he can register to vote like other Congolese citizens, and that the legality and necessity of his detention are reviewed, given the serious irregularities and mistreatment surrounding his case.
Across the Democratic Republic of Congo, dozens of political opposition members and activists are in detention for participating in peaceful demonstrations, speaking out against election delays, or criticizing government policies. Many have been held in secret detention without charge or access to family or lawyers. Others have been put on trial on trumped-up charges. Many suffer regular beatings and horrendous living conditions, which have received little international attention.
'Manifesto of the Congolese Citizen' Calls for a Transition without Kabila
Leaders of citizens' movements, civil society organizations, Catholic Church representatives, and other independent Congolese leaders launch the "Manifesto of the Congolese Citizen," in Paris, August 18, 2017. © 2017 Private
Today, about 40 leaders of citizens' movements, civil society organizations, Catholic Church representatives, and other independent Congolese leaders launched the "Manifesto of the Congolese Citizen," following a three-day meeting in Paris to discuss the "return of constitutional order" to the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The two-page document makes the case that President Joseph Kabila has violated the country's constitution by using "force and financial corruption" to stay in power and "entrench his regime of depredation, pauperization, and the pillaging of the country's resources for the benefit of himself, his family, his sycophants, and his foreign allies in Africa and beyond."
It further states that Kabila and a "group of individuals" have "deliberately refused to organize elections," in defiance of the constitution's two-term presidential term limit and the Catholic-Church mediated New Year's Eve agreement, a power-sharing deal calling for elections to be held by December 2017. In doing so, "zones of insecurity" and "deadly tragedies" have emerged across the country, "as part of a clear objective" to declare a "state of emergency" and delay elections, while "terror has once again become the preferred method of government, making it impossible for the Congolese people to claim their rights," according to the document.
The manifesto calls on the Congolese people "to perform their sacred duty, using peaceful and non-violent means, to thwart President Joseph Kabila's attempt to remain in power after December 31, 2017, in application of Article 64 of the constitution." It "demands the resignation" of Kabila and calls for a "citizens' transition" whose primary objective would be the organization of credible elections, and which would be led by leaders who could not be candidates in the future elections and who would be appointed after national consultations.
The document also called for the immediate and unconditional release of political prisoners and the reopening of media outlets, and for security forces to "protect" citizens and not allow themselves to be "used as instruments of repression."
"All citizens of Congo" are called upon to "adhere massively" to the manifesto, and to "participate actively in the campaign of peaceful and non-violent actions to bring about a return to constitutional, democratic order."
Finally, the document calls for a "new system of governance … built on an independent judiciary, security services who are there to protect our citizens, free expression of our constitutional freedoms, transparent and fair management of all national resources, and strong and democratic institutions that put the interests of the Congolese citizen at the heart of every political initiative."
The participants at the Paris meeting, which was initiated by the Institute for Democracy, Governance, Peace, and Development in Africa, also worked to develop an "action plan" for peaceful mobilization.
Confusion Surrounds DR Congo Sect Protests Leaving at Least 27 Dead
Crackdown on Students, Opposition as Government Blames Them for Kinshasa Attacks
Scores of Arrests During Protests Across DR Congo
The Family Fortune Behind DR Congo's President
Gabriel Tambwe, Detained 14 Months in DR Congo
A 'State of Emergency' in DR Congo?
Free Sephora Bidwaya and 11 Co-detainees
Activist, Lawyer Arbitrarily Detained in Kinshasa
Catholic Bishops Call on Congolese to 'Stand Up'
Hope for Justice in the Kasai Region
Congolese Authorities Refuse to Renew Accreditation of French Journalist
Repression, Violence Amid Pressure for Peaceful, Democratic Transition in DR Congo
Sephora, Beaten, Jailed for Holding a Red Card
Nationwide Poll Warns of a Gloomy Future for DR Congo
Strong Action Needed to Salvage DR Congo Elections Deal
Small Protests Falter in Face of Repression in DR Congo
US Conflict Minerals Rule Should Be Refined, Not Revoked
A Silent Protest Across DR Congo Over Failed Political Deal
SADC Should Press to Resolve the DR Congo Crisis
DR Congo: EU Should Impose Additional Targeted Sanctions
Congo's Amani Festival Should be a Safe Space for Peaceful Expression
Congo Voter Registration Hampered by Insecurity, Logistical Challenges
Congolese Mourn Death of Prominent Opposition Leader
One Month On, Little Progress Implementing DR Congo Elections Deal
UN Reports Dramatic Increase in DR Congo Rights Violations in 2016
Doubts Surround Implementation of New Year's Eve Deal
Deal Sets Congo on Path toward First Democratic Transition, but Huge Challenges Ahead
DR Congo Death Toll Rises, Mass Arrests After Protests
Congo's Security Forces Crack Down on Whistling Demonstrators
Tensions High in Congo on Last Day of Kabila's Mandate
The Family Fortune, and Why Congo's Kabila May Be Clinging to Power
Congolese Activists Arrested Outside Church-Mediated Talks
EU and US Slap Sanctions on Top DR Congo Officials
Rights Groups Call for EU, US to Sanction Senior Congolese Officials
UN Security Council Raises Alarm about Possible Violence in DR Congo
Congo Mediation Efforts by Catholic Church Falter
Congolese Youth Arrested Demanding Rights
House of Congo Opposition Leader Attacked
US Congress Hears Stark Warnings About Congo Crisis
Congolese Youth Launch 'Bye Bye Kabila' Campaign
Impose Targeted Sanctions on Congo Before it's Too Late
Arrests, Beatings, Opposition Leaders' Homes Vandalized
Wave of Arrests and Crackdown on Media Ahead of Protests
Guidelines on Freedom of Expression and Assembly in DR Congo
Congolese Authorities Should Release All Political Prisoners
Congolese Government Cracks Down on Foreign Media
Congolese Leaders, Activists Respond to Trump Victory
UN Security Council Should Use Congo Visit to Avert Large-Scale Crisis
Demonstrations Banned, Media Restricted in Congo
Free Expression and Assembly in Congo Under Attack
Mediation by Catholic Church Offers Glimpse of Hope Amid Ongoing Crackdown
Peaceful Activists Rounded Up Yet Again
Pollsters Targeted as Survey Shows Congolese Want Elections
More Activists Arrested in Congo as African Leaders Meet to Discuss Crisis
More Activists Arrested in Lead-up to Protests
UN Reports on Excessive Use of Force During DR Congo Demonstrations
Coalition Proposes Road Map to End Congolese Political Crisis
Protests Across the DR Congo
DR Congo's National Dialogue Fails to Resolve Political Impasse
ICC Delegation in DR Congo
EU Preparing Targeted Sanctions against Senior DR Congo Officials


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Kropatschek Rifles
Portugal moved into breech-loading rifles in a strange way. Initially, a single shot falling block design by a Portuguese army Lieutenant Luiz Fausto de Castro Guedes was adopted and Portugal ordered 40,000 rifles to be produced by Steyr in Austria. Due to manufacturing problems and the fact that the rest of the world had moved onto repeating rifles this order was cancelled halfway through and an in house Steyr rifle design of the Kropatschek was chosen instead. Chambered in the 8x60r cartridge, the Kropatschek action design was heavily influenced by the Mauser Model 1871 but with the addition of a Winchester style tubular magazine first appearing as the 1886 model.
Most Kropatschek rifles are chambered in the now obsolete calibre making them legal to own without a licence in the UK under Section 58 (2) of the firearms act. Because of this, there is a strong demand for these rifles amongst collectors and we always find they sell well with us at auction. Should you have a Kropatschek or any other antique or modern firearms you wish to sell we would be delighted to talk to you about entering it into one of our specialist auctions.
Please contact Chris Large on 01270 623878 or email chris@peterwilson.co.uk. Alternatively, use the valuation form below to obtain a free valuation.
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Chris Large
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text:
Give to Others, and You Will Receive Tenfold in Return
Stay True to Your Values
Just How Do You Know When to Make a Job Move?
It Takes a Team to Create Change
You Need the Big E: Enthusiasm
Venture Out of Your Comfort Zone
We Can Have It All, We Just Can't Always Do It All
What Are You Going to Do for the Rest of Your Life?
Love Being Exactly Who You Are
Life Is What Happens While You Are Busy Making Other Plans
Lessons Learned from Others' Experiences Enrich Our Lives
Living with Imposter Syndrome and Knowing That You Belong in the Room
Don't Fret about Career and Personal Life Balance—There Is No Such Thing
Serve Your "Every Patient"
Be Active, Shape Your Future, and Demonstrate Leadership for Others Following in Your Path
Be the Voice
Follow Your Heart, Seize Opportunities, and Realize There Are Always Trade-Offs
Social Relevance, Purpose, and Legitimacy
Build the Strongest Foundation of Knowledge and Skills That You Can
Learning to Ignore the Lies We Tell Ourselves
We Need More Pharmacists Outside of Pharmacy
A Mantra to Live By: Sí Se Puede! (Yes, You Can!)
Do Not Ask More of Your Staff Than You Are Willing to Give
You Can Only Control Your Choices
Networking Is Not Overrated, It Is Underestimated
Grow, Create, Lead
There Is No Growth in a Comfort Zone and No Comfort in a Growth Zone
Making Difficult Career Decisions
If You Don't Have a Mentor, Get One
Find Your Passion and Pursue It with a Sense of Urgency
Pharmacists Finally Forged Their Place in the World of Public Health
My Cancer Experience Taught Me to Put Patients First
Nurture an Enduring Passion for Patients and the Profession
Pursuing Constructive Change in Pharmacy
in Letters to a Young Pharmacist
John Michael O'Brien
Those who follow the national health policy dialogue have likely heard of John Michael O'Brien. "JMOB," as he is sometimes known, is a pharmacist who has long been on a mission to improve the healthcare system and advance patient care. His pharmacy career has followed a nontraditional path that led him to highly influential positions in the health insurance industry, academia, associations, and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services where he served as then Secretary Alex Azar's expert on pharmaceutical pricing policy. If you had met John right out of pharmacy school, his impressive career would have been no surprise to you; it was clear from the beginning he was destined to do important work in healthcare.
An avid sports fan and licensed pilot, John is currently the President and Chief Executive Officer of the National Pharmaceutical Council, a health policy research organization dedicated to the advancement of good evidence and science, and to fostering an environment in the United States that supports medical innovation. His letter provides insight for those young pharmacists who might wish to pursue a nontraditional pharmacy journey while still advancing the profession. Emphasizing the importance of building and nurturing relationships, he explains that you don't have to work in pharmacy to advance the profession.
https://publications.ashp.org/abstract/book/9781585287109/ch21.xml


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/ World
155 anti-lockdown protesters arrested in London
Published: November 29, 2020 09:04:51 | Updated: December 02, 2020 18:09:08
- Reuters photo
Police in London said on Saturday that they had made 155 arrests as they tried to break up anti-lockdown and anti-vaccine protests.
The police said the arrests had been made for different offences including assaulting a police officer, possession of drugs and breaching coronavirus restrictions. England's current lockdown ends on Dec 2, reports Reuters.
Earlier police lined up in a number of streets in central London's West End shopping district and confronted crowds of protesters in St James's Park, near Westminster. The anti-lockdown protesters were joined by groups who oppose a Covid-19 vaccine.
One police officer estimated the protesters, who held up signs saying "Defend Freedom, Defend Humanity", "No more lies, no more masks, no more lockdowns", numbered between 300 and 400.
London's Metropolitan Police said they had intercepted and turned back coaches full of people wanting to join the demonstrations.
"Our policing plan will continue well into the evening and I would urge anyone who hasn't already dispersed to go home," said chief superintendent Stuart Bell in the statement.
At least two dead, several injured after blast brings down building in central Madrid
UK hospitals like war zones as corona death toll nears 100,000
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'Love thy neighbour and get a Covid jab'
Russia says its second COVID-19 vaccine is 100pc effective
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UK vaccinating 140 people per minute on average, minister says
Kremlin critic Alexei Navalny detained on arrival in Moscow
Austria extends third COVID-19 lockdown to Feb 8


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Privacy Ethics and HIPAA Fundamentals for Mental Health Professionals in the Agency or Group Practice Context
2 CE Credit Hours. Legal-Ethical. Security and Privacy Training for Clinical Staff.
Developed by: Roy Huggins, LPC NCC
Presented By: Roy Huggins, LPC NCC; Liath Dalton
This course is also included in our Group Service Plans→
Mental health clinicians working in a group practice or agency context have a variety of security and privacy concerns to be aware of. They need to ensure that their behaviors maintain the practice's HIPAA compliance as well as ensuring that they, themselves, act in accordance with the ethical standards of their own professions.
This introductory-level course is for counselors, clinical social workers, marriage and family therapists, and clinical and counseling psychologists working as staff in a group practice or agency context. It will cover fundamental security and privacy standards defined in HIPAA and contextualized for the group practice/agency setting. Those organizational security and privacy concepts will also be compared and contrasted with professional mental/behavioral health ethics in order to ensure that learners understand the security and privacy standards relevant to their work.
Describe how HIPAA's security and privacy rules apply to a clinician in a mental/behavioral health practice.
Describe technical security standards as they apply to a clinician's role in a mental/behavioral health practice.
Engage, from the clinician's perspective, with the practice's policies & procedures around security risk mitigation and contingency planning.
Getting Into the Security Mindset
The relationship between professional mental health ethics and security
Understanding HIPAA at the introductory level
Confidentiality and availability in both HIPAA and professional ethical standards
Common behaviors to avoid
HIPAA and Client Privacy
What constitutes Protected Health Information (PHI)?
Permitted and required disclosures and releases of PHI
Communication with coordinating clinicians outside the practice
Using the Practice's Tech in the Clinician Role
Maintaining the practice's "circle of secure information"
Following and Supporting Bring Your Own Device Policies
Using the practice's records and communications setup securely
Understanding the Collaborative Risk Analysis for Client Communication
Participating in the Practices' Risk Management Activity
Understanding Security Policies and Procedures
Supporting Office Safety
Supporting Contingency Plans
American Association of Marriage and Family Therapists. (2015). Code of Ethics . Alexandria, VA: Author.
American Counseling Association. (2014). ACA Code of Ethics. Alexandria, VA: Author.
American Psychological Association. (2010). American Psychological Association Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct . Washington, DC: Author.
National Association of Social Workers. (2017). Code of Ethics . Washington, DC: Author.
National Board for Certified Counselors. (2012). Code of Ethics . Greensboro, NC: Author.
US Dept. of Health and Human Services. (2006). HIPAA Administrative Simplification . Washington, DC: Author.
US Dept. of Health and Human Services. (2013). HIPAA Omnibus Final Rule . Washington, DC: Author.
2 CE Credit Hours.
Please purchase 1 copy for each person who will be taking the course. Click here to purchase additional copies.
Presented/Developed By
Roy Huggins, LPC NCC, is a counselor in private practice who also directs Person-Centered Tech. Roy worked as a professional Web developer for 7 years before changing paths, and makes it his mission to grow clinicians' understanding of the Internet and other electronic communications mediums for the future of our practices and our professions.
Roy is an adjunct instructor at the Portland State University Counseling program where he teaches Ethics, and is a member of the Zur Institute advisory board. He has acted as a subject matter expert on HIPAA, security and clinical use of technology for Counseling licensure boards and both state and national mental health professional organizations. He has co-authored or authored 2 book chapters, and he routinely consults with mental health colleagues on ethical and practical issues surrounding tech in clinical practice. He served for 5 years on the board of the Oregon Mental Health Counselors Association and then the Oregon Counseling Association as the Technology Committee Chair.
He really likes this stuff.
Course Co-Presenters
Liath Dalton is a Ph.D candidate in Religious Studies. She began her academic career at Reed College and continued her graduate work at the University of Cape Town.
Liath is the Deputy Director for Person Centered Tech and runs our HIPAApropriateness review program. Through her combination of experience evaluating products for their utility and security in regards to how they can meet risk management needs and providing guidance to members around what product options will best meet their specific practice needs, Liath has an intimate knowledge of both what the practice tech needs are for mental health professionals and what it takes for a product to meet those needs.
Course Materials Co-Developer
Liz Knutsen, MSW CSWA, received her MSW in advocacy, leadership and social change from the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign in 2012. Liz has worked in various macro-level social work positions including geriatric healthcare and holistic horticulture healthcare. She is also a trauma informed sex therapist in a private practice in Portland working towards her LCSW licensure.
Liz is the Engagement Manager at Person Centered Tech.
Program Notices
Accuracy, Utility, and Risks Statement: The contents of this program are based primarily on publications from the federal Department of Health and Human Services, and on the ethics codes of these professional organizations: AAMFT, ACA, APA, NASW, NBCC. Contents are also guided by statements from leadership in those organizations. Some interpretation and analysis presented is made by the presenter, in consultation with knowledgeable colleagues and expert consultants. Statements about applications to technology are according to presenter's understanding of the technology at the time of the program. The presenter may not know how to apply all principles discussed to every technology type or product. This program discusses strategies for complying with HIPAA and covered ethics codes, and for improving security. It may not include information on all applicable state laws. Misapplication of the materials, or errors in the materials, could result in security problems, data breaches, or non-compliance with applicable laws or ethics codes.
Conflicts of Interest: None
Commercial Support: None
This course is subject to our cancellation/refund policy and complaint policy.
You are not currently logged in to this site. Need to log in? Click here→


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Fronto-facial monobloc distraction in syndromic craniosynostosis. Three-dimensional evaluation of treatment outcome and facial growth
E. W.C. Ko, P. K.T. Chen, I. C.H. Tai, C. S. Huang
The objectives of this study were to investigate the treatment effect and stability of fronto-facial monobloc distraction osteogenesis. Five consecutive patients who underwent monobloc distraction were included (aged 4.8-18.4 years). Three patients had Crouzon syndrome, one had Apert syndrome, and one had Pfeiffer syndrome. The evaluation included clinical records, serial cephalograms for at least 1-year follow up (average 24.6 months). The treatment and post-treatment changes were measured. The intracranial volume, upper airway volume and globe protrusion were calculated from CT before and after treatment. After distraction, the supraorbital region was advanced 15.3 mm forward, the midface demonstrated forward advancement of 17.7 mm, 22.1 mm and 23.1 mm at orbitale, anterior nasal spine and A point, respectively. The downward movement was 2-3 mm at maxillary level. The intracranial volume increased 11%; the upper airway volume increased 85% on average. Globe protrusion reduced 3.7 mm on average, which was 20% of underlying skeletal movement. Facial growth demonstrated forward remodelling of the supraorbital region, mild downward but no further forward growth of the midface. Monobloc distraction is effective for relieving related symptoms and signs through differential external distraction at different vertical levels of the face.
International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijom.2011.09.012
Craniosynostoses
Acrocephalosyndactylia
Craniofacial Dysostosis
cephalometry
computerized tomography
Ko, E. W. C., Chen, P. K. T., Tai, I. C. H., & Huang, C. S. (2012). Fronto-facial monobloc distraction in syndromic craniosynostosis. Three-dimensional evaluation of treatment outcome and facial growth. International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery, 41(1), 20-27. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijom.2011.09.012
Fronto-facial monobloc distraction in syndromic craniosynostosis. Three-dimensional evaluation of treatment outcome and facial growth. / Ko, E. W.C.; Chen, P. K.T.; Tai, I. C.H.; Huang, C. S.
In: International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery, Vol. 41, No. 1, 01.01.2012, p. 20-27.
Ko, EWC, Chen, PKT, Tai, ICH & Huang, CS 2012, 'Fronto-facial monobloc distraction in syndromic craniosynostosis. Three-dimensional evaluation of treatment outcome and facial growth', International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery, vol. 41, no. 1, pp. 20-27. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijom.2011.09.012
Ko EWC, Chen PKT, Tai ICH, Huang CS. Fronto-facial monobloc distraction in syndromic craniosynostosis. Three-dimensional evaluation of treatment outcome and facial growth. International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery. 2012 Jan 1;41(1):20-27. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijom.2011.09.012
Ko, E. W.C. ; Chen, P. K.T. ; Tai, I. C.H. ; Huang, C. S. / Fronto-facial monobloc distraction in syndromic craniosynostosis. Three-dimensional evaluation of treatment outcome and facial growth. In: International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery. 2012 ; Vol. 41, No. 1. pp. 20-27.
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title = "Fronto-facial monobloc distraction in syndromic craniosynostosis. Three-dimensional evaluation of treatment outcome and facial growth",
abstract = "The objectives of this study were to investigate the treatment effect and stability of fronto-facial monobloc distraction osteogenesis. Five consecutive patients who underwent monobloc distraction were included (aged 4.8-18.4 years). Three patients had Crouzon syndrome, one had Apert syndrome, and one had Pfeiffer syndrome. The evaluation included clinical records, serial cephalograms for at least 1-year follow up (average 24.6 months). The treatment and post-treatment changes were measured. The intracranial volume, upper airway volume and globe protrusion were calculated from CT before and after treatment. After distraction, the supraorbital region was advanced 15.3 mm forward, the midface demonstrated forward advancement of 17.7 mm, 22.1 mm and 23.1 mm at orbitale, anterior nasal spine and A point, respectively. The downward movement was 2-3 mm at maxillary level. The intracranial volume increased 11{\%}; the upper airway volume increased 85{\%} on average. Globe protrusion reduced 3.7 mm on average, which was 20{\%} of underlying skeletal movement. Facial growth demonstrated forward remodelling of the supraorbital region, mild downward but no further forward growth of the midface. Monobloc distraction is effective for relieving related symptoms and signs through differential external distraction at different vertical levels of the face.",
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doi = "10.1016/j.ijom.2011.09.012",
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T1 - Fronto-facial monobloc distraction in syndromic craniosynostosis. Three-dimensional evaluation of treatment outcome and facial growth
AU - Ko, E. W.C.
AU - Chen, P. K.T.
AU - Tai, I. C.H.
AU - Huang, C. S.
N2 - The objectives of this study were to investigate the treatment effect and stability of fronto-facial monobloc distraction osteogenesis. Five consecutive patients who underwent monobloc distraction were included (aged 4.8-18.4 years). Three patients had Crouzon syndrome, one had Apert syndrome, and one had Pfeiffer syndrome. The evaluation included clinical records, serial cephalograms for at least 1-year follow up (average 24.6 months). The treatment and post-treatment changes were measured. The intracranial volume, upper airway volume and globe protrusion were calculated from CT before and after treatment. After distraction, the supraorbital region was advanced 15.3 mm forward, the midface demonstrated forward advancement of 17.7 mm, 22.1 mm and 23.1 mm at orbitale, anterior nasal spine and A point, respectively. The downward movement was 2-3 mm at maxillary level. The intracranial volume increased 11%; the upper airway volume increased 85% on average. Globe protrusion reduced 3.7 mm on average, which was 20% of underlying skeletal movement. Facial growth demonstrated forward remodelling of the supraorbital region, mild downward but no further forward growth of the midface. Monobloc distraction is effective for relieving related symptoms and signs through differential external distraction at different vertical levels of the face.
AB - The objectives of this study were to investigate the treatment effect and stability of fronto-facial monobloc distraction osteogenesis. Five consecutive patients who underwent monobloc distraction were included (aged 4.8-18.4 years). Three patients had Crouzon syndrome, one had Apert syndrome, and one had Pfeiffer syndrome. The evaluation included clinical records, serial cephalograms for at least 1-year follow up (average 24.6 months). The treatment and post-treatment changes were measured. The intracranial volume, upper airway volume and globe protrusion were calculated from CT before and after treatment. After distraction, the supraorbital region was advanced 15.3 mm forward, the midface demonstrated forward advancement of 17.7 mm, 22.1 mm and 23.1 mm at orbitale, anterior nasal spine and A point, respectively. The downward movement was 2-3 mm at maxillary level. The intracranial volume increased 11%; the upper airway volume increased 85% on average. Globe protrusion reduced 3.7 mm on average, which was 20% of underlying skeletal movement. Facial growth demonstrated forward remodelling of the supraorbital region, mild downward but no further forward growth of the midface. Monobloc distraction is effective for relieving related symptoms and signs through differential external distraction at different vertical levels of the face.
KW - cephalometry
KW - computerized tomography
KW - distraction osteogenesis
KW - monobloc
KW - syndromic craniosynostosis
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JO - International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery
JF - International Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery
10.1016/j.ijom.2011.09.012


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Latest tweets from Go-Jek
One-stop everything on demand in Indonesia
Sector: Futurestore
Resonate Mobilise
Established in 2010 as a motorcycle ride-hailing phone service, Go-Jek has evolved into an on demand provider of transport and other lifestyle services.
Go-Jek is Indonesia's first unicorn is currently the fastest growing start-up in South Asia and the largest in Indonesia in terms of valuation, funding raised and number of transactions.
Go-Jek is one of the fastest-growing and most visible tech startups in Indonesia. It uses previously informal motorcycle taxis — ojeks — to courier, transport and provide shopping services to its users. Instead of heading out into congested streets, people now simply use the Go-Jek mobile app to book a motorbike taxi, order a food delivery or even door-to-door cleaning services, beauticians and masseuses. After partnering with some of Indonesia's biggest banks, the firm is in the process of making its payment system cash free.
It has partnered with over 300,000 two wheel and four wheel drivers and 5,000 trucks across Indonesia, all of whom, collectively cover an average distance of 7 million kilometres each day.
Go-Jek is now the largest food delivery company in the world outside the China market, and is the equivalent of three Indian Unicorns combined in the transport, food delivery and payments markets. With over 40 million app downloads, Go-Jek's platform powers the Indonesian equivalents of Indian Taxi Aggregators, Food Delivery Start Ups, HyperLocal Start Ups, Digital Wallet startups and Home Service based startups, all in one, at a comparable scale. Its GO-FOOD business alone does more daily orders than all Indian food tech start-ups combined.
This mobile app service now has some 200,000 freelance drivers, and millions of downloads. Its success is down to the huge congestion in Jakarta. The capital of Indonesia has an estimated population of more than 10 million people and is home to about 18 million vehicles.
The disruption potential is enormous. Currently, the average speed a car can travel across Jakarta is about 8kmh, a situation economists agree is hurting the city's growth capacity. Business visitors say they usually schedule just one meeting per day as the traffic is too bad to accommodate two. The motorcycle taxis are changing that rapidly.
After undisclosed Venture funding back in 2015 from Sequoia Capital among others, Go-Jek landed $550 million in private equity in August 2016 from a total of 10 separate investors. In 2017 Go-Jek received a huge $1.2 billion in funding from Tencent Holdings, taking its valuation to well over $1 billion. The company now plans to expand across large SE Asian cities and further afield.
Visit the Go-Jek website >
Follow Go-Jek on Twitter >
Go-Jek on LinkedIn >


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Man Accused Of Planning Bay Area Meth Distribution Pleads Guilty
by Bay City News | September 21, 2009 9:11 pm	| in News | 0
A Redwood City man has pleaded guilty in federal court in San Francisco to plotting to distribute more than 13 pounds of methamphetamine and has agreed to accept a sentence of at least 17 years and six months in prison.
Franco Perez, 38, entered the plea before U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer in San Francisco on Thursday and will be sentenced by Breyer on Jan. 13.
U.S. Attorney Joseph Russoniello said that Perez admitted during the plea that he helped coordinate the smuggling of more than 13 pounds of methamphetamine from Mexico into the United States inside the transmission of a pickup truck in November.
Russoniello said the shipment was intercepted in Los Banos in Merced County by federal drug agents and the California Highway Patrol.
He said Perez admitted during the plea that the shipment was intended for distribution in the San Francisco Bay Area and elsewhere in Northern California.
Perez was one of nine people indicted on a variety of heroin and methamphetamine trafficking charges by a federal grand jury on Jan. 29 and arrested on Feb. 4 in a sweep that authorities called Operation Smack Down.
Under federal law, the mandatory minimum sentence for the conspiracy conviction is 10 years and the maximum is life in prison.
U.S. attorney's office spokesman Joshua Eaton said prosecutors and defense lawyers agreed in the plea bargain to a recommended sentencing range with a minimum term of 17 years and six months.
If the judge gives a sentence above or below the recommended range, either the prosecution or defense can set aside the plea and have a trial instead on all the charges originally filed against Perez. Those charges include methamphetamine and heroin sales and money laundering in addition to the conspiracy count.


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NRA Basic Pistol – Linden Conservation Club
March 11, 2023 10AM-6PM
Location: Linden Conservation Club (611 E 1300 S, Romney, IN)
Cost: $125 (Conservation Club of Tippecanoe County Members $100)
Line of Defense, LLC will be holding a NRA Basic Pistol course on at the Linden Conservation Club. This is the perfect course for people with little or no experience shooting a handgun – fun, interesting and full of valuable information. Students can bring their own handguns (.22LR pistols are preferred but any caliber will do) or .22 pistols and ammunition can be provided for students if needed for an additional $20 fee.
A $25 deposit is required to be fully registered for the class – checks should be made out to Line of Defense, LLC and mailed to 311 Sagamore Pkwy. North, Suite #8, Lafayette, IN 47904. The deposit is refundable until the registration close date of March 4, 2023. Please read the Deposit Policy under the Policy tab on the Home Page of this site. By sending in a deposit you are agreeing to the terms of the Deposit Policy.
Register Here for March 11, 2023 class
Copyright Line of Defense, LLC – All rights reserved


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- TheMix.net - https://www.themix.net -
Square Enix Unveils Massive Details About Final Fantasy VII Remake
Posted By John F. Trent On June 10, 2019 @ 9:39 pm In Bounding Into Comics,Comics,Entertainment | No Comments
Square Enix launched their E3 presentation with the Final Fantasy VII remake.
Producer Yoshinori Kitase first took the stage, where he shocked the crowd by announced that the Final Fantasy VII remake will feature two Blu-ray discs worth of gameplay content. It also seems like it might actually be two games in one. The translator notes, "The first game in this project expands on the story of Midgar and is such an elaborate retelling has been a solid standalone game in its own right."
Final Fantasy VII's Neil Pabon introduced the gameplay. He announced the game will feature a hybrid gameplay system with real time action as well as strategic command based combat.
He notes that Cloud's standard attacks build up two ATB gauges. While the gauges fill up over time, Cloud's attacks can fill them up faster. Once the ATB bar is full. Time is basically stopped and players tactical mode allowing players to choose a number of different actions. Those actions include items, a Braver attack, and spells.
They note that players will be able to switch between characters, and the characters have very different skill sets in ATB mode. Players can either switch between characters to use their ATB bars or issues commands while staying on one character.
Enemies will also have a focus bar that will allow players stagger them once they are depleted. In stagger mode, enemies take increased damage.
The game will also allow abilities to have shortcuts if players want a quicker-paced battle.
Square Enix then featured an extensive combat tutorial where Cloud and Barret take on a massive robot boss. Following the combat tutorial Tetsuya Nomura, the director of Final Fantasy VII Remake, took the stage.
He debuted the long version of the Final Fantasy VII Remake trailer which features Tifa in her original costume. The trailer begins around the 17 minute mark.
After the trailer, they unveiled a number of pre-order options. You can take a look at the options below.
Final Fantasy VII Remake will go on sale on March 3, 2020.
What did you make of Square Enix's Final Fantasy VII E3 presentation?
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URL to article: https://www.themix.net/2019/06/square-enix-unveils-massive-details-about-final-fantasy-vii-remake/
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