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General elections were held in India in seven phases from 11 April to 19 May 2019 to elect the members of the 17th Lok Sabha. Votes were counted and the result was declared on 23 May. Around 912 million people were eligible to vote, and voter turnout was over 67 percent – the highest ever, as well as the highest ever participation by women voters.

The Bharatiya Janata Party received 37.36% of the vote, the highest vote share by a political party since the 1989 general election, and won 303 seats, further increasing its substantial majority. In addition, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) won 353 seats. The Indian National Congress won 52 seats, failing to get 10% of the seats needed to claim the post of Leader of the Opposition. In addition, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) won 91 seats, while other parties won 98 seats.

Legislative assembly elections in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Odisha and Sikkim were held simultaneously with the general election, as well as by-elections of twenty-two seats of the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly.

Electoral system
All 543 elected MPs are elected from single-member constituencies using first-past-the-post voting. The President of India appoints an additional two members from the Anglo-Indian community if he believes that community is under-represented.

Eligible voters must be Indian citizens, 18 or older than 18, an ordinary resident of the polling area of the constituency and registered to vote (name included in the electoral rolls), possess a valid voter identification card issued by the Election Commission of India or an equivalent. Some people convicted of electoral or other offences are barred from voting.

The elections are held on schedule and as per the Constitution of India that mandates parliamentary elections once every five years.

Election schedule

The election schedule was announced by Election Commission of India (ECI) on 10 March 2019, and with it the Model Code of Conduct came into effect.

The election was scheduled to be held in seven phases. In Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal, the election was held in all seven phases. The polling for the Anantnag constituency in the state of Jammu and Kashmir was held in three phases, due to violence in the region.

Rescheduled voting, cancellations
Vellore, Tamil Nadu: Over  in cash was seized in Vellore from DMK leaders – a regional party in Tamil Nadu. According to The News Minute, this cash is alleged to have been for bribing the voters. Based on the evidence collected during the raids, the Election Commission of India cancelled the 18 April election date in the Vellore constituency. The DMK leaders denied wrongdoing and alleged a conspiracy.
Tripura East, Tripura: The Election Commission of India deferred polling from 18 to 23 April due to the law and order situation. The poll panel took the decision following reports from the Special Police Observers that the circumstances were not conducive for holding free and fair elections in the constituency.

Campaign

Issues

Allegations of undermining institutions
The opposition parties accused the NDA government of destroying democratic institutions and processes. Modi denied these allegations, and blamed Congress and the communists for undermining institutions including the police, the CBI, and the CAG, and cited the murder of BJP activists in Kerala and Madhya Pradesh. The Congress party, along with other opposition parties and a group of retired civil servants, accused the ECI of being compromised, and implied that they endorsed the model code of conduct violations by Narendra Modi and other BJP political leaders during their campaigns. Another group of 81 retired civil servants, judges and academics disputed these allegations, made counter-allegations, and stated that the ECI acted fairly and similarly in alleged violations by either side. The group stated that such political attacks on the ECI were a "deliberate attempt to denigrate and delegitimise the democratic institutions".

Economic performance
According to The Times of India, the major economic achievements of the incumbent NDA government included an inflation rate less than 4 per cent, the GST reform, and the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code. Its programs, in recent years, that have positively touched many among the Indian masses, include the Jan Dhan Yojana, rural cooking gas and electricity for homes. According to the IMF, the Indian economy has been growing in recent years, its GDP growth rate is among the highest in the world for major economies, and India is expected to be the fastest growing major economy in 2019–2020 and 2020–2021, with real GDP projected to grow at 7.3 per cent. The GDP growth data has been disputed by a group of Indian social scientists, economists and the political opposition's election campaign, while a group of Indian chartered accountants has defended the data, the GDP calculation methodology, and questioned the motivations of those disputing the recent Indian GDP statistics.

The opposition's election campaign has claimed that both the demonetisation and GST law have "seriously hit small business, farmers and casual labour", states The Times of India. The incumbent has claimed that they inherited a country from the previous Congress-led government that was "a legacy of policy paralysis, corruption and economic fragility", and that the BJP-led government policies have placed India on better economic fundamentals and a fast gear. Modi claims that his government pursued demonetisation in the national interest, his government has identified and de-registered 338,000 shell companies, identified and recovered  in black money since 2014, and almost doubled India's tax base. The Congress party disputes the incumbents' claims, and has alleged that BJP offices have "become hubs of creating black money", and seeks a judicial inquiry into the Rafale deal with France and BJP's role in corruption.

National security and terrorism
In response to the 2019 Pulwama attack, the Indian Air Force conducted airstrikes inside Pakistan — for the first time since the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war. The ongoing conflict with Pakistan became a significant factor in the election. The opposition parties accused of politicising the army, whilst the BJP countered their accusations by stating that such allegations raised by them were adversely affecting the morale of armed forces.

According to the Pew Research Center, both before and after the outbreak of recent India-Pakistan tensions, their 2018 and 2019 surveys suggest that the significant majority of the voters consider Pakistan as a "very serious threat" to their country, and terrorism to be a "very big problem".

Unemployment

According to the Pew Research Center, a majority of Indian voters consider the lack of employment opportunities as a "very big problem" in their country. "About 18.6 million Indians were jobless and another 393.7 million work in poor-quality jobs vulnerable to displacement", stated the Pew report.

A report on unemployment prepared by the National Sample Survey Office's (NSSO's) periodic labour force survey, has not been officially released by the government. According to Business Today, this report is the "first comprehensive survey on employment conducted by a government agency after Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced demonetisation move in November 2016". According to this report, the 2017–2018 "usual status" unemployment rate in India is 6.1 per cent, which is a four-decade high. The government has claimed that the report was not final. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO) – a United Nations agency, unemployment is rising in India and the "unemployment rate in the country [India] will stand at 3.5 percent in 2018 and 2019 – the same level of unemployment seen in 2017 and 2016", instead of dropping to 3.4 percent as it had previously projected. According to the ILO's World Employment Social Outlook Report, the unemployment rate in India has been in the 3.4 to 3.6 percent range over the UPA-government led 2009–2014 and the NDA-government led 2014–2019 periods.

Opposition parties claimed in their election campaign that the unemployment in India had reached crisis levels. The NDA government has denied the existence of any job crisis. Prime minister Narendra Modi claimed that jobs are not lacking but the accurate data on jobs has been lacking.

The opposition has attacked the NDA government's performance with the NSSO reported 6.1 percent unemployment data. Modi and his government have questioned this job statistics report, stating that "most surveys that try to capture unemployment rate are skewed since these did not cover the unorganised sector, which accounts for 85–90 per cent of jobs [in India]".

Agrarian and rural distress
The Congress party campaign highlighted "agrarian distress" as an election issue. The BJP campaign highlighted that the Congress party had been in power for five generations of the Nehru dynasty and its past promises and campaign issues have been empty. It claimed that the recent farmer loan waivers by Congress have not reached "even 10% of the farmers" nor has it helped the financial situation of the farmers. BJP highlights that its "Kisan Samman Nidhi" helps the small farmers at the time of seed planting through a direct deposit of ₹6000 to their accounts. The opposition accused this as being an attempt to lure voters.

According to The Times of India, a group of farmer associations demanded that the 2019 election manifesto of competing political parties should promise to "keep agriculture out of the World Trade Organization (WTO)" and that the interests of Indian farmers must not be compromised in global trade treaties. They also demanded loan waivers and income support for the agriculture sector. According to the Business Standard and the United Nation's Food and Agriculture Organization, India has witnessed record crop harvests in recent years including 2017 when its farmers grew more foodgrains than ever before. However, the farmers consider the "low remunerative prices" they receive in the free market to be too low and a need for the Indian government to establish higher minimum support prices for agricultural products. These farmers consider this an issue for the 2019 general elections.

Dynasty politics
The BJP highlighted that the Congress party has relied on Rahul Gandhi for leadership since 2013, its lack of internal party institutions and claimed that whenever Congress has been in power, the freedom of press and Indian government institutions have "taken a severe beating". During the election campaign, its leaders mentioned the Emergency of 1975, the nepotism, corruption and widespread abuses of human rights under the Congress rule in the past. Congress-led alliance leader H. D. Kumaraswamy – the son of a former prime minister of India and the former chief minister of Karnataka, countered that "India developed because of dynasty politics", stating that "dynasty politics are not the main issue, rather country's problems are". The Congress alleged hypocrisy by the BJP, claiming that the BJP itself forms alliances with dynasty-based parties such as the Akali Dal in Punjab, and that family relatives of senior BJP leaders such as Rajnath Singh and Arun Jaitley have been in politics too.

According to an IndiaSpend report published by the BloombergQuint, the smaller and regional parties such as the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference, Lok Jan Sakti Party, Shiromani Akali Dal, Biju Janata Dal and Samajwadi Party have higher densities of dynasty-derived candidates and elected representatives in recent years.  While both the Congress and the BJP have also nominated candidates from political dynasties, states the report, the difference between them is that in Congress "top party leadership has been handed down from generation to generation within the same [Nehru Gandhi dynasty] family", while there has been a historic non-dynastic diversity in the top leadership within the BJP. According to the report, while BJP has also nominated candidates from political dynasties, its better public relations operation "can leap to its defence when attacked on the same grounds". In contrast to the IndiaSpend report, analysis of Kanchan Chandra, a prominent professor of Politics, of the 2004, 2009 and 2014 general elections included a finding that the Congress party has had about twice or more dynastic parliamentarians than the BJP at those elections, and higher than all major political parties in India except the Samajwadi Party. Many of these dynastic politicians in India who inherit the leadership positions have never held any jobs and lack state or local experience, states Anjali Bohlken – a professor and political science scholar, and this raises concerns of rampant nepotism and appointments of their own friends, relatives and cronies if elected. The BJP has targeted the Congress party in the 2019 elections for alleged nepotism and a family dynasty for leadership.

Campaign controversies

Income tax raids
In April 2019, raids conducted by the Income Tax Department found bundles of unaccounted for cash amounting to , along with liquor and documentary evidence in premises of people with close connections to Madhya Pradesh chief minister Kamal Nath of the Congress.  Modi has highlighted this evidence to attack the Congress in its election campaign, alleging corruption is part of Congress party's culture.

Social media abuses and fake news
According to The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal, the election attracted a systematic attempt to spread misinformation through social media. Facebook said that over a hundred of these advocacy accounts spreading disinformation were traced to "employees of the Pakistani military public relations wing". Some others have been linked to the INC and BJP.

Political parties spent over  with the largest spending by BJP on digital platforms for online ads. The BJP placed 2,500 ads on Facebook while the Congress placed 3,686 ads. According to a study by Vidya Narayanan and colleagues at the Oxford Internet Institute, social media was used by all the major parties and alliances, and all of them linked or posted divisive and conspiratorial content and images. According to Narayanan, "a third of the BJP's images, a quarter of the INC's images, and a tenth the SP-BSP's images were catalogued as divisive and conspiratorial". The Narayanan et al. study added that "we observed very limited amounts of hate speech, gore or pornography in either platform samples" by BJP, Congress or SP-BSP, but the election did include proportionally more polarising information on social media than other countries except for the US presidential election in 2016.

About 50,000 fake news stories were published during the recent Lok Sabha elections and shared 2 million times, according to a study conducted by fact-checking startup Logically.

EC actions under Article 324
Election Commission curtailed West Bengal campaigning by one day, after a bust of 19th century Bengali icon Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar was vandalised during 7th phase poll violence.

Party campaigns

 12 January 2019 – Prime Minister Modi launched the BJP's election campaign.
 14 February 2019 – The INC president Rahul Gandhi launched his campaign from Lal Dungri village in Gujarat's Dharampur.
 24 March 2019 – The Aam Aadmi Party began its campaign in Delhi.
 2 April 2019 – The Trinamool Congress party launched its campaign from Dinhata, Coochbehar.
 7 April 2019 – Bahujan Samaj Party and Samajwadi Party began campaigning together as an alliance (Mahagathbandhan) along with regional parties such as the Rashtriya Lok Dal. Their first joint campaign started in Deoband in Saharanpur district of Uttar Pradesh.

Party manifestos

Highlights of the Congress manifesto
The Congress released its manifesto, titled Congress Will Deliver on 3 April. Some of its highlights:

 Introduce a Nyuntam Aay Yojana welfare program wherein  per year will be transferred directly to the bank account of a woman-member in each family in the poorest 20 percent households.
 Create 1 million "Seva Mitra" jobs in rural and urban local government bodies. Fill all 400,000 central government vacancies before March 2020, and encourage state governments to fill their 2,000,000 vacancies. Enact a law that requires all non-government controlled employers with over 100 employees to implement an apprentice program.
 Enact a permanent National Commission on Agricultural Development and Planning and introduce a "Kisan Budget" (Farmer Budget) in the parliament every year. Waive all farmer loans in all states with any amounts outstanding.
 Enact a Right to Homestead Act that will provide free land to every household that does not own a home.
 Enact a Right to Healthcare Act and guarantee every citizen free diagnostics, free medicines, free hospitalisation, and free out-patient care. Double spending on healthcare to 3 percent of its GDP by 2024.
 Double spending on education to 6 percent of its GDP by 2024.
 Revise the national GST law from three tax tiers to a single moderate rate of tax. Reduce taxes on exported products to zero. Exempt from the GST essential goods and services that are currently not exempt. Enact a new Direct Taxes Code.
 Augment and rapid construction of national highways. Modernise Indian railway infrastructure. Promote green energy. Manufacturing promotion.
 Increase defence spending.
 Enact a National Election Fund, wherein public funds will be distributed to recognised political parties to run their campaign
 Preserve special status and special rights to natives of Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370 and 35A.
 Amend the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958. End the Sedition law (Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code).

Highlights of the BJP manifesto
The BJP released its manifesto sub-titled Sankalpit Bharat, Sashakt Bharat (lit. "Resolute India, Empowered India") on 8 April. Some of its highlights:

 Implementation of a nationwide NRC exercise to identify & deport undocumented immigrants, an immigrant being defined in this context as a person who is unable to provide documentary evidence of his/her residency in India prior to 26 March 1971 or that of his/her immediate ancestors (parents & grandparents) in case of being born after the previously-mentioned date, preceded by an amendment in citizenship laws that will allow only undocumented Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi & Christian immigrants from Pakistan, Bangladesh & Afghanistan who entered India before 31 December 2014 to automatically obtain Indian citizenship.
 End special status and special rights to natives of by abrogating Article 370 and Article 35A of the Constitution of India.
 Double farmer incomes by 2022 by completing all major and micro-irrigation infrastructure projects, opening adequate markets and modern farm produce storage centres, implement minimum price supports for farmer produce, farmer loans and all-weather rural roads. Introduce a pension bill for small and marginal farmers to provide social security after 60 years of age.
 Bring all secondary schools under the national board quality purview. Invest  in higher education, open new and increase seats at existing engineering, management and law schools. Establish skills and innovations centre at block-level in every town. Enhance higher education opportunities for women by introducing financial support and subsidies programs. Source 10 percent of government procurement from companies with more than 50 percent female employees.
 Ensure a pucca (lit. brick-solid, modern) house, safe potable water, toilet, LPG gas cylinder, electricity, and banking account for every family. Reduce the percentage of families living under the poverty line to a single digit by 2024.
 Double the length of national highways. Improve fuel quality by mandating 10 percent ethanol in petrol. Scale renewable energy capacity to 175 GW.
 Electrify and convert to broad gauge all railway tracks.
 Establish 150,000 health and wellness centres. Start 75 new medical colleges. Raise doctor-to-population ratio to 1:1400. Triple childcare facilities. Achieve 100 percent immunisation of all babies.
 Raise India's ranking further in "ease of doing business". Double exports, introduce single-window compliance procedures for all businesses.
 Reduce air pollution by eliminating all crop residue burning.
 Digitise paperwork and proceedings, modernise the courts.
 Launch and promote a National Digital Library with e-books and leading journals to provide free knowledge accessible to all students. Launch a "Study in India" program to bring foreign students to institutes of higher education.
 Privatisation of defence, space and agriculture sector for development of India.
 Zero tolerance for terrorism, fund resources to strengthen national security, guarantee veterans, and soldier welfare, modernise police forces.

Other parties
Other national and regional parties released their manifestos too:

 The Tamil Nadu-based regional parties AIADMK and DMK released their manifesto on 18 March 2019, with each promising to release the seven Tamils jailed after being found guilty for their role in the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, a former Congress party leader and prime minister of India. The AIADMK promised to press for the political rights of the Tamil people in the Eelam region of Sri Lanka, while the DMK has promised Indian citizenship to all Sri Lankan expats. According to the Deccan Herald, the AIADMK has promised a cash transfer of  per year to "all families below the poverty level, destitute women, widows without income, differently-abled, landless agricultural labourers, rural and urban manual labourers and destitute senior citizens". The AIADMK also promised to raise the tax exemption limit and revisions to the GST law. The DMK promised a probe into Rafale fighter jet deal, and a plan to distribute free sanitary napkins to working women along with starting martial arts schools for girls.
 Biju Janata Dal (BJD) released its manifesto on 9 April 2019. It promised a  zero-interest crop loan to farmers every year, a  zero-interest loan to women-run self-help groups, 75 percent jobs reservation in Odisha-based companies to Odisha youth, free education to all girls and a marriage assistance grant of  to daughters of poor families. It also promised to complete two expressways.
 Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM) manifesto promised to raise the minimum wage to  per year, an old age pension of  per year and universal public distribution of 35 kilograms of foodgrains per family. It also stated the restoration of inheritance tax and an increase in the taxes on individuals and corporations. It also promised spending 6 per cent of GDP on education, enacting a Right to Free Health Care with 3.5 per cent of GDP on health in the short term and 5 per cent in the long term, introduction of price controls on essential drugs, breaking monopoly of drug multinationals, as well as enact a Right to Guaranteed Employment in urban areas.
 Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) promised to open talks with Pakistan on terrorism. It also promised to expand trade and political relationship with Russia, and seek to weaken Russia's ties with China and Pakistan.
 Samajwadi Party promised an annual pension of  to poor families in a form of a cash transfer to women. It has also proposed a new property tax of 2 percent on homes valued above  as well as raising income taxes on the affluent. It also promised to create 100,000 new jobs every year.
 Telugu Desam Party released its manifesto on 5 April 2019. It promised zero-interest loans to farmer without any caps, a grant of  per year to each farmer as investment support, a grant of  to each family with a daughter in the year of her marriage, an unemployment allowance of  for any youth who has completed intermediate education, and free laptops to all students at the intermediate level.
 AITMC's manifesto was released on 27 March 2019. It promised a judicial probe into demonetisation, a review of GST law, and sought to bring back the Planning Commission. It also promised free medical care, expanding the "100-day work scheme" currently operating in India to "200-day work scheme" along with a pay increase.
 Aam Aadmi Party released its manifesto on 25 April 2019 promising full statehood for Delhi to give the Delhi government control over police and other institutions. The manifesto promised 85 per cent reservations in the Delhi-based colleges and jobs for the voters of Delhi and their families.

Campaign finance
Several organisations offered varying estimates for the cost of the election campaign. The Centre for Media Studies in New Delhi estimated that the election campaign could exceed $7 billion. According to the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), an election watchdog, in the financial year 2017–18 BJP received , about 12 times more donations than Congress and five other national parties combined.

The electoral bonds in denominations ranging from 1,000 rupees to 10 million rupees ($14 to $140,000) can be purchased and donated to a political party. The bonds don't carry the name of the donor and are exempt from tax. Factly – an India data journalism portal, traced the electoral bond donations for 2018 under India's Right to Information Act. According to Factly, electoral bonds worth about  were purchased and donated in 2018. According to Bloomberg, this accounted for 31.2 percent of political donations in 2018, while 51.4 percent of the total donated amount were each below  and these too were from unknown donors. About 47 percent of the donations to political parties were from known sources. Between 1 January and 31 March 2019, donors bought  worth of electoral bonds and donated. The spending in elections boosts national GDP, and the 2009 election spending contributed about 0.5 percent to GDP.

According to Centre for Media Studies, the BJP spent over Rs 280 billion (or 45%) of the Rs 600 billion spent by all political parties during the polls. Congress questions BJP over its poll expenditure

Parties and alliances

Political alliances

With the exception of 2014, no single party has won the majority of seats in the Lok Sabha since 1984, and therefore, forming alliances is the norm in Indian elections.

There were three main national pre-poll alliances. They are the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) headed by the BJP, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) headed by the INC and the Left Front of the communist leaning parties. Given the volatile nature of coalition politics in India, alliances may change during and after the election.

The INC did not form alliances in states where it is in direct contest with the BJP. These states include Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh. It formed alliances with regional parties in Jammu and Kashmir, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Jharkhand, and Kerala.

The left parties, most notably the Communist Party of India (Marxist) contested mostly on its own in its strongholds West Bengal, Tripura and Kerala, confronting both NDA and UPA. In Tamil Nadu, it was part of Secular Progressive Alliance led by DMK and allied with Jana Sena Party in Andhra Pradesh.

In January 2019, Bahujan Samaj Party and Samajwadi Party announced a grand alliance (Mahagathbandhan) to contest 76 out of the 80 seats in Uttar Pradesh leaving two seats, namely Amethi and Rae Bareli, for INC and another two for other political parties.

Political parties
More than 650 parties contested in these elections. Most of them were small with regional appeal. The main parties are the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Congress (INC). This was the first time that BJP (437) contested more seats than Congress (421) in the Lok Sabha elections.

Candidates

Altogether 8,039 candidates were in the fray for 542 parliamentary constituencies, i.e., 14.8 candidates per constituency on an average, according to PRS India, an NGO.

About 40% of the candidates fielded by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party had a criminal case against them. Key opposition party Congress was not far behind with 39% of the candidates with criminal charges, according to Association of Democratic Reforms analysis.

Voter statistics
According to the ECI, 900 million people were eligible to vote, with an increase of 84.3 million voters since the last election in 2014, making it the largest-ever election in the world. 15 million voters aged 18–19 years became eligible to vote for the first time. 468 million eligible voters were males, 432 million were females and 38,325 identified themselves belonging to third gender. Total 71,735 overseas voters also enrolled.

The residents of the former enclaves exchanged under the 2015 India-Bangladesh boundary agreement voted for the first time.

Electronic voting machines and security
The ECI deployed a total of 1.74 million voter-verified paper audit trail (VVPAT) units and 3.96 million electronic voting machines (EVM) in 1,035,918 polling stations. Approximately 270,000 paramilitary and 2 million state police personnel provided organisational support and security at various polling booths. On 9 April 2019, the Supreme Court ordered the ECI to increase VVPAT slips vote count to five randomly selected EVMs per assembly constituency, which meant that the ECI had to count VVPAT slips of 20,625 EVMs before it could certify the final election results.

Voting
In the first phase, 69.58 per cent of the 142 million eligible voters cast their vote to elect their representatives for 91 Lok Sabha seats. The voter turnout was 68.77 per cent in the same constituencies in the 2014 general elections. In the second phase, 156 million voters were eligible to vote for 95 Lok Sabha seats and the turnout was 69.45 per cent, compared to 69.62 per cent in 2014. For the third phase, 189 million voters were eligible to elect 116 Lok Sabha representatives. According to ECI, the turnout for this phase was 68.40 per cent, compared to 67.15 per cent in 2014. In the fourth of seven phases, 65.50 per cent of the 128 million eligible voters cast their vote to elect 72 representatives to the Indian parliament while the turnout for the same seats in the 2014 election was 63.05 per cent. The fifth phase was open to 87.5 million eligible voters, who could cast their vote in over 96,000 polling booths. In the sixth phase, 64.40 per cent of the 101 million eligible voters cast their vote in about 113,000 polling stations.

The final turnout stood at 67.11 per cent, the highest ever turnout recorded in any of the general elections till date. The percentage is 1.16 per cent higher than the 2014 elections whose turnout stood at 65.95 per cent. Over 600 million voters polled their votes in 2019 Indian General elections.

Turnout

State/UT-wise voter turnout details

Opinion polls

Results

Outgoing Cabinet Minister to lose in the election
 Anant Geete – Minister of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises (Raigad) Shiv Sena

Outgoing Ministers of State to lose in the election
 Manoj Sinha - Minister of State for Communications (Independent charge) (Ghazipur) BJP

 Alphons Kannanthanam - Minister of State for Electronics and IT and Minister of State for Tourism (Independent charge) (Ernakulam) BJP
 Hardeep Singh Puri - Minister of State for Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation (Amritsar) BJP
 Hansraj Gangaram Ahir - Minister of State for Home Affairs (Chandrapur)
 Pon Radhakrishnan - Minister of State for Finance (Kanyakumari) BJP

Former Prime Minister to lose in the election
 H. D. Deve Gowda (JD-S)- Prime Minister of India from 1996–1997 lost from Tumkur of Karnataka

Former Chief Ministers to lose in the election
 H. D. Deve Gowda - Karnataka (Tumkur) JD(S)
 Sheila Dikshit - Delhi (North East Delhi) INC
 Digvijaya Singh - Madhya Pradesh (Bhopal) INC
 Sushil Kumar Shinde - Maharashtra (Solapur) INC
 Ashok Chavan - Maharashtra (Nanded) INC
 Harish Rawat - Uttarakhand (Nainital–Udhamsingh Nagar) INC
 Bhupinder Singh Hooda - Haryana (Sonipat) INC
 Veerappa Moily - Karnataka (Chikkballapur) INC
 Mukul Sangma - Meghalaya (Tura) INC
 Nabam Tuki - Arunachal Pradesh (Arunachal West) INC
 Shibu Soren - Jharkhand (Dumka) JMM
 Jitan Ram Manjhi - Bihar (Gaya) HAM
 Babu Lal Marandi - Jharkhand (Kodarma) JVM(P)
 Mehbooba Mufti - Jammu and Kashmir (Anantnag) PDP

Aftermath

Reactions

National

Indian National Congress party leaders such as Rahul Gandhi and others conceded defeat and congratulated Modi and his party. Other opposition parties and political leaders such as Sharad Pawar, Mamata Banerjee and Omar Abdullah, congratulated PM Modi and BJP for their victory.

On 20 November 2019 the Association for Democratic Reforms filed a petition with the Supreme Court of India over alleged ballot-counting discrepancies in the Lok Sabha voting and seeking a probe by the ECI.

International
The leaders of Afghanistan, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burundi, Canada, China, Comoros, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, France, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Iceland, Indonesia, Iran, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lesotho, Lichtenstein, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malaysia, Maldives, Malta, Mexico, Mongolia, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Netherlands, Nicaragua, North Korea, Nigeria, New Zealand, Oman, Pakistan, Palestine, Portugal, Qatar, Russia, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Seychelles, Singapore, South Africa, South Korea, Sri Lanka, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Switzerland, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkmenistan, Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, United States, Uzbekistan, Venezuela, Vietnam, Zambia, and Zimbabwe congratulated Narendra Modi and the BJP on their victory.

Government formation

Swearing-in ceremony

Impact
The benchmark BSE Sensex and Nifty50 indices hit intraday record highs and the Indian rupee strengthened after the exit polls and on the day the election results were announced.

Timeline

See also
2019 Indian Rajya Sabha elections
2019 elections in India
Politics of India

Notes

References

Further reading
Surjit S. Bhalla. Citizen Raj: Indian Elections 1952-2019 (2019 Buy Citizen Raj: Indian Elections 1952-2019 Book Online at Low Prices in India | Citizen Raj: Indian Elections 1952-2019 Reviews & Ratings - Amazon.in
Prannoy Roy, Dorab R. Sopariwala. The Verdict: Decoding India's Elections (2019) The Verdict

External links

2019 elections in India
April 2019 events in India
General elections in India
May 2019 events in India


text:
Spécialisé dans le drum and bass, DJ Dara est un DJ Irlandais qui travaille principalement en Amérique du Nord. C'est un membre du groupe Planet of the Drums, constitué de Dieselboy, AK1200 et lui-même.

Dara est également le cofondateur et propriétaire de Breakbeat Science avec un magasin de vinyles de drum and bass situé à New York.

Discographie

Singles
 (1995) Schizophrenia (12")

Albums
 (1997) Rinsimus Maximus (CD
 (1998) Full Circle: Drum & Bass DJ Mix (CD)
 (1999) Renegade Continuum (CD)
 (1999) Halfway Home (CD)
 (2000) From Here to There (CD)
 (2001) Future Perfect (CD)
 (2002) Further (CD)
 (2003) Breakbeat Science: Exercise 01 (CD)
 (2004) The Antidote (CD)

Liens externes

 http://www.breakbeatscience.com (us) Breakbeat Science
 http://www.epitonic.com/artists/djdara.html (us) sur epitonic.com

Musicien de drum and bass
Musicien irlandais de musique électronique

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Drosera kenneallyi ist eine fleischfressende Pflanze aus der Familie der Sonnentaugewächse (Drosera). Sie kommt ausschließlich auf dem Mitchell Plateau nördlich von Kimberley im australischen Northern Territory vor.

Beschreibung

Bei Drosera kenneallyi handelt es sich um eine ausdauernde krautige Pflanze, die einzelne bodenständige Rosetten bildet. Die Blätter stehen flach an die Erde gepresst, die Blattstiele sind auf der Oberseite glatt, auf der Unterseite spärlich mit einfachen, weißen Haaren besetzt, schmal umgekehrt-lanzettlich, 15 bis 30 Millimeter lang, 0,9 bis 1 Millimeter breit am Ansatz, 1,5 bis 2,2 Millimeter breit in der Mitte und am Ansatz der Spreite auf 0,7 bis 1 Millimeter Breite verjüngt. Die quer breit-elliptischen bis sehr breit-eiförmigen Blattspreiten sind 4 bis 6 Millimeter lang, 5,5 bis 7 Millimeter breit, ihre Oberseite ist am Rand mit etwas längeren, mittig kürzeren Fangtentakeln besetzt, die Unterseite ist fein weiß behaart.

Die ein bis drei, spärlich mit weißen Haaren besetzten Blütenstandsachsen sind 12,5 bis 20 Zentimeter lang und tragen in einer Traube 10 bis 20 oder mehr Blüten, die Blütenstiele sind 3 bis 12 Millimeter lang und stehen aufrecht zur Reife. Die Kelchblätter sind umgekehrt eiförmig, 2 bis 3 Millimeter lang und 1 bis 1,7 Millimeter breit. Die Kronblätter sind weiß, mit stark ausgeprägter Mittelrippe, umgekehrt eiförmig und 5,5 bis 6,5 Millimeter lang sowie 3 bis 4 Millimeter breit.

Die Staubblätter sind 2 bis 3,5 mm lang. Der Fruchtknoten ist gewunden, 0,7 bis 1 Millimeter lang, zur Blütezeit 1 bis 1,4 Millimeter im Durchmesser und mit drei zweigelappten Fruchtblättern. Die drei oder vier Griffel sind im unteren Teil 0,3 bis 0,5 Millimeter lang und seitlich zusammengedrückt, danach vielfach gegabelt in 1,5 bis 2,5 Millimeter lange, abgeflachte Abschnitte, die in den Narben enden.

Verbreitung und Standort

Heimat von Drosera kenneallyi ist das Mitchell Plateau an den Mitchell Falls im äußersten Norden Australiens, dort wächst es auf feinen, sandigen Lehm- und Lateritböden unter sumpfigen Bedingungen, zeitweise überschwemmt. Durch ein Heben und Senken der Blätter vermeidet es jedoch ein Untertauchen. Teilweise kommt es mit Eucalyptus latifolia und Melaleuca leucadendron vor.

Systematik

Die nächstverwandte Art ist Drosera falconeri, von der sie durch die Form der Blattspreiten unterschieden ist. Das Artepitheton ehrt Kevin Kenneally, der 1982 die ersten Aufsammlungen der Art vornahm. Die Art gehört zum so genannten "Petiolaris-Komplex", der die Sektion Lasiocephala der Gattung bildet.

Literatur

Weblinks

Sonnentaugewächse
Fleischfressende Pflanze
Droseraceae


text:
Żleb pod Krzyżnem – żleb w orograficznie lewych zboczach Doliny Roztoki w polskich Tatrach Wysokich. Wcina się między Buczynowe Turnie a masyw Wołoszyna. U góry ma trzy ramiona; orograficznie prawe opada spod Przełączki pod Ptakiem (ok. 2105 m), środkowe spod przełęczy Krzyżne (2112 m), lewe z Wołoszyńskiej Szczerbiny. W widłach lewego i środkowego żlebku znajduje się Kopa nad Krzyżnem (2135 m), środkowego i lewego Mały Wołoszyn (2144 m). Żlebki łączą się z sobą na wysokości ok. 1950 m. Od tego miejsca jednym już korytem żleb opada aż do wysokości ok. 1450 m, gdzie z prawej strony dołącza do niego Szeroki Żleb Buczynowy. Od miejsca połączenia tych dwóch wielkich żlebów ich wspólne koryto skręca na południowy wschód i uchodzi do dna Doliny Roztoki na wysokości ok. 1400 m. Tak więc wysokość Żlebu pod Krzyżnem liczona od przełęczy Krzyżne wynosi ponad 700 m. Jest to duży żleb i głęboko wcięty w skały. Jego dnem w dolnej części spływa zwykle niewielki strumyk uchodzący do potoku Roztoka. Od wysokości ok. 1700 m prawym zboczem żlebu prowadzi znakowany szlak turystyczny na przełęcz Krzyżne.

Szlaki turystyczne
  rozdroże w Dolinie Pięciu Stawów Polskich – Niżnie Rzędy Buczynowe – Dolinka Buczynowa – Żleb pod Krzyżnem – Krzyżne

Przypisy

Żleby polskich Tatr
Żleby Tatr Wysokich


text:
Lasurit är ett mineral med den kemiska formeln (Na,Ca)7-8(Al,Si)12(O,S)24[(SO4),Cl2,(OH)2]. Förr så använde man mineralet för att tillverka färgpigmentet ultramarin. Lasurit ingår i lapis lazuli som är en mycket uppskattad blå prydnadsten. Mineralet är en fältspatoid och har ett kubiskt kristallsystem.

Källor

Mineral
Aluminiummineral
Kalciummineral


text:
Иордания принимала участие в летних Олимпийских играх 2012 года, которые проходили в Лондоне (Великобритания) с 27 июля по 12 августа, где её представляли 9 спортсменов в пяти видах спорта. На церемонии открытия Олимпийских игр флаг Иордании несла тхэквондистка Надин Давани, а на церемонии закрытия — .

На летних Олимпийских играх 2012 Иордания вновь не сумел завоевать свою первую олимпийскую медаль.

Состав и результаты

Бокс

Мужчины

Конный спорт

Конкур

Лёгкая атлетика

Мужчины
Шоссейные виды

Женщины
Беговые виды

Плавание

Мужчины

Женщины

Тхэквондо

Мужчины

Женщины

Примечания

Ссылки

Иордания
2012 год в Иордании


text:
Joseph Grueter CMM (* 4. Dezember 1896 in Ruswil, Schweiz; † 2. März 1976) war ein Schweizer Missionar und römisch-katholischer Bischof von Umtata in Südafrika.

Leben
Am 29. Juni 1927 wurde Grueter für die Mariannhiller Missionare zum Priester geweiht. Am 3. April 1941 wurde er zum Apostolischen Vikar und gleichzeitig zum Titularbischof von Badiae ernannt. Die Bischofsweihe empfing er am 22. Mai 1941 durch den Apostolischen Delegaten in Südafrika Erzbischof Bernhard Adriaan Gijlswijk OP. Mitkonsekratoren waren der Apostolische Vikar von Natal Henri Delalle OMI. Am 11. Januar 1951 wurde Grueter mit Erhebung des Apostolischen Vikariats zur Diözese zum ersten Diözesanbischof von Umtata ernannt. Dieses Amt übte er bis zum 26. September 1968 aus. Zu diesem Zeitpunkt wurde er zum Titularbischof von Ammoniace ernannt. Am 3. März 1971 wurde er emeritiert.

Weblinks
  (englisch)

Mariannhiller Missionar
Römisch-katholischer Bischof (20. Jahrhundert)
Person des Christentums (Südafrika)
Schweizer
Geboren 1896
Gestorben 1976
Mann


text:
Nooksack (kiejtése: ) az Amerikai Egyesült Államok északnyugati részén, Washington állam Whatcom megyéjében elhelyezkedő város. A 2010. évi népszámlálási adatok alapján 1338 lakosa van.

2009 februárjában a lakosok egy csoportja javasolta Nooksack és Everson egyesülését Nooksack Valley néven; mivel számos szolgáltatást közösen tartottak fenn, az összevonással további költségcsökkentést érhettek volna el. A Bellingham Herald újság a felvetést a Bellinghamet létrehozó négy település egyesüléséhez hasonlította. Az összevonás végül nem valósult meg, mert a nooksacki önkormányzat a visszajelzésekre hivatkozva a folyamatot leállította.

A város egy 1992-es postai döntés értelmében nem rendelkezik saját irányítószámmal, ezért az adóbevételek a szomszédos Everson önkormányzatához folynak be. A helyi iskolák fenntartója a Nooksack Valley Tankerület.

Éghajlat
A város éghajlata óceáni (a Köppen-skála szerint Cfb).

Népesség

Nevezetes személyek
 Darius és Tabita Kinsey, fotóművészek

Kapcsolódó szócikkek
 Núkszak indiánok

Jegyzetek

Fordítás

További információk
 Hivatalos honlap

Whatcom megye települései


text:
Severnoatlantska pogodbena organizacija oz. Organizacija severnoatlantske pogodbe, krajše tudi zveza NATO ali pakt NATO (, kratica Nato ali NATO; , kratica Otan ali OTAN) je mednarodna vojaško-politična organizacija držav za sodelovanje na področju obrambe, ki je bila ustanovljena 4. aprila 1949 z Washingtonsko pogodbo. NATO je obrambni pakt držav članic z namenom kolektivne samoobrambe. NATO je bil ustanovljen kot izvrševanje pravice do kolektivne samoobrambe iz 51. člena Ustanovne listine OZN. Države članice NATA lahko v okviru izvajanja samoobrambe ravnajo tudi mimo Varnostnega sveta OZN, kot temeljnega organa zagotavljanja mednarodnega miru in varnosti, vendar ga morajo o tem takoj obvestiti. Njihovo ravnanje mora prenehati, ko nadzor nad situacijo in izvrševanjem uporabe sile prevzame Varnostni svet z zadostnimi ukrepi za zagotovitev mednarodnega miru in varnosti.

Zgodovina
Leta po drugi svetovni vojni so prinesla hitro stopnjevanje trenja med deželami vzhodnega političnega bloka (komunističnimi sistemi) in deželami Zahoda (demokratičnimi sistemi zahodne Evrope in severne Amerike). Tako vzhodna kot zahodna stran sta bili mnenja, da nasprotna sila resno ogroža njun obstoj in blaginjo. Kot posledica sta bili v obeh blokih ustanovljeni obrambni zvezi potencialno ogroženih držav: leta 1949 zveza Nato na Zahodu in šest let kasneje Varšavski pakt na Vzhodu. Ustanovitev zveze Nato, sicer varnostno zagotovilo pred grozečo ofenzivo komunističnih sil, je dobila neposreden povod s sovjetsko blokado Zahodnega Berlina. Na ustanovnem zasedanju zveze Nato so bile udeležene države ustanoviteljice: Belgija, Danska, Francija, Islandija, Italija, Kanada, Luksemburg, Nizozemska, Norveška, Portugalska, Združeno kraljestvo in Združene države Amerike.

V prvem letu delovanja je Nato na prvem mestu - v očeh evropskih držav - pomenil zagotovilo ameriške pomoči ob morebitnem spopadu. Junija 1950, dobro leto po ustanovitvi pakta, se je v Koreji razplamtel prvi izmed »obrobnih« spopadov obeh velesil. Močan udarec severnokorejske vojske z izdatno podporo Kitajske in ZSSR je trčil ob južnokorejske, z Američani ojačane sile. Krvava vojna se je končala tako rekoč brez zmagovalca, prinesla pa je nove politične in geografske razsežnosti zveze Nato. Ta je začela pospešene priprave na širitev, do katere je prišlo leta 1952: v organizacijo sta bili zaradi strateške lege vključeni Grčija in Turčija, državi, ki sta se zajedali globoko v južne obronke vzhodnega bloka. Tri leta kasneje je bila kot odgovor na blokado Berlina v pakt pod posebnimi pogoji vključena tudi Zahodna Nemčija.

Skozi obdobje hladne vojne se je pomen zveze Nato predvsem v smislu varnosti vseskozi večal. Prihajalo je do vse večjih in pogostejših zaostrovanj med zahodnim in vzhodnim blokom, slednji pa je sčasoma razvil lastno jedrsko orožje, s čimer se je izenačila vojaška moč obeh zvez. Posledično se je med evropskimi deželami pojavil strah, ki je izviral iz dejstva, da v primeru sovjetske invazije ZDA zaradi lastne varnosti utegnejo odkloniti pomoč - prišlo je do prvih manjših sporov in razhajanj med Evropo in ZDA. Tako je leta 1966 svoje članstvo zamrznila de Gaullova Francija.

Oboroževalna tekma je bila v polnem zamahu, krize pa so se vrstile: vietnamska vojna, kubanska kriza in druga nekoliko manjša trenja so le še povečevala nesoglasja med Zahodom in Vzhodom. S stalnim razvojem novega in mogočnejšega orožja se je vseskozi držal strah med obema velesilama, s tem pa tudi nekakšno ravnotežje, ki je tako Sovjete kot Američane sililo k neuporabi svojih medcelinskih raket z jedrskimi konicami. V letu 1982 je po ukinitvi španskega fašizma prišlo do krepitve Nato pakta z novo članico.

Zaostreno stanje med velesilama je počasi začelo topliti v poznih osemdesetih letih 20. stoletja. Prišlo je do podpisa Sporazuma o balističnih raketah dolgega dosega, ki je narekoval uničenje vseh raket z dosegom nad 500 km, ter končno do razpada Varšavskega pakta v letih 1989-1991.

Sledilo je post-hladnovojno obdobje zveze Nato in pridružitev nekdanjih komunističnih držav Vzhodne Evrope, po razpadu Varšavskega pakta oz. komunističnih sistemov v njih.

Organizacija

Institucije
 Severnoatlantski svet (NAC)
 Odbor za obrambno načrtovanje (DPC)
 Skupina za jedrsko načrtovanje (NPG)

Civilne organizacije in strukture

 Sedež zveze Nato (Bruselj, Belgija)
Generalni sekretar zveze Nato
 Mednarodni sekretariat zveze Nato
 Urad generalnega sekretarja zveze Nato:
 Osebni urad generalnega sekretarja zveze NATO
 Izvršni sekretariat zveze NATO
 Urad za informiranje in tisk zveze NATO
 Urad zveze NATO za varnost
 Urad za upravljanje zveze NATO
 Urad finančnega nadzornika zveze NATO
 Urad predsednika višjega odbora za vire zveze NATO
 Urad predsednika proračunskih odborov zveze NATO
 Mednarodni računski odpor zveze NATO
 Organizacije zveze NATO za proizvodnjo in logistiko (NPLO)

Vojaška organizacija in strukture

Vojaške organizacije
 Vojaški odbor zveze NATO (MC)
 Predsednik Vojaškega odbora zveze NATO (CMC)
 Namestnik predsednika Vojaškega odbora zveze NATO (DCMC)
 Strateška poveljnika zveze NATO:
 Vrhovni poveljnik zavezniških sil za Atlantik (SACLANT)
 Vrhovni poveljnik zavezniških sil za Evropo (SACEUR)
 Mednarodni vojaški štab zveze NATO (IMS)

Strukture
 Vrhovni poveljnik zavezniških sil za Evropo (SACEUR)
 Vrhovno poveljstvo zavezniških sil v Evropi (SHAPE)
 Poveljstvo zavezniških sil za Evropo (ACE)
 Zavezniške sile za severno Evropo (AFNORTH; Brunssum, Nizozemska)
 Zavezniške sile za južno Evropo (AFSOUTH; Neapelj, Italija)
 Štab sil za posredovanje (v zračnem prostoru) (RF(A)S; Kalkar, Nemčija)
 Sile zveze NATO za zgodnje opozarjanje iz zraka (NAEWF; Geilenkirchen, Nemčija)
 Korpus ACE za hitro posredovanje (ARRC, Rheindahlen, Nemčija)
 Štab večnacionalne divizije za sredno Evropo (MND(C), Rheindahlen, Nemčija)
 Štab večnacionalne divizije za južno Evropo (še ni aktiviran)
 Stalne mornariške sile v Sredozemlju (STANAVFORMED)
 Mobilne kopenske sile ACE (AMF(L); Heidelberg, Nemčija)
 Sile za protiminske ukrepe v Severni Evropi (MCMFORNORTH)
 Sile za protiminske ukrepe v Sredozemlju (MCMFORMED)
 Vrhovni poveljnik zavezniških sil za Atlantik (SACLANT)
 Vrhovno poveljstvo zavezniških sil za Atlantik (HQ SACLANT)
 Poveljstvo zavezniških sil za Atlantik (ACLANT)
 Regionalno poveljstvo za vzhodnoatlantsko območje (RHQ EASTLANT; Northwood, Združeno kraljestvo)
 Stalne mornariške sile v Atlantiku (STANAVFORLANT)
 Regionalno poveljstvo za vzhodnoatlantsko območje (RHQ WESTLANT; Norfolk, Virginija, ZDA)
 Regionalno poveljstvo za južnoatlantsko območje (RHQ SOUTHLANT; Lizbona, Portugalska)
 Uradna flota za Atlantik (STRIKFLTLANT; Norfolk, Virginija, ZDA)
 Poveljstvo podmorniških zavezniških sil za Atlantik (SUBACLANT; Norfolk, Virginija, ZDA)
 Center SACLANT za podmorske raziskave (SACLANTCEN; La Spezia, Italija)
 Regionalna načrtovalna skupina Kanade in ZDA (CUSRPG)

Države članice

Abecedno urejene države članice od ustanovitve leta 1949 ali z letom pristopa v oklepaju:
 Albanija (2009)
 Belgija
 Belgijske oborožene sile
 Bolgarija (2004)
 Bolgarske oborožene sile
 Črna Gora (2017)
 Češka (1999)
 Armada Češke republike
 Danska
 Estonija (2004)
 Francija
 Francoske oborožene sile
 Grčija (1952)
 Hrvaška (2009)
 Oborožene sile Republike Hrvaške
 Islandija
 Italija
 Italijanske oborožene sile
 Kanada
 Kanadske oborožene sile
 Latvija (2004)
 Litva (2004)
 Luksemburg
 Madžarska (1999)
 Nemčija (1955)
 Bundeswehr
 Nizozemska
 Norveška
 Poljska (1999)
 Portugalska
 Romunija (2004)
Severna Makedonija (2020)
 Slovaška (2004)
 Slovenija (2004)
 Slovenska vojska
 Španija (1982)
 Turčija (1952)
 Združene države Amerike
 Oborožene sile Združenih držav Amerike
 Združeno kraljestvo
 Oborožene sile Združenega kraljestva

Grčija in Turčija sta v organizacijo vstopili februarja 1952. Nemčija se je priključila leta 1955 kot Zahodna Nemčija, združitev obeh Nemčij leta 1990 pa je razširilo zvezo tudi na območje nekdanje Vzhodne Nemčije, ki je bila članica Varšavskega pakta. Španija je vstopila 30. maja 1982, prve tri nekdanje članice Varšavskega pakta - Poljska, Madžarska in Češka so se zvezi priključile 12. marca 1999, nadaljnji dve, Romunija in Bolgarija, enkako kot Slovenija in Baltske države pa 2004.

Francija je še vedno članica zveze NATO, vendar se je leta 1966 umaknila iz skupne vojaške poveljniške strukture. Islandija je edina članica zveze NATO, ki nima lastne vojske, pristopila pa je pod pogojem, da ji je tudi ne bo treba ustanoviti.

Vojaška moč

Moč kopenskih vojsk

Moč vojnih letalstev

Moč vojnih mornaric
V letih 1999-2000 so države NATA imele:
 18 letalonosilk,
 179 vojaških podmornic,
 28 križark,
 79 rušilcev,
 239 fregat,
 18 korvet,
 292 hitrih jurišnih in patruljnih plovil,
 245 plovil za protiminsko bojevanje (glej minolovec in minoiskalec)
 114 amfibijskodesantnih ladij, ...
... kar znaša 1.212 glavnih vojaških ladij.

Kritike
Zlasti v času vstopanja Slovenije v Severnoatlantsko zvezo leta 2003 in prej so se večinoma v civilni družbi pojavljale mnoge kritike zveze in vstopanja Slovenije v to zvezo. Te kritike so bile ob vzniku civilnih pobud proti zvezi Nato (Reci ne Nato, Dost je) združene v temeljnih deset točk:
 NATO ne bo sredstvo za zaščito, Nato bo v prvi vrsti uporabljal naše ozemlje.
 NATO ni organizacija, ki bi varovala mir in svobodo, pač pa le vojaška sila najmočnejših držav in njihovega gospodarstva.
 Slovenija ne bi smela podpirati sporne ameriške zunanje politike; v svetu bi se morala uveljavljati z idejami o miru in splošni blaginji, ki so jo pripeljale do samostojnosti.
 Visoki stroški sodelovanja z Natom pomenijo zmanjšanje sredstev za kvaliteto naših življenj, našega socialnega varstva, našega okolja, našega izobraževanja in naše kulture. Trditev, da bodo obrambni stroški ob vstopu manjši, ne more biti potrjena, ker vlada nima alternativne obrambne strategije in s tem izračuna stroškov.
 Slovenci niso vojaško ogrožen narod in njihova varnost se z vstopom v Nato nikakor ne poveča.
 Nato se ne ukvarja z nevojaškimi (kulturnimi, diplomatskimi, ...) načini ogrožanja, ki za Slovenijo predstavljajo neprimerno večjo nevarnost.
 NATO je po novem usmerjen v zunanja posredovanja in ne v neposredno obrambo držav članic. Taka strategija ni v slovenskem interesu, saj si od vstopa v Nato obetamo predvsem obrambo in ne možnosti posredovanja svojih vojaških enot po svetu.
 Natova vojaška oporišča (možni oporišči v Kopru in v Cerkljah) in množica Natovih vojakov pomenijo veliko breme za naše okolje in večjo možnost ekoloških nesreč.
 Identifikacija s t. i. civiliziranim Zahodom kot posledica vstopa v Nato nam sama po sebi ne prinese bogastva, »blaginje« in ugleda Zahoda.
 Prebivalci Slovenije nismo dobili niti enega nespornega argumenta za vstop.

Na te kritike je vladna stran Slovenija in Nato odgovorila z naslednjimi protiargumenti:
 Vstop v Nato bo zagotovil varno in stabilno okolje za vsestranski razvoj države.
 Članstvo bo okrepilo geopolitični položaj Slovenije.
 Nato bo zagotovil večjo nacionalno varnost države.
 S članstvom v zvezi Nato se bo okrepila obrambna sposobnost slovenskih oboroženih sil.
 Vstop v Nato bo zagotovilo profesionalizacijo Slovenske vojske in dolgoročno zmanjšanje izdatkov za obrambo.
 Članstvo v zvezi Nato bo Sloveniji omogočilo enakopravno odločanje o varnostnih in političnih vprašanjih evroatlantskega prostora.

Te utemeljitve so v javni razpravi na koncu tudi pretehtale, kar se je pokazalo na posvetovalnem referendumu 23. marca 2003, ko je skoraj dve tretjini glasujočih (66,02 %) podprlo vstop Slovenije v Severnoatlantsko zvezo.

Viri in opombe

Glej tudi
 NRF
 Severnoatlantska pogodba
 Jadranska listina
 Operacija Gladio

Zunanje povezave

 Slovenija in NATO

Kratice
Mednarodne organizacije
Ustanove v Bruslju
Ustanovitve leta 1949
Antikomunizem


text:
Alan Stuart Blinder (, born October 14, 1945) is an American economics professor at Princeton University and is listed among the most influential economists in the world according to IDEAS/RePEc. He is a leading macroeconomist, politically liberal, and a champion of Keynesian economics and policies.

Binder served on President Bill Clinton's Council of Economic Advisers from January 1993 to June 1994 and as the vice chairman of the Federal Reserve from June 1994 to January 1996.

His academic work has focused particularly on monetary policy and central banking, and on the "offshoring" of jobs. His writing has been published in The New York Times, The Washington Post, as well as a monthly column in The Wall Street Journal. Regarding the financial crisis of 2007–2008, Blinder drew ten lessons for fellow economists, including "It can happen here" and "Fraud and near-fraud can rise to attain macroeconomic significance."

Early life
Blinder was born to a Jewish family in Brooklyn, New York. He graduated from Syosset High School in Syosset, New York. Blinder attended Princeton University as an undergraduate student and graduated summa cum laude with a B.A. in economics in 1967. He completed a 130-page long senior thesis, titled "The Theory of Corporate Choice". He received an MSc in economics from the London School of Economics in 1968 and received a doctorate in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1971. He was advised by Robert Solow.

Professional life

Academic career
Blinder is the Gordon S. Rentschler Memorial Professor of Economics and Public Affairs at Princeton where he has been since 1971; from 1988 to 1990, he chaired the economics department. Also in 1990, he founded Princeton's Griswold Center for Economic Policy Studies. And he has served as vice-chair of The Observatory Group.

Since 1978, Blinder has been a Research Associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research. He is a past president of the Eastern Economic Association and Vice President of the American Economic Association and was named a Distinguished Fellow of the latter in 2011. He is a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (since 1991), a member of the American Philosophical Society since 1996, and a member of the board of the Council on Foreign Relations (since 2008). Blinder's textbook Economics: Principles and Policy, co-written with William Baumol, was first published in 1979 and, in 2012 was printed in its twelfth edition.

In 2009 Blinder was inducted into the American Academy of Political and Social Science, "for his distinguished scholarship on fiscal policy, monetary policy and the distribution of income, and for consistently bringing that knowledge to bear on the public arena." He is a strong proponent of free trade. Blinder has been critical of the public discussion of the US national debt, describing it as generally ranging from "ludicrous to horrific".

Political career
In 1975, Blinder served as the Deputy Assistant Director of the Congressional Budget Office.

In the 1990s, he served on President Bill Clinton's Council of Economic Advisers from January 1993 to June 1994, and as the 15th Vice Chair of the Federal Reserve from June 27, 1994, to January 31, 1996 (more specifically as the Vice Chairman of Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System).

As Vice Chairman, Blinder cautioned against raising interest rates too quickly to slow inflation because of the lags in earlier rises feeding through into the economy. He also warned against ignoring the short term costs in terms of unemployment that inflation-fighting could cause.

Many have argued that Blinder's stint at the Fed was cut short because of his tendency to challenge chairman Alan Greenspan. In particular, by challenging assumptions, Blinder disrupted "the whole pipeline of Greenspan-arriving-at-decisions."

He was an adviser to Al Gore and John Kerry during their respective presidential campaigns in 2000 and 2004.

"Cash for Clunkers"

Blinder was an early advocate of a "Cash for Clunkers" program, in which the government buys some of the oldest, most-polluting vehicles and scraps them. In July 2008, he wrote an article in The New York Times advocating such a program, which was implemented by the Obama administration during the summer of 2009. Blinder asserted it could stimulate the economy, benefit the environment, and reduce income inequality. The program was praised by President Obama for "exceeding expectations," but criticized for economic and environmental reasons.

Private sector
Blinder was a co-founder and a vice-chair of the Promontory Interfinancial Network, LLC.

After his service as the vice chairman of the Federal Reserve, Blinder, along with several former regulators, founded a company that offers a number of services that provide a means for depositors (including governmental entities, nonprofits, businesses, as well as individuals such as retirees) to access millions in Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) coverage at a single institution instead of multiple ones. This provides banks that are members the ability to offer coverage above the FDIC per account/per bank limit by letting those banks place funds into CDs or deposit accounts issued by other network banks. This occurs in increments below the standard FDIC insurance maximum ($250,000) so that both principal and interest are eligible for FDIC insurance. The company acts as a sort of clearinghouse, matching deposits from one institution with another. Through its services it allows access to higher levels of FDIC insurance although limits apply.

Views regarding 2008 near-meltdown of major financial institutions

Blinder draws 10 lessons for fellow economists in a 2014 article entitled "What Did We Learn from the Financial Crisis, the Great Recession, and the Pathetic Recovery?" which include:
5) Fraud and near-fraud can rise to attain macroeconomic significance.
" . .  I think most of us thought that fraud and near-fraud were in the rounding error—not something that could have consequences on a macroeconomic scale. We were wrong. . "
6) Excessive complexity is not just anti-competitive, it's dangerous.
" . . When the crash comes, losses may therefore be much larger than investors dreamed imaginable. Markets may dry up as no one knows what these securities are really worth. Panic may set in. Thus complexity per se is a source of risk."
7) Go-for-broke incentives will induce traders to go for broke.
"We had to learn this? Apparently so.
"In the years prior to the crisis, banks, investment banks, and hedge funds often compensated their traders in ways that offered fabulous riches for success but comparative slaps on the wrist for failure. . "

 Is economics "barking up the wrong tree" by focusing so heavily on consumption, and not on jobs?

In a 2019 article entitled "The Free-Trade Paradox: The Bad Politics of a Good Idea," Blinder states that the main focus of the economics profession has been on how to use price signals to produce goods and services as cheaply as possible and how to distribute these goods and services (also using price signals). Jobs are viewed as secondary at best, and in fact often as a distinct negative and as something people put up with only to get the money to afford their own consumption.

Blinder writes, "What if people care as much (or more) about their role as producers -- about their jobs -- as they do about the goods and services they consume? That would mean economists have been barking up the wrong tree for more than two centuries."

Blinder still thinks there's an excellent case to be made in favor of trade, but it's not the case economists typically make.

Selected works
 (2022), A Monetary and Fiscal History of the United States, 1961–2021, Princeton University Press.
 (2014), "What Did We Learn from the Financial Crisis, the Great Recession, and the Pathetic Recovery?" Princeton University Griswold Center for Economic Policy Studies Working Paper No. 243, 22-page paper, November 2014.
 (2013), After the Music Stopped: The Financial Crisis, the Response, and the Work Ahead, New York: Penguin Press, 24 Jan. 2013. ISBN is 978-1594205309.
 (2009), "How Many U.S. Jobs Might Be Offshorable," World Economics, April–June 2009, 10(2): 41–78.
 (2009), "Making Monetary Policy by Committee," International Finance, Summer 2009, 12(2): 171–194.
 (2008), "Do Monetary Policy Committees Need Leaders? A Report on an Experiment," American Economic Review (Papers and Proceedings), May 2008, pp. 224–229.
 (2006), "Offshoring: The Next Industrial Revolution?" Foreign Affairs", March/April 2006, pp. 113–128. (A longer version with footnotes and references is "Fear of Offshoring," CEPS Working Paper No. 119, December 2005).
 (2006), "The Case Against the Case Against Discretionary Fiscal Policy," in R. Kopcke, G. Tootell, and R. Triest (eds.), The Macroeconomics of Fiscal Policy, MIT Press, 2006, forthcoming, pp. 25–61.
 (2004), The Quiet Revolution, Yale University Press
 (2001, with William Baumol and Edward N. Wolff), Downsizing in America: Reality, Causes, And Consequences, Russell Sage Foundation
 (2001, with Janet Yellen), The Fabulous Decade: Macroeconomic Lessons from the 1990s, New York: The Century Foundation Press
 (1998, with E. Canetti, D. Lebow, and J. Rudd), Asking About Prices: A New Approach to Understanding Price Stickiness, Russell Sage Foundation
 (1998), Central Banking in Theory and Practice, MIT Press
 (1991), Growing Together: An Alternative Economic Strategy for the 1990s, Whittle
 (1990, ed.), Paying for Productivity, Brookings
 (1989), Macroeconomics Under Debate, Harvester-Wheatsheaf
 (1989), Inventory Theory and Consumer Behavior, Harvester-Wheatsheaf
 (1987), Hard Heads, Soft Hearts: Tough‑Minded Economics for a Just Society, Addison-Wesley
 (1983), Economic Opinion, Private Pensions and Public Pensions: Theory and Fact. The University of Michigan
 (1979, with William Baumol), Economics: Principles and Policy – textbook
 (1979), Economic Policy and the Great Stagflation. New York: Academic Press
 (co-edited with Philip Friedman, 1977), Natural Resources, Uncertainty and General Equilibrium Systems: Essays in Memory of Rafael Lusky, New York: Academic Press
 (1974), Toward an Economic Theory of Income Distribution'', MIT Press

See also
 Antifragile#The Alan Blinder problem

References

External links

 Blinder's Princeton homepage
 Academic articles
 Op Eds
 After the Music Stops: The Financial Crisis, the Response, and the Work Ahead  at Penguin Publishers
 Promontory Interfinancial Network, LLC

 Statements and Speeches of Alan S. Blinder

1945 births
20th-century American economists
21st-century American economists
Alumni of the London School of Economics
20th-century American Jews
The Century Foundation
Distinguished Fellows of the American Economic Association
Economists from New York (state)
Fellows of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences
Fellows of the Econometric Society
Living people
New Keynesian economists
People from Brooklyn
People from Syosset, New York
Princeton University alumni
Princeton University faculty
Syosset High School alumni
United States Council of Economic Advisers
Vice Chairs of the Federal Reserve
Clinton administration personnel
21st-century American Jews
Brookings Institution people
Members of the American Philosophical Society


text:
De samenstelling van de Eerste Kamer der Staten-Generaal 1969-1971 biedt een overzicht van de Eerste Kamerleden in de periode na de Eerste Kamerverkiezingen van 2 juli 1969. De zittingsperiode ging in op 16 september 1969 en liep af op 10 mei 1971.

Er waren 75 Eerste Kamerleden, verkozen door vier kiesgroepen, samengesteld uit de leden van de Provinciale Staten van alle Nederlandse provincies. Eerste Kamerleden werden verkozen voor een termijn van zes jaar, om de drie jaar werd de helft van de Eerste Kamer hernieuwd.

Wijzigingen in de samenstelling gedurende de zittingsperiode staan onderaan vermeld.

Samenstelling na de Eerste Kamerverkiezingen van 2 juli 1969

KVP (24 zetels)
Harry van Lieshout, fractievoorzitter
Marius van Amelsvoort
Toon Coenen
Piet Coppes
Albertus Johannes Copraij
Dien Cornelissen
Jos Ensinck
Jo Franssen
Jacques Gooden
Gerard Groeneveld
Louis Horbach
Evert Kraaijvanger
Henk Letschert
Willy Lockefeer
Frans van der Maden
Gérard Mertens
Toon Middelhuis
Jan Niers
Cees Schelfhout
Piet Steenkamp
Jan Teijssen
Frits Terwindt
Theo Thurlings
Nico Vugts

PvdA (20 zetels)
Jan Broeksz, fractievoorzitter
Edward Brongersma
Jaap Burger
George Cammelbeeck
Piet Damming
Gijs van Hall
André Kloos
Eibert Meester
Maarten de Niet
Arie Querido
Bertus de Rijk
Eef Steenbergen
Wim Thomassen
Maurits Troostwijk
Rien Verburg
Anne Vermeer
Hugo Versloot
Johan Visser
Irene Vorrink
Jan Zoon

VVD (8 zetels)
Harm van Riel, fractievoorzitter
Jan Baas
Sidney van den Bergh
Hendrik Jan Louwes
Jo Schouwenaar-Franssen
Pieter Gerard van de Vliet
Ym van der Werff
Bob de Wilde

CHU (8 zetels)
Johan van Hulst, fractievoorzitter
Jan Beerekamp
Eddy de Geer van Oudegein
Jan Heij
Sieto Robert Knottnerus
Frederik Piket
Dirk Rijnders
Klaas de Vries

ARP (7 zetels)
Wiert Berghuis, fractievoorzitter
Wil Albeda
Piet Elfferich
Wilhelm Friedrich de Gaay Fortman
Jan de Koning
Sybren van Tuinen
Koos Verdam

PSP (3 zetels)
Hein van Wijk, fractievoorzitter
Henk Lankhorst
Max van Pelt

Boerenpartij (3 zetels)
Aart Snoek, fractievoorzitter
Jan de Groote
Simon van Marion

PPR (1 zetel)
Jacques Tonnaer, fractievoorzitter

CPN (1 zetel)
Annie van Ommeren-Averink, fractievoorzitter

Bijzonderheden
 Bij de Eerste Kamerverkiezingen van 2 juli 1969 werden 38 Eerste Kamerleden verkozen, in de kiesgroepen I en III.
 Dik Noordewier (PSP) nam zijn verkiezing tot Eerste Kamerlid niet aan. In zijn plaats werd Henk Lankhorst geïnstalleerd.
 Jan van Stuijvenberg (PvdA) nam zijn verkiezing tot Eerste Kamerlid niet aan. In zijn plaats werd George Cammelbeeck geïnstalleerd.
 B.M. Steur (Boerenpartij) nam zijn verkiezing tot Eerste Kamerlid niet aan. In zijn plaats werd op 23 september 1969 Simon van Marion geïnstalleerd.
 Op 16 september 1969 kwam Gerard Groeneveld (KVP) in de Eerste Kamer als opvolger van Chris Matser, die op 25 juni dat jaar ontslag had genomen.

Tussentijdse mutaties

1969
 7 oktober: Harry van Lieshout (KVP) nam ontslag als fractievoorzitter van zijn partij. Hij werd dezelfde dag nog opgevolgd door Jan Niers.
 14 november: Annie van Ommeren-Averink (CPN) verliet de Eerste Kamer om gezondheidsredenen. Op 9 december dat jaar werd Kees IJmkers in de ontstane vacature geïnstalleerd, die van Ommeren-Averink tevens opvolgde als fractievoorzitter van de CPN.

1970
 2 januari: Gerard Groeneveld (KVP) verliet de Eerste Kamer. Op 3 maart dat jaar werd Dick de Zeeuw in de ontstane vacature geïnstalleerd.
 15 maart: Koos Verdam (ARP) nam ontslag vanwege zijn benoeming tot Commissaris van de Koningin in Utrecht. Op 28 april dat jaar werd Piet Boukema in de ontstane vacature geïnstalleerd.
 13 april: Piet Damming (PvdA) nam ontslag vanwege zijn benoeming tot algemeen secretaris van het Nederlands Verbond van Vakverenigingen. Op 25 augustus dat jaar werd Barend van Dam in de ontstane vacature geïnstalleerd.
 1 oktober: Jaap Burger (PvdA) verliet de Eerste Kamer vanwege zijn benoeming tot lid van de Raad van State. Op 3 november dat jaar werd Coen van der Waerden in de ontstane vacature geïnstalleerd.

1969-1971