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Human bodies: donation for medicine and research
Section 7 of 7
Recommendations for organisations
Chapter 1 What bodily material can be donated?
Chapter 2 How donation is regulated
Chapter 3 Supply and demand
Chapter 4 Our ethical framework
Chapter 5 Recommendations affecting individuals
Chapter 6 Recommendations for organisations
Human bodies: donation for medicine and research >
Guide to the report >
There are many ways to make donation easier and to reduce the need for donation by action on the part of professionals, organisations and the Government.
We argue that there is a strong public interest in donation, and in the communal provision of donated material in response to health needs. This is true not just of organs and blood, mainly donated and used within the NHS, but also of eggs and sperm, where the majority of treatment takes place in the private sector. There is also a strong public interest in medical research, and the health benefits it aims to achieve, even where research carried out in the commercial sector leads also to private financial gains.
On organ donation, we conclude
The role of preventable diseases in the increasing demand for organs should be publicised in order to add weight to public health campaigns.
The Government should monitor closely how planned changes within the English NHS affect organ donation services, and should protect systems that have been shown to work well.
The possibility of donating material after death for research purposes, as well as for transplantation, should be made clearer in public information about the Organ Donor Register.
We endorse the current international consensus that organ trafficking and transplant tourism should be banned.
On tissue for research, we conclude
Good governance systems are an essential requirement if potential donors are to have the trust necessary for them to consider donation in the first place.
People donating material for research purposes should be treated as partners in the research, and their ongoing interest in the progress of the research recognised.
Once donated for research purposes, bodily material should be regarded as a public good: researchers should make the most efficient use of it possible, and must be willing to share it on the basis of scientific merit.
On egg and sperm donation, we conclude
A national or regional donor service should be established to provide an infrastructure for egg and sperm donation, along similar lines to the structures currently in place for organ donation.
Where UK fertility clinics and professionals refer patients to clinics and professionals abroad, they should share responsibility for the general standards prevailing at the receiving centre, including how egg donors are recruited and how the welfare of donors is safeguarded.
The World Health Organization should develop guiding principles to protect egg donors from abuse or exploitation.
On volunteering for clinical trials, we conclude
People volunteering in first-in-human trials should be treated as partners in the research, and their ongoing interest in the progress of the research should be recognised.
The registration of healthy volunteers in first-in-human trials on a national database should be a compulsory requirement for ethical approval of such trials, in order to limit the harms of over-volunteering.
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Download the summary (PDF)
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CJEU issues landmark ruling strengthening the rights of rainbow families
Carsten Wendler, Stuti Gadodia, Alexander Grimm
In an important victory for the LGBTQ+ movement in Europe, on 14 December 2021 the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has issued a landmark ruling that will be celebrated by LGBTQ+ families and their supporters all over the European Union. The Court has held that a parent-child relationship established in one Member State shall be recognised in all other Member States without exceptions, and most importantly, regardless of the Member State's stance on same-sex marriage. This is based on the CJEU's decision that the right to freedom of movement is guaranteed to all citizens under the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and shall not be curtailed or hindered simply because a child has same-sex parents.
The case concerns a child whose mothers are a Bulgarian national and a UK national resident in Spain. While the Spanish authorities have issued a birth certificate recognising the parenthood of the mothers, the child was unable to obtain her Bulgarian identity documents. Bulgaria sought to justify its refusal to provide Bulgarian identity documents to the child on the grounds that (i) it does not recognise same-sex marriages and, (ii) without evidence of a biological connection between the Bulgarian mother and the child, it cannot issue a birth certificate and thereby recognise the parent-child relationship between them. Bulgaria referred the case to the CJEU for a preliminary ruling in November 2020.
The case was heard by the Grand Chamber of the CJEU on 9 February 2021 and saw supporting interventions made by the Netherlands and Spain as well as the European Commission. By way of an important positive development, on 15 April 2021, Advocate General Kokott issued her opinion which concluded inter alia that regardless of the status of same-sex marriages in Bulgarian domestic law, Bulgaria is bound to issue the child identity documents to enable her to exercise her fundamental rights under the TFEU.
We have in our previous blog posts analysed in detail the background of the case here and the Advocate General's opinion here.
On 14 December 2021, the CJEU issued a seminal ruling recognising that a parent-child relationship established in one Member State shall be recognised across the EU
The CJEU in its decision issued on 14 December 2021 took this opportunity to send out a strong message in favour of protecting the parent-child relationship in LGBT families. While acknowledging that Member States are entitled to determine their individual stance on the legality of same-sex marriages and the parenthood of same-sex couples, the CJEU stated that this competence cannot hinder the fundamental rights guaranteed to all citizens under the TFEU. Crucially, the Court held that a Member State is obliged to issue an identity card or a passport to a child who is a national of that Member State and has same-sex parents as recognised by another Member State. The Court specifically held that this recognition of the parent-child relationship in the context of the child's exercise of her rights under Article 21 TFEU "does not undermine the national identity or pose a threat to the public policy of that Member State" (Article 4(2) TFEU).
The CJEU recognised that the Spanish authorities have lawfully established a parent-child relationship between the child and her mothers through the issuance of a birth certificate and held that all other Member States are obliged to recognise such relationship as evidenced by the birth certificate.
In a major victory for rainbow families across the EU, the CJEU expressly recognised the rights of the child under Articles 7 and 24 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights and held that her exercise of the right to move and reside freely in the territory of the EU cannot be made "impossible or excessively difficult in practice" solely because her parents are of the same sex. Further, the Court drew an analogy with the famous Coman case (C-673/16) to hold that a child whose birth certificate designates a Union citizen as a parent must be considered by all Member States to be a direct descendant of that Union citizen regardless of her parents' sexual orientation.
Accordingly, the CJEU held that a Member State of which the child is a national is obliged:
to issue to the child an identity card or a passport without first requiring a separate birth certificate to be granted by its national authorities, and
to recognise a document from the host Member State that records the parent-child relationship and thereby permits the child to exercise, with each of her parents, her right to freedom of movement across the EU.
The CJEU ruling is a significant milestone for LGBTQ+ families
The decision of the CJEU represents a major turning point in the recognition of rights of rainbow families in the EU. The Court through this judgment has upheld the fundamental rights of children of same-sex parents where at least one of them is an EU citizen irrespective of the stance taken by individual Member States on the issue of same-sex marriage and parenthood. This is indeed a welcome development for same-sex parents and their children in the EU, and one that we hope will be replicated across jurisdictions around the globe. This important victory is a further step in the fight for equality and justice for the LGBTQ+ community.
We are excited to see the fruits of our partnership with ILGA Europe, an international non‑governmental organisation focussed on LGBTQ+ rights in Europe. Together we provided legal and strategic support in this case. Please click here to read ILGA's press release on this landmark judgment.
The Court has held that a parent-child relationship established in one Member State shall be recognised in all other Member States without exceptions, and most importantly, regardless of the Member State's stance on same-sex marriage.
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CJEU Advocate General clarifies that family ties established in one Member State must be recognised across the EU
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CJEU to rule on seminal case for LGBTQ+ rights
Uncertainties in Intra-EU arbitration under the ECT: Belgium seeks an opinion from the Court of Justice of the European Union
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Roy Praises Military Action Against Mexican Cartels
Support for using military action against Mexican cartels has grown within the Republican party.
"They're a danger to the United States. They're empowering China. They're killing Americans.
DANIEL MOLINA
Support for using military action against Mexican cartels has grown within the Republican party. Florida Rep. Mike Waltz (R) and Texas Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R) joined forces to introduce legislation that would authorize such measures. Texas Rep. Chip Roy (R) praised the effort, calling the cartels "terrorist organizations."
Rep. Roy was approached about, at the time, the forthcoming legislation, explaining that he agreed with Waltz and Crenshaw's effort for the government to use military action against Mexican cartels. Roy explained that he has supported legislation that would designate cartels as "terrorist organizations," saying that they pose a great threat not only to the United States but to immigrants as well.
"I'm certainly for the consideration of how we can use the appropriate powers," Roy commented, adding that this could include the military and special forces to ward off and stop the cartels. He further mentioned that the cartels "need to have their knees knocked out from under them" for numerous reasons.
"They're a danger to the United States. They're empowering China. They're killing Americans. They're allowing the danger to increase for migrants. Migrants are dying because of cartels," Roy explained.
The Texas Republican noted that his commitment is to ensure the U.S. does "whatever we need to do to actually secure the border." However, Roy did mention that using military action "appropriately, within reason, recognizing that anytime you're invoking the military… the stakes have been raised."…
READ FULL ARTICLE HERE…- Texas Politics
Published in Crime, Political News, US News and World News
Mexican cartels
Rep. Roy
texaspolitics.com
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Home / Blogs / AngryWorkersWorld's blog
Labour defeat - Thoughts on democratic socialism
The following thoughts on the strategy of democratic socialism forms part of our upcoming book reflecting on six years of working class inquiry and intervention in west-London…
'Democratic socialism' is currently the main alternative vision to transforming capitalism, and as such we need to take it seriously, despite our deep disagreement with it. By democratic socialism we mean the idea that by using the two legs of the organised labour movement - the trade unions and a socialist party in government - we can walk step-by-step towards socialism. Socialism is defined as a society dominated by either nationalised or cooperative ownership of the means of production and workers' representation when it comes to management of these economic units. The general strategy of democratic socialism can be summarised briefly.
The idea is to campaign for an electoral victory of a socialist party based on an economic program of partial re-nationalisation of a limited number of key industries and the creation of a wider sector of 'solidarity economy' formed by cooperative or municipal companies that can guarantee more de-centralised workers' participation. In tandem with electoral activities, democratic socialists encourage the support of working class or 'social movement' organisations outside of parliament, in order to have an economic power-base to put pressure on both capital and government. Once the party is in power the strategy needs to create a dynamic between a) structural institutional changes decreed by the government which creates more space for the participation of working class organisations (so-called non-reformist reforms) and b) pressure from below to defend and extend these spaces. An example could be to enact banking sector reforms, which limits the scope of financial speculation and tax avoidance and at the same time gives 'common ownership enterprises' preferential treatment when it comes to commercial credits. While this happens on the governmental level, trade unions in companies that might try to undermine the reform by threatening to disinvestment will have to increase the pressure on management. The material improvements of workers' lives and the strengthening of trade unions are supposed to create greater unification within the working class – a kind of jumping board into socialism.
There are two hearts beating in this project. We see many comrades, fed up with the social isolation of so-called 'revolutionary politics', becoming attracted to the practical and strategical debates of the democratic socialist project. They can be intellectually invigorating. These comrades might have come from classic anarchist or otherwise 'revolutionary' organisations or they might have been politicised during the horizontal, but ineffectual and often self-referential 'social movements' of the anti-globalisation or Occupy era. We understand the urge of these comrades to 'make a difference' and to think about short, medium and long-term steps towards social change. We can see many fellow working class people who feel the limitation of trade union activity and who hope that Labour in government can turn trade unions into powerful workers' organisations again. We want to fight for the hearts and minds of these comrades. Then there exists the usual careerist swamp within these organisations, from DSA, Podemos to Corbyn's Labour. The in-fights and power-games.
The direction of the democratic socialist project in the UK is not primarily determined by its political outlook, but by its class composition. The new Labour left is composed of three main forces: a segment of ambitious and perhaps precarious professionals who feel that according to their educated status they should have more say in society. They also want a good life for 'the working class', but their approach is technocratic: learned people and progressive experts are supposed to decide how things are run, not the bankers and the parasitic elite. They form an alliance with the second main force, the union bureaucracy. The union apparatus allows the new professionals to speak in the name of the workers and the union bosses can extend their power into the political class. The third element are the most marginalised parts of the working class who've had to suffer from years of benefit cuts and sanctions. Labour under Corbyn gave them hope, but the party machine will end up instrumentalising their victim status.
We could write a long list of points of disillusionment with Corbynism, which took place even before the election disaster. The second leader of the party's 'hard-left'-wing, John McDonnell, felt obliged to publicly whitewash the war-criminal Tony Blair. People who voted with Blair to invade Iraq are presented and hosted as 'left candidates', such as the MP David Lammy. Activists at the 2017 party conference learned that Momentum could be used as a disciplining arm, enforcing that delegates wouldn't vote on contentious issues, such as a Brexit referendum. Experiences in local party branches are largely dominated by tedious petty power plays and boring formalities.
During the winter 2019/20 it turned out that the only thing that Corbynism has been able to re-nationalise is the fringe left. As we witness one of the biggest wave of working class protests – from Ecuador, Chile, Sudan to Iran – the left in the UK was completely focused on whatever Corbyn or Johnson were saying on TV. The national narrow-mindedness would have become worse if Labour had entered government: would any democratic socialist have supported unruly working class mobilisations, such as the Yellow Vests or the protests in Iran, under a new and fragile Labour government? We can try to adorn 'Corbynism' with all kind of radical looking paraphernalia and woke memes, from Acid Corbynism to 'luxury or literal communism' - but in the end it's a Party that promises us a minimal minimum wage increase, free broadband and slightly less austerity. But then our focus here is not to argue about utopian visions, but to point out the internal shortcomings of this political strategy.
1) This is not a historic phase for social democracy
Historically, social democracy developed during phases of economic upturns, based on a relatively strong national industrial production capacity. What we face now is an economic crisis and an internationalised production system. This limits both the scope for material concessions and for national economic policies. Secondly, social democracy primarily became hegemonic in post-revolutionary situations. Social democracy was based on large organisations within the working class and a ruling class that allowed workers' political representation in order to avoid revolutionary tensions. Left-communists never get tired of repeating that the establishment of the NHS was not a result of Labour party reformism, but of Tory Cold War counter-insurgency – to avoid large-scale social discontent after the war. Again, this is not a situation we find ourselves in today. The main point for us to stress is: we face harsher conditions of struggle than democratic socialism prepares us for. We can't bypass the day-to-day confrontations with bosses and their violent lackeys. Democratic socialism tends to overemphasise the autonomy of government politics. In the UK the Labour left portrays the Thatcher government and their 'wicked policies' as the source of evil neoliberalism, whereas it was the global crisis in the mid-1970s which forced all governments to attack the working class. You cannot vote your way out of this.
2) Current democratic socialism ignores the capitalist character of the state
Democratic socialist strategies are based on the assumption that the state stands above 'capitalism' and could intervene in it as a politically neutral form. Historically the state emerged as the violent arm to impose and secure class relations, e.g. through enclosures, vagrancy laws and the military expansion of markets. The state appears as a neutral force that is only there to look after law and order and the wider organisation of society. But law and order means primarily that the property relations which are the material basis for the exploitation of the working class are maintained. By making us citizens the state disarms us as a collective class force. State politics separate the sphere of social production from the sphere of social decision-making - we are supposed to produce the world, but apart from casting a vote every four years have no say in how the world is run. Materially the state apparatus depends on the continuous exploitation both through taxation and as an employer.
3) Current democratic socialism misreads the relationship between the market and capitalism
Democratic socialists think switching from private to public (state) ownership will be the antidote to capitalism. They see no contradiction therefore between a 'big state' and socialism, despite the fact that state intervention - regardless of where it is on the political spectrum - has always played the fundamental role in expanding, enforcing and defending the market. The process of industrialisation itself required state ownership and central economic planning, last but not least in order to enforce order against the emerging industrial working class. During this phase it didn't matter if the left or the right was in government – large-scale state planning was required by the social situation and was not a political choice. Furthermore, the idea that cooperatives and national (state) ownership go hand in hand is not verified by history: the big decline of cooperatives in the UK didn't happen under Thatcher, but during the ascent of national economic planning and concentration in the manufacturing sector during a 1960s Labour government. The competition between companies - the market form - or the formation of monopolies is just a surface appearance of the underlying class relations. So it wouldn't be enough to just 'smash the monopolies'. A more fundamental change is required. We can see this when class relations are in crisis - when workers organise mass strikes and hit the streets. The state, no matter if it is left or right, has no problems suspending the 'free market' in these situations to repress and maintain class society. For example, after the oil shock in the 1970s it was no contradiction that the Indira Gandhi government nationalised the mining and banking sector in order to prevent economic collapse, inscribed 'socialism' into the Indian constitution, obtained the support of the Communist Party and launched the most brutal attack against striking railway workers and other working class insurgents during the State of Emergency.
4) Democratic socialism in practice avoids the structural weakness of the working class and focuses on professionals
The current proponents of democratic socialism know that class struggle is at a low ebb - but instead of focusing on building organised cores within the class they largely focus on the recruitment of professionals and 'activists'. While previous revolutionary upheavals like 1968 questioned the role of the 'intellectual expert', the current generation celebrates it. This is very obvious for parties like Podemos or Syriza, but also valid for the so-called Labour surge - most of the new party members have a higher education and are living in metropolitan areas. Materially the new left intelligentsia reproduces itself as the 'neoliberal self' that they pretend to criticise: hardly any of them are 'organic intellectuals' forged in working class existence and struggle, most of them survive by creating a social media and academic persona whose opinion is valued on the marketplace. Whether you read the "Alternative Models of Ownership" by the Labour party advisers, Bastani's 'luxury communism' or Srnicek's 'Inventing the Future', the prime agent is always the figure of the well-educated and networked activist. Unfortunately this forces our intellectual democratic socialist comrades to chase their own tails. There is a big blank space when it comes to the question of how their well-meaning ideas will be enforced and implemented. Who will enforce workers' participation if workers are seen as people who are only able to engage in political discourse during election times? The absence of a strategy rooted in the working class then leads to the creation of a trite and kitsch icon of 'the people' - a mass of honest victims who need cultural belonging and political leadership.
5) Democratic socialism's understanding of 'workers' participation' is formal and therefore flawed
We criticise socialist thinkers for seeing state planning as essentially opposed to capitalism, though confronted with history most of them would hasten to add that nationalisation and planning have to go hand-in-hand with the 'democratisation of the economy'. The problem is that their understanding of 'workers' participation' is largely formal, e.g. proposed in the form of workers' shares in enterprises, union delegates on company boards or voting rights when it comes to management decisions. The aforementioned class background of many of the new socialist intelligentsia also contributes to their limited understanding - or actual trajectory - of what workers' control would require. Their understanding of class is largely economistic – defined by the fact that workers all depend on wages. This understanding of class doesn't focus on the actual form of the production process and its hierarchical division of labour (intellectual and manual workers, productive and reproductive work etc.). In their policies, their understanding of 'ownership' of the means of production and 'democratic participation' of workers is formal. Just because workers or trade unions hold 50% or 100% of shares doesn't mean much. If workers are still forced to do the drudge work the whole day, performing only a limited amount of tasks, this won't allow them to have an understanding of, and therefore say in, how a company or sector is actually run. You might give them a vote on a company board, but it will be those who have a greater overview and more time - due to their professional status as intellectuals (engineers, scientists etc.) - who will make the decisions. The 'vote' will be reduced to a fetishised process to confirm the experts' monopoly of knowledge. As we have seen in history, workers survive the worst defeats inflicted by the class enemy. But the deepest and longest-lasting traumas are inflicted when oppression and exploitation is enacted in their own name - didn't the 'workers' state' of the Stalinist regime formally belong to the workers, too? A mere change in government or a shift from private to state property would not touch the core of what defines 'working class', its' power and disempowerment.
6) The trade unions and the workers party are not the working class
The democratic socialist perspective relies on the idea of a transmission between the working class and the state through the interaction of the two main 'workers' organisations' – the parliamentary party and the trade unions. This perspective relies on an idealistic or pre-historic view on trade unions as the 'democratic representation' of the class. Plenty of historical examples (Labour/TUC in the UK in 1926 or the 1970s, CC.OO in Spain after Franco, Solidarnosc in Poland after 1981, PT/CUT in Brazil recently etc.) demonstrate that during the heat of struggle waves, the trade union/government connection becomes the heaviest blanket on working class initiative. During the last years that we've been shop-stewards, we've gotten quite a bit of insight into the internal mechanisms of two major trade unions - both loyal to the Labour party. Democratic socialism's idea that these organisations will be the main force in 'keeping the government and its enemies under pressure' is totally illusory. More often than not we can see how the party and the union leadership instrumentalise workers' struggles for their own ends, e.g. the recent symbolic 'strikes' at McDonald's in London were called by the union leadership at a time where it suited the Labour campaign circus, but actually undermined the organising work of the union's own organisers. Many of the proposed reforms that Labour wanted to bring in, e.g. sectoral collective bargaining and contracts, would facilitate economic planning for the bigger capitalists and strengthen the central trade union leadership's grip than actually boost workers' independent power. The regional and sectoral contracts in Germany are the best example.
7) Focus on the 'political arena' saps energy
The leadership of democratic socialism tends to try and bypass the mundane and laborious problems of power relations between workers and capital and instead focuses on the electoral leap. But these tend to be leaps forwards and backwards. The governmental politics of 21st century socialism in Latin America (Chavez, Morales, Lula etc.) and their structural weaknesses have created widespread disillusionment. The subjugation of the Syriza government in Greece to the system and its representatives has closed down, rather than opened up spaces for the class movement against austerity. The internal power-fights within Podemos or Momentum has created cynicism and burn-out. By adopting a 'lesser evil' voting strategy and calling for people to vote for Macron to avoid Le Pen, the left undermined its own position in the anti-government rebellion of the Yellow Vests. The media hype of Corbynism, the engagement with electoral tactics etc. diverts focus from daily struggles for working class self-defence. There is also a misunderstanding of parliamentarianism: just because a political party is composed by workers doesn't make party politics and the parliament a form of working class politics. Parliamentarianism is the exact opposite of working class politics, as it is based on individual citizenship, not on collective and practical relations. This is true for national parliamentarism as much as for the 'parliamentarianism light' in the form of 'radical municipalism' (campaigning for independent candidates in local elections) that some activists propose. The best example for the limits of local electoral politics can be found in the US. The election of militants of the black liberation movement after its decline in the late-1970s meant that in towns like Chicago and Baltimore, black mayors had to enforce austerity and anti-poor policing measures in the 1980s, which further weakened and divided the movement while stabilising the system: who better to enforce cuts against black urban poor, but a black mayor? While history provides us with ample examples, cracks also appear in the present. If we look at Barcelona En Comu, the citizen platform that won the local elections in Barcelona and provided the new mayor, Colau, we can see various moments of tension between the local working class and the new 'citizen-friendly' local government, e.g. when the local government acted against the striking airport and metro workers in 2017. Comrades in Spain also noticed that the 'redistribution' of local politicians' wages by platforms like Barcelona En Comu did not primarily benefit rank-and-file organisations, but created a larger number of so-called 'movement jobs', a new layer of professional activists with all the contradictions of professionalisation. One outcome of these tensions with the local working class is that Barcelona En Comu tries to channel some of the discontent into Catalan nationalist waters, as if Catalan independence had much more to offer working people than yet another dividing line within our class. We will now face the same problem in Scotland.
8) Parliamentary power and state power are two different things
Let's assume a socialist party manages to get into government. The idea of a parliamentarian road towards socialism neglects the fact that 'taking over government' and 'having state power' are two different kettles of fish. There is little analysis of the actual material and social class structure of the state (administration, public servants, army) and its independence from parliamentary democracy, for example, despite changes to its outer form the material core and trajectory of the Russian state apparatus (i.e. social strata of people employed in carrying out state functions) has reproduced itself from the time of the Tsarist regime, through the Bolshevik revolution, Stalinist terror, Glasnost to Putin. If we want to look closer to home, even the revered Tony Benn had to understand as Secretary of State for Industries in the mid-1970s that the struggle with the right-wing of the Labour party was child's play compared to the struggle with his 'own' civil servants.
9) By focusing on the national arena and the state, democratic socialism tends to misjudge the global relation of capital
Let's assume that a socialist party not only manages to get into government, but also manages to dominate the state apparatus. Due to the fact that the nation state is the core element of the strategy for democratic socialism the project is immediately confronted with the global nature of capital. Higher levels of taxation and other impositions will result in capital flight amongst global companies. Democratic socialism accounts for this, by, for example, proposing alliances with smaller enterprises, as a kind of national productive united front against global corporations and finance. We've seen time and again how this necessary alliance shifts the ideological viewpoint towards 'left patriotism' and other bullshit. If a Labour government would actually try to increase taxation and redistribute assets, the most likely outcome is a devaluation of the pound and an increase in inflation due to a trade deficit, which cannot be counteracted easily - given the composition of agriculture, energy sector, general manufactured goods. The new Labour left leadership – trained in political activism and speech and aided by their influence amongst the union leadership – will be the best vehicle to tell workers to 'give our Labour government some time', to explain that 'international corporations have allied against us' and that despite inflation workers should keep calm and carry on; wage struggles will be declared to be excessive or divisive or of narrow-minded economic consciousness. We have seen how, for example, the Chavez government in Venezuela organised the 'urban poor' against strikes of teachers who demanded higher wages, denouncing them as greedy and therefore responsible for other workers' poverty.
10) Class struggle doesn't develop gradually
Democratic socialism's focus on electoral campaigning and official union organising results in a misjudgement of how class struggle develops. Historically class struggles developed in leaps and bounds – in a much more complex dynamic between 'organising' and external forces and factors. The belief that class struggle is based on 'step-by-step' organising and mobilising often results in leftists putting stumbling blocks in the way of future waves of struggle. In the short-term getting 'community leaders' or your local MP involved, or relying on the trade union or party apparatus in order to mobilise or encourage fellow workers, might seem beneficial. What initially seemed a stepping stone turns out to be a stumbling block: for example middle-men who get in the way of things or illusions in symbolic forms of struggle. The challenge is to find 'step-by-step' forms of struggle which help in the moment, but don't pose problems long-term. In their need to create a transformation of workers' action (controlled strikes etc.) on the ground into 'economic pressure' to support state policies, socialist organisers tend to become scared of the often chaotic and seemingly spontaneous character of struggles. They run the danger of misunderstanding that these situations of breakdown of normality are precisely the situations where workers have to face up to their responsibility to re-organise social reproduction. These moments are the necessary learning curves and laboratories where we actually change things and ourselves. To stifle this means killing workers' participation.
11) Democratic socialism and its fear of uncontrolled class struggle becomes its own gravedigger as it weakens the working class activity necessary to defend it
The fact that the biggest socialist party in history – the German SPD – first agreed to support the German government in the 1914 war efforts and oppressed workers' revolutionary upheavals after the war was not a betrayal. It was part and parcel of a long-term strategy to gain governmental power and to re-shape the national economy – to which workers revolutionary 'adventures' posed a risk. After having weakened workers' self-activity the SPD was then confronted with a global crisis in 1929, which limited a national economic strategy. The combination of these two factors – a working class weakened by government tactics and powerlessness vis-à-vis global capital – resulted in the SPD opening the door for the most brutal reactionary turn in 1933. Another example is the social democratic government under Allende in Chile in 1973. It shows us that the relationship between working class movements and left governments is more complicated than the often mechanistic picture of force (movement) and container/stabiliser (government). We can see that the initial social reforms were introduced by a right-wing government, which failed to contain class struggle. When Allende took over he had a hard time keeping workers' and poor peoples' struggles under control – struggles which might well have been encouraged by the incoming left government. Allende feared that the local upper-class and international imperialist forces would use the social turmoil as an excuse for intervention. Industrial unrest also created shortages which threatened to destabilise the government further. International price developments, in particular of mining products, curbed the scope for material concessions towards striking workers. Allende's policies towards the working class unrest – which ranged from concessions to military repression – undermined and literally disarmed the working class. When the local military, backed by the CIA, went in for the kill, the resistance was already weakened. This historical example seems irrelevant for the sitation in the UK or the US today, but once we look beyond short-term goals of electoral tactics we still face the same fundamental dynamics.
12) Strategy starts from actual struggles and actual potentials and difficulties imposed by the social production process
We need strategies and we need organisation. We have to start by analysing the real conditions and relationships of our class: how is production organised today, how is it organised beyond company or national boundaries, how are we as workers divided from intellectual labour and knowledge and how can these divisions be overcome? How can we make use of the fact that workers cooperate along supply-chains, often using modern communication technologies in order to develop new forms of transnational organisations of struggle? How does our class lead its struggles today, where do we use the potentials of modern production and where do we fail to use them in our favour? How do the struggles in the bigger workplaces and industrial sectors relate to areas or regions where workers are more atomised? We have to create a dynamic between industrial and workplace power and the inventiveness of working class people to organise their survival, be it in the form of workers' cooperatives, hack-labs, squats or self-run community projects. Within these struggles we have to develop the organisation and strategy to imagine a coordinated take-over of the central means of production, their defence and their socialisation beyond national boundaries. This will not happen on Day X of our choosing - this will happen with the increasing disfunctionality of this system to which our own struggles for survival contribute. Democratic socialism and its strategies will not be adequate for the vastness, harshness and joy of what lies ahead for the working class.
We have seen that the strategy of democratic socialism clashes with the two main historical forces in capitalism. Firstly, by focusing on the national arena it clashes with the global character of capital. And secondly, by reducing the question of exploitation to the question of whether workers work under private or public command, their strategy clashes with the substantive discontent of the working class. A socialist government would be forced to weaken its own power base in order to deal with the continuing discontent ("Keep calm and give your workers' government a bit more time"). In the long run this creates disillusionment and the material basis for a reactionary turn. These are the historical lessons.
AngryWorkersWorld
Democratic socialism and its strategies will not be adequate for the vastness, harshness and joy of what lies ahead for the working class.
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Blog of Angry Workers World, an irregular workers' paper in London. For communist class inquiry.
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Minoritarian attempts at insurrection in Greece
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1990: Worker insurgency in Osaka
The Labour government vs the dockers 1945-1951
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Participating in water sports from an early age, Tom Green was identified in kayaking from an early age, the sport he won an Olympic Gold Medal in at the 2020 Tokyo Olympics.
Australian Olympic Skateboard Team
Tom was originally introduced to Kayaking via surf lifesaving as a 10yr old. Living on the Gold Coast, his mum was a surf lifesaver and similarly him and his siblings got involved in Nippers from a young age.
From there Tom and his siblings decided to start Kayaking to help improve their surf lifesaving ski discipline which begun by simply paddling with friends in the creek and joining the Currumbin Creek Canoe Club.
With his brother and sister in 2012, Tom competed at the Outrigging World Championships. After casually playing around in the kayak and surf lifesaving racing and training, he was encouraged to take flatwater paddling seriously.
Within weeks, Tom was competing at the Australian Canoe Sprint Championship where he won 11 medals in his division, including three gold.
At 16 Tom made his first Australian team in 2015 for the Olympic Hopes Regatta in Poland and won a silver medal in the K1 500m and bronze in the K1 1000m. In 2017, Tom returned to open water competition and won the Australian Surf Lifesaving Championships and was named Gold Coast Junior Athlete of the year.
With the 2020 Olympic Games in focus, Tom jumped back into the kayak and won gold in the K2 1000m at the 2018 Under 23 World Championships.
In 2019 Tom was a part of the Paddle Australia Team of the Year and made the Australian World Championship Team. He made his mark with an incredible Under-23 ICF Canoe Sprint World Championships, winning gold and becoming a duel world champion in the K11000 and K4 500.
By 2021 at 20 years old, Tom was selected in both K1 events and secured his spot on the Tokyo Olympic team. At the Tokyo Olympic Games, Tom won gold in the K2 1000m and became an Olympic Champion with a time of 3:15.28. This was the first time Australia has won an Olympic gold in the event
Outside of Kayaking, Tom works for the Gold Coast Council as a Lifeguard and has also started a University course in Youth Work Practice with an eye on becoming an social worker in the future.
Tom is also passionate about his charity which is called 'Gifted' and its aim to change the world, with one small act of kindness. Gifted provides pre loved laptops and tablets to children living in foster care to better their educational outcomes. More information on Gifted can be found at; https://gifted.org.au/
Tokyo Olympic Gold Medal - K2 1000m
Australian Olympic Team - K1 1000m, K2 1000m
Sports Australia Hall of Fame Scholarship Recipient
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Gold Coast Junior Athlete of the Year
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Home » Colleges in India » List of B.E Women's Colleges in Patna
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Contact for press
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Abengoa Yield celebrates grand opening of Mojave solar plant in California
Mojave Solar, with a gross capacity of 280 MW, reached commercial operation in early December 2014.
Construction of Mojave Solar has generated thousands of jobs in the United States
January 23, 2015 - Abengoa Yield (NASDAQ: ABY), the sustainable total return company that owns a diversified portfolio of contracted assets in the energy and environment sectors held today the grand opening of Mojave. The solar plant boasts a gross capacity of 280 MW and is located 90 miles northeast of Los Angeles, near Barstow, California.
Mojave Solar will provide clean energy able to serve approximately 91,000 households in California. The plant will prevent the emission of approximately 223,440 tons of CO2 into the atmosphere annually, reducing dependence on fossil fuel power plants. Mojave contributes to California's goal of achieving 33 % of overall electricity production from renewable sources by 2020.
Mojave will supply clean electricity to Pacific Gas & Electric Company ("PG&E") for the next 25 years thanks to the existing power purchase agreement.
The project has generated thousands of jobs, peaking at over 2,200 positions in the construction phase. Currently, it permanently employs about 70 people in operation and maintenance activities. Additionally, the direct and indirect job creation throughout its supply chain has been estimated at thousands of positions spanning throughout the US.
About Abengoa Yield
Abengoa Yield is a total return company that owns a diversified portfolio of contracted renewable energy, power generation and electric transmission assets in North America, South America and Europe. We focus on providing a predictable and growing quarterly dividend or yield to our shareholders (www.abengoayield.com).
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Eduard Soler
E-mail: ir@abengoayield.com
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Patricia Malo de Molina Meléndez
E-mail: communication@abengoa.com


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After obtaining her bachelor's degree on a dean's scholarship at Ithaca College in vocal performance and audio production, Lauren spent a few years in radio as on-air talent
in Philadelphia. Following a format change, she moved to Los Angeles where she began her career as a voice-actor for commercial and animated productions.
Since then, Lauren has been the voice for companies such as Disney, Mattel, AAA, Mastercraft, POM Wonderful, and Target. She also uses her auditory expertise to review home audio equipment for various magazines and websites. In her spare time, she hangs out with her dogs and parrot, cooks vegan food, stays fit to better evade zombies, and supports her husband's music.


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Staff Profile: Wei Zheng
Wei Zheng, Ph.D.
Leader (Biology)
Division of Pre-Clinical Innovation
Therapeutics for Rare and Neglected Diseases
National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences
Email Wei Zheng
Wei Zheng received his Ph.D. in pharmacology from the State University of New York at Buffalo, where he studied ion channel pharmacology and completed a postdoctoral fellowship in molecular biology. Prior to joining NIH in 2005, Zheng spent 12 years as a researcher at pharmaceutical companies, including Berlex, Amgen and Merck, where he gained broad experience in drug target and lead discovery in cancer and in cardiovascular, autoimmune, neurodegenerative and infectious diseases.
At NIH, Zheng has collaborated on high-throughput screening and probe discovery projects that led to identification of more than two dozen small molecule probes for use as research tools. He also has conducted drug discovery and development research for rare and neglected diseases. Currently, he is leading a group of biologists to support pre-clinical drug development as part of the Therapeutics for Rare and Neglected Diseases (TRND) program. Zheng also serves as editor-in-chief of the peer-reviewed journal Current Chemical Genomics and Translational Medicine.
Zheng's lab focuses on advancing TRND projects through pre-clinical drug development to Investigational New Drug application and clinical trials. In addition, Zheng collaborates with researchers from NIH and academia on drug repurposing screens to accelerate drug development for rare and neglected diseases, focusing on lysosomal storage diseases and infectious diseases. Zheng's lab also uses patient-derived induced pluripotent stem cells to develop new cell-based disease models, which can be used to evaluate drug efficacy.
17-Hydroxy Wortmannin Restores TRAIL's Response by Ameliorating Increased Beclin 1 Level and Autophagy Function in TRAIL-Resistant Colon Cancer Cells.
Identification, design and synthesis of novel pyrazolopyridine influenza virus nonstructural protein 1 antagonists.
Zika Virus: Origins, Pathological Action, and Treatment Strategies.
Induced pluripotent stem cells for neural drug discovery.
Repurposing Screen Identifies Unconventional Drugs With Activity Against Multidrug Resistant Acinetobacter baumannii.


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2018 Academy Sports + Outdoors B.A.S.S. Nation Eastern Regional presented by Magellan Outdoors
Weigh-in Archive
Kerchal and Mann: Heart in the hull
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GEORGETOWN, S.C. – It's been 23 ½ years since Bryan Kerchal, the 23-year old reigning Bassmaster Classic champion, died in a plane crash over a forest in North Carolina.
Today, his memory lives on the bays and backwaters of South Carolina.
Kerchal's old friend Chris Mann is running his buddy's old Ranger 481 VS this week as a competitor with Team Vermont in the Academy Sports + Outdoors B.A.S.S. Nation Eastern Regional presented by Magellan Outdoors.
It's the same boat the folks at Ranger gave Kerchal shortly after he won the Classic on July 30, 1994 and it's the same boat he likely would have used to defend his improbable Classic victory a year later.
But tragedy snatched the young Connecticut angler on Dec. 13, 1994 when returning home from a sponsor engagement. American Eagle 3379 broke apart in mid-air 30 minutes after take-off and Kerchal died on impact.
A brilliant young star in the bass angling constellation was snuffed, but Mann wanted to preserve the memory of how he remembered Kerchal – and that was bass fishing.
The friends met in 1991 when both were fishing for the Housatonic Valley Bassmasters club. Mann, five years older than Kerchal, said he was the "kid brother he never had."
Kerchal's death still cuts deeply for Mann, now 52. He said the boat is their bond.
"His heart is in that hull," he added.
It was only three or four months after Kerchal's death that Mann asked Bryan's parents, Ray and Ronnie Kerchal, about buying his friend's Ranger. As Mann remembers, Ronnie told him she'd give him the boat if he sold his own Ranger 360 and dedicated the money to the Bryan V. Kerchal Memorial Fund.
Mann did just that. He fished from the boat when he was competing in invitational tournaments on the East Coast in the mid-1990s as part of the Bryan Kerchal Pro Team.
Mann had his own aspirations to break through the ranks and earn a spot in the Bassmaster Classic, which Kerchal did twice by winning Eastern Divisional qualifiers in 1993 and again in 1994, setting up his championship run. The same angling success didn't follow Mann, but his friend's memory and his rig have been part of everything he's done on the water to this point.
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The Kerchal/Mann Ranger is a single console craft; 18 feet long with a 15-inch setback to give the bow extra lift. The original 150 HP Yamaha Pro V is on the back.
It may not be the fastest boat on the water this week, and it's surely not the youngest. But it's safe to say this Ranger has the most heart behind it.
"I wanted the boat to go to somebody who knew Bryan," Mann said. "I wanted it to go to any one of us in the big circle of fishermen we had in Connecticut. We traveled with Bryan; fished with Bryan. That boat meant so much to him. We'd be out in our little Bass Trackers, and they'd leak and were always breaking down. It was just part of it. It's how we learned to fish.
"When we heard a big boat racing down the lake behind us, we'd turn and watch. All of us. It was unrehearsed. We were dreaming about it; owning a boat like that (and being a pro angler.) It meant more to Bryan than anything."
"I wanted the boat to be here for him, in case he came back," said Mann, his voice cracking with emotion. "I know it's ridiculous, but it's how I felt at the time."
Mann has kept the Ranger in remarkably good shape. Its blue-tinted hull glistens as does the driver's seat. The Yamaha still hums nearly a quarter century later. A sticker on the windscreen reads "1971-1994: Bryan Kerchal Pro Team.
"I went a long time with the original electronics he had," Mann said. "But they started to fail. It was great to put new stuff in the boat because 'Wow! This is so much better than the old stuff.' But it was hard too, to replace anything. A tire on the trailer…I had to have the breaking mechanism done. Then the lights.
"I had to separate myself a little bit. We dreamed so hard of owning a boat like that…He was so proud."
Hogan wins Nation Eastern
GEORGETOWN, S.C. — After winning a team title Thursday as a member of Team Delaware, Mark Hogan made it a clean sweep for "The First State" when individual championships were decided Friday in the...
Final day on Winyah Bay
Best hat award
Charged for Day 3


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Educational / Institutional
Historical / Adaptive Reuse
Autism Architectural Design
Principal Bio – William J. Masiello
Worcester Technical High School Featured on Worcester Business Journal's Cover
by wmaster | Jul 29, 2014 | Educational Design |
Worcester Technical High School was featured on this month's cover of Worcester Business Journal's Book of Lists. William Masiello, while at Lamoureux Pagano & Associates, was responsible as a primary project design architect for Worcester Technical High School. This 400,000 square foot vocational school has won various prestigious national and state-wide awards.
In June, President Barack Obama visited Worcester to give the commencement address to the graduating class of 2014. The new Worcester Technical High School has become a national model for tech schools. In September, principal Ms. Harrity was recognized as National High School Principal of the Year. President Obama remarked,
"The thing I really want to do is make sure that what we've learned here at this high school, we can lift up for the entire nation."
Worcester Technical High School has become an icon both locally and nationally, demonstrating the positive effects of thoughtful design on a community. We are honored and proud to have been a part of Worcester Technical High School's success story and look forward to watching the school and its graduates flourish.
To see President Obama's commencement speech please follow this link http://www.whitehouse.gov/photos-and-video/video/2014/06/11/president-obama-speaks-worcester-technical-high-school
In Progress: Newcastle New Hampshire Beachfront Home
Amego Developing New Campus for Autism
Holy Cross Contemplative Center Receives Multiple Awards
Renovations Completed for The Haven Country Club in Boylston, MA.
Amego Grand Opening
William J. Masiello, Inc. is a fully licensed design firm in Central Massachusetts focusing on master planning, architecture, and interior design.
© 2009-2022 William J. Masiello Architect, Inc. | Celebrating 20 Years in Business


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Drunk drivers must face the consequences in wrongful death cases
On Behalf of Rencher Law Group, P.C. | Jan 5, 2022 | Wrongful Death
In California, surviving family members such as spouses, partners and children may pursue a wrongful death legal action against a drunk driver whose negligence led to the death of their loved one.
Drunk driving in the U.S. and California
That driver chose to get behind the wheel while impaired with alcohol. Not only will he or she face criminal charges such as vehicular manslaughter and drunk driving, but they also face legal consequences in a civil lawsuit related to wrongful death.
For decades, authorities have warned the public about the dangers of drunk driving, yet this crime continues to persist.
According to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA), more than 10,100 people died in crashes in which alcohol played a contributing factor in 2019. That number represents 28% of the nearly 36,100 traffic fatalities recorded that year.
Also, the NHTSA disclosed that of the nearly 51,000 drivers involved in fatal crashes, almost 9,600 or 19% were drunk. In California in 2019, of the nearly 5,000 drivers involved in fatal crashes, 878 or nearly 18% were drunk, a number just under the national average.
Medical expenses and personal grief
The grief from the loss of a loved one often is overwhelming. Seeking compensation in a wrongful death action may provide some comfort. Such compensation would include for:
Funeral and burial costs
Personal grief, sorrow and anguish
Lost income and services
It is not fair that this happened to your family. But you have the option to pursue a wrongful death lawsuit against the drunk driver whose recklessness caused you so much hardship.
You cannot replace a loved one
Granted, no amount of money will ever compensate a family stemming from the unexpected death of a loved one. Understandably, a legal victory against a drunk driver will not replace your loved one. However, it can soften the sting of a tragedy that you always will remember.
Eye-opening statistics on distracted driving in California
4 social media mistakes that affect personal injury claims
Which are the most dangerous roads in California?
If You Win, We All Win
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Kejriwal's FDI move blows a hole in Manmohan Singh's efforts…
NEW DELHI : The newly elected state government in New Delhi on Monday barred foreign supermarkets from setting up shop, a blow to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's efforts to attract overseas investment and revive the economy.
Singh had thrown open the country's $500 billion retail industry to foreign investors in late 2012, allowing companies such as Wal-Mart Stores Inc and Tesco PLC to own a majority stake in local chains for the first time.
But the policy was pushed through in the teeth of fierce opposition from domestic retailers and political parties, who said it would cause mass job losses in a sector that is mostly dominated by small, family run shops.
Moreover, strict sourcing norms and a requirement that companies must ask permission from local state governments before opening stores have made most supermarket giants wary.
Last month, Britain's Tesco was the first to take the plunge, announcing it would buy a 50 percent stake in Trent Hypermarket Ltd, which is part of the Tata group.
The decision by the newly-formed Aam Aadmi (Common Man) Party (AAP) government in Delhi to shut out foreign supermarkets could further dampen investor appetite. The move overturned the stance of the previous, Congress-led administration.
"If one party reverses the decision of its rival dispensation upon change of guards, the policy and political risks for global investors would definitely increase in India, scaring them away," said D.S. Rawat, the director general of a business lobby group, ASSOCHAM.
The AAP's victory on an anti-corruption platform in Delhi in December shocked mainstream parties. The new chief minister, Arvind Kejriwal, had promised to scrap the state's existing retail policy during his campaign.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which hopes to unseat Singh's Congress government in a general election due by May, has also threatened to block the entry of foreign supermarkets if it wins.
The political backlash against letting in foreign retailers means that only 11 out of India's 28 states have agreed to roll out the policy. Most are states where Congress is in charge.
India previously allowed 51 percent foreign investment in single-brand retailers and 100 percent for wholesale operations, a policy Wal-Mart, among others, had long lobbied to free up further.
Indian retailers have operated supermarket chains in India for years, but their expansion has been hampered by a lack of funding and expertise as well as poor infrastructure, which makes the cold storage of food transported around the country practically impossible.NDTV.
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BIBFRAME: Basics and Resources
BIBFRAME is a bibliographic framework for the description of physical and online objects to make them accessible on the Web by using a standard Linked Data model. It is a replacement for MARC.
Why the move to BIBFRAME?
The Machine Readable Cataloging (MARC) standard was developed over forty years years ago to make bibliographic records usable by computers. MARC records were the basis for online public library catalog (OPAC) records to make items searchable in library catalogs. This sufficed until the 1990s and the rise of the Internet.
However, MARC was so entrenched that it took another decade before the Library of Congress made the first move towards converting MARC to a Web standard with MARCXML. This schema essentially reformatted the MARC record fields and subfields into an XML schema but was not an entirely new model. MARCXML wasn't widely adopted.
So in 2011 the Library of Congress, along with the consulting company Zepheria, set out to create a new bibliographic framework called BIBFRAME to make library records conform to Web standards. BIBFRAME is a web-first Linked Data model intended to make library records accessible to the Web at large.
The BIBFRAME initiative was announced in an open letter "A Bibliographic Framework for the Digital Age" (dated October 31, 2011) by Deanna Marcum from the Library of Congress. In this letter it was recognized that the MARC record was outdated and a new format was needed for the Internet age.
So BIBFRAME was developed on the RDF model using Linked Data through the Bibliographic Framework initiative. Its current draft specification is version 2.0.
The BIBFRAME Model consists of the following core classes:
Creative Work – a resource reflecting a conceptual essence of the cataloging item.
Instance – a resource reflecting an individual, material embodiment of the Work.
Authority – a resource reflecting key authority concepts that have defined relationships reflected in the Work and Instance. Examples of Authority Resources include People, Places, Topics, Organizations, etc.
Annotation – a resource that decorates other BIBFRAME resources with additional information. Examples of such annotations include Library Holdings information, cover art and reviews.
Within the Vocabulary of BIBFRAME there is a current total of 53 classes and subclasses falling under Resource such as Work, Instance, Authority, and Annotation. A BIBFRAME Resource can have 289 current properties such as absorbedBy, classificationLcc, doi, format, relatedInstance, title, uri, to give just a few examples.
A good explanation of BIBFRAME was given in an ALCTS webinar titled "From MARC to BIBFRAME: An Introduction" by Victoria Mueller from Zepheira and Carolyn Hansen from the University of Cincinnati.
With millions of MARC records created over the last several decades, an obvious question arises: How will MARC records be converted into BIBFRAME? The Library of Congress addressed this need in their paper "Bibliographic Framework as a Web of Data" (see Resources below):
A key part of supporting the BIBFRAME model is in providing tools and supporting services for helping migrate from MARC to a Linked Data environment. They should provide a means of navigating the output of a declarative BIBFRAME pipeline which takes existing MARC 21 data and translates this to the BIBFRAME model.
BIBFRAME.ORG offers a MARC to BIBFRAME Transformation Service to convert MARCXML files. There is also an experimental open source marc2bibframe XQuery utility from the Library of Congress (and a Python version by Zepheira).
Here are some great online resources to learn about BIBFRAME:
BIBFRAME Editor – Open source editing software downloadable from Github.
BIBFRAME FAQ – Frequently asked questions and answers from the Library of Congress.
BIBFRAME Listserv – Bibliographic Framework Transition Initiative Forum.
BIBFRAME.ORG – Is an index site to BIBFRAME Initiative, Model & Vocabulary, and Implementation and Testing sites.
Bibliographic Framework Initiative – Library of Congress website with official BIBFRAME information, specifications, FAQ, tools, news, and more.
Zepheira – Linked Data and BIBFRAME training from the company which was consulted by the Library of Congress to develop the BIBFRAME specifications.
Here are some popular papers about BIBFRAME:
BIBFRAME AV Assessment: Technical, Structural, and Preservation Metadata by Bertram Lyons and Kara Van Malssen
This paper, undertaken on behalf of the Library of Congress, investigates how metadata of audiovisual material can be best handled using BIBFRAME. Sections cover preservation, structural, and technical metadata. Appendices give examples of video, audio, and film examples. Published in 2015, revised January 4, 2016.
Access the full-text paper (PDF).
Bibliographic Framework as a Web of Data: Linked Data Model and Supporting Services by the Library of Congress
Straight from the source, this paper is an early look into the BIBFRAME model to introduce the subject and begin discussion. It covers the four classes (Creative Work, Instance, Authority, and Annotation) and vocabulary. The papers covers related initiatives such as OCLC's WorldCat, Schema.org, RDA, and FRBR. Published in 2012.
The Relationship between BIBFRAME and OCLC's Linked-Data Model of Bibliographic Description: A Working Paper by Carol Jean Godby
"This document describes a proposed alignment between BIBFRAME and a model being explored by OCLC with extensions proposed by the Schema Bib Extend project, a W3C-sponsored community group tasked with enhancing Schema.org to the description of library resources." The paper also covers FRBR and gives examples of BIBFRAME in Turtle and RDF/XML syntax. Published in 2013.
Author James M. DayPosted on March 21, 2016 May 17, 2019 Categories MetadataTags Basics and Resources, BIBFRAME, cataloging, Linked Data
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Fitness Inspo: This Is How Intense Rachel Peters Prepared For The Biggest Competition In Her Life
Barry Viloria
I remember bumping into Pia Wurtzbach at Gold's Gym inside Victoria Towers in Quezon City three or four years ago. I say "bumping" so casually as if she knew me, but she didn't, of course. I didn't "know" her as well—I only knew her as the once-Star Magic talent who'd diligently join the Binibining Pilipinas every year. I had no further knowledge save for that, and so I had no reason to creep her out with a fan photo (not that I do it a lot with anyone else). I just went on to text my friends, "I think I just saw Pia Vershba lifting an EZ bar."
Maybe Pia was preparing for her third and last attempt at bagging the Binibining Pilipinas – Universe title then. She would eventually be successful at it, wowing the rest of the "universe" in the international pageant with her beauty, brains, and, yes, brawn. See, fitness is a top priority for any beauty pageant contestant anywhere. Skip your first wave feminism thoughts—these body reconfigurations are not just about fitting into swimsuits, it's also about personifying strength, health, state of mind, and #girlpower altogether. Rachel Peters, 26, our pageant-crazy country's latest rep to Miss Universe, has learned this and more inching her way to the competition in Las Vegas.
[related: In Focus: This Photographer Spills The Beans On Working With Rachel, Pia, Winwyn, And More!]
I don't have a Yamamay shot for all of you yet, so this'll have to do ?? Photo courtesy of @dookieducay ?? Make up by @jellyeugenio Hair by @paulnebres Styled by @bonitapenaranda
A post shared by Rachel Peters (@rachelpetersx) on Nov 17, 2017 at 4:24pm PST
"People warned me before joining Binibini, but I didn't realize how closely people really watch your every move when you win," Rachel told me in our chat early November, some days before flying out of the country for Miss U. "So, when I go out to eat pizza and someone takes a picture and they're like, 'Why is she eating pizza? She's getting fat! Did you see that picture of her? She's so fat?' And then it spreads like wildfire, it's unbelievable!"
Beauty queen life is tough, Rachel is the first one to attest. Filling in Miss Universe fourth runner-up Maxine Medina's shoes and all the representatives before her, she saw her lifestyle pushed to the limits. Rachel dabbled in a lot of sports growing up—touch rugby, football ("because my dad was British and I wanted to make him proud!"), swimming as part of the swim team at school, wakeboarding ("I love being outdoors so every opportunity there is to try something new, I'll do it!") and surfing ("although I didn't surf in Siargao even with the good waves because I needed to protect my legs"). She goes to Gold's Gym as the fitness center's ambassadress to work out, but she knew that preparing for Miss U she needed to go beyond just lifting weights.
"I do Pilates, to work on my upper body strength," she said. That, and boxing, yoga, and regular weight training where altogether she's already intermediate at.
Rachel prefers hitting the gym with her personal trainer first thing in the morning lest she feels too tired doing it to cap off every busy day. She takes pre-workout supplements, too, would you believe?
"Lately, it's been really hard to get myself motivated to go to the gym, so I admit I needed the extra push. I take actual bodybuilders' pre-workout supplements!" she laughed. "I really need it to have to wake up extra early because I have to work at nine, and I have to wake up at six, and I still am so tired! So (without it) it would be impossible."
[related: Hot Stuff: November 2017 Is Beauty Pageant Month And The PH Is Looking To Reign Supreme!]
A post shared by Rachel Peters (@rachelpetersx) on Oct 31, 2017 at 8:44pm PDT
Tweaking her diet seemed to be a test of patience and perseverance for Rachel. This, especially since she's not as gifted with a fast metabolism "as I got my dad's genes, against my brother who got my mom's genes."
"I do tend to put on weight very, very easily. I compensate by working out very often," she confessed. "I don't follow any specific type of diet, but I tend to stay away from carbs. I eat mostly chicken breast and cauliflower rice. As a matter of fact, you know Bianca King? She's dating Migz' (Villafuerte) brother and so she's really into holistic living and veganism. She wrote me some meal plans that I've been following, and it's super helpful!"
She then had this thesis statement, "I work out a lot. It's really true when they say, it's 80 percent diet and 20 percent workout because it was only after I started that, that I started noticing changes in my body."
[related: Beauty Inspo: Leave It To Rachel Peters Slaying The 'No Makeup' Look Like A Kween!]
A post shared by Rachel Peters (@rachelpetersx) on Oct 8, 2017 at 1:15am PDT
But keeping fit isn't just about the physical for the beaut. Because of her "duties" and all that pressure, Rachel struggled with getting enough hours of sleep pre-pageant.
"It's really stressful in the moment. I really lose weight without trying so I kind of try to reach my ideal body weight. Yet I continue to lose weight so I'm eating again normally. It's because of stress and lack of sleep. It's just a crazy mix of feelings at night when you're in bed and trying to sleep," she opened up.
[related: Style Inspo: Young Beauty Kweens Rachel Peters And Laura Lehmann Slay No Matter Where They Go!]
But the fighter that Rachel is, she vowed no backing down. So, what if bookmakers have been betting hard on South Africa, USA, Thailand, Australia, Venezuela, and who have you this year? Frankly, Rachel's beauty and confidence ran tangible in our conversation, her Brent International, Phuket- and La Trobe University-educated mind too telling in her grace and sentence construction.
"You should definitely have to step it up a notch because you have the weight of the entire Philippines on your shoulders!" she said, discounting all sacrifices she's had in terms of exercise, diet, stress management, and even handling ridiculously watchful critics. This, she said, after all, is not just about her.
"I am now used to it. All the bashing, it actually made me a better person," she briefly paused. "I didn't think I could actually say that because it got me down for the longest time. But you have to take it constructively no matter what you do. Everything you do you—first you have to do it for yourself because you are not going to be motivated (otherwise)."
In that chat, Rachel's willpower reflected a lot of Pia Wurtzbach's from the inside stories I've heard of her before her coronation. Queen P has since reaped the rewards of it all, and, I believe, so will Rachel, too, someday.
For now, however, the only "reward" Rachel is looking forward to after Miss Universe? "Ugh! Literally, I want a mix of everything! So, pasta, pizza, donuts—I don't know—sinigang, adobo, everything all at once!"
THANKFUL for this once in a lifetime experience! ?????? wearing @sandraseifert
A post shared by Rachel Peters (@rachelpetersx) on Nov 23, 2017 at 12:31pm PST
ALSO READ: Hottie Alert: Hotness And Humility Take Form In Daniel Azurin, PH's Manhunt International 2017 Rep!
Photos taken from Rachel Peters' Instagram (@rachelpetersx)
TAGS: bianca king diet Migz Villafuerte Miss Univerrse 2017 pia wurtzbach Rachel peters Rachel Peters' diet Rachel Peters' workout
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Discovery Behavioral Health Announces the Appointment of Cameron Bolish as CEO of New Hope Ranch Treatment Center in Austin
LOS ANGELES, June 10, 2020 /PRNewswire/ — Discovery Behavioral Health, Inc, (DBH) an expanding network of evidence-based mental health, substance abuse…
LOS ANGELES, June 10, 2020 /PRNewswire/ — Discovery Behavioral Health, Inc, (DBH) an expanding network of evidence-based mental health, substance abuse and eating disorder treatment centers, has announced the appointment of Cameron Bolish as Chief Executive Officer of New Hope Ranch, a provider of addiction and mental health services in the greater Austin, TX area.
Bolish, who is currently completing his PhD in healthcare administration, has an extensive career in the behavioral healthcare industry. Prior to his appointment at New Hope Ranch, he held several senior leadership positions with Acadia Healthcare; most recently serving as CEO of Rebound Behavioral Health Hospital, a freestanding, dual-diagnosis behavioral health campus located in Lancaster, SC.
New Hope Ranch, located in Manor, TX, is a residential treatment center focusing on prevention, assessment, treatment and reintegration for people suffering from substance use disorder. Services are provided on a picturesque, 49-acre ranch just 15 minutes from downtown Austin. It was acquired by DBH in February, 2020.
«We are thrilled to welcome Cameron to the DBH family. His executive skills, in-depth experience and commitment to behavioral health services, will enhance and support the cohesive, safe and efficient healthcare environment that New Hope Ranch is known for,» says Joe Tinervin, MSW, President of Discovery Behavioral Health's Substance Use Disorder Division.
New Hope Ranch's mission is twofold: to improve social behavior and enhance personal recovery and growth. The organization strives for a culture of innovation that thrives on the creation of new services to meet the community's needs with effectiveness and professionalism. New Hope Ranch aims to provide an integrated system of high-quality care focused on best practices, easy access to services, and providing a full range of services in an efficient manner.
«I am passionate about fostering strong relationships in the recovery community, both with staff and clients alike, in the pursuit of excellence in the evidence-based treatment of alcohol and drug addiction. I'm ready to lead New Hope Ranch, which has played a valuable role in servicing our military families and veterans through an integrative approach that looks at the whole person, and combines mainstream therapies with complementary and alternative therapies with the aim of bringing healing to all areas of one's life,» says Bolish.
New Hope Ranch delivers high quality treatment, grounded in evidenced-based best practices, that are delivered by qualified and compassionate professionals in a therapeutic environment. The facility is committed to its pursuit of creating access to care by working with an expansive insurance panel, a streamlined admissions process, and a commitment to treating co-occurring conditions.
About Discovery Behavioral Health
Discovery Behavioral Health is a leading, in-network, U.S. healthcare provider delivering accessible, evidence-based community care for substance use, eating disorders and behavioral health. With more than 100 treatment centers nationwide, Discovery's programs include residential, partial hospitalization and intensive outpatient care for teens and adults. The company was established in 1998 and is headquartered in Orange County, California. More: https://discoverybehavioralhealth.com
Greg Ptacek
PR| Communications
gregptacek@me.com
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SOURCE Discovery Behavioral Health