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Back to internships
Building an application for a hybrid platform
With Dezyne you can model overall logic control as an event-driven system, for example, a complex machine that reacts on sensor inputs or triggers from its environment. Often such systems also have lower level (analog) control loops such as; a proportional integral derivative controller (PID) e.g. to accurately drive motion profiles. This is typically the domain of programmable logic controllers (PLCs) which run a continuous loop where inputs are processed and outputs adjusted. An event-driven application fits better with an embedded controller that is better equipped for handling diverse tasks e.g. by providing multiple levels of interrupts. Dezyne only generates code for general programming languages and does not support the languages of PLCs.
New: PLCnext
Recently the company Phoenix-contact launched a new PLC family called PLCnext which is a kind of hybrid of both worlds. It supports the typical analog control loop of a PLC and it supports general programmability using C and C++. For Dezyne this would be a good platform to demonstrate its use in the typical domain of PLCs.
The assignment is to build an application demo using the PLCnext starter kit. This should combine the best of both worlds. You are asked to write an architecture document that explains how the PLC part and the embedded controller part operate together. The demo application deals with the control of a model of a factory machine built in FischerTechnik. We already have a working demonstrator on this model using Dezyne code only.
Dezyne feat. LEGO MINDSTORMS Solar Team Eindhoven adopts Dezyne


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"Thread-lifts" get thumbs down in long-term study
May 21, 2009 | Products, Rejuvenation | 0 |
NEW YORK (Reuters Health) – A popular type of face lift produces only short-lived improvement in appearance, and should no longer be used given its risks, poor results and discomfort for patients, conclude the authors of a long-term study of patients who underwent the procedure.
The surgery, a so-called "thread-lift," involves placing barbed threads under the skin and then tightening them to pull up drooping facial tissues.
The Food and Drug Administration approved the Contour Threadlift system in 2005, Dr. Rima F. Abraham of Albany Medical College, New York and her colleagues note in their report. While approval was rescinded after reports of problems, similar products are still available, and the procedure is widely advertised.
To gather objective data on the risks and benefits of thread-lifts, Abraham's team looked at 33 patients who underwent the procedure. Twenty-three had other procedures as well, while the rest had thread-lifts only. Ten more patients who had other types of plastic surgery served as a comparison "control" group.
Four plastic surgeons who didn't know which procedure patients had received rated the "aesthetic improvement" for each patient on a scale from 0 (no improvement) to 3 (considerable improvement). A month after the procedure, they saw improvements in all the patients.
However, at follow-up, which ranged from 12 to 31 months and averaged 21 months, the thread-lift-only group scored lowest, with average improvement scores ranging from 0.2 to 0.5.
For the patients who had thread lifts plus other procedures, scores ranged from 0.5 to 1.4, while for the group that only had traditional procedures, scores ranged from 1.5 to 2.3.
Thread-lifts don't produce lasting results, Abraham and her colleagues say, because they don't change the shift in facial volumes that occurs with aging. Also, they add, excess skin left over after facial "tightening" is left in place. The results seen a month after thread-lifting were likely due to swelling and inflammation, they say.
Complications with thread-lifts seen in the study included visible knots and dimpling of the skin. Three patients had to have a thread removed.
The investigators conclude that thread-lifts carry a high risk of complications, while extensive scarring may make it difficult to remove the threads, which is problematic because studies have found up to 20% of patients need a repeat surgery.
"Given these findings, as well as the measurable risk of adverse events and patient discomfort, we cannot justify further use of this procedure for facial rejuvenation," Abraham and her colleagues conclude.
SOURCE: Archives of Facial Plastic Surgery, May/June, 2009.
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Chairwoman Waters Secures Commitment from President Biden to Include Housing in Reconciliation
From the U.S. House Financial Services Committee's July 8 press release:
Congresswoman Maxine Waters (D-CA), Chairwoman of the House Committee on Financial Services, released the following statement after securing a commitment from President Biden that housing will be included in reconciliation.
"As Chairwoman of the Financial Services Committee and a longtime advocate for ending homelessness and promoting fair, affordable, and accessible housing, my number one priority has been to ensure that President Biden's infrastructure plan recognizes that Housing Is Infrastructure through robust funding.
As I have followed all of the discussions on the bipartisan infrastructure deal, housing has not been part of the discussions. So, I spoke directly with President Biden on the need to include housing in reconciliation. The President assured me that housing would be included in reconciliation. In addition to this commitment during a White House meeting, the President also confirmed in his speech in Illinois yesterday that housing will be included in reconciliation.
To be clear, as housing costs skyrocket, communities across the country — including rural, suburban, and urban America — need affordable housing now more than ever. To say that the pandemic destabilized an already unstable housing market is an understatement. Our nation's chronic shortage of affordable housing has left millions of people at all income levels struggling to pay their housing costs, and in the worst cases, has locked people out of homeownership, led to people being evicted or foreclosed on, and exacerbated our homelessness crisis.
I thank the President for listening to me and affirming the importance of housing to this country. Including housing in reconciliation has become a top priority for housing and nonprofit organizations that are speaking out on the need to develop affordable housing, support young people to purchase a home, repair public housing, and provide people a safe and decent home. I look forward to continuing to work with the President, his administration, my colleagues in the House and Senate, and America's housing advocates on enacting once-in-a-generation investments in our nation's housing programs."
Housing Is Infrastructure


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Hunger 'emergency' in regions bordering war-hit Tigray: UN
The UN has said roughly 400,000 people face famine-like conditions in Tigray, while the WFP said WFP's corporate response director for Tigray, said another 300,000 face 'emergency levels of hunger' in neighbouring regions
August 9, 2021, 12:21 PM ·2 min read
Hundreds of thousands of civilians face "emergency levels of hunger" in two regions that were recently drawn into the violent conflict in northern Ethiopia, the UN said Monday.
The warning from the World Food Programme (WFP) came as the war continued to expand and officials reported fresh civilian casualties in the two regions, Amhara and Afar.
Northern Ethiopia has been wracked by fighting since November, when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed sent troops to topple the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the then-ruling party of the northernmost Tigray region.
The move came in response to TPLF attacks on army camps, said Abiy, the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize winner.
Although he promised a swift victory, the war took a stunning turn in June when Tigrayan forces recaptured Tigray's capital Mekele and the Ethiopian army largely withdrew.
Since then the TPLF has pushed east into the neighbouring Afar region and south into Amhara.
Civilians in those regions are "falling deeper into hunger as a result of the conflict," Michael Dunford, WFP's corporate response director for Tigray, said Monday in a statement that put the total number of people facing "emergency levels of hunger" in those regions at 300,000.
In Tigray itself, the UN has previously said roughly 400,000 people face famine-like conditions.
- Fresh fighting -
Last week the TPLF seized control of Lalibela, a town in northern Amhara that is home to 12th-century rock-hewn churches that are a UNESCO World Heritage site.
On Monday Gizachew Muluneh, a spokesman for the Amhara government, said there was "very strong fighting" in the town of Woldiya, a critical crossroads on the way north towards Tigray, south towards the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, east towards Djibouti and west towards the Amhara capital Bahir Dar.
TPLF fighters had deployed heavy weapons in civilian areas, Gizachew said, adding: "The amount of casualties is under investigation. Some civilians are already killed and some houses are already destroyed."
The TPLF has denied causing civilian casualties and says it wants only to secure roads in northern Amhara so it can prevent government forces from regrouping.
Separately, the head of the UN children's agency UNICEF, Henrietta Fore, said Monday she was "extremely alarmed by the reported killing of over 200 people, including more than 100 children, in attacks on displaced families" in Afar last Thursday.
"Crucial food supplies were also reportedly destroyed in an area that is already seeing emergency levels of malnutrition and food insecurity," Fore said.
Her statement, however, did not specify where the killings took place or who might have been responsible, and UNICEF did not immediately respond to requests for details Monday.
An Ethiopian government Twitter account on Monday linked to the statement and said the victims were "killed by the terrorist group TPLF".
But TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda said on Twitter late Monday that Fore's statement was "quite alarming", denying responsibility and vowing to "work with relevant bodies" on any investigation.
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January 6th 2021 a day of Chaos and Tears
2timothytrump January 8, 2021 January 9, 2021 politics
I was watching the Congress' ceremonial counting of the electoral votes on 1/6/21. We all knew going in, that it wasn't going to be like it was since the first electoral votes were counted in 1789. We knew that 20 senators and over 100 congresspeople were going to object to the electoral votes of six states including mine, Wisconsin. When Rep. Dr. Paul Gosar of Arizona and Texas senator Ted Cruz objected to Arizona's electoral votes, I realized it was going to be a long boring and frustrating display of Trumpite senators and congressmen pandering to Trump's base.
Ted Cruz and Gosar objecting to Arizona's electoral votes.
I actually started thinking, maybe Ted Cruz was right, that a 15 member commission could settle once and for all that there was no widespread fraud. My father, wise in his years, said that the commission is a terrible idea because nothing short of a Trump second term would pacify these people. I was still thinking that Cruz could be right and then all Heck broke loose.
For the first time since 1814, the United States Capitol was breached. Back during the War of 1812, it was British troops, this time it was a violent rabble intent on insurrection. These people were not patriots, and contrary to Kevin Sorbo and Eric Metaxas, they were not ANTIFa in disguise.
On the left soldiers fighting for King George. On the right wannabe revolting revolutionaries fighting for "King Trump."
The pictures disgusted and terrified me. Congressmen and senators running for cover, a Confederate battle flag in the US Capitol for the first time, not even during the Civil War did that happen. The wanton destruction and the deaths including a QAnon supporting Air Force Vet.
All through the civil war, a Confederate battle flag never reached Capitol Hill. 155 years after the end of the Civil War, it finally happened. I am as horrified as the police officer.
There was a murder of a Capitol officer who was beaten to death with a fire extinguisher. I can't imagine a more brutal way to die. Those who killed him should face life in prison without possibility of parole and should be placed in general population. They, like Kyle Rittenhouse, are "patriots" with blood on their hands. And I wonder how it will take till a "Christian" gofundme style page raises money for their defense.
Trump made it a felony for anyone destroying federal property to face a ten year prison term. These insurrectionists should face that and charges of destruction of property, mail theft, and of domestic terrorism.
They all should go to prison and should be there for quite a long time. Many people are comparing this with the Black Lives Matter protests. I hated the looting and the violence. But mostly the protests were peaceful and those looters and rioters were arrested. Even the families of the unarmed people of color who had been gunned down in the streets and their beds, pleaded for the looting to stop, as did Biden.
I live in Madison WI, where thugs, much like the thugs who breached the Capitol, set fire to a police building. They also tore down the statues of Miss Forward, a symbol of woman suffrage and a statue of Hans Christian Heg, a Wisconsin Civil War hero and an abolitionist who died for the cause of ending slavery and restoring the Union. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hans_Christian_Heg
Madisonian thugs tear down Hans Christian Heg's statue. He didn't own slaves. He hated slavery but that did not matter to them.
But thugs like these, were a minority in Madison and in other cities Black Lives Matter had legitimate gripes. African Americans are treated differently by the police. If it was Black Lives Matter or ANTIFa who marched on the Capital, they wouldn't have gotten to the Capitol steps let alone inside Statuary Hall or to the Senate floor to do this….
This thug should face years in jail.
These thugs that made up the mob that breached the Capitol were not doing it to protest some great wrong or social cause. They were doing so in the name of their president who asked them to march to the Capito. He spoke of weak and pathetic Republicans that were not standing by him and said this…
"Mike Pence, I hope you're gonna stand up for the good of our Constitution and for the good of our country. And if you're not, I'm going to be very disappointed in you, I will tell you right now. I'm not hearing good stories."
Some of the rabble were talking about arresting Mike Pence. For what? Following the constitution and not blindly doing what you want him to? If I was Mike Pence, I would say "Screw it. Trump is mentally unstable" and he should invoke the 25th amendment.
There are pictures of some of the Capitol police posing with the inssurectionist thugs. Rumors are coming in that off duty police officers were part of this mob. And that some officers allowed them in. If so, they should be fired and arrested.
They are still trying to find out who this officer is who took selfies with the insurrectionists instead of arresting them.
The sad thing is, no matter how shocking it was, it wasn't surprising in the least. It was preventable. They were spoon fed lies for most of this year about election fraud. And after the election, Trump and his allies gave the false hope that Trump won by a landslide and would be president for another four years. So is it any wonder, when they realized that wasn't going to happen, they openly revolted?
I am going to speak more about Trump and the Republican Party in my next blog, The Day the GOP died. But I will leave you with this picture…
MO Senator Joseph Hawley giving support to the protesters. He was doing the rabble's and the President's bidding and about an hour after this, they stormed in. The newspaper The Kansas City Star said that he should resign and his mentor Former MO Senator John Danforth, an old school Republican said, " Hawley was the biggest mistake I ever made."
breach, capital, capitol, congress, Donald Trump, Hawley, MAGA, senate, Ted Cruz, the Republican Party
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Prof. Colin Mills on The Spirit Level
Colin Mills, professor of sociology at Oxford University, makes some very worthwhile observations about The Spirit Level on his blog. Perhaps mischievously, Mills describes himself as "merely a sociologist" (Richard Wilkinson's qualifications are in history and sociology) and he confines himself to the chapter about inequality and health—Wilkinson's speciality. He notes that Wilkinson and Pickett misrepresent the evidence base, ignore studies which do not support their hypothesis and fail to adequately reply to their critics.
On a personal level, I was interested to see that he spotted that Figure 2.5 of The Spirit Level indicates that there is a relationship between health and income in the US. This was one of the graphs that first got me interested in testing The Spirit Level hypothesis back in 2009. Wilkinson and Pickett do not comment on the obvious fact that all the states which score poorly on their 'index of health and social problems' have a lower-than-average per capita income. This is absolutely crucial in understanding why they find relationships, albeit often slight, with inequality elsewhere—the least equal states are also the poorest.
But wait a minute. My first reaction when I looked at Figure 2.5 was that actually there is quite a clear relationship between aggregate income levels and health/social problem outcomes in US states. Richer states have better outcomes even without special pleading for the influential peculiarities of Idaho, Wyoming, Montana....
At this point I began to lose a little confidence as you appear not to be playing it straight with your readers, not all of whom, I assume, will look too closely at the figures or be alert to what could be considered a bit of textual leger de main.
Indeed. I have briefly discussed this issue here.
Mills has done what 99 per cent of The Spirit Level's readers have not done (and should not have to do) and looked at the scientific literature which Wilkinson and Pickett so often misrepresent.
But I do want to read the systematic reviews myself and not just rely on being told what they say. Just as well really, for if I had to rely solely on the 456 citations in The Spirit Level I would never have come across the two lengthy articles written by Lynch et al. in (2004) for the Milbank Quarterly entitled 'Is income inequality a determinant of population health?'. Luckily I have well informed colleagues who could point me in the right direction. Of course you know what Lynch et al. conclude from their careful scrutiny of "98 aggregate and multi-level studies examining the association between income inequality and health". For the benefit of those readers who can't penetrate the pay-wall let me quote from their conclusions (pp 81):
"Among affluent countries does income inequality help explain international differences in population health? The evidence suggests that income inequality is not associated with population health differences - at least not as a general phenomenon - among wealthy nations. Do levels of income inequality explain regional health differences within countries? In aggregate-level US studies, the extent of income inequality across states and metropolitan areas seems reasonably robustly associated with a variety of health outcomes, especially when measured at the state level. In multilevel US studies, using both individual and aggregate data, the evidence is more mixed, with state-level associations again being the most consistent. For other countries, the aggregate and multi-level evidence generally suggests little or nor effect of income inequality on health indicators in rich countries...but there may be some effects in the United Kingdom." [my emphasis].
Strange that you don't mention Lynch et al.'s papers (I know you cite them in your own review article but without, as far as I can see, any serious effort to explain why they get such different results to your own). Odd in several respects: firstly it was probably the most comprehensive independent (ie not counting papers written by yourselves) systematic review of the evidence on health then published when you were drafting The Spirit Level. Secondly, because it is not completely unfavourable to your position. After all it concludes that there is some evidence of an income inequality effect in US state level data (and possibly in the UK) - though their second paper which examines time-series data casts more doubt on the US case. I simply cannot understand why you fail to mention it, or if it is flawed in some way, rebut it, refer to your own rebuttal published elsewhere (if there is one) or the rebuttals of others (if there are any). Over and over again you tell us that the weight of the evidence is on your side and that there is a broad consensus amongst experts working in the field. But this simply isn't true, is it? At the very least your now perplexed readers could be forgiven if they find your omission, well, a little shifty.
He also comments on Wilkinson and Pickett's misleading response to their critics, including John Goldthorpe (also a professor of sociology at Oxford University who, like Mills, identifies himself as politically left-wing).
My colleague wrote a somewhat critical review of the book which was published in a well known peer reviewed journal. After reading your "reply" I was again deeply puzzled. What you say has, at most, only tangential relevance to the substance of my colleague's criticisms. The casual reader of what you write would come away with the impression that some sociologist had made a rather footling objection to the effect that you hadn't paid enough attention "to the vast amount of careful work now available on social class classifications" [your words] - surely a case of the cobbler only having eyes for leather. But wait a minute, that is not at all the substance of the critique.
He also makes the point, which Peter Saunders makes in his critique Beware False Prophets, that Wilkinson and Pickett conflate 'more equal' societies with classless societies, and yet their most equal country—Japan—is anything but classless.
In Japan income inequality is less marked than in many developed nations and health outcomes are comparatively good. This would seem to conform to the Wilkinson-Pickett party line. But it is also the case that Japan is a highly status conscious (in the sociological sense) society. It is obligatory to acknowledge inferiority and superiority both in terms of behaviour and in terms of the use of honorifics. In any unfamiliar social situation the initial process of figuring out who is relatively inferior to whom is a source of considerable anxiety.
To put it simply, in Japan systematic inequality is strongly structured by considerations of social status, superiority and inferiority yet health outcomes are relatively favourable. If the relevant psycho-social mechanism is to do with social status (in any sociologically meaningful use of that term) then measuring status inequality by means of income-inequality puts Japan at the wrong end of the spectrum! This is much more than a petty point about occupational coding, but you wouldn't guess that if all you had to go on was The Spirit Level.
Mills' whole post is worth reading in full here.
Well, by now if you haven't already lost patience and dismissed me as yet another enemy of equality, you are probably muttering that you have dealt with all this before if only I would care to read more of your own work. The thing is, I have read it, and I'm not the only one to notice in it a recurrent pattern. Time after time you tell critics that you have dealt with their objection in one or another of your publications but when I turn to them what I find is indeed a reference to your critics, but not an actual response to the exact criticism they make and often a discussion of some quite unrelated issue. Why you do this is, to me, quite baffling...
So, in the end Professors Wilkinson and Pickett, you face a credibility gap. People like myself who want, broadly speaking, the same things as yourselves can find the time to ferret out, read and consider the evidence you don't tell us about. Joe Public, which I take it The Spirit Level is aimed at, has neither the time nor the access to the primary sources, let alone the training to make an informed judgement. They have to take what you say on trust. That is why university professors speaking with all the lustrous institutional prestige that implies have, in my opinion, a duty to be scrupulously honest, especially when writing for a popular audience. And when the brickbats come they should not be able to get away with emphasizing the popular nature of their writing whilst ducking behind the protective shield of peer review. What we all need are better reasons to believe. I'm not the only social scientist or social democrat who thinks you haven't yet given us nearly enough.
Posted by Christopher Snowdon at 2:22 am
Niklas Sandström said...
In all fairness, I think you might mention that Colin Mills only focuses on the sections relating to public health.
"Nobody disputes that individual level health disparities are related to differences (inequalities) in exposures to risk factors that are partly indicated by (inter alia) individual level income differences. This in itself suggests that equalization of what in the Nordic welfare tradition would be called "the level of living" will likely have some effect on health disparities without requiring any commitment to a causal view about the direct effect of macro-level inequality which will, in its turn, be affected by such an equalization."
David Nutsford said...
I think you are picking holes for the sake of picking holes.
While Japan does have a class system - this is an ingrained tradition of respect not a monetary structure. Position within the system is based on family, age, gender but not money per se. This means that while Japanese people may be anxious when they do not know the status of new people this has nothing to do with social anxiety and low self-esteem, which is argued to be caused in part by having less money and status than those around you. A Japanese person knows their social status and it does not cause them anxiety or stress (this is not to say that I agree entirely with the system) thus Japan can be seen as being very equal when it comes to monetary status but not equal with regards to social status. This is up to interpretation but I think the spirit level is based on the equality on monetary status not social status.
"Every man has a right to utter what he thinks truth, and every man has the right to knock him down for it."
The Spirit Level delusion now available on the kindle
...and in original paperback
The Spirit Level Delusion
"A devastating critique"
"Will make you laugh out loud"
"Strongly recommended"
"This year's most important publication"
"An excellent critique"
"Well-researched, very readable and utterly comprehensive"
"Masterful, very entertaining"
"Wonderful"
Amazon UK and Worldwide
UK and Europe (£)
Signed copy £8.99 Unsigned copy £8.99
Overseas Aid
God and the movies
Cancer survival rates
Graphs and sources
Correlation coefficients and p-values
(in chronological order)
A theory of everything that explains nothing
Does recycling cause suicide? Or why The Spirit Level is wrong and more equal societies are not happier
The Spirit Illusion
The Spirit Level is not on the level
Beware false prophets
Un-level ground
Peter Saunder's sleight of hand
Not every statistical claim in The Spirit Level is false or misleading. But most are.
Fact-checking The Spirit Level
Scandinavia is social Nirvana. Redistribution is the key to it
The intellectual poverty of The Spirit Level
Royal Society of Arts debate
A statistical cat fight
Inequality: a game of two halves
Wilkinson and Pickett respond
Response to the Equality Trust
Claim and counter-claim continue over The Spirit Level
The Fantasyland of The Spirit Level
We'll only listen to you if you've been peer-reviewed
The continuing debate over The Spirit Level
The book that has the Tories running scared
Nick Cohen's misleading defence of The Spirit Level
Scholars reject further debate with ideologues
Peer-reviewed journals aren't worth the paper they're written on
On Equality
We're not wreckers. We just think The Spirit Level is bad social science
The Spirit Level has been debunked. More or less.
Britain's new theory of everything?
The Spirit Level Delusion - Swedish translation
Writer and researcher at the Institute of Economic Affairs. Blogging in a personal capacity. Author of Killjoys (2017), Selfishness, Greed and Capitalism (2015), The Art of Suppression (2011), The Spirit Level Delusion (2010) and Velvet Glove, Iron Fist (2009).
E-mail me here.
The Spirit Level Delusion: Chapter 10
"Those who attempt to level never equalise"
— Edmund Burke


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1Rationale
2Examples
Back-to-back film production
Filming 2 movies at once
It has been suggested that List of films produced back-to-back be merged into this article. (Discuss) Proposed since January 2023.
Filming back-to-back is the practice of filming two or more movies as one production, reducing costs and time.
Trilogies are common in the film industry, particularly in science fiction, fantasy, action, horror, thriller, and adventure genres. Production companies may choose, if the first film is a financial success, to green-light a second and a third film at the same time and film them back-to-back. In a case where a lengthy novel is split into multiple installments for its film adaptation, those installments will usually be filmed back-to-back.
In modern filmmaking, employment is now project-based, transitory, and "based on a film not a firm."[1] Almost all participants in the industry are freelancers, who move easily from one project to the next and do not have much loyalty to any particular studio, as long as they get paid.
This differs from the old studio system, a form of mass production in which a studio owned all the means of production (that is, reusable physical assets like sound stages, costumes, sets, and props)[1] and carried large numbers of cast and crew on its payroll under long-term contracts. Under the old system, "a producer had a commitment to make six to eight films per year with a fairly identifiable staff."[1] Under the new system which replaced it after 1955, filmmaking became a "short-term film-by-film arrangement" in which a producer is expected to assemble an entirely new cast and crew for each project, and rent the means of production from contractors only as needed.[1]
The advantage of the current system is that film studios no longer have to bother either with paying people who are not involved in a current film production, or with green-lighting films very frequently so as to efficiently exploit sunk costs in their human resources. Studios shifted from a emphasis on "speed in production" to "more cooperative pre-shooting planning."[2] But now, when they want a particular person for a film, that person may be unavailable because they are already committed to another film for another production company for that particular time slot. In turn, for every single film, studios (and ultimately their investors, shareholders, or backers) end up bearing massive transaction costs because they not only have to get the right person at the right price, but at the right time, and if they cannot get that person, they have to scramble to locate a satisfactory substitute. All successful directors and producers have certain favorite cast and crew members whom they prefer to work with, but that is of no help to the studio if that perfect character actor, costume designer, or music composer is already fully booked. Compared to the previous system, directors and stars spend a much "larger part of their time negotiating each new film deal."[2]
Therefore, if a film does well at the box office and appears to have established a winning formula with a particular cast, crew and storyline, one way to minimize these transaction costs on sequels is to reassemble as much of the team as soon as possible (before anyone dies, retires, or commits to other possible scheduling conflicts) and sign them to a single production that will be edited, released, and promoted as multiple films.
Filming back-to-back also minimizes the problem of actors visibly aging between sequels which do not have significant time gaps written in between them. James Cameron referred to this problem as the "Stranger Things effect"—where characters who are supposed to be in high school are played by actors who appear to be a decade older—in order to explain why he filmed the second, third, and part of the fourth sequels to Avatar back to back.[3]
The pioneer of modern back-to-back filmmaking was producer Alexander Salkind,[4] who decided during the filming of The Three Musketeers (1973) to split the project in two; the second film was released as The Four Musketeers (1974).[5][6] The cast was quite unhappy to be informed after the fact they had been working on two films, not one.[5][6] As a result, the Screen Actors Guild introduced the "Salkind clause," which specifies that actors will be paid for each film they make.[5][6] Salkind and his son Ilya went on to produce Superman and Superman II back to back.[5]
Superman and Superman II were filmed simultaneously in 1977 to be a two-part epic. However, due to off-screen difficulties between the producers and director Richard Donner, production on the sequel was stopped in order to finish the first film for a December 1978 release. Filming on Superman II resumed in 1979 with a new director (Richard Lester), and was released in Australia in December 1980 and in the UK and US in April and June 1981. A director's cut was released in 2006.
After the success of the 1985 film Back to the Future, the two sequels Part II and Part III were in production from February 1989 until January 1990 with only a three-week break in principal photography between films and some of the filming of the third film overlapping with the second. The two films were released six months apart, in November 1989 and May 1990 respectively.
The Lord of the Rings trilogy was filmed entirely over 438 days in New Zealand from October 1999 until December 2000 with pickup shots done prior to each film's theatrical release from 2001 to 2003. Likewise, The Hobbit trilogy was filmed back-to-back in New Zealand from March 2011 until July 2012.
The Matrix Reloaded and The Matrix Revolutions were filmed back-to-back from March 2001 until August 2002, and released six months apart, in May 2003 and November 2003 respectively.
Pirates of the Caribbean: Dead Man's Chest and Pirates of the Caribbean: At World's End were filmed back-to-back from February 2005 until January 2007, and released ten months apart, in July 2006 and May 2007 respectively.
Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows – Part 1 and Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows – Part 2 were filmed back-to-back from February 2009 until June 2010, with reshoots for the epilogue scene taking place in December 2010, and released eight months apart, in November 2010 and July 2011 respectively.
The Twilight Saga: Breaking Dawn - Part 1 and The Twilight Saga: Breaking Dawn – Part 2 were filmed back-to-back from November 2010 until April 2011, and released a year apart, in November 2011 and November 2012 respectively.
The Hunger Games: Mockingjay - Part 1 and The Hunger Games: Mockingjay – Part 2 were filmed back-to-back from September 2013 until June 2014, and released a year apart, in November 2014 and November 2015 respectively.
Fifty Shades Darker and Fifty Shades Freed were filmed back-to-back from February 2016 until July 2016. The two films were released a year apart, in February 2017 and February 2018 respectively.
Avengers: Infinity War and Avengers: Endgame were filmed back-to-back from January 2017 until January 2018, with reshoots for the second film concluding in October 2018, with the films released a year apart, in April 2018 and April 2019 respectively.
Avatar: The Way of Water and Avatar 3 (titles may change) were filmed back-to-back 2017–2020. They are scheduled for release in 2022 and 2024. Back-to-back filming is also planned for Avatar 4 (2026) and Avatar 5 (2028).
Fast X and Fast X: Part 2 were filmed back-to-back from 2022-2023. They are scheduled for release in 2023 and 2024.
Mission: Impossible – Dead Reckoning Part One and Mission: Impossible – Dead Reckoning Part Two were filmed back-to-back from 2020-2022. They are scheduled for release in 2023 and 2024.
X and Pearl were secretly filmed back-to-back in 2021.
List of films produced back-to-back
List of films split into multiple parts
^ a b c d Staiger, Janet (1985). "Chapter 26: The package-unit system: unit management after 1955". In Bordwell, David; Staiger, Janet; Thompson, Kristin (eds.). The Classical Hollywood Cinema: Film Style & Mode of Production to 1960. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 330. ISBN 9780231060554.
^ a b Staiger, Janet (1985). "Chapter 26: The package-unit system: unit management after 1955". In Bordwell, David; Staiger, Janet; Thompson, Kristin (eds.). The Classical Hollywood Cinema: Film Style & Mode of Production to 1960. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 334. ISBN 9780231060554.
^ Wang, Jessica (December 20, 2022). "James Cameron says he shot the Avatar sequels at the same time to avoid the 'Stranger Things effect'". Entertainment Weekly. Retrieved January 30, 2023.
^ Jackson, Gordon; Anders, Charlie Jane (31 July 2015). "Has Filming A Movie And Its Sequel Back-to-Back Ever Had a Good Result?". Gizmodo. Retrieved 26 May 2020.
^ a b c d Salmans, Sandra (17 July 1983). "Film View: The Salkind Heroes Wear Red and Fly High". The New York Times. p. 15. Retrieved 26 May 2020.
^ a b c Scivally, Bruce (2008). Superman on Film, Television, Radio and Broadway. Jefferson, NC: McFarland. p. 77. ISBN 9780786431663.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Back-to-back_film_production&oldid=1136392017"
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text:
David Withun
Category: wealth
Timon of Athens: Generous or Intemperate?
It is tempting to view the eponymous main character of Shakespeare's Timon of Athens as a good man gone bad. Shakespeare seemingly presents Timon as a generous man who finds that others are not as generous as he when he, his resources exhausted from his spree of giving, finds himself in a time of need. As a result of the hardhearted behavior of his ostensible friends, from perspective, Timon turns his philanthropy into misanthropy, retreating into the wildness to nurse his newfound hatred of mankind. It is possible, however, to see the play, rather than as a movement from love to hatred or generosity to miserliness, instead as a commentary on two different but related types of intemperance.
Immediately upon entering the stage in the first scene of the play, Timon's first actions are to begin giving away money to those around him. He hears that someone he knows has been imprisoned because of a debt he owes and, without another question, offer the money to pay for his release and to continue supporting him even after he has been released. "'Tis not enough to help the feeble up, but to support him after," claims Timon. Timon then turns to offer more money to help his servant marry the woman with whom he desires to build a household.
Each of these cases appears to be an act of charity performed by Timon out of kindness. Each of them is also, however, an example of intemperate dealings in money. The man whom Timon helps to pay his way out of prison is clearly a man who has not well managed his wealth and so cannot be expected to deal honestly with Timon's money either. Similarly, the servant Lucilius to whom Timon provides the money to marry is almost certain to end up in debt once again by marrying a woman and beginning a family it is clearly beyond his means to support.
Timon's intemperance continues into the second scene of the play as he hosts a sumptuous banquet for the men of Athens. The exorbitance of Timon's banquet is proclaimed by the god Cupid himself, who announces to Timon that "the five best senses / Acknowledge thee their patron; and come freely / To gratulate thy plenteous bosom."
It is this intemperance, rather than any sort of generosity, that presents a contrast with the sort of person Timon becomes in the second half of the play. After he is denied help by his friends once he himself falls into financial need, Timon leaves civilization behind, going to live a cave. There, he discovers a large reserve of gold which he provides to Alcibiades and two prostitutes with him to help them bring on the destruction of the city of Athens, proclaiming "I am Misanthropos, and hate mankind."
Just as Timon's seemingly generous behavior early in the play was an example of excess, so now is Timon's reaction to having been slighted by those he believed were his friends. He turns from a philanthropism that lacked temperance to a misanthropism equally lacking in temperance. What has not changed, however, is that deeper aspect of Timon's personality that has motivated both his love and his hatred, namely, his intemperance.
Author David WithunPosted on November 17, 2015 November 16, 2015 Categories drama, timon of athens, virtue and vice, wealth, william shakespeareLeave a comment on Timon of Athens: Generous or Intemperate?
The Good of Poverty in Aristophanes's "Wealth"
In his "Plutus," or "Wealth," the Greek playwright Aristophanes presents the possibility of catastrophic consequences resulting from actions otherwise expected to be universally beneficial. In so writing, Aristophanes raises questions not only about the specific subject of the play, wealth, but also wider questions about relationship of want to need.
The play begins with Chremylus and his slave Cario in a chance encounter with the eponymous god of wealth. Discovering that wealth is a blind dotard, they determine to bring him to the temple of the god Asclepius for healing. Chremylus describes this plan as an "honest and god-fearing plan, a plan which is good and full of virtue, a plan which will serve the whole of humanity!" He explains, "If the god of Wealth regains his eyesight, he won't be wandering aimlessly and blindly about like he does now and he'll be able to see who's honest and who's not and so he'll go to the good folk and shun all the godless crooks and all the bastards. The result? Everyone will become good and god-fearing … and rich!"
Chremylus and Cairo have concocted a scheme which they believe will result in the establishment of a utopia. Wealth, freed of his blindness and able to move about with youthful freedom and swiftness, can now bring his gifts to all good people.. As a result, good people will be rewarded for their goodness. All people, then, desiring to partake of the bounties of Wealth, will become good.
After his healing at the temple, Wealth begins to fulfill this plan, going about to reward the good for their goodness. The result of this munificence, however, is not entirely what was expected. Rather than creating a utopian society, the abundance of wealth begins to cause the destruction of society.
Chremylus had desired that "that the good folk, the god-fearing folk, the folk who do an honest day's work" would be those to benefit from his plan because, he says, they "should be the ones who deserve to be rich, not the dishonest, godless crooks!" Visited by the goddess Poverty, Chremylus is warned, however, that should his plan come to fruition no one will be "do[ing] an honest day's work." "If Wealth were to get his sight back and if he spread himself around to everyone," Poverty warns, "who'd be doing any of the work then or even any of the thinking?" All of the workmen, including the "smiths and . . . the ship builders, . . . the tailors, the cartwheel makers, the cobblers, the brick makers, the launderers, the tanners" and those who "till the soil with the ploughs and then reap" will choose instead to "sit around idly all day, doing nothing and caring about nothing." Without the threat of poverty, no one will exert themselves or risk their health to do work. "It is I who forces them to do all that work," says Poverty. "Yes, me, Poverty, whom they all want to avoid and earn themselves a livelihood, it is I who'll be making them do all that work for you!"
Once Chremylus goes through with his plan, he finds that more dire consequences follow as a result of his actions. Just after returning from the healing of Wealth, he encounters an old woman whose young lover has left her because he no longer relied upon her for her wealth. Within this single broken relationship is encapsulated the two primary relationships that uphold and perpetuate any society, the love relationship between man and woman and the relationship of respect and dependence between the young and the old. With wealth gone, there is no need for anyone to depend upon another for sustenance. The result is that lovers separate from each other and the young, no longer in need of the inheritance passed on by the old, no longer respect the elderly.
The final calamity to result from the new profusion of wealth is revealed to Chremylus by the god Hermes, who comes to inform him that Zeus is "angry [with him] because from the moment you gave Wealth his sight back, we gods received nothing from you mortals! Not a single sacrifice, not a whiff of incense, not a single leaf of bay, not a single barley cake, not one victim, nothing! Absolutely nothing!" Because there are no more wants among men, piety has abated. Men no longer rely upon, and so no longer worship, the gods.
Through his effort toward creating a utopia, Chremylus has caused the dissolution of the primary institutions necessary to the continued stability of society: work, family, and religion. Through his exploration of these unexpected consequences of Chemylus's attempt to eradicate poverty, Aristophanes also points to the often wide chasm between human want and human need, between what people believe is best and what is really best.
Author David WithunPosted on October 19, 2015 October 9, 2015 Categories aristophanes, drama, economics, society, wealth1 Comment on The Good of Poverty in Aristophanes's "Wealth"
Aristotle and John Locke on Property
In his treatment "Of Property" in the fifth chapter of his Second Essay Concerning Civil Government, John Locke evinces the various ways in which he has been significant influenced by the thought of Aristotle on the subjects of wealth and property ownership. He also, however, departs from and makes meaningful additions to the theories of Aristotle on key points, thereby forging a theory of his own from the foundation provided by Aristotle.
Both Aristotle and Locke begin their exploration of the origins of property with the notion of an original human family which held all property in common. Aristotle asserts that "the first community . . . which is the family . . . originally had all things in common." Locke, adding to this the biblical names of Adam and Noah as the forefathers of the collective human family, similarly states that God granted the entire world to "Adam, and to Noah, and his sons," from which "it is very clear, that God . . . has given the earth to the children of men; given it to mankind in common."
From this original collective ownership of the earth, both Aristotle and Locke explain, there was a departure in favor of private ownership, from which, in turn, resulted the development of exchange and, later still, the use of money. It is in the reasons they provide for this departure from a primitive collectivism that Aristotle and Locke begin to depart from each other in their respective theories. Aristotle puts forward the notion that the development of private ownership out of the early collective economy of the primeval human family was the result of the growth of the population. "Later, when the family divided into parts," says Aristotle, "the parts shared in many things, and different parts in different things." The division of property among private owners, then, is the result of the limitation of one's purview to those things that are of direct concern to one.
Locke, however, offers a theory that, while not in conflict with Aristotle's ideas, provides an alternative explanation for the development of private property out of early common ownership. Locke sees this development as a natural extension of the private ownership each person naturally possesses over his or her own body. "Though the earth, and all inferior creatures, be common to all men," says Locke, "yet every man has a property in his own person: this no body has any right to but himself." Because of this natural ownership over one's own body, it is also the case that anything one uses one's body to produce is also one's own. "The labour of his body, and the work of his hands, we may say, are properly his," according to Locke.
While Locke's theory of the origin of private property does not stand in opposition to the theory of Aristotle on the same subject, and the two are even potentially complementary, there is a clear difference in their perspectives on this point. After this brief departure from another another, however, Locke returns again to an agreement with Aristotle in his theories of the origins of exchange and money, adding to Aristotle while relying upon Aristotle's earlier assessments.
Commenting on the origins of an exchange economy, Aristotle states that "the art of exchange extends . . . arises at first from what is natural, from the circumstance that some have too little, others too much" of certain goods. As a result, an individual exchanges that which he has too much of for that which he has too little of with another individual who finds himself in the inverse situation. The use of money developed, continues Aristotle, because the "various necessaries of life are not easily carried about, and hence men agreed to employ in their dealings with each other something which was intrinsically useful and easily applicable to the purposes of life, for example, iron, silver, and the like."
While holding to a nearly identical theory regarding the development of an exchange economy and the use of money, Locke adds to Aristotle's idea the observation that those goods which are necessary to life are generally perishable goods. "And thus came in the use of money," writes Locke, "some lasting thing that men might keep without spoiling, and that by mutual consent men would take in exchange for the truly useful, but perishable supports of life."
While departing slightly in some places and proposing slightly divergent alternative theories in others, Locke largely relies upon Aristotle's account regarding the origins of private property, the exchange economy, and the use of money. Given the clear reliance of Locke upon Aristotle's ideas, it is perhaps useful to view Locke's writing on the subject as a commentary upon the earlier work of Aristotle upon the same.
Author David WithunPosted on October 10, 2015 October 9, 2015 Categories aristotle, economics, john locke, money, wealthLeave a comment on Aristotle and John Locke on Property
"Productive and Unproductive Labour" in Smith's The Wealth of Nations
In Book II, Chapter III of his The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith states and explains the distinction he makes between the categories of "productive and unproductive labour." According to Smith, "there is one sort of labour which adds to the value of the subject upon which it is bestowed," namely productive labor, and "there is another which has no such effect," namely unproductive labor. In addition, Smith holds that the productive laborer makes a greater contribution to a society than the unproductive laborer due to the former's role in "the growth of public opulence."
The former, productive, class of labor he identifies specifically with the manufacturing class which produces "some particular subject or vendible commodity." These laborers, in other words, produce some tangible item which contributes to an indubitable increase in the total material wealth of a society. Smith envisions a society in which, through the profuse production of commodities by the manufacturing class and the consumption of these commodities "in adorning his house or his country villa, in useful or ornamental buildings, in useful or ornamental furniture, in collecting books, statues, pictures; or in things more frivolous, jewels, baubles, ingenious trinkets of different kinds; or, what is most trifling of all, in amassing a great wardrobe of fine clothes," on the part of the wealthy, greater material wealth is made available to all. Because of the insatiable appetite of the wealthy for new commodities, they will eventually "grow weary" of the items they have purchased previously. As a result, "the houses, the furniture, the clothing of the rich, in a little time, become useful to the inferior and middling ranks of people." The greater the number of commodities produced, the more available all commodities become to all people. The profusion of material wealth creates a trickle-down economy which increases the material wealth of all in a society. What is necessary to create such a system, Smith holds, is a great number of productive laborers of the manufacturing class working to produce said commodities.
Smith contrasts those whom he terms the "unproductive hands" with this productive group of laborers. Among the unproductive in a society Smith classes "the sovereign . . . with all the officers both of justice and war who serve under him" as well as "the whole army and navy." In addition, "in this same class," says Smith, "must be ranked, some both of the gravest and most important, and some of the most frivolous professions: churchmen, lawyers, physicians, men of letters of all kinds; players, buffoons, musicians, opera-singers, opera-dancers, etc." While these are certainly not without value to a society, Smith classes all of these together as "unproductive" because they do not produce any lasting tangible items, or commodities. "Like the declamation of the actor, the harangue of the orator, or the tune of the musician," says Smith, "the work of all of them perishes in the very instant of its production."
The distinction that Smith draws between productive and unproductive laborers is quite compelling and insightful, yet fraught with danger for a society which takes it too seriously. On the one hand, Smith admirably rescues the manufacturer and the artisan from the belittlement of the nature of their vocations which had been a mainstay of Western thought since antiquity. Aristotle, who exerted a substantial influence on the Western mind during and following the High Middle Ages, for instance, claimed that "all paid employments . . . absorb and degrade the mind." To this condemnation, Smith offers a corrective in the form of a reminder of the necessity of these "paid employments" to the material wealth of a society.
It is this material wealth, in turn, which creates the environment which allows the "unproductive hands" of artists, musicians, and men of letters to flourish. A society which continues to exist at a mere subsistence level cannot develop a distinguishable class of priests and storytellers because all hands must be employed in the cultivation and production necessary to the maintenance of biological life. Only with a class of productive laborers of some size and which is capable of meeting and even producing superfluity beyond the basic needs of a society, such as the slave class of Aristotle's ancient Greece or the manufacturing class of Smith's 18th century Scotland, does a class of the "unproductive" become possible.
It is not be overlooked, however, that it is this class of the "unproductive" which leads a society beyond mere animal existence. While Smith is right to place great value upon the manufacturing class, it would be a mistake for a society to lean too far in this direction and so devalue the creative and intellectual element. A poverty of thought is as detrimental to human existence as a poverty of the goods necessary to material well-being, a fact Smith would have done well to note.
Author David WithunPosted on October 9, 2015 Categories adam smith, economics, money, society, wealthLeave a comment on "Productive and Unproductive Labour" in Smith's The Wealth of Nations
Responses to Darwinism in the Gilded Age
Just as the Copernican Revolution several centuries earlier had displaced the earth and its inhabitants from the center of the universe, so the Darwinism of the nineteenth century unseated man from the throne he had claimed for himself. With the earth removed from the center of the universe by Copernicus and man removed from the zenith of the created order by Darwin, the old understanding of human beings and their place in the cosmos was overthrown. The task taken up by thinkers of the generation after Darwin was to understand the implications of Darwin's theory for humanity and to formulate a cohesive philosophy capable of imbuing human life with meaning while taking the new scientific discoveries into account. In the words of historian Ruth C. Crocker, as in European thought, "American intellectual life in the Gilded Age is often viewed primarily in terms of a response to Darwinism."1
Perhaps the most ubiquitous element of this response was a newfound impetus for the idea of progress. Westerners, particularly Americans, had made the idea of progress a central aspect of their self-understanding since the Enlightenment. In fact, Darwin himself was one of the inheritors of this idea and his theories in large part presuppose and depend upon it. In short, "the idea of evolution gets some of its moral, social, and even cosmic significance from its implication that the general motion in the world of living things, perhaps in the universe, is a progress from lower to higher forms."2 All of the various Gilded Age responses to Darwin's ideas, no matter how much they may differ from each other on their particulars, share in this belief in and focus upon progress. In their beliefs about what constituted progress and precisely what man and the cosmos were progressing toward, however, the various responses differed radically from one another.
European responses to Darwinism were often attempts at a synthesis with Hegelianism, another philosophy, very popular and influential throughout Europe, which placed a strong emphasis on the idea of progress. According to historian Richard Tarnas, "metaphysically inclined scientists such as Henri Bergson, Alfred North Whitehead, and Pierre Teilhard de Chardin sought to conjoin the scientific picture of evolution with philosophies similar to Hegel."3 These philosophies tended to see the process of evolution as oriented toward a divinely-directed goal and a point of unity between God, the cosmos, and man in the future. American responses, however, as well as later European responses, tended in the opposite direction of denying the possibility of formulating any "metaphysical system claiming the existence of a universal order accessible to human awareness" and emphasizing the disunity, and even enmity, between human beings and between all creatures.
The philosophy of pragmatism, the product of the thought of American philosophers and psychologists William James and John Dewey, which "question[ed] whether there was such a thing as universal truth," is one example of the former type of response to Darwinism.4 According to James, Dewey, and the other pragmatists, ideas and beliefs were similar to the biological components of a species. There were none that were true in an absolute sense, or at least discernible as such as by biological beings such as humans, but some were "true" in a contingent sense in that they had demonstrated value for the current state of the species. This idea cast all ideas, as well as the very concept of and search for truth, into question.
Social Darwinism is perhaps the greatest example of the latter type of American response to Darwinism in its emphasis on the competition between individual men as well as between races and social classes. One of the most extreme proponents of a philosophy of pure Social Darwinism was the sociologist William Graham Sumner. Sumner spent a large portion of his career defending the thesis that social policy should adhere to the concept of survival of the fittest. To this end, Sumner attacked any program which attempted to aid the poor through charity or to redistribute wealth as contrary to nature and detrimental to the future of humanity. He believed that "feeding the hungry and unemployed" impeded the progress of human evolution and that "unfit people" should be allowed "to die, or at least not reproduce."5 Although Sumner was one of the most outspoken and extreme advocates of Social Darwinism, the philosophy itself was popular throughout the American elite and was used by such figures as John D. Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie to justify their tenacious pursuit of financial success to the detriment of others.
The various reactions to and extensions of Darwinism during the Gilded Age, including in the European attempts at a synthesis between Darwin and Hegel, as well as in American pragmatism and Social Darwinism, all demonstrate the disorienting effect Darwinism had on Western thought at the close of the 19th century. For some, as with the pragmatists, this displacement in ideas was impetus to abandon the very search for truth. For many, such as the Social Darwinists, this displacement prompted a kind of conservative synthesis, in which older ideas were combined with Darwinism in order to present a firmer ideological basis for the status quo. For all, Darwinism forever changed the nature of Western thought.
1 Ruth C. Rocker, "Cultural and Intellectual Life in the Gilded Age," in Charles W. Calhoun, The Gilded Age: Perspectives on the Origins of Modern America (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007), 219.
2 Robert Maynard Hutchins, ed., The Great Books of the Western World, Volume 3: The Great Ideas: II (Chicago: William Benton, 1952), 437.
3Richard Tarnas, The Passion of the Western Mind: Understanding the Ideas That Have Shaped Our World View (New York: Ballantine Books, 1993), 383.
4 Rebecca Edwards, New Spirits: Americans in the "Gilded Age," 1865-1905 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 144.
5 Edwards, 144.
Calhoun, Charles W. The Gilded Age: Perspectives on the Origins of Modern America. Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007.
Edwards, Rebecca. New Spirits: Americans in the "Gilded Age," 1865-1905. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.
Hutchins, Robert Maynard. Editor. The Great Books of the Western World, Volume 3: The Great Ideas: II. Chicago: William Benton, 1952.
Tarnas, Richard. The Passion of the Western Mind: Understanding the Ideas That Have Shaped Our World View. New York: Ballantine Books, 1993.
Author David WithunPosted on April 24, 2013 Categories darwinism, evolution, gilded age, history, intellectual history, progress, science, united states, wealth3 Comments on Responses to Darwinism in the Gilded Age
The Cold War and Modern Identity
Although the 20th century was a period great trials and tribulations throughout the world, including the two world wars, the anti-colonialist movements throughout Asia, Africa, and elsewhere, and the many massacres and genocides, such as the Turkish massacre of Armenians and the Holocaust carried out in Nazi-occupied Europe, if a single defining event must be pinpointed, the defining feature of the 20th century must undoubtedly be said to be the Cold War. The Cold War, which lasted for nearly half of the 20th century, saw first Europe and then most of the rest of the world divided into two camps, communist and authoritarian on one side and capitalist and democratic on the other. The split between these two groups of powers, the former headed by the Soviet Union and the latter led by the United States, was viewed by both sides as an apocalyptic struggle of good versus evil, liberty versus oppression, and democracy versus tyranny. Both sides of the Cold War, the communistic and authoritarian as well as the capitalistic and democratic, have deep roots in the history of Western civilization; the Cold War, then, represented a kind of coming of age and decision point in Western culture, in which sets of principles which had been at tension with one another nearly since the inception of Western thought finally reached a point at which one idea must triumph over the other. Although, of course, the capitalist and democratic ideas won out over the communist and authoritarian, as with nearly any conflict of such a clearly Hegelian nature, the conflict produced a kind of synthesis in which the representatives of capitalism also absorbed portions of communism and the representatives of democracy also absorbed or made peace with elements of authoritarianism. In the end, the Cold War was not so much a victory for either side as an exercise in Hegelian dialectic, in which the final result was, while dominated by one side, a synthesis of both sides.
Although the birth of communism is most readily associated with the labor movements of the 19th century and especially with the thought of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the authors of the famous, or perhaps infamous, Manifesto of the Communist Party, as even they point out in the Manifesto, the roots of communism are much deeper in history, and extend to the very origins of Western thought in both of its earliest contributors, Greek philosophy and Jewish religion.1 The similarities between Marx's ideas and the communal utopia expounded upon by Plato in his Republic are glaring and have been noted by many commentators in the past. Desmond Lee, a scholar in classics and ancient philosophy, for instance, has drawn attention to Plato's injunction that "both private property and the family are to be abolished" in Plato's utopia.2 The abolition of private property is, of course, a cornerstone of Marxist philosophy. Although the attempt would later be abandoned, especially during and following World War II, during its earlier, more idealistic phase, the leadership of the Soviet Union, in hopes of creating a communist utopia, also made "a sustained effort … to undermine the family," which included "establish[ing] collective kitchens and day care centers."3 According to Nicholas V. Riasanovksy and Mark D. Steinberg, both professors of Russian history, "some Bolshevik leaders even spoke of 'free love,'" a practice and principle which also bears a similarity to the counsel of Plato.4
In regards to the Jewish antecedents of communist thought, the prolific 20th century philosopher Bertrand Russell, among many others, has pointed out that the "soteriology" and "eschatology" of Marxism are essentially biblical in character; Russell even provides a handy "dictionary" to Marx's ideas:
Yahweh=Dialectical Materialism
The Messiah=Marx
The Elect=The Proletariat
The Church=The Communist Party
The Second Coming=The Revolution
Hell=Punishment of the Capitalists
The Millennium=The Communist Commonwealth5
Marxist communism in both the form developed by Marx himself and in its later develops in the Soviet Union represents a combination of these and other similar elements in Western thought.
Similarly, democracy and capitalism in their modern liberal forms, which largely emerged from the thought of the Enlightenment, also have deep roots in Western thought. In the first book of history by the West's first historian, The History of Herodotus, the wars between the Persians and the Greeks in the 5th century BCE are identified as struggles between "freedom" and "slavery" and consistently portrayed in such terms and ideas throughout.6 The Greek polis of Athens is, of course, generally identified as the world's first democracy and even Sparta, with its characteristically militaristic and authoritarian society, has traditionally been granted a measure of respect as in some sense embodying the first fundaments of later Western democratic ideals, as, for instance, in its insistence on multiple rulers who must reach unanimous agreement in matters of policy so that no one individual can hold absolute power or unilateral decision-making authority.
Just as with communism, democracy and capitalism also had their antecedents in Jewish thought. Historian Thomas Cahill, for instance, has pointed out that "capitalism, communism, and democracy" are all in some sense
children of the Bible, … modeled on biblical faith and demanding of their adherents that they always hold in their hearts a belief in the future and keep before their eyes the vision of a better tomorrow, whether that tomorrow contains a larger gross domestic product or a workers' paradise. … Democracy … grows directly out of the Israelite vision of individuals, subjects of value because they are images of God, each with a unique and personal destiny. There is no way that it could ever have been 'self-evident that all men are created equal' without the intervention of the Jews.7
While democracy, capitalism, and communism, as well as the measure of authoritarianism which the latter implies, all have roots in the very earliest origins of Western thought and have existed alongside each other in that thought as well as in practice since their inception, they have clearly existed in tension and in competition. With the onset of the Cold War, this tension took on new proportions and finally demanded a resolution.
The American poet Walt Whitman once poignantly wrote that it was on the United States that the "Earth's résumé entire floats" and, addressing the United States itself, added "the antecedent nations sink or swim with thee."8 In other words, the United States, in the view of Whitman, acts as the heir and representative of the entirety of the tradition of Western civilization. While there may be those who would debate Whitman's point, there is undoubtedly a great measure of truth to it. The United States, more than any other nation, enshrined the democratic principles of Western thought in its founding documents and principles. No nation embodies Enlightenment thought on politics and economics, as well as in other areas, more than the United States. The principles of the equality of all men before the law, of popular participation in government and the insistence that the state possess the consent of the governed, of the freedom of the individual human conscience, and other similar principles which are essentially unique to Western thought all entered into the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, two documents which might, not inaccurately, be referred to as American scripture.
In 1917, with the Bolshevik Revolution and the transformation of the Russian Empire into the Soviet Union, an, in a sense, equal-and-opposite of the United States was established. If the United States can be considered the representative of the democratic and capitalist principles of Western thought, the Soviet Union can be seen as the embodiment of the authoritarian and communist principles. The Soviet government nearly immediately set about trying to build an ostensibly more egalitarian society, "a new realm of freedom and equality, free of conflict."9
This age-old dream of such a utopia was alluring even to those who lived in the capitalist democracies and republics of the United States and Western Europe. This is particularly true of Marxism's claim that "the proletarian revolution marks the end of … [the] historic process."10 David Gress, a historian whose work has focused on Western identity, has pointed out that this view of communism as replacing and surpassing, perhaps in some sense fulfilling, capitalist democracies drew the admiration of Western intellectuals for the Soviet Union. Following World War II and the collapse of European fascism as well as the witness of worldwide atrocities, the conscience of the West was piqued. According to Gress, "what they needed was the secularized religious impulse that impelled political and intellectual leaders to continue the search for the perfect society, for the revolutionary transformation of all existing conditions, for the place and the moment of the leap into the kingdom of freedom."11 It was this that allowed the Soviet Union to attain the "moral high ground of anticapitalism" both in the minds of its own leaders as well as in the minds of many Westerners.12
Although the two had been rather cordial allies during World War II and had defeated Nazi Germany with its fascist ideals through their combined efforts, the United States and the Soviet Union were doomed to a wide split from one another. Almost immediately after their mutual victory over Germany, the two sides of the ideological split retreated from each other and entrenched themselves into their ideological camps. As early as 5 March 1946, less than a full year after the surrender of Nazi Germany to the Allied powers, Winston Churchill, who had served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom during the majority of World War II, referred to this ideological split, using the phrase "iron curtain," which would later become popular parlance in describing the situation of the Cold War:
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow.13
On the other side of that "iron curtain," of course, were the United States and its democratic and capitalistic allies in Europe, including Churchill's own United Kingdom. A line had been drawn in the proverbial sand. In the words of Louis J. Halle, a political scientist who worked in the U.S. State Department during the Cold War:
In ideological terms, the Cold War presented itself as a worldwide contest between liberal democracy and Communism. Each side looked forward to the eventual supremacy of its system all over the earth. The official Communist goal was the liberation of mankind from capitalist oppression. Ideologically minded Westerners interpreted this as signifying that Moscow was trying to impose its own authoritarian system on a world it meant to rule. Americans, for their part, had traditionally looked forward to the liberation of mankind from the oppression of autocracy, and to the consequent establishment of their own liberal system throughout the world. To the ideologists in Moscow this meant that "the imperialist ruling circles" in America were trying to enslave all mankind under the yoke of Wall Street.14
This ideological split and the consequent perceptions on either side of it would lead to one of the world's most protracted and widespread conflicts, which played itself out on nearly every continent of the world in wars both "hot" and "cold."
The Cold War would, of course, end with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. This collapse is popularly viewed as the final triumph of liberal democracy and capitalism over communism and authoritarianism. Some commentators, such as Francis Fukuyama, a former deputy director of the U.S. State Department's policy planning staff, have even went as far as declaring the end of the Cold War to be "the end of history," in an ironic use of the same Hegelian ideas Marx made use of in declaring communism to be the final result of the historical dialectic.15
The truth of the situation, however, is that, in a far more Hegelian fashion, the result of the dialectic of the two antitheses was a synthesis. The United States, even while expounding on the virtues of democracy, supported autocratic regimes throughout the world, such as that of Shah Mohammad Pahlavi in Persia, on the condition that they opposed communism. While it could be argued that such support was hypocritical, it may also, more positively, be portrayed as an acknowledgement of the value of authoritarian rule in some cultural contexts. In addition, throughout the Cold War, the United States and, to an arguably greater extent, its European allies adopted a number of reforms which reflected the social ideals of communism, including protection for workers' rights, social welfare systems, universalized healthcare, and others. In the end, these concessions to communism are a large part of what brought down the Soviet Union; in granting that the communists had a point in regards to their criticisms of wealth and poverty in the Western world and the exploitation of the laboring class, the capitalistic democratic nations regained the moral high ground and won the war of ideas. The West became the synthesis, rendering the antithesis obsolete.
Notes 1 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, in Robert Maynard Hutchins, Great Books of the Western World, Vol. 50: Marx (Chicago: William Benton, 1952), 419.
2 Desmond Lee, "Translator's Introduction" in Plato, The Republic (New York: Penguin Books, 2003), xliv.
3 Nicholas V. Riasanovksy and Mark D. Steinberg, A History of Russia, Eighth Edition (New York: Oxford Unversity Press, 2011), 595.
5 Bertrand Russell, The History of Western Philosophy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1972), 364.
6 Herodotus, The History, Book IX, 45, in Robert Maynard Hutchins, ed., Great Books of the Western World, Vol. 6: Herodotus and Thucydides (Chicago: William Benton, 1952), 298.
7 Thomas Cahill, The Gifts of the Jews: How a Tribe of Desert Nomads Changed the Way Everyone Thinks and Feels (New York: Anchor Books, 1998), 249.
8 Walt Whitman, "Thou Mother With Thy Equal Brood," 4, Leaves of Grass (New York: The Modern Library, 2001), 564.
9 Riasanovksy and Steinberg, History of Russia, 482.
10 Ibid., 481.
11 David Gress, From Plato to NATO: The Idea of the West and Its Opponents (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998), 404.
13 Winston Churchill, "The Sinews of Peace," http://www.nato.int/docu/speech/1946/s460305a_e.htm (accessed 30 December 2012).
14 Louis J. Halle, "The Cold War as History," in Kevin Reilly, Readings in World Civilizations, Volume 2: The Development of the Modern World (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988), 265.
15 Francis Fukuyama, "The End of History?" in Marc A. Genest, ed., Conflict and Cooperation: Evolving Theories of International Relations, Second Edition (Belmont: Wadsworth, 2004), 393.
Author David WithunPosted on January 16, 2013 April 30, 2014 Categories bertrand russell, capitalism, cold war, communism, democracy, dialectic, europe, herodotus, history, karl marx, marxism, russia, soviet union, united states, war and peace, wealth, western civilizationLeave a comment on The Cold War and Modern Identity
The Great Reforms of the 19th Century
In the second half of the nineteenth century, Russia came to a crossroads in its history. Under the influence of ideas largely emanating from Western Europe, Russians began to question certain aspects of their traditional way of life and government. Of especial concern was the status of the serfs, a group of people who made up the vast majority of the population of the Russian Empire but possessed a status little above that of slaves. Throughout his reign in the years 1855 to 1881, Czar Alexander II implemented a number of reforms in government which drastically altered Russian society in order to bring it in line with the new views of what a just society should look like.
The first and by far the most drastic of the great reforms implemented by Alexander II was the emancipation of the serfs. In the years leading up to and beginning Alexander's reign, an insurrectionist spirit had begun to foment among the lower classes in Russia. Discontented with their situation, serfs had launched a large and increasing number of small rebellions since the the turn of the nineteenth century. Early in his reign, Alexander II announced his intentions to emancipate the serfs to his advisers, confiding in them that it was "better to abolish serfdom from above than to wait till it begins to abolish itself from below."1
After a prolonged deliberation on the proper means by which to go about this emancipation, Alexander II finally issued the the decree abolishing the institution of serfdom in Russia on 19 February 1861. As a result of his decree, which at least one historian has referred to as "the greatest legislative act in history," "some 52 million peasants, over 20 million of them serfs of private land owners," were freed.2 Along with their freedom, however, came a great deal of debt and further disappointment. In an attempt to pacify the landlords, Alexander II had limited the amount of land the serfs took with them and had legislated the necessity of repaying the landlords for this land. As a result, "overpopulation and underemployment" were rampant "among former serfs, who, at least after a period of transition, were no longer obliged to work for the landlord and at the same time had less land to cultivate for themselves."3
As Nicholas V. Riasanovsky and Mark D. Steinberg point out, "the emancipation of the serfs made other fundamental changes much more feasible."4 Such sweeping legislation, no matter how haphazard and incomplete it might have been, could not help but act as a gateway to further reform in Russian society. Other reforms, particularly in Russian government, followed swiftly.
Perhaps the most important of these reforms in government in Russia was the implementation of the zemstvo system in local government. Local government in Russia had been ineffective and overly bureaucratic for centuries. Since the reign of Catherine the Great in 1762 to 1796, local government in Russia had been conducted with the participation of aristocratic landowners in the governed areas. With the establishment of his new system of local government, Alexander II sought to both update the system, making it an overall better functioning government, and also to allow for a measure of democracy by incorporating the participation of the newly-emancipated serfs.
To this end, the zemstvo system included representation from the peasant and urban classes in addition to the old landowning class. The range of government programs and services governed at the local level also increased under the zemstvo to include things such as "education, medicine, veterinary service, insurance, roads, the establishment of food reserves for emergency, and many others."5
Although the zemstvo system had a number of drawbacks, it was largely a positive development for Russians and functioned very effectively until it was abolished following the rise of the Bolsheviks in 1917. For example, "in effect, Russia obtained a kind of socialized medicine through the zemstvo long before other countries, with medical and surgical treatment available free of charge."6 Such free universal access to quality healthcare is an accomplishment that would not be achieved in most of Western Europe until the twentieth century and has still not been achieved in some places in the Western world.7
In addition to the reform of local government, "at the end of 1864, the year that saw the beginning of the zemstvo administration, another major change was enacted into law: the reform of the legal system."8 In order to put an end to the corrupt and antiquated practices and approaches rampant in the Russian legal system, Alexander II decreed a number of reforms. Perhaps the most significant of these reforms was the separation of the courts from the system of administration; Alexander II made the law courts a separate branch of government from the rest of the bureaucracy.
Two other particulars of Alexander II's reform of the judiciary also stand out as of special importance among the many reforms thereof. The first is his simplifying of the system. Whereas there had formerly been a culture of secrecy and twenty-one different ways of conducting various kinds of court cases, Alexander II ordered that proceedings be done openly and that there be only two ways of conducting court. The other especially significant reform of the judiciary was the introduction of the right to trial by jury "for serious criminal offenses, while justices of the peace were established to deal with minor civil and criminal cases."9 Finally, and by far most importantly, "all Russians were to be equal before the law and receive the same treatment."10
The last of the great reforms of Alexander II was "a reorganization of the military service in 1874."11 In the spirit of democratization that ran throughout the other reforms, the military was also remodeled in the interests of equality for all people. For example, "the obligation to serve was extended from the lower classes alone to all Russians."12 In addition to widening the pool of conscripts, the minimum length of required service was also drastically reduced from 25 years, essentially a life sentence, to a mere six. A number of benefits also accrued to those were drafted, such as the guarantee of a basic education.
Czar Alexander II's reforms of Russian society and government were sweeping and changed the face of Russia permanently throughout the course of his reign. Largely implemented in the hopes of quelling rebellion and appeasing the new and ever-growing groups of radicals and revolutionaries in Russia, Alexander II's reforms went a great measure toward making Russia a more modern and certainly more democratic nation. As time would soon tell, however, his reforms were not implemented nearly soon enough nor were they, at least for a significant segment of the population and especially of the intelligentsia, nearly far-reaching enough. The opening of the twentieth century, and particularly the year 1917, would spell the end of Alexander II's reforms and of the entirety of the old way of life, and would see the implementation of much broader and much deeper changes.
1 Czar Alexander II (1855). Quoted in Bernard Pares, A History of Russia (New York: Dorset Press, 1953), 361.
2 Nicholas V. Riasanovsky and Mark D. Steinberg, A History of Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 368.
3 Ibid., 369.
7 Jaap Kooijman, … And the Pursuit of National Health: The Incremental Strategy Toward National Health Insurance in the United States of America (Atlanta: Rodopi, 1999), 23.
8 Riasanovsky and Steinberg, 371.
Kooijman, Jaap. … And the Pursuit of National Health: The Incremental Strategy Toward National Health Insurance in the United States of America . Atlanta: Rodopi, 1999.
Pares, Bernard. A History of Russia . New York: Dorset Press, 1953.
Riasanovsky, Nicholas V. and Mark D. Steinberg. A History of Russia . New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.
Author David WithunPosted on April 3, 2012 April 30, 2014 Categories aristocracy, citizen, equality, family, government, history, justice, labor, law, medicine, monarchy, oligarchy, progress, revolution, slavery, state, wealthLeave a comment on The Great Reforms of the 19th Century
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