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Savage of the Sea
I am thrilled to announce this new awesome series: Pirates of Britannia: Lords of the Sea series!
A daring brotherhood, where honor among thieves reigns supreme, and crushing their enemies is a thrilling pastime. These are the Pirates of Britannia.
Together, with USA Today Bestselling author Kathryn Le Veque, we're bringing you sexy pirates galore! Tons of adventure, passion and romance! The books I'll be writing will be Scottish heroes and Kathryn's heroes will be English. They pair up throughout the books to fight their common enemies!
Savage of the Sea is the first book in this epic new series!
A lady with a dangerous secret...
When Highland pirate prince, Shaw "Savage" MacDougall was invited to a deadly feast, he didn't know that saving a wee lass would forever change his future.
Lady Jane Lindsey, widowed at a young age, seeks refuge from her departed husband's vengeful enemies. For five years, she's held a secret that could cost her everything, including her life. When her safety is compromised, she reaches out to the only man who's protected her in the past, and offers him a bounty he cannot refuse.
A hero willing to fight for her...
Shaw's life is perfect. Whisky, women and mayhem. He wants for nothing—until Lady Jane presents a treasure he'd never considered possessing. Is he willing to risk his lethal reputation in order to save a lass he barely knows, again? Will she trust a pirate to see their arrangement through to the end? And what happens when perilous battles turn to sinful kisses? Who will save them from each other?
Edinburgh Castle, Scotland
Shaw MacDougall stood in the great hall of Edinburgh Castle with dread in the pit of his stomach. He was amongst dozens of other armored knights—though he was no knight. Nay, he was a blackmailed pirate under the guise of a mercenary for the day. And though he'd not known the job he was hired to do until he arrived at the castle, and still didn't really. He'd been told to wait until given an order, and ever since, the leather-studded armor weighed heavily on him, and sweat dripped in a steady line down his spine.
The wee King of Scotland, just ten summers, sat at the dais entertaining his guests, who were but children themselves. William Douglas, Earl of Douglas, was only sixteen, and his brother was only a year or two older than the king himself. Beside the lads was a beautiful young lass, with long golden locks that caught the light of the torches. The lass was perhaps no more than sixteen herself, though she already had a woman's body—a body he should most certainly not be looking at. And though he was only a handful of years over twenty, and might be convinced she was of age, he was positive she was far too young for him. Wide blue eyes flashed from her face and held the gaze of everyone in the room just long enough that they were left squirming. And her mouth… God, she had a mouth made to—
Ballocks! It was wrong to look at her in any way that might be construed as…desire.
There was an air of innocence about her that clashed with the cynical look she sometimes cast the earl, whom Shaw had guessed might be her husband. It wasn't hard to spot a woman unhappily married. Hell, it was a skill he'd honed while in port, as he loved to dally with disenchanted wives and leave them quite satisfied.
Unfortunately for him, he was not interested in wee virginal lasses. And so, would not be leaving that lass satisfied. Decidedly, he kept his gaze averted from her and eyed the men about the room.
Torches on the perimeter walls lit the great hall, but only dimly. None of the candelabras were burning, leaving many parts of the room cast in shadow—the corners in particular. And for Shaw, this was quite disturbing.
He was no stranger to battle—and not just any type of battle—he was intimately acquainted with guerilla warfare, the pirate way. But why the hell would he, the prince of pirates, be hired by a noble lord intimately acquainted with the king?
Shaw glanced sideways at the man who'd hired him. Sir Andrew Livingstone. Shaw's payment wasn't in coin, nay, he'd taken this mission in exchange for several members of his crew being released from the dungeons without a trial. Had he not, they'd likely have hung. Shaw had been more than happy to strike a bargain with Livingstone in exchange for his men's lives.
Now, he dreaded the thought of what that job might be.
© Eliza Knight. Affiliate links in use. All info kept private and confidential.


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Maths Tuition (Cambridge STEP)
A plug for Chris Metcalfe ( email chris@cambridgesteptuition.co.uk tel: 07752 532811)
If anyone has children (or is a child!) wanting to do maths in Cambridge then they'll need to pass the ferocious STEP examination.
A friend of mine is setting up as a private tutor for these specific exams, and is in the process of making a website.
Chris is a brilliant teacher, and is familiar with STEP both through having been an examiner for it for many years, and from having been on the sharp end of it when we were eighteen years old.
I recommend him absolutely unreservedly.
The new website's here http://www.cambridgesteptuition.co.uk, although at the moment it's just a plain page with contact details.
Chris has taught maths to bright students aspiring to Cambridge at Villiers Park for many years, and while there he produced some short videos and activity sheets to be used while teaching bright teenagers that despite being completely impossible to find are the site's most popular pages:
http://www.villierspark-online-extension-activities.org.uk/ActivityList.aspx?subject_id=13
Chris was clearly born to teach maths, and loves it, and I really hope that he makes a success of his new venture.
Please recommend him to all your friends, and if you control web sites, link to http://www.cambridgesteptuition.co.uk and use words like Cambridge, STEP, and tutor in your link.
He really is as good as I'm trying to make him sound. Give him a hand getting hits if you can.
It snowed last night, so I gave the fire its head for the first time this year, and woke up to the boat at a decadent 25 degrees.
The coal man had promised to come round 'late morning', so I cleared the snow off the roof where the coal goes, and sat in front of the fire drinking tea and listening to the radio in anticipation. While I was waiting I dusted things and cleaned things and read books. Eventually there was a tap on the window, just as the sun was at its brightest and the snow melting away.
The Tills are lovely people and it's always a pleasure to get coal from them. They'd noticed that I'd written a blog post recommending them and were very grateful. They deliver direct to the roof despite the trouble it takes to bring a coal lorry onto Midsummer Common. We stuck half a ton of Taybrite on the top. That should last the winter with some to spare.
Once they'd gone I changed out of my coal clothes and sat in front of the fire again, meaning to go out, but the radio had become enchanting.
Ruby Hughes was singing Schubert's romantic songs live from the Wigmore Hall in a thrilling voice.
There's something about a soprano singing German well that takes the breath away.
How cruel the world is to make me so in love with such sounds; a platonic ideal, of which birdsong is only a shadow on the wall; and yet unable ever to make them.
It's bizarre to find yourself sitting completely alone, crying and clapping and shouting brava at the radio.
But it did make me feel like I'd had a part in bringing her back for her encore, just as the announcer had given up and was handing us back.
She sang a Benjamin Britten arrangement of various sentimental songs that I know from childhood. I've always thought that Britten's arrangements of folksongs rather missed the point, but when Ruby sang O Waly Waly you could see what he'd been driving at after all.
I had to turn the radio off once she'd finished. It seemed a terrible shame to overwrite the memory of something so beautiful with any further music.
I have gone for a walk in the snow.
Animated Factors
This is cool:
http://www.datapointed.net/visualizations/math/factorization/animated-diagrams/

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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'Borat da!' Sacha Baron Cohen's Welsh roots revealed
Sacha Baron Cohen reprises his role in 'Borat Subsequent Moviefilm.'
Nathan Abrams, Professor of Film at Bangor University
Nation.Cymru has reported how an image of Sacha Baron Cohen, as Kazakh reporter Borat Sagdiyev, has been projected onto Cardiff Castle wearing his iconic "mankini", in an advertisement for his upcoming "Subsequent Moviefilm" – or Borat 2 as it has been dubbed.
This, at first sight, may seem bizarre – what has Borat got to do with Cardiff and has he even visited Wales? The reality is less so for his creator, Sacha Baron Cohen, is half Welsh and his father once owned a store opposite the castle.
Jagshemash Cardiff! Castle is very niiice *high five* #Borat pic.twitter.com/hAQGNkBLdI
— Amazon Prime Video UK (@primevideouk) October 21, 2020
Chaim Baron was an Ashkenazi Jew who emigrated to Britain from Belarus in the wake of pogroms in the 1880s. He settled in the Welsh capital of Cardiff with his second wife Amelia, whose father, an immigrant from Poland, had worked in a sweatshop in London's East End.
Chaim made his living as a jeweller, pawnbroker and handyman. He went on to have 15 children, raising them in a "typically warm Orthodox Jewish home".
One of those children was Sacha's grandfather, Morris (Moishe), who was born in Whitechapel, but like many Jews at that time, fled London with their parents as the Second World War approached. They moved in with their Yiddish-speaking grandparents in a small isolated labourer's cottage in Pontypridd, buying a kosher chicken from Cardiff every Friday night.
Morris found a job in a menswear shop and the family settled in Morganstown, on the northern outskirts of Cardiff. As Jews, they stood out, being subject to antisemitism from their teachers.
Like many other Jew sons of their time, Gerald ended up joining his father in the family business which they built into a thriving menswear retail company with outlets in Wales and London. They included Baron of Piccadilly in London and Morris Cowan in Newport.
Well-known for their hand-tailored "Baron Suit", the company bought out Calders in the 1960s when it had already been established for 50 years in Cardiff.
Gerald handled the bookkeeping. In a recent New York Times interview, Baron Cohen described how he was an accountant for a very small gentleman's men's wear business. The business "was so unfashionable that many of the brands actually pulled their clothes out of my dad's shop when they wanted to become fashionable again".
The family moved to London before Sacha Baron Cohen was born. He was raised in London in a Jewish household and is fluent in Hebrew (which he speaks in the first movie).
Baron Cohen joins the roster of other Welsh Jewish comedians, including David Baddiel and Bennett Arron, but that is another story.
In a sign of recalling his Jewish roots, in an earlier incarnation, as Ali G, Baron Cohen did visit Wales where he is shown receiving a basic lesson in the language.
Next time, Sacha Baron Cohen can tweet 'Shwmae a Shalom Caerdydd!'


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AuroSwords
Hic Sunt Dracones
Gallery / Galería
Fiction & Fantasy
Sword and Quill / Pluma y Espada
Fantasy/Fantasía
Science Fiction/Ciencia Ficción
Online Stories/Historias en línea
Dragons & Swords / Dragones & Espadas
The First Dragon of China
Posted on 5 June, 2018 14 June, 2018 by aurosjnc in HIC SUNT DRACONES, In Dracones
Even to these days, dragons in China are commonly regarded as benign symbols that were associated with rain, water sources and power. Chinese dragons typically appear as a blend of the physical attributes of several different creatures: the body of a snake, the antlers of a deer, the scales of a carp, and the paws of a tiger are some of them; thus, the Chinese scholar Wen Yiduo proposed that the combination of all of these animals represented the political assimilation of different tribes who had a different animal as their totem (1). However, dragons were depicted in art much earlier than any such significant union of the early Chinese communities could have existed, and they did not include all this complex assembly of animal body parts yet.
But then, how did dragons first appear in China? Well, even though there does not seem to be any conclusive evidence on how or why these fantastical creatures were conceived in the psyche of the early inhabitants of the region, archaeologists and historians have unearthed a few clues that might help us trace the origins of the Chinese dragon.
The image of the dragon as an ideological phenomenon emerged during the first phase of the Jade Age around 3500-2300 BC in the Hongshan cultural period. Hongshan settlements occupied the area stretching from the Liao River in southeastern Inner Mongolia to northeastern Hebei, Liaoning and south central and western Jilin provinces in China; in the 1970's, excavations at the Hongshanhou site in Liaoning province retrieved an important number of sophisticated jade (nephrite) sculptures, one of them being the so-called "pig-dragon" (Figure A), as archaeologists have labeled it (2). The name derives from the features of its face, which is similar to a pig or a boar, and its curling body that reminds us of a snakelike dragon. This pig-dragon has a pair of earflaps on its head, circular eye sockets above tear-shaped nostrils and jaws with opposing upward and downward pointing tusks; it has a hole in the middle so that it can be suspended from the neck, its tail and head remain connected by a narrow slice of jade, and it seems to be coiled in fetal form (3).
Figure A — Jade coiled dragon, Hongshan Culture (c. 4700-2920 B.C.) found at a tomb at Niuheliang, Jianping, Liaoning Province, Liaoning Provincial Institute of Archaeology, Shenyang.
The basic traits of this dragon reappear in the C-shaped jades of the Lower Xiajiadian culture (2600-1600 BC), as exemplified by the Sanxingtala dragon jade (Figure B). This dragon has a rather narrow coiled body, long tear-shaped eyes, a closed mouth with no tusks, and its tail is no longer connected to its head. The earflaps are replaced by a ribbon or feather-like extension sprouting from its neck. Nevertheless, the basic embryonic form of the dragon still survives in this piece as well as in other similar examples, a motif that is also present in the artistic manifestations of dragons well into the Longshan period (3000-2000 BC) as demonstrated by some of the jades and ceramic works of the time (Figures C and D).
Figure B — C-shaped jade dragon (2200-1600 BC), Lower Xiajiadian culture, excavated at Sanxingtala, Ongniud Banner, Inner Mongolia, Autonomous Region National Museum of China, Beijing.
Figure C — Jade coiled dragon (2800-2300 BC), Lingjiatan, Anhui, Longshan period [from Childs-Johnson (2017), Jade Dragons and Dragon Origins]
Figure D — Red and black painted pan basin (2300-2000 BC), Taosi, Shanxi, Longshan period [from Childs-Johnson (2017), Jade Dragons and Dragon Origins]
It is also noteworthy that the Late Shang era (1600-1046 BC) logograph for qiu 虯, "dragon", in some oracle bone inscriptions from the late Shang period (1600-1046 a. C.) has the distinct shape of the pig-dragon and its subsequent variants, meaning that by this time the dragon had finally been incorporated in the mindset of the people of the time as an ideological entity (4). Now, this still does not tell us much about the mythical nature and significance of the early Chinese dragons, but a closer look at the jade pig-dragon and the sites where these jades were found might prove useful.
Figure E — Logographs for qiu 虯,"dragon" in bone script [from Childs-Johnson (2017), Jade Dragons and Dragon Origins]
Dragon jades were commonly found at elite male tombs at chest level, so it is highly likely that Hongshan chieftains wore them for display, which endowed them with mythical power (5) —though it is worth mentioning that the pig-dragon was not the only heraldic symbol among them: other animals and symbols that also served this purpose were found inside the tombs. Similar jades were also found in ceremonial sites of a different nature, such as the Niu I "Goddess Temple" at the Niuheliang complex in Liaoning Province, Northeast China. Large scale ceramics of animal parts with the head of the pig-dragon and some raised reliefs that refer to the form of the pig-dragon jades were found in the main chamber, together with the remains of female figurines depicting women in a seated or cross-legged posture (6). Similarly, at the Dongshanzui site in the counties of Kezuo and Lingyuan archaeologists found jade works of art in the shape of two-headed dragon near a circular platform with ceramic torsos of pregnant women (7). Therefore, it is possible that the dragon may have been somewhat connected with fertility or fertility deities.
Under the light of these facts, we can analyze the symbolism behind the "pig-dragon. In the first place, we can see that the pig-dragon was regarded a heraldic symbol of power by the Hongshan communities, so it should not strike as surprising that this attribute has lingered within the image of the dragon to the point that it has been traditionally associated with Chinese monarchs —emperors such as Qin Shi Huang (Figure F) and Zhu Di are often portrayed wearing robes with dragon motifs, and the imperial flag of China displayed an azure dragon on a yellow field.
Figure F — Qin Shi Huang, the first emperor of China, c.a. 1850 [retrieved from Yuan, Zhongyi. China's terracotta army and the First Emperor's mausoleum: the art and culture of Qin Shihuang's underground palace. Paramus, New Jersey (p.140)]
The link between the dragon-pig and fertility is the second aspect we must analyze. Remains of pigs and wild boars are more common than those of any other animal in late Neolithic burials in China, so these creatures may have been associated with the agricultural needs of those early settlements (8); furthermore, there are references in Han art and classical texts that link the boar with thunder and rain (9), this last phenomenon being of utmost importance for growing crops and farming. If we combine the symbolism of the boar with that of the snake, a creature that was associated with river deities (10) and with water in the philosophical system of Wu Xing, we actually obtain the basic ideological and physical features of the dragon pig, and perhaps for all later dragon representations. The embryonic, C-form of the dragon-pig might also suggest an additional relationship with fertility (we have previously mentioned that dragon jades and ceramic figures of fertility goddesses were found at certain Hongshan temples), but that assumption is only based on superficial observation since there is no way to prove that that was the intended purpose of the artists who made them. In any case, it seems logical that these characteristics match the Chinese dragon as well as its legendary attributes as a supernatural being with the power to control water, typhoons and rain.
It is interesting to note that, despite its unique traits, this dragon-pig also shared certain similarities with its early Mesopotamian counterparts: both were associated with water, fertility and power, both embody part of the mythical symbolism of the snake, and both were first represented in art in almost the same time frame (3500-2000 BC). However, we cannot yet determine whether this was just a fascinating happenstance or a possible byproduct of cross-cultural exchange between merchants or travelers who might have reached distant trade routes.
As we have seen, the dragon-pig was the first guise of the legendary long, which would carry the figurative eminency of its predecessor as a regal symbol. Of course, there is still much more that can be said about the evolution of the image of the dragon in East Asia, yet I promise I will address this topic in the future.
(1) Cartwright, M. (2017, September 29). The Dragon in Ancient China. Ancient History Encyclopedia. Retrieved from https://www.ancient.eu/article/1125/
(2) Childs-Johnson, Elizabeth (1991) Jades of the Hongshan Culture: The Dragon and Fertility Cult Worship, in Arts Asiatiques, tome 46, 1991, p. 82.
(3) Childs-Johnson, Elizabeth (2017) Jade Dragons and Dragon Origins. Catalog: Mythical Beasts (The Power of the Dragon), 2017, pp. 9-10.
(4) Childs-Johnson, Elizabeth (2017) Jade Dragons and Dragon Origins. Catalog: Mythical Beasts (The Power of the Dragon), 2017, p. 10.
(6) Childs-Johnson, Elizabeth (1991) Jades of the Hongshan Culture: The Dragon and Fertility Cult Worship, in Arts Asiatiques, tome 46, 1991, pp. 89-90.
(8) Shoudao, Sun (1984) Sangxintala Hongshan wenhua yulong kao, in Childs-Johnson, Elizabeth (1991) Jades of the Hongshan Culture: The Dragon and Fertility Cult Worship, p. 89.
(10) Eberhard, Wolfram (2003 [1986 (German version 1983)]), A Dictionary of Chinese Symbols: Hidden Symbols in Chinese Life and Thought. London, New York: Routledge.
Tagged Chinese Dragons, Dragon jades, Dragon Origins, Dragon-pig, Dragons, Dragons and Snakes, Dragons from East Asia, Hongshan Dragons, Hongshan jades, Long, Mongolian Dragons, Qin Shi Huang, The First Dragon of China
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Working on some projects, looking for good stories.	View all posts by aurosjnc
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Análisis de Heridas de Duelos: El Testimonio Histórico del Dr. Hugues Ravaton, por Daniel Cristi Santander
Mantenimiento de Espadas – Escuela de Esgrima Bellatores (REBLOG)
Heridas del Rey Ricardo III – Traducción libre del artículo de Stephanie Pappas, por Daniel Cristi Santander
La Espada Ropera
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Home Food & Drink Best in Manchester Manchester gets first Michelin star in over 40 years for Mana in...
Manchester gets first Michelin star in over 40 years for Mana in Ancoats
Michelin promised "a year of firsts" - and it really was as Manchester was awarded its first star in decades
Louise Rhind-Tutt
The new Michelin starred restaurants in the Great Britain and Ireland Guide 2020 have just been announced, with a "record breaking" number of new entries. But the question we're all asking is – is this Manchester's year?
Brothers Édouard and André Michelin founded their eponymous tyre company in 1889, and the first guide to the 'British Isles' was published in 1911 with practical advice for motorists.
The Great Britain and Ireland guide as we know it – now solely a restaurant and hotel guide, with its recognisable red cover – was launched in 1974. It featured 981 restaurants that year, 25 of which were awarded One Star. The guide took four years to prepare and over 15,000 hotels and restaurants were assessed, with just 3,642 selected for inclusion.
Today, the Michelin Guide rates over 30,000 establishments in more than 30 territories spread across three continents, and more than 30 million Michelin Guides have been sold worldwide. There's no doubting its impact.
But the last time Manchester city centre was awarded a Michelin star was back in 1974, and it seems to many critics and chefs that the city's culinary offering is overlooked year after year. Indeed, there hasn't been a single star across the whole of Greater Manchester since the closure of Juniper in Altrincham, which held one for 11 years until 2008.
Potential Michelin contenders this year included several restaurants across Manchester, including ex-Noma chef Simon Martin's Mana, Adam Reid at The French, Enxaneta at Tast with a menu by multi-Michelin starred Paco Perez, Stockport's Where The Light Gets In, and Restaurant MCR by Aiden Byrne, the restaurant formerly known as Manchester House.
The Michelin Guide's international director Gwendal Poullennec promised "a year of firsts" during this year's announcement. And the big question… did any of the Manchester favourites make the grade?
The answer is… YES!
Ancoats restaurant Mana was perhaps favourite to get a star this year, tipped by fans and critics alike.
It was the only Manchester restaurant to make The Estrella Damm National Restaurant Awards list of the top 100 restaurants in the UK recently, and as we said in our review there's nothing else quite like it in Manchester. The Ancoats opening has been one of the most-talked-about in the past year.
Marina O'Loughlin, reviewing it for The Sunday Times in July, eloquently expressed what we were all thinking.
"I've tried to avoid mentioning Manchester's what-us-bovvered? huff over being ignored, year after year, by Michelin," she wrote.
"Here, I am failing at the final hurdle. If Mana doesn't get a star, it'll be pretty much proof of what I've long suspected: the tyre floggers are having a sniggery time trolling the city.
"This isn't a good restaurant by Manchester standards; this is a good restaurant by world standards."
The following month in The Guardian, Grace Dent made a similar prediction. "Mana is the sound of Manchester turning a corner," she wrote. "I hope the men with the stars agree."
And, luckily for Manchester, they did.
So what are Michelin inspectors actually looking for when they award stars?
It's the food on the plate, nothing more, they recently revealed in an anonymous piece on their website titled 'A Day in the Life of an Inspector'.
"One of the great misconceptions of our guide is that we are somehow concerned with the colour of the curtains or the style of the service.
"But really, it's just the food – the restaurant could be the swankiest, most comfortable place in the world but if the food isn't that great, we aren't going to have it in our guide."
And it's not the only good Michelin news for Manchester. Last week El Gato Negro was awarded a Michelin Bib Gourmand for the fourth year running for providing "exceptionally good food at moderate prices."
"To get a Michelin Bib Gourmand or Star is hard, such a small percentage of restaurants make the cut. It's a real seal of approval," says El Gato's chef patron and creative director Simon Shaw.
"There are a number of great guides out there, and they, along with regional listings, are all really important. The Michelin Guide is really the most prestigious however. It reaches people outside of your immediate catchment and brings people in, I'm regularly told people found us through the Guide."
A star is important to any city looking to position itself as a leading destination outside of London, believes Simon Shaw.
"The food scene is a key part of the regional economy, people plan weekends around where they're going to dine and what they're going to see. They might base that decision on one restaurant or event but when they're there they'll frequent so many more.
"The Michelin Guide is used more widely outside of the UK than it is in, especially across Europe. For a city like Manchester that has a strong tourism trade, or for a city looking to build one, a Michelin Star definitely has value, it elevates not just the restaurant's profile but that of the town or city.
"From a chef's perspective it's the pinnacle of success."
Congratulations, Mana and El Gato Negro. Manchester's culinary scene is on the up and no mistake.
Manchester chefs
Six By Nico unveils first Manchester tasting menu of 2020
Manchester chefs predict the food trends we'll see in 2020
Manchester chefs reveal what they REALLY eat when they're off duty
Porky Pig launch new Chicken Wednesdays with all the dishes you could wish for
Get the most out of Manchester this winter with these Funzing...


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Kim Peretti
Alston & Bird
Margaret Reid
Randy Vanderhoof
US Payments Forum
Denyette DePierro
American Bankers Association
Creating a Continuous Monitoring Culture
Facing Similar Challenges as Those Posed by ERP Systems Eric Chabrow (GovInfoSecurity) • December 12, 2012 5 Minutes
It will be a few years until many organizations reach a level of maturity with continuous monitoring. Getting there will take organizationwide acceptance, says George Schu of Booz Allen Hamilton.
"They need to adapt to a new way of doing things," Schu says in an interview with Information Security Media Group [transcript below]. "Implicit in the success of doing this well is a kind of cultural acceptance of the new process, perhaps some organizational change and training."
It's not all about the technology. "It's certainly the people dimension and understanding what needs to be done to get people to accept it and make this go successfully," says Schu, a senior vice president at the business advisory firm.
Continuous monitoring is becoming an integral part of cybersecurity, says Schu, highlighting how it's being packaged in relationship with the risk management framework developed by the National Institute of Standards and Technology. "Security really needs to be looked at through the prism of risk to the enterprise," he says.
In the interview, Schu:
Explains the difference between continuous and constant monitoring;
Discusses the potential savings continuous monitoring should offer organizations;
Addresses how businesses can learn from the federal government's implementation of continuous monitoring.
Schu is responsible for Booz Allen's cybersecurity, identity and risk management, cloud security and program compliance business in government and industry.
Before joining Booz Allen in 2007, Schu held management posts at Verisign and Oracle. Retired from the U.S. Navy, Schu served as commanding officer of Corry Station, a technical training base in Pensacola, Fla., and led the training of members of all services and foreign students in cybersecurity, electronic warfare and cryptology.
ERIC CHABROW: Some people think of continuous monitoring as constant monitoring, which it isn't. Please define continuous monitoring.
GEORGE SCHU: You're right. There are a lot of different ideas about it. If you follow the NIST definition, they define it as maintaining ongoing awareness of information security, vulnerabilities and threats to support organization risk management decisions. That's the definition that NIST has put forth of continuous monitoring and that's Special Publication 800-137.
CHABROW: How well are government agencies doing in implementing continuous monitoring?
SCHU: We haven't really kicked off a formal program yet. There are some agencies that have begun doing it, but there needs to be a more formal effort where everybody is operating from the same set of rules and set of tools, not that everybody needs the same tools. There will be a number of vendors that will be producing tools to do continuous monitoring, but they need to follow guidance that NIST puts out and DHS puts out. We're doing it in a very spotty way right now because it's right at the beginning of the continuous monitoring era.
CHABROW: If I understand, OMB is requiring all agencies to do continuous monitoring. Is that correct?
SCHU: That's right.
Challenges Facing Organizations
CHABROW: What are the challenges that are facing organizations? Why is it so difficult for them to implement this?
SCHU: The tools themselves are new. There isn't a governmentwide contract available to agencies to have this done. Now, agencies can go to providers on their own contracts, but DHS is trying to kick off a governmentwide effort by issuing a governmentwide contract through FEDSIM, which is a GSA office, to have one vehicle that's available to all of the government that will have competed and qualified tools and service providers available to the government on that contract.
CHABROW: Is this expensive?
SCHU: I think that's in the category of the unknown right now. The ideal is that this will be more affordable, but more importantly, more effective, than the process that this will supersede, which was called Certification and Accreditation. We did C&A right after the FISMA Act was past in 2002. C&As were required for all federal systems, but in time security managers of agencies felt that C&As were not enough because they were on a snapshot in time of the security status of a system. That's the background for why we came up with something called continuous monitoring. The ideal would be that continuous monitoring would be more price-efficient than C&As. You will be getting a better result from doing continuous monitoring than what you were getting out of Certification and Accreditation. To say whether it's cheaper then C&As, I don't think we know yet. To answer your question fully, we can only do that once we get continuous monitoring throughout the government.
Broader Cybersecurity Approach
CHABROW: How does continuous monitoring fit into a broader approach to cybersecurity?
SCHU: That's a good way to think about this. It's going to be a very important part of cybersecurity. There's no silver bullet and certainly continuous monitoring is not a silver bullet. What's interesting about continuous monitoring is the way it's being packaged in relationship to the risk management framework that was developed by NIST. Security really needs to be looked at through the prism of risk to the enterprise.
Continuous monitoring will certainly improve the risk assessment of the enterprise, but the security ecosystem has many other parts to it. We will continue to do awareness services to agencies, like we're getting from U.S. CERT and other national cyber centers like NCIJTF and other national cyber centers, providing the indications and warning threats and attacks that are about to happen, or analysis of attacks that have happened. It's all part of the bigger cyber ecosystem that needs to be working in a harmonious way so that agencies are secure.
Continuous Monitoring in Other Sectors
CHABROW: When you talk about continuous monitoring in government, how are other sectors dealing with continuous monitoring?
SCHU: The government is ahead of what we're seeing in other sectors. Once continuous monitoring is implemented and tested in the government, it's something that would be appropriate for the critical infrastructure operators in the private sector. If it's not there yet in the tools, the services for continuous monitoring are still being developed and haven't really been fully implemented any place. I see that happening in the private sector after the first wave in the government.
Reaching Maturity
CHABROW: When you talk about the first wave in the government, how long do you think that will take until it gets to a certain level of maturity that's being effective?
SCHU: I would say three to five years, based on other processes that we have seen rolled out, what it takes to have a successful rollout and what it takes to shake out the bugs and have an implementation that's fully functioning and satisfying the requirement of the process.
Necessary Skills
CHABROW: Are there certain skills an organization needs to have on-board to successfully implement continuous monitoring?
SCHU: There's definitely the classic cybersecurity skills. Network security engineers are needed. Analysis skills are needed so that you understand what the continuous monitoring is telling you about what's going on in your networks. I think it's many of the skills that we have developed over the years around cybersecurity, but it's applying those skills in new ways and using new tools to do the continuous monitoring.
CHABROW: What are the biggest challenges organizations face in implementing continuous monitoring, and how can they be met?
SCHU: An analogue to continuous monitoring is any big change that a new system introduces to an organization: a new system, a new way of doing things, a new process to the enterprise. A good analogue to that would be the implementation of an ERM system, an enterprise resource management system. That's often a tough thing on an organization because people inherently resist any new process. They like the way they've been doing things all along and they need to adapt to a new way of doing things. Implicit in the success of doing this well is a kind of cultural acceptance of the new process, perhaps some organizational change and training, so it's not just all about technology. It's certainly the people dimension and understanding what needs to be done to get people to accept it and make this go successfully.
Next-Generation Technologies & Secure Development
Privacy Protection: U.S. Falls Short
How a Breach Led to Change in Culture
The Ultimate Buyer's Guide: Security Service Edge
The Ultimate Buyer's Guide: Cloud Secure Web Gateway
Forrester Consulting Study: The Total Economic Impact™ Of Guardicore, An Akamai Technologies Company
Essential Guide to Machine Data: Infrastructure Machine Data
Leveraging a Highly Effective Combination of Human and Machine Power
https://www.careersinfosecurity.com/interviews/creating-continuous-monitoring-culture-i-1733


text:
Search JTA's historical archive dating back to 1923
See Original Daily Bulletin From This Date
British Jewish activists helped defeat a plan to twin the city of Preston with the West Bank city of Nablus. The Manchester Zionist Central Council and the Jewish Representative Council of Greater Manchester wrote to town counselors, asking if they "really wanted to play host to people who teach their children to hate Jews and Israelis, and whose religious leaders actively promote and encourage suicide bombers?"
The Archive of the Jewish Telegraphic Agency includes articles published from 1923 to 2008. Archive stories reflect the journalistic standards and practices of the time they were published.
From Notre Dame to Prague, Europe's anti-Semitism is literally carved in stone
By	Toni L. Kamins	 March 20, 2015 11:07 am
From the Archive: In Selma, sold-out yarmulkes and Shabbat behind bars
By	Gabe Friedman	 January 17, 2015 9:00 pm
From the Archive: Jews immigrating to Spain
By	Gabe Friedman	 December 13, 2014 8:46 pm
From the Archive: Jews welcome the stranger
By	Raffi Wineburg	 November 30, 2014 1:22 pm
From the Archive: Synagogues under fire
By	Raffi Wineburg	 November 23, 2014 10:38 am
From the Archive: They came to bury Yasser, not to praise him
By	Julie Wiener	 November 14, 2014 1:20 pm


text:
Toxic Substances Portal - HMX (Octogen)
HMX (Octogen)
1.1 What is HMX?
1.2 What happens to HMX when it enters the environment?
1.3 How might I be exposed to HMX?
1.4 How can HMX enter and leave my body?
1.5 How can HMX affect my health?
1.6 Is there a medical test to determine whether I have been exposed to HMX?
Public Health Statement for HMX
(HMX)
CAS#: 2691-41-0
This Public Health Statement is the summary chapter from the Toxicological Profile for HMX. It is one in a series of Public Health Statements about hazardous substances and their health effects. A shorter version, the ToxFAQsTM, is also available. This information is important because this substance may harm you. The effects of exposure to any hazardous substance depend on the dose, the duration, how you are exposed, personal traits and habits, and whether other chemicals are present. For more information, call the ATSDR Information Center at 1-888-422-8737.
This Statement was prepared to give you information about HMX and to emphasize the human health effects that may result from exposure to it. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has identified 1,416 hazardous waste sites as the most serious in the nation. These sites make up the National Priorities List (NPL) and are the sites targeted for long-term federal cleanup activities. HMX has been found in at least 10 of the sites on the NPL. However, the number of NPL sites evaluated for HMX is not known. As EPA evaluates more sites, the number of sites at which HMX is found may increase. This information is important because exposure to HMX may cause harmful health effects and because these sites are potential or actual sources of human exposure to HMX.
If you are exposed to a substance such as HMX, many factors will determine whether harmful health effects will occur and what the type and severity of those health effects will be. These factors include the dose (how much), the duration (how long), the route or pathway by which you are exposed (breathing, eating, drinking, or skin contact), the other chemicals to which you are exposed, and your individual characteristics such as age, gender, nutritional status, family traits, life-style, and state of health.
HMX, an acronym for High Melting eXplosive, is also known as octogen and cyclotetramethylenetetranitramine, as well as by other names. It is a colorless solid that dissolves slightly in water. Only a very small amount of HMX will evaporate into the air; however, it can occur in air attached to suspended particles or dust. The taste and smell of HMX are not known.
HMX is a manmade chemical and does not occur naturally in the environment. It is made from other chemicals known as hexamine, ammonium nitrate, nitric acid, and acetic acid. HMX explodes violently at high temperatures (534°F and above). Because of this property, HMX is used in nuclear devices, plastic explosives, rocket fuels, and burster chargers. A small amount of HMX is also formed in making cyclotrimethylene-trinitramine (RDX), another explosive similar in structure to HMX. The amount of HMX made and used in the United States at present is not known, but it is believed to be greater than 30 million pounds per year.
Most of the HMX that enters the environment is released into waste water from places that make or use HMX. A small amount of HMX can be released to the air as dust or ash from facilities that burn waste contaminated with HMX. Some HMX may be released to soil as a result of accidental spills, the settling of HMX-containing dust particles from the air, or the disposal of waste that contains HMX in landfills.
Dust particles containing HMX may be carried by the wind for some distance. The distance depends on a number of factors, including particle size, wind velocity, and weather conditions. Eventually, these particles settle to the earth, depositing on soil and surface waters. The length of time that HMX remains in the air is not known.
In surface water, HMX does not evaporate or bind to sediments to any large extent. Sunlight breaks down most of the HMX in surface water into other compounds, usually in a matter of days to weeks. The amount of time HMX remains in surface water depends on how much light-absorbing material is present. A small amount of HMX may also be broken down by bacteria in the water. Some of the breakdown products of HMX (nitrite, nitrate, formaldehyde, 1,1-dimethylhydrazine) are also harmful to your health, although the amounts you may be exposed to as a result of HMX in your drinking water are not expected to be above trace levels.
Laboratory studies show that HMX is likely to move from soil into groundwater, particularly in sandy soils. For most soils, however, the movement of HMX into groundwater is expected to be slow. Bacteria in the soil are not expected to break down HMX to any large extent. Exactly how long HMX will remain in the environment is not known; however, HMX in soil and groundwater is expected to stay there for a long time. It is not known if plants, fish, or animals living in areas contaminated with HMX build up high levels of the chemical in their tissues.
There is no information on how often you might be exposed to HMX in the environment or to how much. Most people, however, probably won't be exposed to HMX from the environment. People who work at facilities that make or use HMX or RDX, such as military personnel, may be exposed. These workers may be exposed by inhaling dusts that contain HMX or by getting HMX-containing liquids on their skin. People who live near facilities that make or use HMX, or near hazardous waste sites that contain HMX, may also be exposed. For these residents, exposure (if any) is most likely to occur from contaminated groundwater. However, exposures to small amounts of HMX from contaminated surface water, soil, and air are also possible.
HMX can enter your body if you breathe contaminated air, swallow contaminated water or soil, or get substances that contain HMX on your skin. Very little is known about how much and how fast HMX enters your body after you are exposed.
Limited information from laboratory studies in animals suggests that if you swallow HMX, only a small amount (less than 5 percent) will be absorbed into your blood. The rest of the HMX that is not absorbed leaves your body in your feces, usually within a day or two after you are exposed. Your blood carries the small amount of absorbed HMX to your tissues. Animal studies suggest that the resulting concentrations of HMX in your lungs, liver, heart, and kidneys may be slightly higher than the concentrations in other tissues.
HMX does not remain in any of your tissues for very long. Information from animal studies suggests that your body can transform HMX into other compounds called metabolites. At present, the identity and toxicity of these metabolites are not known. Most of these metabolites leave your body in your urine, usually within a few days after you are exposed. Smaller amounts of these metabolites may be released in your feces or in the air you breathe out.
Information on the adverse health effects of HMX is limited. In one human study, no adverse effects were reported in workers exposed to HMX in air.
However, the concentrations of HMX in the workplace air were not reported in this study, and only a small number of workers and effects were investigated.
Studies in rats, mice, and rabbits indicate that HMX may be harmful to your liver and central nervous system if it is swallowed or gets on your skin. The lowest dose producing any effects in animals was 100 milligrams per kilogram of body weight per day (mg/kg/day) orally and 165 mg/kg/day on the skin. Limited evidence suggests that even a single exposure to these dose levels harmed rabbits. The mechanism by which HMX causes adverse effects on the liver and nervous system is not understood.
The reproductive and developmental effects of HMX have not been well studied in humans or animals. At present, the information needed to determine if HMX causes cancer is insufficient. Due to the lack of information, EPA has determined that HMX is not classifiable as to its human carcinogenicity.
You can find out if you have been exposed to HMX by having your blood, urine, or feces tested for HMX. Since HMX is poorly absorbed after it is swallowed, the levels of HMX in your blood and urine are likely to be lower than those in your feces. For best results, tests for HMX should be done within a few days after you are exposed. These tests cannot be used to tell how much HMX you have been exposed to or to predict whether or not you will experience adverse health effects. These tests are not usually done in a doctor's office, but require that the samples be sent to a laboratory for testing.
The federal government has made several regulations and guidelines to protect human health. EPA recommends that the concentration of HMX in an adult's drinking water be less than 0.40 milligrams per liter (mg/L) for a lifetime exposure. EPA regulates waste containing HMX as hazardous and has set restrictions on its disposal in landfills. The Department of State regulates the exportation of HMX, and the Department of Transportation regulates its transportation. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms regulates the importation, manufacture, distribution, and storage of HMX.
Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (ATSDR). 1997. Toxicological profile for HMX. Atlanta, GA: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service.


text:
World SF
A Short History of South Asian Speculative Fiction: Part I
Mimi Mondal
Tue Jan 30, 2018 12:00pm 20 comments 13 Favorites [+]
Cover of The Blaft Anthology of Tamil Pulp Fiction, Vol. 3
I have never read an article on South Asian speculative fiction (there are many) that didn't feel painfully incomplete to me, so I decided to write my own. South Asian literature is a large and often unwieldy mass, emerging from disparate influences, even if we discount the regional languages and talk about only the works in the English. Speculative stories pop up in the most unexpected places. There is no uniform tradition and reading list, so I will try to touch on everything a little. (Perhaps inevitably, I will leave out some works of which I remain unaware—there is always more to learn, and to read.)
To begin with, nonrealist narratives abound in a culture where the major religion is pantheistic with no finite canon of scriptures. Unlike the Greek, Norse, or any other pantheon that is no longer actively worshiped, not every new piece of writing featuring Hindu gods is fantasy, or intended to be so. The largest body of Hinduism-related works currently available are instructional, philosophical, myth-revisionist, and (increasingly) right-wing religious propaganda. Epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata are still actively read by thousands of people seeking words to live by, just like the Bible. Hinduism is one of the four major world religions, with more than 15% of the world's population adhering to it. Many of them are faithful and like to write about their beliefs. It pains me to find Western readers regularly conflating such works with fantasy. To think of other people's actual faith as speculative fiction is a fairly heinous act of racism. Don't be that person. In this article, I will only discuss narratives that are clearly intended to be read as works of fiction.
The Collected Short Stories
(translated from the
Bengali) by Satyajit Ray
A genre is defined by its own tradition as well as publishing conventions—hence the confusion over how to classify authors like Margaret Atwood or Haruki Murakami, who don't actively identify as fantasy writers—but the further you go into history, genres tend to be defined by their actual format, as well. "Science fiction" as a distinct, recognizable genre term only came together in the early twentieth century, "fantasy" a few decades afterwards. The novel did not become a recognizable format until the late eighteenth century, and short stories were still kind of vague until the mid-nineteenth-century periodical boom in England. Older works—epics and folk tales from various cultures, the plays of Shakespeare, even relatively newer works like Frankenstein or Alice in Wonderland—can only be read as precursors of ideas and tropes that are further explored in SFF as it came to be, but not works in the genre itself. The authors of those works were not working within the genre, and their works cannot be completely made to fit into the genre conventions as we know them.
Why is this quick-and-dirty history-and-genre-theory lecture relevant to a discussion of South Asian speculative fiction?
Because without it, it's impossible to recognize which works from a primarily non-Western but also postcolonial culture were written clearly to be genre, or even fiction. South Asia had a significant culture of letters in several languages for centuries before British colonization, including not only religious works but also poetry, plays, nonfiction, and oral narratives. Those works are not novels or short stories, and the boundaries of religious-vs-secular and realism-vs-nonrealism in them are often blurred, because these binaries which we now take for granted are also developments from Western literary thought.
Earliest Works of South Asian SFF
Thakumar Jhuli (Bengali) by
Dakshinaranjan Mitra Majumdar
The earliest novels and short stories in South Asia started appearing in the mid-nineteenth century, usually from writers who had the privilege of an English education and could read literature in English, in a country that was still the British Indian Empire. The shorthand to refer to this region would be India, since it was still that, but many of these authors may have lived their lives entirely within the parts of it that are now Pakistan and Bangladesh.
These earliest writers were also divided in their vision and the languages they worked in—some chose to write in English, others to adapt those essentially English formats to their own regional vernaculars. Many wrote in both. The works written in regional languages are perhaps more innovative in their craft since their authors were linguistic pioneers as well, but they have aged less well, especially to international readerships. They were also more popular in their time, since more readers had access to them, and had more influence on how the genre progressed to later readers and writers.
Bengali, Urdu, and Tamil were among the earliest languages of genre fiction in British India, with the publishers based out of—respectively—Calcutta, Lucknow, and Madras. The earliest works were horror, crime, "sensation" and detective stories, tall tales in the folkloric style (both original and curated), not unlike the genre fiction that was being written in England during the same decades.
What to read from this period:
Tilism-e-Hoshruba by
Muhammad Husain Jah,
translated from the Urdu
by Musharraf Ali Farooqi
Dastan-e Amir Hamza (1855), tall-tale adventures in Urdu by Ghalib Lakhnavi, translated to English by Musharraf Ali Farooqi
Tilism-e-Hoshruba (1883), an oral-folktale-style epic in Urdu by Muhammad Husain Jah, translated to English by Musharraf Ali Farooqi. The first volume of this translation is available on Tor.com.
Chandrakanta (1888), an epic fantasy novel in Hindi by Devaki Nandan Khatri. This was turned into an extremely popular Hindi TV serial in the mid-1990s, one which established the fantastic imagination of my entire generation.
"Niruddesher Kahini" (1896), perhaps the first South Asian science fiction story, in Bengali by the scientist Jagadish Chandra Bose
"Sultana's Dream" (1905), a feminist utopian short story in English by Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, who lived in current-day Bangladesh
Horror short stories like "Konkaal," "Monihara," "Mastermoshay," and "Khudhito Pashan" (c. 1891–1917) in Bengali by Rabindranath Tagore, often found translated within collections of his other prose works
Thakuma'r Jhuli (1907), curated collection of Bengali folk and fairy tales styled after the Grimm Brothers' work by Dakshinaranjan Mitra Majumdar
Tuntuni'r Boi (1911), collection of original children's fables and Goopy Gyne Bagha Byne, a horror novel in Bengali by Upendrakishore Ray Chowdhury, largely untranslated, although GGBB was made into an acclaimed film adaptation made by Satyajit Ray, his grandson
Sandesh (1913–25; 1929–34; 1961–), iconic Bengali children's and YA magazine in which nearly all speculative fiction authors in Bengali have been published for over a century, largely untranslated apart from individual authors' works
The Post-Independence Period
Cover of Bismoy! Science
Fiction magazine (Bengali),
The British Indian Empire was partitioned and given independence in 1947. As a result, the two richest regional literary traditions—Bengali and Urdu—were split between countries created on ideologically hostile premises. (Sri Lanka became independent in 1948. Bangladesh was further separated from Pakistan in 1971.) The Urdu literary scene in Lucknow dwindled after Independence, since Urdu fell out of favor as a literary language in India; while the younger literary centers in Lahore and Karachi had very little connection with readers in India. Calcutta continued to dominate the Bengali literary scene, while Dhaka's own literary scene has been growing since the 1970s. Once again, the two literary communities developed separately from each other.
The political and historical rupture of continuity also created an ideological disconnect. Books and authors from one country were no longer widely distributed or read in the other. This was especially true of India, which established itself as the socio-cultural monolith in South Asia post-Independence and did not consume cultural products from the other countries, even as these countries consumed cultural products from India. The earliest compiled histories of "Indian literature" ignored works from the other South Asian countries. Generations of Indian readers and scholars grew up with no contact with works from the other countries, or only in languages they did not understand.
Himu Remande (Bengali)
by Humayun Ahmed
As science fiction became more distinctly recognizable as a genre in the West through the twentieth century, the language that most directly caught the influence was Bengali. The original center of Bengali SFF was Calcutta, and this tradition has remained. I am from Calcutta—I grew up reading SFF and horror in Bengali and was deeply entrenched in genre culture. Every prominent Bengali author has written speculative fiction in some parts of their career—stories that are widely read, loved, and often included in school syllabi—since the speculative imagination is inseparable from realism in the Bengali literary culture. Many Indian SFF writers, even now, come from Calcutta, though not all of us write in Bengali.
On the other hand, since most SFF writers and scholars from India tend to be Bengali, the works from the other languages—which we don't read in the original—end up getting cited and translated less frequently. Works from this period are either hard science fiction or horror, as well as a lot of crime fiction, with less and less overlap as these genres became settled into their own distinct categories.
The Blaft Anthology of
Tamil Pulp Fiction, Vol. 3
The Professor Shonku series of science fiction novels and the Tarini Khuro series of paranormal novels in Bengali from Calcutta by Satyajit Ray, India's most famous and prolific SFF writer who is known more commonly as a filmmaker in the West. Ray is the most widely translated author on this list, with many of his works available on Amazon.
The Ghanada series of tall-tale/horror adventure novels in Bengali from Calcutta by Premendra Mitra, partially translated by Amlan Das Gupta
Pulp SF magazines like Ashchorjo, Bismoy, and Fantastic in Bengali from Calcutta from the 1970s and '80s, styled after Hugo Gernsback's magazines and published by Ronen Roy and Adrish Bardhan, untranslated
The Himu and Misir Ali series of paranormal novels in Bengali from Dhaka by Humayun Ahmed, largely untranslated
Science fiction novels in Bengali from Dhaka by Muhammed Zafar Iqbal, largely untranslated
Very popular children's and young-adult fantasy novellas in Bengali from Calcutta by Leela Majumdar, Sunil Gangopadhyay, Shirshendu Mukhopadhyay; Urdu from Pakistan by A. Hameed, and many other writers—largely untranslated
The Imran series of supernatural spy novels in Urdu from Lahore, originally by Ibn-e-Safi and later by Mazhar Kaleem. Some of Ibn-e-Safi's novels have been translated and published by Blaft Publications in India.
Kala Jadu, a horror/dark fantasy novel and other works in Urdu from Lahore by M.A. Rahat
Devta, a serialized fantasy thriller novel in Urdu from Karachi by Mohiuddin Nawab, published in the magazine Suspense Digest for thirty-three years, making it longest continuously-published series on record
Bleak, uncanny Kafkaesque short stories in Urdu from Lucknow by Naiyer Masud, partially translated
Surreal stories like "The Wagon" in Urdu from Lahore by Khalidah Asghar, partially translated
Science fiction novels in Sinhala from Colombo by Damitha Nipunajith, untranslated
The Blaft Anthology of Tamil Pulp Fiction, Vols. 1, 2, 3, translated works of lurid genre fiction from authors in Tamil
Author's Note: This section could not be compiled without the generosity of Vajra Chandrasekara, Usman T. Malik, and Dr. Abhijit Gupta.
Some further additions have been received with thanks from Tayyab, Sandeep Banerjee, Chelsea McGill, and Gautham Shenoy.
Part II of this article, featuring contemporary South Asian SFF writers writing in English, can be found here.
Mimi Mondal is a Dalit writer and the Poetry and Reprint Editor of Uncanny Magazine. Her first anthology, Luminescent Threads: Connections to Octavia Butler was published in 2017. Her short fiction has been published by PodCastle, Daily Science Fiction, Anathema, Juggernaut Books, and is forthcoming from Fireside and Tor.com. Mimi holds three masters' degrees for no reason but pure joy. She was formerly a Junior Editor at Penguin Random House India; a Commonwealth Scholar in Publishing Studies at the University of Stirling, Scotland, UK; the Octavia Butler Scholar at Clarion West in 2015; and an Immigrant Artist Fellow at the New York Foundation for the Arts in 2017. She lives in New York, tweets from @Miminality, and always enjoys the company of monsters.
Dakshinaranjan Mitra MajumdarHoshrubaHumayun AhmedRabindranath TagoreSatyajit RaySouth Asian Speculative FictionSultana's DreamThakumar JhuliTuntuni'r BoiWorld SF
A Short History of South Asian Speculative Fiction: Part II
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text:
Jun 29 – Jul 12, 2020 | London, England
Wimbledon Home
Wimbledon Tournament History
Beginning in 1877, Wimbledon is one of the most prestigious and long-lasting tennis tournaments in the world. Spencer Gore, who also was known for being a solid cricket player, won the first Wimbledon. By 1884, women were included into the tournament, and by the 1910's, the tournament had expanded to include doubles play as well.
Throughout the years, several gentlemen have dominated Wimbledon and collected many of the titles. In the late 1970's, Bjorn Borg of Sweden won 5 straight Wimbledon tournaments. In the 1990's, Pete Sampras was the man, earning a record 7 Wimbledon titles, a feat that has now been matched by Swiss legend Roger Federer.
On the ladies' side of the tournament, American Martina Navratilova earned a record 9 Wimbledon titles, mostly in the 1980's. Recent history has been dominated by Serena and Venus Williams, who share 10 of the last 13 titles.
Wimbledon Location:
Wimbledon is held in historic London, England, one of the greatest cities in the world during June and July.
Wimbledon Court:
Wimbledon is held at The All England Lawn Tennis and Croquet Club, highlighted by the famous Centre Court that seats 15,000 spectators. The tournament is played on a grass surface and is the only Grand Slam to do so.
Wimbledon Traditions:
• A famous Wimbledon snack is strawberries and cream. Strawberries historically were only available for a short time during the English summers, and this time coincided with the tennis tournament. Thus, the spectators enjoy strawberries and cream to this day as a tradition.
• The players traditionally all wear white uniforms to keep the tournament cohesive and pleasant on the eyes, avoiding the more colorful outfits seen at other tennis tournaments.
• Young boys and girls serve as Wimbledon ball boys, with the prestigious roles being given through a careful application process.
• The British Royal Family is often present during matches and has a Royal Box allocated for them at Centre Court.
"The jump start of my career, where it all began for me." - @MariaSharapova Secure your guaranteed #WimbledonTickets with #ChampionshipTennisTours! ww.tennistours.com/wimbledon/tickets #tbt #sharapova #WTA #grandslam #wimbledon
A photo posted by Championship Tennis Tours (@tennistours) on Apr 9, 2015 at 10:32am PDT
Recent Historic Moments of the Wimbledon:
• Andy Murray nearly became the first British player to win the Men's Single tournament last year since Fred Perry in 1936, but he fell to Roger Federer in the final.
• The Williams' sisters' dominance at Wimbledon continued in 2012 as Serena Williams defeated Agnieszka Radwanska in the final.
• A 2010 first round Wimbledon match between John Isner and Nicolas Mahut lasted over 11 hours and became the longest ever tennis match. Played over three days, the match included 183 games and was eventually won by Isner.
Defending Champions:
2014 Men's Single: Novak Djokovic
2014 Women's Single: Petra Kvitová
2014 Men's Double: Vasek Pospisil, Jack Sock
2014 Women's Double: Sara Errani, Roberta Vinci
2014 Mixed Double: Nenad Zimonjić, Samantha Stosur
Past Champions:
2013 Men's Single: Andy Murray
2013 Women's Single: Marion Bartoli
2013 Men's Double: Bryan Brothers
2013 Women's Double: Hsieh Su-wei, Peng Shuai
2013 Mixed Double: Daniel Nestor, Kristina Mladenovic
2012 Men's Single: Roger Federer
2012 Women's Single: Serena Williams
2012 Men's Double: Jonathan Marray, Frederik Nielsen
2012 Women's Double: Serena Williams, Venus Williams
2012 Mixed Double: Bryan Brother's
Related Wimbledon articles:
- First Timer's Guide: How to Buy Wimbledon Tickets
- Our 5 Star Wimbledon Experience
- Experience an Amazing England Vacation with Wimbledon
- Activities to Explore while in Wimbledon for the 2014 Law Tennis Championships
|Wimbledon| Individual Tickets | Complete Packages | Customize a Package |Wimbledon Info


text:
Queen bee syndrome is a phenomenon first defined by C. Tavris, G.L. Staines, and T.E. Jayaratne in 1973.[1] "Queen bee" is a derogatory term applied to women who have achieved success in traditionally male-dominated fields. These women often take on "masculine" traits and distance themselves from other women in the workplace in order to succeed.[2] They may also view or treat subordinates more critically if they are female, and refuse to help other women rise up the ranks as a form of self-preservation.[3]
There are competing arguments as to whether or not queen bee syndrome is simply a myth. Some believe the term "queen bee" perpetuates outdated gender stereotypes, especially since there is currently no male-equivalent term. Tavris herself has expressed regret over coining such "a catchy name" for "such a complex pattern of behavior". She explains that the term has been misinterpreted, providing a false understanding of female dynamics in the workplace.[4]
The queen bee phenomenon has been documented by several studies.[5][6] Scientists from the University of Toronto speculated that queen bee syndrome may be the reason that women find it more stressful to work for female managers; no difference was found in stress levels for male workers.[7]
It has been considered that part of the reason "queen bee" behavior has been untreated, or simply ignored for so long is because in its intrasexual nature, the discrimination goes virtually unrecognized. Contrary to men, when women in senior professional positions make judgements about their female subordinates, often no one will think to question whether or not it constitutes a form of gender discrimination.[6]
Gender stereotypes
Queen bee syndrome could be partially attributed to long-standing societal gender stereotypes wherein women are perceived to be lacking traditional leadership and achievement-oriented qualities (i.e., assertiveness, decisiveness)– often seen as synonymous with masculinity. This brings upon pressure for professional women to adopt these qualities, especially in work environments where men are the majority. It's believed that high-achieving women develop queen bee syndrome due to the lack of opportunities for women in the professional sector. With few top spots available to women, especially those of colour, "queen bees" feel they need to protect their place by exhibiting "masculine" traits as a form of self-group distancing. As iterated by N. Ellemers et al., "survival of women in male-dominated work environment entails a form of individual mobility, in the sense that they have to prove to themselves and others that they are unlike other women in order to be successful".[8] In a 1976 study by Ruble & Higgins, their research suggested that when females are in the minority of a group, which in high-level professional sectors is often the case, they described themselves in more "masculine" terms.[9]
Gender stereotypes plague women in many arenas, notably in the workplace and in academia. Men have monopolized most positions of power since time immemorial, therefore their leadership styles have been predominantly masculine. Women encounter much difficulty in their attempts to earn these positions, afflicted with the negative "feminine" stereotypes of emotional instability, low career commitment, and lack of leadership skills, to name a few. It seems probable that the queen bee phenomenon arose as a symptom of gender stereotyping, forcing women to alienate themselves from other women and subsequently their perceived negative traits.[2]
Studies have shown no overall difference in the performance of men and women in positions of leadership and yet women still only make up about 29% of senior management roles worldwide.[10] A survey completed by The Peterson Institute for International Economics demonstrated that having women in the C-suite actually increases net margins by a significant amount.[11] A 2018 study examined the careers of various CEOs over the past 25 years and found that the female CEOs actually attended more elite schools than their male counterparts– yet were still paid less.[12] In 2020, only 37 Fortune 500 CEOs were women, that number being an all-time high.[13]
In childhood, boys are socialized to be leaders and decision-makers, meanwhile girls are warned that if they're too "bossy", they won't be liked. In an experiment by Joyce Benenson, she discovered that among five-year-old children in a competitive scenario, the dominant boy was revered by the other boys, however the dominant girl was disliked by the other girls.[14] Coming into adolescence and adulthood, moving into leadership positions already poses a challenge for women who haven't been afforded the same opportunities to lead as their male counterparts.[12]
In 1994, V. O'Leary and M. M. Ryan argued that high-achieving women might be perceived as "queen bees" due to the fact that their female employees struggle to see them as the boss; seeing their women bosses as women and their men bosses as bosses. They suggested that perhaps female employees held their women bosses to a double standard, expecting them to be more understanding, nurturing, and forgiving (traditional "feminine" traits) than men bosses.[5]
Female solidarity or sisterhood
There is an assumption that women are part of an unspoken sisterhood, and when some women move up the ranks into more powerful positions, they must adopt different qualities in order to fit in and gain respect– qualities that are less than congruent with solidarity or sisterhood. As J. Wacjman articulates, "...women's presence in the world of men is conditional on them being willing to modify their behavior to become more like men or to be perceived as more male than men". High-achieving women don't have a lot of options; in modifying their behavior to be more conducive to leadership, they alienate themselves from other women and are seen as traitors, yet by sticking with the unspoken sisterhood, they struggle to gain traction professionally. When ambitious women choose to do what it takes to advance their careers, they often get labelled the "queen bee" due to the skewed perceptions of women in positions of power and leadership.[5]
Main article: Occupational sexism
Recent research has postulated that queen bee syndrome may be a product of certain cultural influences,[2][15] especially those related to the modern workplace.[16][17] In a study done in the Netherlands by B. Derks, N. Ellemers, C. van Laar and K. de Groot, it was found that women who displayed the most "queen bee" tendencies (portrayal of "masculine" traits, distancing from other women, gender stereotyping) experienced the highest levels of gender-based discrimination earlier on in their careers.[2] This supports the theory that the queen bee phenomenon is a consequence of gender-based discrimination inflicted on women trying to get ahead in their careers.[4] "Queen bee" women, aware of their sacrifices made in order to become successful, see other up-and-coming women and believe they should be able to figure out how to achieve success without assistance or a whole movement, just as they did.[4][18] These tendencies of women themselves subsequently maintain the barriers sustained by occupational sexism to shut them out. However, when it comes to women of similar seniority, "queen bees" are supportive, believing these women have also worked hard for their success.[19]
It appears that the social dynamics of unbalanced work environments bring about the most discrimination. In a 1982 study by Gutek & Morasch, they found that in both female and male-dominated workplaces, women experienced higher levels of gender-based discrimination and sexual harassment as opposed to a workplace with roughly equal numbers of men and women.[9]
Researchers have hypothesized[15] that queen bee behavior may be developed by women who have achieved senior positions in their respective fields as a way to defend themselves against the gender bias experienced in the workplace. Distancing themselves from female subordinates attempting to advance in their own careers allows "queen bees" to connect with their male colleagues while demonstrating stereotypically masculine qualities such as assertiveness or leadership, which are attributed to success. By exhibiting these "masculine" traits, "queen bees" further legitimize their right to be in important professional positions as well as attaining job security by showing commitment to their careers.[2][15]
Research has shown that women exhibiting queen bee qualities are less likely to hire the female when choosing between a highly qualified male candidate and an equally qualified female candidate due to 'competition threat'. With a highly qualified female candidate, the "queen bee" might feel threatened. When asked to choose between a moderately qualified male candidate and an equally qualified female candidate, "queen bees" were again less likely to hire the female candidate, this time due to 'collective threat'. In this case, the "queen bee" might worry the female candidate would reflect negatively on her, as women in male-dominated workplaces are often grouped together by social categorization.[20]
Social categorization
Social categorization, or self-categorization theory, is a psychological theory closely related to the processes of social perception wherein a person groups themselves and others into categories based on shared characteristics.[21] This theory is thought to be ingrained since infancy and affects the way people perceive others– as part of a broader social grouping rather than as individuals.[22] By way of social categorization, a subconscious process for the most part, individuals are assigned pre-designated traits as part of their larger group or category. For women in the workplace, social categorization works to their disadvantage as they are assigned stereotypically feminine traits such as being agreeable, helpful, sympathetic, and kind– and therefore perceived as less capable in leadership roles. When high-achieving women present themselves as anything less than those designated traits, they are often labeled as "bitches" or more specifically, "queen bees". Men are seen as great leaders for being ambitious and assertive, whereas women are often viewed as "unfeminine", "bossy" or "bitchy" for exhibiting those same traits.[12]
While Hillary Clinton won the popular vote of the 2016 U.S presidential election, her gender still proved to be a matter of hesitation among the American people. During the campaign, a 20-year-old clerk said in reference to the candidates, "With a man, you look for leadership and guidance. With a woman, you look for companionship and nurturing. A motherly role."[23] Clinton's competence as a candidate was ignored in favour of a gendered perception of her as part of a larger group; women.
In-group bias
Main article: In-group favoritism
In the professional sector, an in-group is a (typically exclusive) network of people from any given workplace who participate in informal get-togethers or events outside of work. It is at these informal get-togethers where colleagues get to know one another on a personal level and industry knowledge or workplace gossip is often shared. Beyond that, being a part of an in-group can lead to career advantages down the road. More often than not, it seems women and people of colour are scarcely included in these exclusive groups due to affinity bias– the tendency to favour those similar to us– exhibited by their male superiors.[12][24] In social psychology, there is another term, similarity attraction, which may contribute to why high-level male executives tend to promote men over equally-qualified women.[14] With fewer spots left at the top for women and a harder climb to get there, queen bee syndrome remains as a fighting-mechanism for ambitious females.
Main article: Sexism in academia
In a 2004 study done in Italy, it was found that the older generation of female faculty viewed their female doctoral students in a stereotypical manner and made biased judgements about their commitment. The older female faculty began to pursue their careers when it was much rarer for women to do so, and view themselves as more "masculine" as a result. In contrast, the younger generation of Italian women are pursuing their careers at a time where it is much more common and widely accepted, meaning these women have less reason to suppress their "feminine" traits or perform self-group distancing. This resistance of gender stereotyping is a freeing evolution for both men and women in academia.[6]
Emotion politics
Emotion politics are at play in the maintenance of the queen bee phenomenon, altering how women treat other women as well as how they carry themselves in traditionally male-dominated arenas. It has been proven that when demonstrating the same level of competence that is commended in men, women are seen as unattractive and cold. When it comes to certain qualities and emotions, men and women are forcibly segregated into specific boxes and viewed as opposing, rather than harmonious forces. In the workplace and in academia notably, when women blur the lines between the two forces, for example, showing extreme competence or success in the professional sphere, they become the target for derogatory terms such as "queen bee", "ice queen", and "bitch". It appears that when women prove themselves in a traditionally-male role, they are punished for altering the favourable image of a woman.[25]
Gender discrimination can arise through the beliefs concerning which emotions are appropriate for people to show. Stereotypically, women are expected to be kind and nurturing, communal, and modest, while they are not expected to display anger. Expressing an emotion that doesn't line up with people's beliefs about gender-appropriate behavior can lead to being given a lower status at work, and consequently, a lower wage.[26]
A 2008 study found that men who expressed anger in the workplace were given a higher status, while women who expressed anger in the workplace were given a lower status, regardless of their actual position in the company. A trainee and a CEO who were female were both given a low status when displaying anger. Additionally, women who displayed anger in the workplace were assumed to have something internal influencing their anger, as opposed to having an external reason to be angry. Men more often had their anger attributed to an external cause.[26]
The expression of anger is believed to be related to status, as anger is considered a status emotion. Positive impressions of those who display anger are reserved for people who are stereotypically conferred a higher status. A 2007 study found that female employees in a subordinate position displayed anger toward higher status employees much less frequently than their male counterparts. This suggests that the stereotypical norm of men displaying anger carries over into the workplace, while the norm of women restraining displays of anger also carries over. It also suggests that, although men in low level positions in the workplace possess a low status in this context, they may carry over the higher status that comes with their gender. Women do not possess this high status; therefore the low status that low-level women possess in the workplace is the sole status that matters.[27]
The queen bee phenomenon still has no male-equivalent term, perhaps because male competition is seen as normal, healthy behavior, and as children it's even encouraged. Female competition however, is looked down upon– from childhood onward, women in competition are labeled as backstabbing, conniving, catty "mean girls". There are countless books and movies portraying the concept that it has started to become the standard. Despite the prevalence of material depicting queen bee behavior among females, studies have shown that men actually participate in similar to elevated levels of indirect aggression linked to queen bee behavior (i.e., gossiping, rumour spreading, social exclusion) in comparison to women.[28] Admittedly, young boys tend to display physical aggression more than young girls at any age, but a 1992 study demonstrated that as boys reach the age of 11, verbal and indirect aggression levels rise. Verbal and indirect aggression requires a degree of social intelligence and understanding of interpersonal relationships, skills that girls tend to develop earlier than boys (around the age of 8). A 2005 study in Britain asked university students to report how often they either experienced, or participated in forms of indirect aggression (specifically social exclusion, use of malicious humour, and guilt induction). The results presented no differences between the experiences of men and women based on these self-reported numbers.[29]
Criticisms of the theory
Recent research, that uses a robust causal identification mechanism (i.e., regression discontinuity design), strongly contests the existence of the queen bee phenomenon.[30] The results of this study suggest that previous research was biased – either by eliciting confirming cases (as is often done in qualitative research) or that observational data based on questionnaire measures was biased because of endogeneity issues.
Some find the queen bee phenomenon to be unknowingly perpetuating gender stereotypes that are sorely outdated.[31] It is also argued that the term undermines women's professional progress and abilities, and tarnishes the reputation of groups of women in the professional sphere.[32] Another criticism of the theory comes from the belief that it promotes a "blame the woman" narrative.[5]
In her book, Lean In, chief operating officer of Facebook, Sheryl Sandberg deplored the syndrome writing, "Often, without realizing it, women internalize disparaging cultural attitudes and then echo them back".[33]
A study by Credit Suisse counters the evidence of the queen bee phenomenon. In examining 3,400 of the world's largest companies, it was revealed that female CEOs were 50% more likely than their male counterparts to have a female CFO; and 55% more likely to have business units run by women. It was also discovered that while typically women are found within human resources or legal departments, in female-led companies it became less likely due to the fact that female CEOs were supporting their female executives branching out into more influential roles within the company.[33]
The 2002 self-help book, Queen Bees and Wannabes by Rosalind Wiseman details aggressive teenage girl behavior.
The 2004 film, Mean Girls (partly based on Queen Bees and Wannabes) depicts examples of both queen bee syndrome as well as social categorization in teenagers.
The 2006 film, The Devil Wears Prada tells the story of a successful female editor-in-chief of a fashion magazine who is quite ruthless towards her new female assistant.
The authorized biographer of Margaret Thatcher, Charles Moore, stated in an interview his belief that the former British prime minister had herself suffered from the syndrome.
Occupational sexism
In-group favoritism
Toxic leader
Narcissistic leadership
^ Blau, Francine; DeVaro, Jed (June 2006). "New Evidence on Gender Difference in Promotion Rates: An Empirical Analysis of a Sample of New Hires". National Bureau of Economic Research. Cambridge, MA. doi:10.3386/w12321.
^ a b c d e Derks, Belle; Ellemers, Naomi; Laar, Colette van; Groot, Kim de (2011). "Do sexist organizational cultures create the Queen Bee?". British Journal of Social Psychology. 50 (3): 519–535. doi:10.1348/014466610X525280. ISSN 2044-8309. PMID 21884548.
^ Klemesrud, Judy (1981-04-13). "WOMEN IN MEDICINE FIND A NEED FOR SUPPORT (Published 1981)". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2021-03-08.
^ a b c Elsesser, Kim. "Queen Bees Still Exist, But It's Not The Women We Need To Fix". Forbes. Retrieved 2021-03-08.
^ a b c d Mavin, Sharon (2006-06-01). "Venus envy: problematizing solidarity behaviour and queen bees". Women in Management Review. 21 (4): 264–276. doi:10.1108/09649420610666579. ISSN 0964-9425.
^ a b c Ellemers, Naomi; Heuvel, Henriette Van den; Gilder, Dick de; Maass, Anne; Bonvini, Alessandra (2004). "The underrepresentation of women in science: Differential commitment or the queen bee syndrome?". British Journal of Social Psychology. 43 (3): 315–338. doi:10.1348/0144666042037999. ISSN 2044-8309. PMID 15479533. S2CID 36147146.
^ Irvine, Chris (2008-09-23). "Women find working for female bosses more stressful". The Telegraph. Retrieved 2021-03-08. ((cite web)): CS1 maint: url-status (link)
^ Faniko, Klea; Ellemers, Naomi; Derks, Belle (2020-07-22). "The Queen Bee phenomenon in Academia 15 years after: Does it still exist, and if so, why?". British Journal of Social Psychology. 60 (2): 383–399. doi:10.1111/bjso.12408. ISSN 2044-8309. PMC 8246980. PMID 32696985.
^ a b Hans, Valerie P.; Eisenberg, Nancy (1985-03-01). "The effects of sex-role attitudes and group composition on men and women in groups". Sex Roles. 12 (5): 477–490. doi:10.1007/BF00288170. ISSN 1573-2762. S2CID 115146543.
^ "Women Business Leaders: Global Statistics". Catalyst. Retrieved 2021-03-21.
^ Blumberg, Yoni (2018-03-02). "Companies with more female executives make more money—here's why". CNBC. Retrieved 2021-03-21.
^ a b c d Holmes, Michael (2019-09-09). "Why are there so few women CEO's?". World Economic Forum. Retrieved 2021-03-21. ((cite web)): CS1 maint: url-status (link)
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^ a b Van Vugt, Mark (2016-11-14). "Did Hillary Clinton Fall Victim to the Queen Bee Effect?". Psychology Today. Retrieved 2021-03-21. ((cite web)): CS1 maint: url-status (link)
^ a b c Derks, Belle; Laar, Colette Van; Ellemers, Naomi; Groot, Kim de (2011-08-26). "Gender-Bias Primes Elicit Queen-Bee Responses Among Senior Policewomen". Psychological Science. 22 (10): 1243–1249. doi:10.1177/0956797611417258. PMID 21873568. S2CID 16161867.
^ Cooper, Virginia W. (2016-08-18). "Homophily or the Queen Bee Syndrome: Female Evaluation of Female Leadership". Small Group Research. 28 (4): 483–499. doi:10.1177/1046496497284001. S2CID 145103338.
^ Sterk, Naomi; Meeussen, Loes; Van Laar, Colette (2018-09-20). "Perpetuating Inequality: Junior Women Do Not See Queen Bee Behavior as Negative but Are Nonetheless Negatively Affected by It". Frontiers in Psychology. 9: 1690. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2018.01690. ISSN 1664-1078. PMC 6159757. PMID 30294289.
^ Andrews, Shawn (2020-01-21). "Council Post: Why Women Don't Always Support Other Women". Forbes. Retrieved 2021-03-08. ((cite web)): CS1 maint: url-status (link)
^ Faniko, Klea; Ellemers, Naomi; Derks, Belle; Lorenzi-Cioldi, Fabio (2017-04-09). "Nothing Changes, Really: Why Women Who Break Through the Glass Ceiling End Up Reinforcing It". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 43 (5): 638–651. doi:10.1177/0146167217695551. ISSN 0146-1672. PMC 5414903. PMID 28903635.
^ Derks, Belle; Van Laar, Colette; Ellemers, Naomi (2016-01-15). "The queen bee phenomenon: Why women leaders distance themselves from junior women". The Leadership Quarterly. 27 (3): 456–469. doi:10.1016/j.leaqua.2015.12.007. hdl:1874/334334. ISSN 1048-9843. S2CID 146834547.
^ Liberman, Zoe; Woodward, Amanda L.; Kinzler, Katherine D. (2017-05-09). "The Origins of Social Categorization". Trends in Cognitive Sciences. 21 (7): 556–568. doi:10.1016/j.tics.2017.04.004. PMC 5605918. PMID 28499741.
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^ Cooper, Marianne (2016-06-23). "Why Women (Sometimes) Don't Help Other Women". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2021-03-21.
^ Moroschan, Gail; Hurd, Peter L.; Nicoladis, Elena (2009-04-01). "Sex Differences in the Use of Indirect Aggression in Adult Canadians". Evolutionary Psychology. 7 (2): 147470490900700. doi:10.1177/147470490900700201. ISSN 1474-7049.
^ Arvate, Paulo Roberto; Galilea, Gisele Walczak; Todescat, Isabela (2018-10-01). "The queen bee: A myth? The effect of top-level female leadership on subordinate females". The Leadership Quarterly. 29 (5): 533–548. doi:10.1016/j.leaqua.2018.03.002. ISSN 1048-9843. S2CID 150022269.
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Maume DJ Meet the new boss…same as the old boss? Female supervisors and subordinate career prospects Social Science Research Volume 40, Issue 1, January 2011, Pages 287-298
Office queen bees hold back women's careers
Aspects of workplaces
Absenteeism
Abusive supervision
Anti-pattern
Computer surveillance
Counterproductive behaviour
Culture of fear
Deviance
Divide and rule
Employee morale
Employee silence
Feminisation
Health surveillance
Incivility
Kick the cat
Kiss up kick down
Machiavellianism
Personality clash
Psychopathy
Queen bee syndrome
Robotics safety
Role conflict
Undermining
Work–family conflict
Job sharing
Labour movement
Aspects of corporations
Aspects of jobs
Aspects of occupations
Aspects of organizations
Women and psychology


text:
Plaque: Gaiety Theatre
Erection date: 2013
On this site stood the Gaiety Theatre, built in 1903 for impresario George Edwardes. The theatre opened with the performance of 'The Orchid' and until it was closed in 1939 remained the home of musical comedy and one of London's most famous playhouses.
Site: Gaiety Theatre (2 memorials)
WC2, Strand, Silken Hotel
The building to the east, Marconi House, has close connections to this site and we have recorded some of their joint history there.
This section lists the subjects commemorated on the memorial on this page:
Gaiety Theatre
Information Subjects commemorated
Theatre manager. Born Lincolnshire. His cousins were Irish theatre managers ...
Before the Aldwych development in 1906 the street pattern was very different...
This section lists the other memorials at the same location as the memorial on this page:
Information Also at this site
Gaiety Theatre - SWET
Gaiety Theatre On this site until 1957 stood the re-sited Gaiety Theatre whic...
This section lists some other interesting Plaques
Information Other Plaques
Faryner's shop
Near this site stood the shop belonging to Thomas Faryner, the King's baker, ...
Titanic Memorial Garden
The white information board that can be seen in the photograph reads: "The T...
John Nash terrace - WC1 - not EH
This terrace, numbers 67 to 70, was the first work by John Nash, architect, 1...
Blackfriars Station
There are 54 stones in total, but it is hard to believe that places like Hern...
1st Duke of Westminster, friend of the poor
Hugh Lupus, first Duke of Westminster, K.G., lessor to the Improved Industria...


text:
HomeInstrumentationsSolo instrumentTrumpetPrecious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord)
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord)
By: Aretha Franklin, Thomas A. Dorsey
For: Solo instrument (Trumpet in Bb)
Aretha Franklin, Thomas A. Dorsey
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Alto Sax Solo
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - ChordBuddy
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Clarinet Solo
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Easy Guitar
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Easy Piano
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Flute Solo
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Lead Sheet / Fake Book
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Piano, Vocal & Guitar Chords (Right-Hand Melody)
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Pro Vocal
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Super Easy Piano
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Tenor Sax Solo
Precious Lord, Take My Hand (Take My Hand, Precious Lord) - Ukulele
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