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The strange, underground world of ghost kitchens in Hampton Roads
The most anticipated Hampton Roads restaurants and breweries for 2021
Inclusive TV shows to enjoy with the family
Native clay pipes on Roanoke Island sparked an English tobacco industry and helped save Jamestown
Former ODU student awaiting release from prison after governor's pardon tests positive for COVID-19
Flexibility a key commodity as offices consider re-opening
Tribune Content Agency |
(Dreamstime/TNS)
"Tomorrow's office will look nothing like the office of today."
That notion — that the American workplace will be forever altered after COVID-19 — seems to be a widely held assumption these days. But don't count on a complete, long-term revamp of your office just yet.
Jonathan Wasserstrum, CEO and co-founder of SquareFoot, a commercial real estate firm in New York, says companies are taking a cautious approach to permanently redefining their workspaces. While some employers are considering renovating existing office space, Wasserstrum says most are looking to address work-related issues due to the current pandemic rather than focus on a complete overhaul of their facilities.
"We have seen an increased desire for flexibility. Companies are looking for shorter-term leases, which was already a trend we were starting to see, and now that's snowballed in the last couple of months," Wasserstrum says. "We're in more uncertain times than we were six months ago, and in times of uncertainty, flexibility is even more at a premium. Plans are changing, the number of remote workers is changing — no one is making long-term plans."
Wasserstrum says that even with the seemingly permanent rise of remote workers, companies aren't writing off the workplace. "I keep seeing headlines about how workers are never going to return to the office but that's not what we're hearing. Instead, companies are making decisions now for the next several months, not two years from now," he says. "I don't think we can make any predictions about what's going to happen until we're past this."
Office in place
While the recent increase in COVID-19 cases has delayed a return to the workplace for many, Wasserstrum says that's not stopping business from making sure their offices are ready for workers once they're given the green light.
"There are a bunch of companies that realize that when it's time for people to come back to the office, they'll already have one," Wasserstrum says. "What's happening right now is companies are trying to figure out the best way to start utilizing the office as soon as it's safe. They're not going to get rid of their lease because a majority of our companies want to actually office, so the real question is what do the next six months look like from an office-utilization standpoint, not the next six years."
If workers do return to the office sooner than later, they should expect to see some significant changes. "The common areas — those spaces with a couch and some tables — they're going to be removed or off limits," says Wasserstrum. "If you're the only person sitting at your desk, it's one thing to clean it and sanitize it. If you're sitting on a couch, how are offices going to clean that space every time you get up? How can they ensure that someone's always going to be there to give it a thorough cleaning before the next person sits down?"
It's impossible, says Heidi Vanek, a 31-year-old grant writer from Arlington, Texas. Vanek, who has been using shared workspaces like WeWork and Industrious Office for the past few years, says she used to love stretching out on the pillows and sofas at her previous workspace but knows those days are gone for now — if not for good. "Those are the things you don't think about — who was sitting there before you, whether or not they wiped their hands on the cushion after rubbing their nose — but now, I'd think about it all the time," says Vanek, who has been working from home since March. "A shared space is one thing, especially if you have a dedicated desk, but I'm not sure how the concept of communal areas plays out."
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S5W-10474: Iain Gray (East Lothian)
Date lodged: 25 July 2017
To ask the Scottish Government what action it is taking or plans to invest in drug education and prevention for young people and school pupils in the Motherwell and Wishaw constituency.
Answered by: Aileen Campbell 12 September 2017
http://young.scot/choices-for-life/
The interventions we directly support will also be aligned with evidence from the review. This includes the 'Choices for Life' substance misuse education programme for school children, delivered in partnership with Young Scot and Police Scotland. Proactive targeting of interventions to address emerging local trends is part of this work.
The Scottish Government has recently reviewed the types of substance misuse education and prevention interventions for which there is evidence of effectiveness. This work will inform policy making and best practice guidance for Scottish local authorities, including North Lanarkshire council.
It is the responsibility of local authorities and schools to determine how they will best resource and deliver substance misuse education to suit the children and young people in their area, in line with the Curriculum for Excellence experiences and outcomes. The level of drug taking among young people remains low (Scottish Schools Adolescent Lifestyle and Substance Use Survey published 25 October 2016).

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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The Matchmaker's Lonely Heart
By Nancy Campbell Allen
Read by Justine Eyre
Nancy Campbell Allen Shadow Mountain 9781629729275
Format : Digital Rental (In Stock)
A romance develops as a detective partners with a lonely-hearts columnist to solve a murder mystery. London, 1885. Amelie Hampton is a hopeless romantic, which makes her the perfect columnist to answer lonely heart letters in the Marriage Gazette. When Amelie plays matchmaker with two anonymous lonely hearts, she also decides to secretly observe the couple's blind date. To her surprise, the man who appears for the rendezvous is Harold Radcliffe—a grieving widower and a member of Amelie's book club. Police detective Michael Baker has been struggling ever since his best friend and brother-in-law died in the line of fire. Because he knows the dangers of his job, he has vowed never to marry and subject a wife and family to the uncertainty of his profession. But when he meets Miss Hampton, he is captured by her innocence, beauty, and quick mind. When a woman's body is pulled from the river, Michael suspects the woman's husband—Harold Radcliffe—of foul play. Amelie refuses to believe that Harold is capable of such violence but agrees to help, imagining it will be like one of her favorite mystery novels. Her social connections and clever observations prove an asset to the case, and Amelie is determined to prove Mr. Radcliffe's innocence. But the more time Amelie and Michael spend together, the more they trust each other and the more they realize they are a good team—maybe the perfect match. They also realize that Mr. Radcliffe is hiding more than one secret, and when his attention turns toward Amelie, Michael knows he must put an end to this case before the woman he loves comes to harm.
A romance develops as a detective partners with a lonely-hearts columnist to solve a murder mystery.
London, 1885. Amelie Hampton is a hopeless romantic, which makes her the perfect columnist to answer lonely heart letters in the Marriage Gazette. When Amelie plays matchmaker with two anonymous lonely hearts, she also decides to secretly observe the couple's blind date. To her surprise, the man who appears for the rendezvous is Harold Radcliffe—a grieving widower and a member of Amelie's book club.
Police detective Michael Baker has been struggling ever since his best friend and brother-in-law died in the line of fire. Because he knows the dangers of his job, he has vowed never to marry and subject a wife and family to the uncertainty of his profession. But when he meets Miss Hampton, he is captured by her innocence, beauty, and quick mind.
When a woman's body is pulled from the river, Michael suspects the woman's husband—Harold Radcliffe—of foul play. Amelie refuses to believe that Harold is capable of such violence but agrees to help, imagining it will be like one of her favorite mystery novels. Her social connections and clever observations prove an asset to the case, and Amelie is determined to prove Mr. Radcliffe's innocence. But the more time Amelie and Michael spend together, the more they trust each other and the more they realize they are a good team—maybe the perfect match.
They also realize that Mr. Radcliffe is hiding more than one secret, and when his attention turns toward Amelie, Michael knows he must put an end to this case before the woman he loves comes to harm.
"Allen expertly combines mystery and romance into a fast-paced tale complete with plenty of surprises and a central relationship founded on mutual admiration and respect." —Publishers Weekly
"Allen's chaste tale of Victorian romantic suspense will also appeal to historical mystery readers, and it would be great for mother-and-daughter reads. This has great appeal for teens who like historical fiction laced with mystery and romance." —Booklist
"The core of the story is their relationship; it builds from a place of admiration and respect. Charming...An endearing romance between two souls." —Foreword Reviews
Author Bio: Nancy Campbell Allen
Nancy Campbell Allen is the author of more than a dozen novels, including Beauty and the Clockwork Beast and Kiss of the Spindle. She has been a speaker at numerous writing conferences and events. She has a degree in elementary education and is the mother of three children.
Category: Fiction/Romance
Publisher: Shadow Mountain Publisher: Shadow Mountain Publisher: Shadow Mountain Publisher: Shadow Mountain


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Madhubani Gangrape: नाबालिग से गैंगरेप केस में 3 दरिंदे गिरफ्तार, POCSO कोर्ट ने न्यायिक हिरासत में भेजा
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Mukesh Ambani now fifth richest billionaire globally, pips Elon Musk, Steve Ballmer
honeymehra August 10, 2020
With a net worth of $77.3 billion, Mukesh Ambani has become the fifth richest man in the world, as per the Forbes' Real Time Billionaires List. The chairman of Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) has left moguls like Elon Musk, Steve Ballmer and Larry Page behind.
Ambani is also the only Asian person to feature in the top 10, placed just after Mark Zuckerberg who has a net worth of $88.3 billion and stands at number 4. Ambani managed to leave Warren Buffett, CEO of Berkshire Hathaway, behind at the sixth spot. This came after RIL gained over a percent by hitting Rs 2,010 per share on the BSE on 22 July (Wednesday).
This is Ambani's highest position till date on the Forbes' list. According to a report by YourStory, Ambani has added $15.6 billion to his personal wealth this year itself. His RIL has been doing exceptionally well even amid the pandemic. The report added that the direct foreign investment of $20.4 billion in RIL's digital arm Jio Platforms has boosted their account.
Jeff Bezos of Amazon stands tall at the first spot with a net worth of $183.7 billion. He is followed by Microsoft's Bill Gates ($113.8 billion net worth) and luxry goods company LVMH's Bernard Arnault and family ($112 billion) at the second and third spot, respectively.
Elon Musk has come in the seventh spot with a net worth of $72.4 billion. Larry Ellison, Steve Ballmer and Larry Page are at the 8th, 9th and 10th spots. All of them hail from the United States. In fact, eight out of the ten industrialists featured in the list come from the US.
Reliance Industries Ltd is the sole beneficiary of Independent Media Trust which controls Network18 Media & Investments Ltd.
In J&K, mainstream politicos keep mum on restoration of Article 370 as critics carp, followers fume
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Not That Kind of Review: Bedlam's "Pygmalion"
Posted on March 5, 2019 by Diana Lu
The cast; Photo by Nile Scott Studios
Presented by Bedlam Theatre Company
Directed by Eric Tucker
Written by George Bernard Shaw
January 31, 2019 – March 3, 2019
Central Square Theatre
Central Square Theater on Facebook
Review by Diana Lu
(Cambridge, MA) Central Square Theatre hosts New York City's Bedlam Theatre Company in their revamped version of Pygmalion, by George Bernard Shaw. This is the classic story of English phonetician Henry Higgins (Eric Tucker) discovering and training working class waif Eliza Doolittle (Vaishnavi Sharma) on the speech and manners of a proper English lady, to the ultimate folly of both. Bedlam's new interpretation returns to Shaw's original feminist conception of Eliza and Henry's fraught relationship and also changes the Doolittle family to Indian immigrants, ostensibly to reflect modern day issues of gender, class, and immigration in the US. It was a very well done production, and I'm sure there will be many reviews which praise all its various technical merits. This review isn't one of them.
What. The. Fuck. Bedlam? What in the actual fuck were you guys thinking, just shoe-horning in the "minor detail" that Eliza Doolittle is an Indian woman, in the most superficial and simple-minded ways possible. Yeah, the Doolittles had thick Indian-sounding accents (bordering on racist caricature, btw) instead of Cockney. Eliza wore a sari when she was being presented as a Duchess instead of an English lady's gown. There was passing reference to the family being immigrants from Punjab. Outside of that, there was no reference at all to Eliza's identity as an Indian woman, an immigrant, or how either of those facts inherently change her station in IMPERIAL LONDON and how the WHITE BRITISH PEOPLE dictating her life would have treated her. Shaw's original play was an analysis on gender and class relationships in England at a very specific time in its history. The Doolittles being Indian FUNDAMENTALLY CHANGES THE STORY.
Race, ethnic identity, immigration, and colonialism aren't trivial details that can be laid on top of a story like window dressing. To treat these histories, identities, and relationship dynamics as such is as insulting as it is idiotic. Furthermore, the ways that gender, class, race, ethnicity, and immigration status intersect in the UK EVEN NOW are fundamentally different from the way they do in the US. Trying to hamfist a metaphor about the American political landscape now into a story about the British Empire of a century ago without thoughtful and nuanced rewriting is about as "fresh" and "inventive" as trying to use a banana as a plunger.
It makes this play look like a revisionist fantasy of a post-racial British Empire, which frankly, is more reflective of what the white liberal political landscape of the US looks like than anything Bedlam inserted into the play itself.To see such a flawless production with such fine detail paid to every other piece, with just this one big piece completely ignored/butchered absolutely breaks my heart. It's just another reminder that any talk of race is so viscerally abhorred in this country and the one thing that makes every well-intentioned white liberal American SO SO UNCOMFORTABLE.
But I can't ignore it. It's part of myself. YOU ALL MADE THIS an intrinsic part of my history and my identity, and it is a part that has never been and is still not understood, recognized, or welcome in white liberal spaces. I am not ok with that. People of color in this country are not ok with that and we have been saying so FOR DECADES. When are you all going to finally fucking listen? Because this play right here, is not self-examination or acting on your progressive ideals. It's performing the bare minimum in a virtue signaling mutual masturbation circle. I know I'm being harsh, but I have to say it because there are PRECIOUS FEW theatre critics of color, so I'm sure nobody else is going to, and frankly, Eliza Doolittle wouldn't have held back on her language either.
Ironically, this all does make me relate to Eliza Doolittle's situation more, and why she had to go her own way. As she said, "all I want is a little acknowledgement, a little kindness."
If you enjoyed this article, please consider making a donation. Every cent earned goes towards the upkeep and continuation of the New England Theatre Geek.
This entry was posted in Comedy and tagged Bedlam Theatre Company, Cambridge, Central Square Theater, Diana Lu, Eliza Doolittle, England, Eric Tucker, George Bernard Shaw, Henry Higgins, London, MA, Nile Scott Photos, Pygmalion, Vaishnavi Sharma by Diana Lu. Bookmark the permalink.


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Worried Name Not Intimidating Enough, Rocky Mountains Rebrand As The Fearsome Fuck Offs
The Fearsome Fuck Off Mountains, overlooking Take A Hint Lake
"It just feels like lately every Tom, Dick, and Notley thinks they can just throw down a pipeline, or highway, or information centre wherever they damn well please," says Mt. Columbia, sitting (and towering) chairperson for the Assembly of Rocky Mountains. "People used to sail around Cape Horn rather than attempt to venture through our jagged peaks. But not anymore. Now middle-aged folks wearing Lycra cycle through us, for fun! It's clear we've got a major image problem on our slopes."
With that in mind the Canadian Rocky Mountains have undertaken their first rebranding since the early 1750's, when French fur traders carefully listened to the native word for the mountains, and then went ahead and called them the Montagnes de Roche.
"We bounced around a few ideas," says Mount Alberta, who – despite sharing a name with the province that is currently the keenest to run more infrastructure through the peaks – is a staunch supporter of returning to the days of being utterly impregnable.
"The Don't Even Think About Its had a lot of support, as did a motion to call ourselves the Broke Your Fiscal Back Mountains, but in the end we all decided we wanted something that would really get the message across, and could work as a band name if we ever decide to get into the alt-rocky market. And we think The Fearsome Fuck Offs really checks both boxes."
While the name change only applies to the section of the Rockies north of the Canadian-U.S. border, support has surged in the American segment of the range as well.
"We've got a good ball club this season," says Bud Black, manager of the Colorado Rockies baseball team. "But I don't think there's any argument we'd be a whole lot better if we were called the Fearsome Fuck Offs. That's just a great name right there. I'd wear that hat with pride."
But not everyone agrees the change is a positive move, or good example for the next generation of overly-enthusiastic terraformers.
"It's not a word I allow my child to say at any other time," says Calgary resident Joan Galling, "Why would I let them say it when referring to where we're taking the RV for the weekend. I realize its up to them what they call themselves. I just don't think it's very Canadian."
Reached for comment, Mt. Columbia listened carefully to Ms. Galling's objection, before letting out a light chuckle that caused a major avalanche and shut two roads, and then said that maybe they could keep it a little more in theme with the national tone.
"How about The Fearsome Fuck Offs. Please."
Photo: rabbit75123 / 123RF Stock Photo
Tagged as: Alberta, British Columbia, Canada News, Canadian Rockies, Humour, Kinder Morgan, Satire, Travel
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Nobody made a greater mistake than he who did nothing because he could do only a little. Edmund Burke
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Fleetwood Aluminum Products, Inc
PPP Loan Data — Fleetwood Aluminum Products, Inc, Corona, CA
Industry: All Other Personal Services
Fleetwood Aluminum Products, Inc is a corporation located at 1 Fleetwood Way in Corona, California that received a Coronavirus-related PPP loan from the SBA of $3,327,502.00 in April, 2020.
PNC Bank, National Association
Fleetwood Aluminum Products, Inc in Corona, CA received a Paycheck Protection Loan of $3.33M through PNC Bank, National Association, which was approved in April, 2020.
For Fleetwood Aluminum Products, Inc, the calculation used to estimate payroll costs is shown below:
Based on the standard PPP eligibility formula, it may be possible to estimate the payroll expenses represented by a company on their PPP application (see details above). In order to qualify for the PPP loan amount received, Fleetwood Aluminum Products, Inc's 2019 payroll expenses are estimated to be at least $15.97M.
On the PPP application, Fleetwood Aluminum Products, Inc reported intending to use the proceeds of their PPP loan for the following expenses:
Because the loan received by Fleetwood Aluminum Products, Inc is at least $2M dollars, it is subject to a full review by the SBA to ensure eligibility and compliance with PPP program requirements.
Business Information - Fleetwood Aluminum Products, Inc in Corona, CA
1 Fleetwood Way
All Other Personal Services
Riverside County, CA — SBA Office 0920 — Congressional District: CA-42
Similar Companies near Corona
In the Corona area, 41 businesses in the "All Other Personal Services" industry received a PPP loan. These local businesses reported an average of 12 employees (compared to this company's 391) and received an average PPP loan of $109,858 (compared to this company's $3.33M).
Alexanders Arman Salon And Spa
Jenika Joseph
Leigh Scott Interiors
VY Le
Jasmine Wilson
Yong Xing
Monzer Abusalah
One Way Barber Shop Inc
Kiddo Musicart Academy
Nationwide, 231,198 businesses in the "All Other Personal Services" industry received a total of $5.51B in PPP loans. These businesses account for 2% of total PPP applications submitted, and received 1% of the total PPP funding allocated.
PPP recipients in this industry report an average of 3 employees, 99% lower than Fleetwood Aluminum Products, Inc's reported 391 employees, and received an average PPP loan of $23,842, 99% lower than this company's loan of $3.33M.
Source: www.federalpay.org/paycheck-protection-program/fleetwood-aluminum-products-inc-corona-ca


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Supporting Access to Education for Girls in Zambia
Samaria outside her secondary school in Zambia.
Girls in rural Zambia face many barriers to education. Some are unable to pay school fees due their extreme poverty, and others face long distances between their homes and school facilities. As a result, a large number of girls drop out of school in the upper primary and secondary grades.
Supporting education, and in particular education for girls, is an important part of Irish Aid's work in Zambia. In partnership with Campaign for Female Education (CAMFED), Irish Aid has been supporting marginalised girls to access secondary education. CAMFED supports girls through bursary packages, assisting the girls to complete their secondary education and increasing their chances of accessing skills training once they complete school.
CAMFED's bursary programme has helped Samaria to complete her secondary education. Samaria is from a rural area of Zambia, and both her parents passed away when she was young. Her uncle struggled to pay her school fees, and after she passed her Grade 7 examinations, she had to leave school.
"My hope of completing my education stopped then as for secondary school you need to pay fees as well as having your books, uniform and other essentials. Luckily for me, the School Based Committee identified me as a beneficiary for CAMFED bursary support and I was called back to school. I could not believe the good news and I was grateful for the opportunity. I no longer worried about dropping out of school. Thanks to the Irish Aid and CAMFED support, my long awaited dream of becoming a teacher has been rekindled."
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Top 50 Jays Prospects, Jays Journal Edition: #30 Moises Sierra
By Jared Macdonald
After back to back Canadians Michael Crouse and Nicholas Purdy at #32 and #31 comes a non-drafted free-agent from the Dominican Republic…
#30: Moises Sierra
Right Fielder / 22 years old / 6′1″ 225 lbs
Born: September 24th, 1988 in Santo Domingo, DO
Bats: Right Throws: Right
High School Team: N/A
College Team: N/A
Signed By: The Toronto Blue Jays as a non-drafted free-agent on December 20th, 2005
Jersey Number: #43 for the Dunedin Blue Jays
2009 Florida State League Mid-Season All-Star
Florida State League Player of the Week on June 15th. 2009
2009 Dunedin Blue Jays Team Stats Ranking for Moises Sierra:
1st in games played (110), at-bats (405), runs (56), and hits (116)
Tied for 1st in total bases (159)
2nd in doubles (24)
Tied for 3rd in triples (2)
4th in stolen bases (10) and RBI (56)
7th in walks (34) and strikeouts (66)
Interviews/Video: N/A
Extra Information and previous experience:
A six-figure international free-agent signing, Moises Sierra became part of the Blue Jays organization at the tender age of just 17-years-old. It's always an indicator that an organization is quite high on a player when they look outside the draft to sign talent., and it's no exception with the Toronto Blue Jays and Moises Sierra.
Sierra began his professional career back home in the Dominican Summer League, where he managed a .721 OPS along with 62 hits in 245 at-bats (69 games). He certainly displayed some extra base power from his large 6'4′, 225 pound frame, as he managed 16 doubles and four home runs. He was also quick on the base paths for a big guy, as he went 17-for-20 in stolen base attempts.
The Jays decided it was time for Sierra to make his North American debut the following season in 2007, which he spent with the Gulf Coast League Blue Jays, appearing in 43 games. It's important to virtually dismiss the lackluster .203/.248/.357 line Sierra put up that season, as he was adjusting to a foreign country while trying to learn English as well.
The Blue Jays did just that, by promoting Sierra to Class-A Lansing anyway the following season in 2008, where he got his first taste of full season professional baseball. In 130 games as the Lugnuts starting right fielder, Sierra managed a .246 average and .661 OPS, along with 16 doubles, 5 triples, 9 home runs, and 114 strikeouts.
Obviously this was Sierra's first full year in the United States, so he was still adjusting to his new lifestyle as well as continuing to learn English. Similar to what Mat noted yesterday in his article about Adeiny Hechevarria, the lack of Spanish speaking personnel around Sierra could easily have had a negative effect on his instruction and development.
Once Sierra was aggressively promoted to Hi-A Dunedin for the 2009 season was when he really started to show his ability. He hit a .286/.360/.393 line in 110 games with the Dunedin Blue Jays, including 24 doubles, 2 triples, and five home runs, and went 10-for-12 in stolen base attempts. This strong showing led to a late season promotion to Double-A New Hampshire, where he was dominant in the 8 games he played in, going 12-for-35 (.353) at the plate with one home run and 6 RBI.
Offensively, Sierra has considerably improved his approach with two strikes as well as his ability to hit offspeed pitches. His contact abilities improved as well, as he has cut down on his strikeouts, against a higher level of competition to boot. A right-handed hitter, Sierra has always been more effective against left-handed pitching, but he is gradually starting to even out his his numbers between southpaws and right-handers. His thick frame allows for a strong ability to hit for power, but he hasn't really tapped into his potential yet in that regard. He is still young though, and should be able to address that issue next season.
What makes Sierra special though is his cannon of an arm, with the term "cannon" even being an understatement. One of the best defensive outfield prospects in the Jays' system, some scouts have said that Sierra may even have the best arm in the entire Minor Leagues, with one admitting Sierra may have the best arm he has ever seen. The numbers don't lie either: 6 outfield assists in 2007, 11 in 2008, and a whopping 15 in 2009 split between Hi-A and Double-A, where he had 2 in just 6 games with the Fisher Cats. Needless to say, runners are going to have to reconsider advancing from first to third or tagging on a sacrifice fly with Sierra patrolling right field.
After Sierra's strong 2009 season, it was easy to think that a stint with Triple-A Las Vegas was likely in his sights before the end of 2010, with the possibility of even a callup to the Majors when the rosters expanded in September.
Sierra was unfortunately the victim of some bad luck this past season though, where he appeared in only 20 games and missed almost the entire first half of the season with a microfracture in his shin. When he resumed baseball activities, he broke the hamate bone in one of his wrists that sidelined him for virtually the remainder of the season.
Overall, Sierra hit .265/.342/.412 in 10 games with the Gulf Coast League Blue Jays, and .162/.175/.270 in another 10 games with the Dunedin Blue Jays. He still managed to notch 3 doubles, 2 home runs, 8 RBI, and 2 outfield assists in those 20 games though.
Sierra will still be only 22-years-old next season, so he has more than enough of an opportunity to rebound from losing a full season from his development. It's obvious the Blue Jays remain high on him and feel the same way, as he was added to their 40-man roster in November and protected from the Rule 5 Draft.
Sierra got an early opportunity to work out some kinks in the Dominican Winter League this offseason, where he went 3-for-11 (.273) with a double, a home run, and 4 RBI.
Expected 2011 Team: Dunedin Blue Jays
Ultimate ceiling if he puts it all together: Everyday RF
With Sierra's 2010 season virtually a write off, ranking him on our Top 50 was a bit of a challenge. Some will likely consider his #30 ranking this year as low, but it also takes into account other outfielders on our list like Thames, Marisnick, and Knecht.
I sincerely hope for a healthy Moises Sierra to return to Dunedin in 2011 with a vengeance and force the Jays' hand to promote him all the way up to Triple-A Las Vegas before the end of the season.
Sierra should have an exciting 2011 season, and is yet another Jays' prospect worth keeping your eyes on next year.
Like what you read and want to stay informed on all updates here at Jays Journal? Follow Mat and I on Twitter (@JaysJournal and @bigja12) or "Like" our Facebook page


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Joel Greenberg wrote a letter for Roger Stone saying he and Matt Gaetz paid for sex with minor, website reports
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Clemson's Swinney, Wake Forest's Clawson believe FSU will overcome slow start
By Safid Deen
North Carolina State head coach Dave Doeren is reflected in Florida State head coach Jimbo Fisher's glasses as they talk before an NCAA college football game in Tallahassee, Fla., Saturday, Sept. 23, 2017. (Mark Wallheiser / AP)
TALLAHASSEE — The Florida State football team is off to a 0-2 start for the first time in 28 years, but coaches in the Atlantic Coast Conference believe the Seminoles will overcome their slow start to the 2017 season.
Wake Forest coach Dave Clawson, who is preparing his team to face FSU this week, and Clemson coach Dabo Swinney both offered their praise for Jimbo Fisher's program during Wednesday's ACC coaches' teleconference.
"They're still Florida State," Clawson said before recalling FSU's losses to Alabama on Sept. 2 and NC State last Saturday.
"I read somewhere that statistically they've played the toughest two games in the country. Alabama and N.C. State are both high-level programs. They're Florida State."
Jimbo Fisher recaps FSU's loss to NC State and previews the upcoming game against Wake Forest while speaking to media on Monday, Sept. 25, 2017.
Clawson said FSU was "toe to toe" with No. 1 Alabama, citing FSU's 10-7 early in the game before three special teams blunders and two interceptions from starting quarterback Deondre Francois derailed the Seminoles.
After a 27-21 loss to NC State, FSU is looking to win its first game of the season at Wake Forest (4-0) on Saturday at 3:30 p.m.
"You know how good they are and how good they will be. When this season's over, this Florida State team, they're going to win a lot of games," Clawson continued.
"They're really good, really talented. I don't look at their record. I know who they've played, and I know what they're capable of.
"Again, this is a premier program. When this year's done, they're still going to be right there."
No. 2 Clemson, No. 12 Virginia Tech, Wake Forest and Duke are all 4-0 to start this season while Miami is 2-0 after two games were affected by Hurricane Irma.
The ACC is off to a 1-4 start against SEC schools this season, but was 10-4 against the SEC and 9-3 in bowl games against other opponents last season.
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Swinney, who led Clemson to a national championship last season, complemented the Seminoles while touting the strength of the ACC during his appearance on the conference call.
"Florida State has played two really good teams, and trust me, Florida State is as good as anybody out there, and that will probably prove to be the case by the end of the season," Swinney said.
"This is a deep conference, and anybody can beat anybody on any given week. … I think we've got a bunch of great teams and a bunch of great coaches in this league. It's a huge, huge challenge week in and week out, but it's good to see the league having success, but it's also one of those things if you're going to be successful in the postseason, you know, what you see week in and week out in your conference to me helps prepare you for that."
FSU Seminoles
Email Safid Deen at sdeen@orlandosentinel.com. Follow him on Twitter at @Safid_Deen and @osfsu. Also, like our Florida State Facebook page for the latest updates on the Seminoles.


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Burma Campaign 1944
The fighting in the Burma Campaign in 1944 was among the most severe in the South-East Asian Theatre of World War II. It took place along the borders between Burma and India, and Burma and China, and involved the British Commonwealth, Chinese and United States forces, against the forces of Imperial Japan and the Indian National Army. British Commonwealth land forces were drawn primarily from the United Kingdom, British India and Africa.
Part of the Pacific War during World War II
A C-47 transport aircraft drops supplies by parachute to Allied troops in action against Japanese forces; a common event during the fighting in Burma and India during 1944.
January – November 1944
State of Burma
Assam, British India
Yunnan, Republic of China
Allied victory
Belligerents
British Burma
Kenya Colony
Nyasaland Southern Rhodesia
Azad Hind (INA)
Commanders and leaders
Louis Mountbatten
William Slim
Wei Lihuang
Joseph Stilwell
Masakazu Kawabe
Renya Mutaguchi
Subhas Chandra Bose
Casualties and losses
29,324 (British Commonwealth) 71,289 (Japanese)[1]
The Allies had overcome the logistic and organisational difficulties which had crippled their earlier efforts, and they were preparing to invade Japanese-occupied Burma at several widely separated points. The Japanese forestalled them by launching their own offensive into India, and this offensive became larger in scope than originally intended. By the end of the year, the Allies had achieved significant territorial gains only in one sector, the extreme north-east of Burma, but the Japanese attack on India had been defeated with very heavy casualties. This handicapped the Japanese attempts to defend Burma against renewed Allied offensives in the following year.
Rival plansEdit
Allied plansEdit
After the Japanese conquest of Burma in early 1942, the Allies had launched tentative counterattacks in late 1942 and early 1943, despite lack of preparation and resources. This resulted in a defeat in the coastal Arakan Province of Burma, and a questionable success in the first Chindit long-range raid into Burma (codenamed Operation Longcloth).
In August 1943 the Allies created South East Asia Command (SEAC), a new combined command responsible for the South-East Asian Theatre. Its Commander in Chief was Admiral Louis Mountbatten. This brought a new sense of purpose and in November, when SEAC took over responsibility for Burma, the newly formed British Fourteenth Army was ready to take the offensive. The substantial improvement in the effectiveness of the troops which Fourteenth Army inherited has been credited to its commander, Lieutenant General William Slim. He enforced the use of anti-malarial drugs as part of an emphasis on individual health, established realistic jungle warfare training, rebuilt the army's self-respect by winning easy small-scale victories and developed local military infrastructure.[2]
Slim's efforts were aided by improvements to the Allied lines of communication. By October 1944, capacity on the North-East Indian Railways had been raised from 600 tons a day at the start of the war to 4,400 tons a day. The Allied Eastern Air Command, which consisted mainly of Royal Air Force squadrons but also several units of the Indian Air Force and bomber and transport units of the United States Army Air Forces (USAAF), had gained air superiority and this allowed the Allies to employ new tactics, relying upon air support and aerial resupply of troops.
SEAC had to accommodate several rival plans:
Admiral Mountbatten, as a naval officer who had previously served as commander of Combined Operations HQ, favoured amphibious landings. The first of these was to be on the Andaman Islands (Operation "Buccaneer"), but the landing craft assigned to the operation were recalled to Europe in preparation for the Normandy Landings.
The previous year, a British attack into the Burmese coastal province of Arakan had been heavily defeated. Having been reorganised, XV Corps had taken over this part of the front and was preparing to renew the offensive with the aim of capturing Akyab Island, important for its port and airfield. A limited amphibious move (Operation "Pigstick") in support of this attack had to be abandoned for lack of the necessary landing craft and other shipping.
A section of the Ledo Road
The American aim in the China Burma India Theater was to maintain military aid and supplies to the Republic of China under Chiang Kai-shek, with its wartime capital in Chungking. They had established an air supply route, known as the Hump, over the Himalayas to Kunming in the Chinese province of Yunnan. Some Chinese forces which had retreated into India in early 1942 had been re-equipped and retrained by an American military mission under Lieutenant General Joseph Stilwell, who was also Chief of Staff to Chiang Kai-shek and Deputy Commander of SEAC. Stilwell proposed to construct a new road, the Ledo Road, to link India and China by land, although British leaders were sceptical about the value of this road and the effort devoted to it. By the start of 1944, the new road had reached the far side of the Patkai mountains, and Stilwell was preparing to advance on Kamaing and Myitkyina in northern Burma.
Chiang Kai-shek had agreed to mount an offensive across the Salween River into eastern Burma from Yunnan. When the Andaman Island landings were cancelled, he claimed this was a breach of faith and cancelled the Yunnan offensive, although he later reinstated it.
Following a long-distance raid (Operation "Longcloth") in 1943 by a long-range penetration force known as the Chindits, British Major-General Orde Wingate had gained approval for the force and its scope of operations to be greatly expanded. This was opposed by Slim and others who felt that this was too great a drain on manpower and resources, but under political pressure from Winston Churchill, Wingate's plans went ahead. The Chindits, designated Indian 3rd Infantry Division for cover purposes, were to assist Stilwell by disrupting the Japanese lines of supply to the northern front.
Wingate had originally planned that an airborne brigade would capture a Japanese-held airfield at Indaw, which would then be garrisoned by a line infantry division as a base for further Chindit raids. This second part of the plan for Wingate's Special Force, which would have imposed heavy demands on the available transport aircraft and also required troops already allocated to other operations, was later dropped.[3][4]
After protracted staff discussions within India and between the Allied staffs and commanders in London, Washington and Chungking, the Allied plans for 1944 were reduced to: the offensive by Stilwell's Chinese troops from Ledo; the Chindit operation in support of Stilwell; the renewed overland attack in Arakan; and a rather ill-defined offensive across the Chindwin River from Imphal in support of the other operations.
Japanese plansEdit
About the same time that SEAC was established, the Japanese had created a new headquarters, Burma Area Army, commanded by Lieutenant General Masakazu Kawabe. Its subordinate formations were the Japanese Fifteenth Army in the north and east of Burma and the Japanese Twenty-Eighth Army in the south and west.
By chance or design, the new commander of Fifteenth Army, Lieutenant General Renya Mutaguchi, had played a major part in many recent Japanese triumphs. He had for example been the officer immediately concerned in the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in 1937, which started hostilities between Japan and China, and stated his belief that it was his destiny to win the war for Japan.[5] He was keen to mount an offensive against India. Burma Area Army originally quashed this idea, but Mutaguchi's persistent advocacy won over officers at Southern Expeditionary Army Group at Singapore, the HQ of all Japanese forces in southern Asia. Finally, Imperial General Headquarters in Tokyo approved Mutaguchi's plan. Officers who opposed Mutaguchi's plans were transferred or sidelined.[6] Neither Kawabe, nor Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi, the commander in chief of Southern Expeditionary Army Group, were given any opportunity to veto Mutaguchi's plan, or to control the operation once it had started.
The Japanese were influenced to an unknown degree by Subhas Chandra Bose, commander of the Indian National Army. This was composed largely of Indian soldiers who had been captured in Malaya or Singapore, and some Tamil labourers living in Malaya. At Bose's instigation, a substantial contingent of the INA joined in this Chalo Delhi ("March on Delhi"). Both Bose and Mutaguchi emphasised the advantages which would be gained by a successful attack into India. With misgivings on the part of several of Mutaguchi's superiors and subordinates, Operation U-Go was launched.[7]
Northern frontEdit
Stilwell's operations in North Burma
Stilwell's forces, the Northern Combat Area Command, initially consisted of two American-equipped Chinese divisions, with a Chinese-manned M3 Light Tank battalion and an American long-range penetration brigade known after its commander as "Merrill's Marauders". Three Chinese divisions were later flown from Yunnan to Ledo to reinforce Stilwell.
In October 1943 the Chinese 38th Division, led by Sun Li-jen, began to advance from Ledo towards Shinbwiyang, while American engineers and Indian labourers extended the Ledo Road behind them. The Japanese 18th Division advanced to the Chindwin to stop them, but found itself outmatched. Whenever the Chinese 22nd and 38th Divisions ran into Japanese strong points, the Marauders were used to outflank Japanese positions by going through the jungle. A technique which had served the Japanese so well earlier in the war before the Allies had learnt the arts of jungle warfare was now being used against them. At Walawbum, for example, if the Chinese 38th Division had been a little swifter and linked up with the Marauders it could have encircled the Japanese 18th Division.
Not only were the Japanese driven back, but the Allies were able to use the trace of the track the Japanese had constructed to supply 18th Division, to speed their construction of the Ledo Road.
Second Chindit ExpeditionEdit
In Operation Thursday the Chindits were to support Stilwell's advance by interdicting Japanese supply lines in the region of Indaw. On 5 February 1944, Brigadier Bernard Fergusson's 16th Brigade set out from Ledo, on foot. They crossed exceptionally difficult terrain which the Japanese had not guarded, and penetrated the Japanese rear areas. In early March, three other brigades were flown into landing zones behind Japanese lines by the USAAF 1st Air Commando Group, from where they established strongholds on most of the Japanese road and rail links to their northern front. Over the next two and a half months the Chindits were involved in many very heavy contacts with the Japanese.
Brigadier Michael Calvert's 77th Brigade successfully defended one of the landing zones, codenamed "Broadway", and established a road and railway block at Mawlu, north of Indaw. This position, codenamed the "White City", was successfully held for several weeks. Not all communications to the Japanese northern front were blocked, as only a single Chindit battalion operated against the road from Bhamo to Myitkyina, beyond the range of effective Allied air support.
On 24 March, Fergusson's brigade attempted to capture the airfield at Indaw but was repulsed, following which the exhausted brigade was withdrawn to India. On the same day, Wingate, the commander of the Chindits, was killed in an aircrash. His replacement was Brigadier Joe Lentaigne, formerly the commander of the 111th Brigade, one of the Chindit formations.
On 17 May, overall control of the Chindits was transferred from Slim's Fourteenth Army to Stilwell's NCAC. The Chindits evacuated "Broadway" and the "White City", and moved from the Japanese rear areas to new bases closer to Stilwell's front. They were given additional tasks for which they were not equipped. At the same time, the Japanese replaced the scratch "Take Force" which had been trying to defend their rear areas with the newly formed headquarters of the Japanese Thirty-Third Army, and deployed 53rd Division against the Chindits.
The 111th Brigade, now commanded by John Masters, tried to establish another road and rail block codenamed "Blackpool" near Hopin, but were forced to retreat after 17 days of battle. The monsoon had broken, making movement difficult and preventing the other Chindit formations reinforcing Masters's brigade. Calvert's 77th Brigade captured Mogaung after a siege which ended on 27 June, but at the cost of 50 percent casualties.
By July, it was clear that the Chindits were exhausted by continuous marching and fighting under heavy monsoon rains, and were withdrawn. By the end of the campaign the Chindits had lost 1,396 killed and 2,434 wounded. Over half the remainder had to be hospitalised with a special diet afterwards. The British 36th Division was transferred from the Arakan to Stilwell's command to replace the Chindits.
Yunnan FrontEdit
The Salween Campaign, 1944
The Chinese forces on the Yunnan front mounted an attack starting in the second half of April, with nearly 40,000 troops crossing the Salween River on a 200-mile (320 km) front. Within a few days some twelve Chinese Divisions, totalling 72,000 men under the command of General Wei Lihuang, were attacking the Japanese 56th Division. The Japanese forces in the North were now fighting on two fronts, against the Allies from the North West and the Nationalist Chinese from the North East.
The Chinese Yunnan offensive was hampered by the monsoon rains and lack of air support, but succeeded in surrounding the garrison of Tengchung at the end of May. (It held out before being annihilated in late September.) After overcoming determined Japanese resistance (in which the Japanese were helped when Chinese plans and codes fell into their hands by chance), the Chinese captured Lungling at the end of August. At this point, the Japanese moved reinforcements (amounting to a further division in strength) to Yunnan and counter-attacked, temporarily halting the Chinese advance.[8]
Siege of MyitkyinaEdit
Main article: Siege of Myitkyina
While the Japanese offensive on the Central Front was being waged, Stilwell's forces continued to make gains. On 19 May, the Chinese 22nd and 38th Divisions encircled Kamaing. Two days before, on 17 May, Merrill's forces captured the airfield at Myitkyina after a march across the Kumon Bum Mountains which nearly crippled the already weary Marauders.[9] If Chinese troops from Ledo had been flown in that afternoon to attack the town immediately they could have overwhelmed the small garrison, but support and logistic units were flown in first and the opportunity to capture the town easily was lost, as Japanese reinforcements arrived in the town.
The resulting prolonged siege was not very well directed and cost the allies many men, particularly amongst the Marauders who were kept in the line for reasons of American prestige, and among the Chindits who were forced to remain in the field to disrupt Japanese relief attempts far longer than had been planned. However, because of the deteriorating situation on the other fronts, the Japanese never regained the initiative on the Northern Front.
The long siege also resulted in heavy Japanese losses. When the airfield was captured, the Japanese in the town at first intended to fight a delaying action only, aided by the monsoon rains. On 10 June, Major General Genzo Mizukami, who had been sent with reinforcements and placed in charge of the garrison, was ordered personally to "Defend Myitkyina to the death". The Japanese dug in and repelled several Chinese attacks. Further resistance appeared hopeless by the end of July. Mizukami evacuated the survivors of the garrison before fulfilling the letter of his orders by taking his own life inside the defended perimeter. Myitkyina was finally captured on 3 August.[10]
The capture of Myitkyina marked the end of the initial phase of Stilwell's campaign. It was the largest seizure of Japanese-held territory to date in the Burma campaign. The airfield at Myitkyina became a vital link in the air route over the Hump.
Southern front 1943/44Edit
Main article: Battle of the Admin Box
In Arakan, XV Corps, commanded by Lieutenant General Philip Christison, renewed the advance on the Mayu peninsula. Ranges of steep hills channelled the advance into three attacks; by 5th Indian Division along the coast, 7th Indian Division along the Kalapanzin River and 81st (West Africa) Division along the Kaladan River. The 5th Indian Division captured the small port of Maungdaw on 9 January 1944. The Corps then prepared to capture two disused railway tunnels which linked Maungdaw with the Kalapanzin valley. However, the Japanese struck first. A strong force from the Japanese 55th Division infiltrated Allied lines to attack the 7th Indian Division from the rear, overrunning the divisional HQ.
Unlike previous occasions on which this had happened, the Allied forces stood firm against the attack, and supplies were dropped to them by parachute. In the Battle of the Admin Box from 5 February to 23 February, the Japanese concentrated on XV Corps' Administrative Area, defended mainly by service troops, but they were unable to deal with tanks supporting the defenders. Troops from 5th Indian Division broke through the Ngakyedauk Pass to relieve the defenders of the box. Although battle casualties were approximately equal, the overall result was a heavy Japanese defeat. Their infiltration and encirclement tactics had failed to panic Allied troops, and as the Japanese were unable to capture enemy supplies, they themselves starved.
Two fresh Allied divisions (the 26th Indian Division and the British 36th Division) took over the front in the Mayu peninsula and resumed the offensive. However, XV Corps's offensive wound down over the next few weeks, as the Allies concentrated their resources, particularly transport aircraft, on the Central Front. After capturing the railway tunnels and some hills which dominated the Maungdaw-Buthidaung road, XV Corps halted during the monsoon. Some ground in the malarial Kalapanzin valley was given up to reduce losses to disease, and Japanese counter-attacks forced the isolated 81st (West Africa) Division to retreat up the Kaladan Valley.
Central frontEdit
Imphal and Kohima Campaign
Main article: U Go Offensive
At Imphal, IV Corps under Lieutenant-General Geoffry Scoones had pushed forward two divisions to the Chindwin River. One division was in reserve at Imphal. There were indications that a major Japanese offensive was building, and Slim and Scoones planned to withdraw and force the Japanese to fight at the end of impossibly long and difficult supply lines. However, they misjudged the date on which the Japanese were to attack, and the strength they would use against some objectives.
The main body of the Japanese Fifteenth Army, consisting of the 33rd Division, 15th Division and the brigade-sized "Yamamoto Force", planned to cut off and destroy the forward divisions of IV Corps before capturing Imphal. The 31st Division would meanwhile isolate Imphal by capturing Kohima. Mutaguchi intended to exploit this victory by capturing the strategic city of Dimapur, in the Brahmaputra River valley. If this could be achieved, his army would be through the mountainous border region and the whole of North East India would be open to attack. Units of the Indian National Army were to take part in the offensive and raise rebellion in India. The capture of the Dimapur railhead would also sever the land communications to the airbases used to supply the Chinese via the "Hump", and cut off supplies to General Stilwell's forces fighting on the Northern Front.
Preliminary battlesEdit
Main article: Battle of Sangshak
The Japanese began crossing the Chindwin River on 8 March. Scoones only gave his forward divisions orders to withdraw to Imphal on 13 March. The 20th Indian Division withdrew from Tamu without difficulty, but the 17th Indian Division was cut off at Tiddim by the Japanese 33rd Division. From 18 March to 25 March, the 17th Division was able to fight its way back through four Japanese road blocks, thanks to air re-supply by the RAF and U.S Troop Carrier Command crews in their Douglas C-47 Skytrains, and assistance from Scoones's reserve, the 23rd Indian Division. The two divisions reached the Imphal plain on 4 April.
British soldiers search through long grass for Japanese snipers while covered by a Bren gun team
Meanwhile, Imphal had been left vulnerable to the Japanese 15th Division. The only force left covering the northern approaches to the base, 50th Indian Parachute Brigade, was roughly handled at the Battle of Sangshak and forced to withdraw by a regiment from the Japanese 31st Division on its way to Kohima. However, the diversionary attack launched by Japanese 55th division in Arakan had already been defeated, and in late March Slim was able to move the battle-hardened 5th Indian Division, with all its artillery, jeeps, mules and other materiel, by air from Arakan to the Central Front. The move was completed in only eleven days. The division's HQ and two brigades went to Imphal, the other brigade (the 161st Indian Infantry Brigade) went to Dimapur from where it sent a detachment to Kohima.
KohimaEdit
Main article: Battle of Kohima
While the Allied forces in Imphal were cut off and besieged, the Japanese 31st Division, consisting of 20,000 men under Lieutenant-General Kotoku Sato, advanced up the Imphal–Dimapur road. Instead of isolating the small garrison at Kohima and pressing on with his main force to Dimapur, Sato chose to concentrate on capturing the hill station. The Japanese records indicate that Sato (and Mutaguchi's other divisional commanders) had severe misgivings about Fifteenth Army's plan. In particular, they thought the logistic gambles were reckless, and were unwilling to drive on objectives they thought unattainable.
The Battle of Kohima started on 6 April when the Japanese isolated the garrison and tried to dislodge the defenders from their hill top redoubts. Fighting was very heavy around the bungalow and tennis court of the Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills. This phase of the battle is often referred to as the Battle of the Tennis Court and was the "high-water mark" of the Japanese attack. On 18 April, the 161st Indian Brigade relieved the defenders, but the battle was not over as the Japanese dug in and defended the positions they had captured.
A new Allied formation HQ, the XXXIII Corps under Lieutenant-General Montagu Stopford, took over operations on this front. The British 2nd Division began a counter-offensive and by 15 May, they had prised the Japanese off Kohima Ridge itself, although the Japanese still held dominating positions north and south of the Ridge. More Allied troops were arriving at Kohima. The 7th Indian Division followed 5th Indian Division from the Arakan, an Indian motor infantry brigade reinforced 2nd Division and a brigade diverted from the Chindit operation cut Japanese 31st Division's supply lines. XXXIII Corps renewed its offensive in the middle of May.
ImphalEdit
Main article: Battle of Imphal
Men of the 1st Battalion, Devonshire Regiment, part of the 80th Indian Infantry Brigade of the 20th Indian Infantry Division, with Japanese flags captured at Nippon Ridge during the Battle of Imphal-Kohima.
The Battle of Imphal went badly for the Japanese during April, as their attacks from several directions on the Imphal plain failed to break the Allied defensive ring. The fighting took place in three main sectors. The Japanese 15th Division's attacks from the north were broken when infantry from the 5th Indian Division and M3 Lee tanks recaptured a vital hill at Nungshigum, which overlooked the main airstrip at Imphal, on 13 April. Fighting between Yamamoto Force and the reduced 20th Indian Division swayed back and forth through the hills on either side of the main Imphal-Tamu road throughout the month. The Japanese 33rd Division was slow to throw in its main attack from the south but there was severe fighting around the village of Bishenpur for several weeks.
At the start of May, Slim and Scoones began a counter-offensive against the Japanese 15th Division north of Imphal. Progress was slow. The monsoon had broken, making movement very difficult. Also, IV Corps was suffering some shortages. Although rations and reinforcements were delivered to Imphal by air, artillery ammunition was running short. However, the Japanese were at the end of their endurance. Neither their 31st Division nor 15th Division had received adequate supplies since the offensive began, and during the rains, disease rapidly spread among the starving Japanese troops.
Lieutenant-General Sato had notified Mutaguchi that his division would withdraw from Kohima at the end of May if it were not supplied. In spite of orders to hold on, Sato did indeed begin to retreat, although an independent detachment from his division continued to fight delaying actions along the Imphal Road. Meanwhile, the units of 15th Division were wandering away from their positions to forage for supplies. Its commander, Lieutenant-General Masafumi Yamauchi (who was mortally ill), was dismissed but this could not affect matters. The leading British and Indian troops of IV Corps and XXXIII Corps met at Milestone 109 on the Dimapur-Imphal road on 22 June, and the siege of Imphal was raised.
Mutaguchi (and Kawabe) nevertheless continued to order renewed attacks. 33rd Division (under a new forceful commander, Lieutenant-General Nobuo Tanaka), and Yamamoto Force made repeated efforts south of Imphal, but by the end of June they had suffered so many casualties both from battle and disease that they were unable to make any progress. The Allies had in the meantime cleared large numbers of starving and disordered Japanese troops in and around Ukhrul (near Sangshak) north of Imphal. The Japanese Imphal operation was finally broken off early in July, and they retreated painfully to the Chindwin River.
AftermathEdit
The attempted invasion of India was the largest defeat to that date in Japanese history. They had suffered 55,000 casualties, including 13,500 dead. Most of these losses were the result of disease, malnutrition and exhaustion. The Allies suffered 17,500 casualties. Mutaguchi was relieved of his command and left Burma for Singapore in disgrace. Sato refused to commit Seppuku (hara-kiri) when handed a sword by Colonel Shumei Kinoshita, insisting that the defeat had not been his doing.[11] He was examined by doctors who stated that his mental health was such that he could not be court-martialled, probably under pressure from Kawabe and Terauchi, who did not wish a public scandal.
Jeep transport on the Tiddim Road during the monsoon
From August to November, Fourteenth Army pursued the Japanese to the Chindwin River despite heavy monsoon rains. While the newly arrived 11th East Africa Division advanced down the Kabaw Valley from Tamu and improved the road behind them, the 5th Indian Division advanced along the mountainous Tiddim road. As Fourteenth Army planned to use only the Kabaw Valley route for supply during the next season's campaign, the Tiddim Road (which included evocatively named stretches such as the "Chocolate Staircase") was allowed to fall into ruin behind the 5th Division, which was supplied entirely by parachute drops. An improvised light formation, the Lushai Brigade, was used to interrupt the lines of communication of the Japanese defending the road. By the end of November, Kalewa (an important river port on the Chindwin) had been recaptured, and several bridgeheads had been established on the east bank of the Chindwin.
Slim and his Corps commanders (Scoones, Christison and Stopford) were knighted in front of Scottish, Gurkha and Punjab regiments by the viceroy Lord Wavell in a ceremony at Imphal in December.
^ not counting casualties fighting against Chinese / American forces
^ Keegan, pp.243-255
^ Slim, p.218
^ McLynn, pp.265-266
^ Allen, p.154
^ Allen, pp.164-165
^ Allen, pp. 157-170
^ Slim, pp.270-271
^ Moser, p.157
Allen, Louis (1984). Burma: The longest War. Dent Publishing. ISBN 0-460-02474-4.
Anderson, Duncan (1991). Keegan, John (ed.). Churchill's Generals. London: Cassell Military. pp. 243–255. ISBN 0-304-36712-5.
Bayly, Christopher & Harper, Tim. Forgotten Armies
Calvert, Mike. Fighting Mad has content related to the 1944 Chindit campaign
Dillon, Terence. Rangoon to Kohima
Hickey, Michael. The Unforgettable Army
Jackson, Ashley (2006). The British Empire and the Second World War. London: Hambledon Continuum. pp. 387–388. ISBN 978-1-85285-517-8.
Latimer, Jon (2004). Burma: The Forgotten War. London: John Murray. ISBN 978-0-7195-6576-2.
McLynn, Frank (2011). The Burma Campaign: Disaster Into Triumph, 1942–45. Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300171624.
Moser, Don and editors of Time-Life Books World War II: China-Burma-India', 1978, Library of Congress no 77-93742
Ochi, Harumi. Struggle in Burma
Rolo, Charles J. Wingate's Raiders
Sadayoshi Shigematsu Fighting Around Burma
Slim, William (1956) Defeat Into Victory. Citations from the Cassell 1956 edition, but also available from NY: Buccaneer Books ISBN 1-56849-077-1, Cooper Square Press ISBN 0-8154-1022-0; London: Cassell ISBN 0-304-29114-5, Pan ISBN 0-330-39066-X.
Sugita, Saiichi. Burma Operations
Thompson, Robert. Make for the Hills has content related to the 1944 Chindit campaign
Webster, Donovan. The Burma Road : The Epic Story of the China-Burma-India Theater in World War II
Hogan, David W. India-Burma. World War II Campaign Brochures. Washington D.C.: United States Army Center of Military History. CMH Pub 72-5.
Burma Star Association
National Army Museum Battle of Imphal and Kohima 1944
Imperial War Museum London Burma Summary
The Kohima Museum Museum based in York dedicated to the Battle of Kohima
Royal Engineers Museum Engineers in the Burma Campaigns
Royal Engineers Museum Engineers with the Chindits
Canadian War Museum: Newspaper Articles on the Burma Campaigns, 1941-1945
World War II animated campaign maps
List of Regimental Battle Honours in the Burma Campaign (1942 - 1945) - Also some useful links
"No. 39171". The London Gazette (Supplement). 13 March 1951. pp. 1349–1381. "Operations in Burma and North-east Infia from 16th November, 1943 TO 22nd June, 1944." Official dispatch by Lieutenant General George Giffard
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Burma_Campaign_1944&oldid=903083077"


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Cincinnati pool safety policy under scrutiny after 10-year-old's death
Cincinnati Recreation Commission conducting internal investigation
Brian Hamrick
After the drowning of a 10-year-old boy the city of Cincinnati is looking at pools rules and may increase the age requirement to be at the pool alone.
The death of a 10-year-old boy who drowned in a Cincinnati city pool is putting safety policies under scrutiny."Any time we have something like this happen, I think it's prudent for counsel to take a step back and look at the public policy, so we will do that," head of the Public Safety Committee for Cincinnati Chris Smitherman said.Watch this storyTyrell Wyche, who could not swim, and was not at the pool with an adult, was found unconscious in the deep end of the Bush Pool in Walnut Hills on Wednesday and later died.A long list of city policies is under consideration, including one that allows children as young as 7 years old to be at the pool without being accompanied by an adult.Comparing the 7-year-old age level with other communities around the Tri-State, WLWT found in Lawrenceburg, Indiana, the city pools age level is 8; In Oxford and Blue Ash the age is 10; It's 13 in Florence, Norwood and Covington."We do that for the safety of the children," Cindy Swegles, with Covington recreation, said. "It's worked and it seems to be a reasonable age. We haven't had any issues with that."Janet Brossart was at Covington's Randolph Park pool with her children. She said she wouldn't leave a 7-year-old at the pool alone."I think that's too young. I would be nervous even with my 12-year-old," Brossart said.But simply raising the age that a child has to be accompanied by a parent isn't a solution without problems."If you raise the age limit to a certain age, where will someone like Tyrell go during the summer?" asks Cincinnati Councilman, Kevin Flynn.Flynn said some kids are exposed to greater dangers staying alone in their neighborhoods than they do at local pools with lifeguards.The lack of some policies will also be considered.Cincinnati pools do not have a wristband policy like some other pools where children are tested and given a designated color wristband if they can swim well enough to be in the deep end."We have to make sure that everything that can be done to assure the safety of our children," Flynn said.The Cincinnati Recreation Commission is also conducting an internal investigation.Those findings will be reported to the city manager.
The death of a 10-year-old boy who drowned in a Cincinnati city pool is putting safety policies under scrutiny.
"Any time we have something like this happen, I think it's prudent for counsel to take a step back and look at the public policy, so we will do that," head of the Public Safety Committee for Cincinnati Chris Smitherman said.
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Watch this story
Tyrell Wyche, who could not swim, and was not at the pool with an adult, was found unconscious in the deep end of the Bush Pool in Walnut Hills on Wednesday and later died.
A long list of city policies is under consideration, including one that allows children as young as 7 years old to be at the pool without being accompanied by an adult.
Comparing the 7-year-old age level with other communities around the Tri-State, WLWT found in Lawrenceburg, Indiana, the city pools age level is 8; In Oxford and Blue Ash the age is 10; It's 13 in Florence, Norwood and Covington.
"We do that for the safety of the children," Cindy Swegles, with Covington recreation, said. "It's worked and it seems to be a reasonable age. We haven't had any issues with that."
Janet Brossart was at Covington's Randolph Park pool with her children. She said she wouldn't leave a 7-year-old at the pool alone.
"I think that's too young. I would be nervous even with my 12-year-old," Brossart said.
But simply raising the age that a child has to be accompanied by a parent isn't a solution without problems.
"If you raise the age limit to a certain age, where will someone like Tyrell go during the summer?" asks Cincinnati Councilman, Kevin Flynn.
Flynn said some kids are exposed to greater dangers staying alone in their neighborhoods than they do at local pools with lifeguards.
The lack of some policies will also be considered.
Cincinnati pools do not have a wristband policy like some other pools where children are tested and given a designated color wristband if they can swim well enough to be in the deep end.
"We have to make sure that everything that can be done to assure the safety of our children," Flynn said.
The Cincinnati Recreation Commission is also conducting an internal investigation.
Those findings will be reported to the city manager.