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PREFACE 


8G ER C, whil}t he was concerned in publiſh- 
ing an Edition of the Works of Eraſmus at 


Leyden, drew up his Life, in French, collected princi- 


pally from his Letters, and inſerted it in the Biblio- 


theque Choiſie, and had the pleaſure to find that it 


was favourably received by the Public. It is ſo Per 


formed, in the main, that 1 could not hope to do it in 


a better manner, and Was not mclined zo do it in another 
manner. 


Tt is therefore taken, as 4 PR} to build upon, 


and is tranſlated, not ſuperſtitiouſly and cloſely,” but 


with much freedom, and with more attention to things 


than to words. T found his way of thinking and Judg- 


ing, for the moſt part, correſpondent with mine; and 
I have ſeldom had occaſion to declare a di * from him, 


B ut at the Same time continual additions are made, 
not only with relation 70 the þ ifory of thoſe days, but to 
the l. ife of Eraſmus, eſpecially where Le Clerc grew © 
more remiſs, either wearied with the zaſk, or called off 


from theſe to other labours, * 


At 


PREFACE. 


At firſt it was intended to diſtinguiſh his aryperry 
from the reſt; but it ſoon appeared that the thing was 
hardly practicable, and quite - needleſs. They who 


Have a mind to ſee, in any part of this work, what 


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belongs to each of us, may ſatisfy their curioſity by com- 
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and di — our Rs under a x4 of years. 


1 pay my grateful achnowledgments to him once for 
all. His labours and mine are blended together; ant 
J am perſuaded that his Manes, if the Deceaſed con- 
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marks. 
A large quantity of Latin is diſtributed up and 
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and which ſeems to call for an apology. I would there- 
fore inform them, that the ſubſtance of theſe paſſages is 
Sometimes to be found i in the text; that ſometimes it is 

not poſſible to tranſlate them, without depriving them = 
 their\ ſpirit and beauty; that if they were tranſlated, 
they would be of ſmall ſervice to perſons not verſed in 
claſſical literature; and, in ſhort, that T ſometimes uſe 
this — and mixture, 10 pleaſe any own taſte, be it 
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P R E FA OE. 
210 or bad. As I have endeavoured, in * greater 
part of this Book, to give my Engliſh Readers in- 


frruftion and entertainment, they muſt alſo give me leave 


to have more extenſive views, and ta write for the 
Learned, and for Students, who, if they carefully 
peruſe theſe Citations, will have ſome obligation to ine, 


and find their time and Pains well employed. 


Under the names of ſeveral confi derable perſons, with 
ww Eraſmus was connected or concerned, references 
are made to ſome of the Authors, who have given us an 
account of them. This part of the work, which is entirely 


my own, though I am ſenſible that it is imperfe&ly 
executed, will be of uſe to ſuch Readers as may defire to 


acquaint themſelves more particularly with thoſe illuſtri- 
ous men, and with the learned hiſtory f that Age. 


As the end of th 735 Bool, there are Plates, containing 
Specimens of the hand-writing of Eraſmus, and of other 
celebrated men. I intend to give ſome more in the next 
Volume. This is all that I think neceſſary to [2 2y t0 the 
Public, by way of Preface. 


J now addref my diſcourſe to You, who are my 
FRIENDS; returning you my thanks for all your good 
offices ; recommending myſelf to your favour, whilſt I 

2 am 


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A. D. MccccLxvil. 


a \RASMUS was born at Roterdam, October 28, 1467. 
* He took his denomination from this city, and always 


called himſelf * Roterodamus; and ſhe made ſuitable 


returns of gratitude to a name by which ſhe was ſo much 


ennobled, and perpetuated her acknowledgments by inſcriptions, 


and medals, and a ſtatue placed near the principal Church. 


His father, who was called Gerard, of the town of Tergou, 
made love to Margaret daughter of Peter, a phyſician of Seven- 


bergen; by whom, after folemn promiſes to marry her, he had 


Eraſmus. 
* Gerard was a man of gayety and wit; and his ſon took after 
him, and had the ſame _ diſpoſition. 8 %% % . 
B l e 00h 


5 Le Clerc Bill. Cboiſ. Enight's * See Bayle ERxasme, Not. A. 
Life of Eraſmus. Bayle ERasme. Du Should it not have been Roteroda- 
Pin B. E. T. xiv. p. 12. Rhenani mius, or Roterodamenſi? 

Vit. Eraſmi. Compend. Vit. Eraſmi. HgBayle Not. B. 

Eraſmi Opera, edit. _ 1703. "ie" © Bayle ibid; 

pendix, &c. &c. 


— * wat T 
— n * 


2 


A. D. 1467. 


THE LIF E 


The relations of Gerard intended to make him an Fccleſiaſtic, 
hoping to ſhare his patrimony amongſt themſelves. By much ill 
uſage they forced him to leave his country. So he went to Rome, 
where he employed himſelf in tranſcribing ancient authors. His 


friends, hearing where he was, and intending to fruſtrate his de- 
ſign of returning to Margaret, ſent him word that ſhe was dead. 
His grief upon this occaſion gave him a religious caſt of mind, 


and made him take Orders. Upon his return to Holland, he 
found that he had been impoſed upon. He then lived ſeparate 


from his Margaret, and ſhe never would marry any other perſon. 


He took care of his child, and ſent him to em when he Was 
four years of age. 


Soon after, the boy, having a — voice, was choſen Cho- 


riſter in the Cathedral church of Utrecht. 


A. D. MCCCCLXXVI. > tat. IX, 


As nine years of age, he went to a ſchool at Daventer, where 
Alexander Hegius was his maſter, and Adrianus Florentius, 
afterwards Pope Adrian VI, was his ſchool-fellow, and continued 
to be his friend. 


Zinthius, viſiting that ſchool, and king notice of the abilities 


of young Eraſmus, is ſaid to have foretold the progreſs which he 


afterwards made in literature. It is reported of him, that he had 
then a great _ and could repeat all Terence and Horace 


by heart. 
5 The affectionate mother of Eraſmus e TRE to Ha 


ter, to have an eye over her child ; but died there of the plague, 
when her ſon was about thirteen. His father Gerard, much 
affected with the loſs, followed her ſoon after; and they both 


died aged a little more than forty years. | 
3 « > The 


f Val. Andreæ Bibl. Belg. p. 1 33. 6, Compend. Vit. Eraſmi. He wrote 


mm — this Compendium himſelf. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


* Virgil, 877 
« Huic uni forſan potui Arvintbive ape. 


A 


c 


This fault of hers, very different from that of a common 
Proſtitute, produced ſo excellent a perſon, that if ſhe had lived 


La) 


0 long enough to ſee the abilities and the merit of her ſon, ſhe 


would have had more reaſon to have boaſted of her failings, 


c 


C 


a) 


« meſtor, is ſaid to have done: for twenty ſuch authors put 
cc together are not t worth one half of Eraſmus.” «| + 


Gerard had left his ſon in the hands of * three guardians, who 
proved baſe and diſhoneſt men, and agreed together to devote the 


poor boy to a Religious life, that they might the more eaſily plun- 


der his ſmall patrimony. They drove him into a Convent of 
Friers, at Bolduc in Brabant. 
There he paſſed, or rather, as he ſays, loſt 1 years of his 


life, having a perfect averſion from the monaſtic ſtate, which 


* ſtuck by him all his days. But, young as he was, he had the 
reſolution not to part with his liberty, not to admit himſelf as a 


Regular, and ſubmit to obſerve all their ſtupid and ridiculous 
ceremonies. He could diſcern even then that "EW was the 


thing leaſt regarded in Religious houſes. 


Then they tried him at another Convent, Sion, near Delft; 
and when that attempt would not do, they ſent him to a * third, 
where at laſt he was conquered, and went through his year of 


_ probation, though with an * mind. TEN 


n Bayle Exasme, Not. B. Chiles. &c. Compend. 


Horum præcipuus erat Petrus * Ste Ecclęſiaſt. T. V. e. 909, 91 o. 
Winckel, tum ludi literarii magiſter ! Stein, near Tergou. 


than the mother of Peter Lombard, of Gratian, and of Co- : 


1 


«Kb The mother of Eraſmus might have ſaid, with Dido in A. D. 1476. 


— 
A. D. 1480, 


og 


"2 


c 


THE. LIFE 


In his youth he took the name of Eraſmus, having before gone 


© by that of Gerard, which in the German language means Amiablt. 


Following the faſhion of learned men of thoſe times, who affected 


to give their names a Latin or a Greek turn, he called himſelf 


Deſiderius, which in Latin, and Eraſmus, which in Greek hath 
the ſame ſignification. Afterwards he was ſenſible that he ſhould 


rather have called himſelf Eraſmius; and he gave this name to 


his godſon, Joannes Eraſmius Frobenius. 
„The father of Eraſmus, ſays Du Pin, had two ſons Ra 


« Margaret, the elder who was called Peter, and our Eraſmus. 


Ln, 


_« Eraſmus entered into the houſe of the Regular Canons of 
Stein, near Gouda, where he was attracted by one Cantel, his 
ſchool-fellow. He took. the habit, aged ſeventeen, or eighteen ; 


A 


0 


* 


* 


* 


Eraſmus broke looſe from his confinement, and led a profligate 
diſſolute life; whilſt Eraſmus, tho he quitted his Monaſtic ſtate, 
to which he had no inward yocation, applied himſelf cloſely to 
his ſtudies, and behaved himſelf ſoberly and regularly. He was 
ordained prieſt by the Biſhop of Utrecht, A. 1492, aged 
« twenty-five.” 3 

The account which Du Pin and others have given us of the 
younger years of Eraſmus, is taken partly from a remarkable 
" Epiſtle of Eraſmus to Grunnius, in which he is generally ſup- 


A 


C 


A 


A 


0 


A 


poſed to have deſcribed himſelf under the nes - name of 


Florentius *. 
As to his brother, Eraſmus hath once * accidentally mentioned 
him as dead in Ep. 922; . I do not find that this circum- 
fande hath been obſerved. N 

A. D. 


„ Bibl. Eccleſ. Tom. xiv. p. 12. » Fratris germani mortem modera- 


See alſo Val. Andreæ Bibl. Belg. p. 229. tiſſime tuli ; Frobenii deſiderium ferre 


n Ep. 442. c. 1821. non poſſum, c. 1053, E. 
o Appendix, 


They were both ſent by their tutors to the Monaſteries above- 
mentioned, and both compelled to become Monks. 


and made his Profeſſion in 1486, aged nineteen. The brother of 


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This year Eraſmus was with Henry à Bergis, Archbiſhop of A. P. 1490. 
can) who had taken him out of the Monaſtery into his 
family. He fays of himſelf, that he was not fit to bear the 


watchings, nor the faſtings, nor the diet, nor the auſterities 
of a Monaſtery. He complains that he was often ill at the 
Archbiſhop's houſe, though he wanted for nothing there; and 
it appears from many of his letters, that he was of a weakly 


| conſtitution. | He had a mind to go to Italy, and there to take 
a Doctor's degree; and complains of the Archbiſhop' 8 parſimony, 


who gave him little beſides good words and fair promiſes, and 
would not furniſh him with the neceſſaries for ſuch a journey 
and ſuch an undertaking. He did not go to whe, till thirteen or 

fourteen AY after. Ep. 3. FT | 


. hy +] MCCCCXCVI, 5 5 Ftat. xxrx. 


UE 


Eraſmus was now at Paris, NOTED the Archbiſhop had pro- 


miſed to aſſiſt him with a ſmall penſion ; but he ſent him nothing. 


Here he had ſome young pupils, and undertook to read them 
lectures. He found it hard enough to ſubſiſt, wanting money to 
buy books, or to get tranſcripts of them; for in thoſe days n 


books were ſcarce and dear. ) 


Eraſmus, ſays * Baillet, was a ſtudent i in the College of Ma 


taigu. He returned to Cambray ; thence he went to Holland; 


and thence again to. Paris, where he paſſed ſome years in poverty, 
which obliging him to ſtudy inceſſantly, and to raiſe himſelf by 


his induſtry, contributed to make him afterwards ſo illuſtrious in 
the Republic of Letters. 


Amongſt 


1 


2 T. VI. p. 9. edit. 4to. 


3 
A.D. 1496. Amongſt his diſcibles at Paris, there was none whoſe friendſhip 


A he found more conſtant than * William Lord Montjoy, who after- 
wards gave him an annual penſion of an hundred crowns, His 
fifth Epiſtle is an excuſe to this young nobleman for having not 
read a lecture to him upon ſome day. Ep. 4, 5. 
At this time, I ſuppoſe, he refuſed a large penſion, and larger 
promiſes, . from a young illiterate Engliſhman, who was to be 
made a Biſhop, and who wanted to have him for a preceptor. He 
would not, as he-ſays, be ſo hindered from proſecuting his ſtudies 
for all the wealth in the world. This youth, as Knight informs 
us, ſeems to have been James Stanley, ſon of the Earl of Derby, 
and ſon in law to Margaret the King's mother, and afterwards = 
made Biſhop of Ely by her intereſt. Tig, ſays Knight, ſurely =_— 
Was the worſt thing ſhe ever did: and indeed, if it be the Catholic, ” 


us it is not the Apoſtolic method of beſtowing and of obtaining 
Biſhopricks. However, it appears that the young Gentleman, 1 Z 
though ignorant, had a defire to learn ſomething, and to qualify | 1 
himſelf in ſome meaſure for the ſtation in which he was to be = 
Eraſmus ſays of the Archbiſhop of Cambray, that he was very 5 

libel of his promiſes, but not of his money. Ep. 50 1. e. 188 * 1 

a B. that c. ſtands for column.}] W | 

A. D. MCCCCXCVII. Ty | Mat. xxx, 


He left Paris, on account of the 13 and came to the b 9 
Low Countries, and was in the caſtle of Tornenhens, which _ 
belonged to Anna Berſala, a lady of great merit, and Marchioneſs 
hs . n "Tt. 


Knight, p. 15, &c, Eraſmus hath complained elſewhere, 

> Inviſerat Angliam in gratiam Mont- that his patron Montjoy, with many 
joli, tum difcipuli, nunc Mecænatis; good qualities, had too much parſimony. 
ſed amici verius quam benigni. Com- P. 19. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


This year he was at L 
acquainted with * John Colet, afterwards Dean of St. Paul's, 
and his fingular friend; as alſo with Wilkam Grocyn, "Thom 
" Linacer, and William Latimer. 

« Grocyn was Profeſſor, or public teacher of Greek at Oxford, 


«7 about the time when Eraſmus was there. Soon after he 


removed to London, and then to the College of Maidſton in 
« Kent, where he was Maſter. Eraſmus owns great obligations 
« to this man, who by his generofity to his friends reduced him- 
« ſelf to ſtraits, and was forced to pawn his plate to Dr. Young, 
« Maſter of the Rolls. The Dector returned it to him again, by 


c his will, without taking principal or intereſt. Grocyn publiſhed 
nothing befides an Epiſtle prefixed to the Sphere of Proclus. 


« Erafmns repreſents him as one of the beſt Divines and Scholars 
of the Engliſh nation. He died of the palſy, old and poor.” 
Ep. 671. | 

« * Linacer was fo v accurate and ſuperſtitiouſly exact in his 


a e and found it ſo difficult to W himſelf, that he 


6c had 


Appendix. Knight's Life of Colet. abfuit ab hoc vitio Thomas Linacrus 


Burnet. Hiſt. of the Ref. III. 27. Anglus, vir undequaque doctiſſimus. 


on and at Oxford, 0 became | 


Pope Blount, p. 376, 377. 


Enight's Life of Colet, p 


p. 13s, &c. 
P. Jovius Elog. p. 119. Fol. 


Ed. Baſ. 
Bayle 
Liv AckR. Maittaire Ann. Typ. I. 


253, 254, 255. 
v Knight's Life of Eraſm. p. 22. 


M.a,ittaire I. p. 254. 


* Knight, p. 24. 
Paulus Amilius Veronenſis ſibi 


nunquam ſatisſaciebat. Nec multum 


Tom. IV. Apophth. xxxv. c. 315. 
This learned man was ſo far from 


being of the Ciceronian party, that he 
could not endure the ſtyle of Cicero. 


Corte Linacer — Ciceronis diftionem nun- 
quam probare potuit, nec fine faſtidio au- 


dire. Gard. Epiſt. ad Chek. Baker's. 
Reflect. p. 46. 


Primum omnium, cum propter homi- 
nis ætatem, tum propter inſignia in rem 


lterarkim. beneficia, adeamus Thomam 
— Linacrum, 


= 


7 
of Vere, who was liberal to him, and whom he hath celebrated A. D. 140% 
more than once. Ep. 6, 7 8, 9, 92. 


* . - 4 2 . F 7 


A. D. 1497, 


cc 


4 - 7 ; » * * 2 — 
Fi 1 ; [ . 0 * ” 
T A E * 2 1 3 F E 4 2 


had like to have publiſhed nothing: which made Eraſmus pfeſs 
him earneſtly to communicate his labours to the publio. He 
lived long at Oxford, teaching the Greek language; and thou 
he were originally of that Univerſity, he belonged to Cambridge 
alſo, and founded a Lecture in St. John's College there, as he 
had founded two before at Merton College in Oxford, = 


te He was phyſician afterwards to the Royal Family, and Eraſ- 


mus often conſulted him, on account of his frequent indiſpo- 
ſitions, which came early upon him; and when he was ſick at 


Paris, he complains that he had no * Linacer there, to aſſiſt 


him, and preſcribe for him. 1 
Another time, he writes to him from st. Omers, defiring 
he would ſend him a preſcription ; and ſpeaks in a way which 


ſhews that our phyſicians, in thoſe times, did not make up 
their own medicines, but ſent their bills to the apothecaries. | 


His tranſlation of Galen De Temperamentis, &c. was one 


of the firſt books printed at Cambridge by John * Siborch, 


who, with his brother Nicolas, were friends to Eraſmus at 


Cambridge: Veteres ſodales, Ep. 782. 


| « Linacer was ill uſed by. one © Bernard | Andreas, tutor to 


prince Arthur. Linacer had tranſlated Proclus, and dedicated 


it to Henry VII: and this ſycophant told the king, that Proclus 
had been already tranſlated by another hand; and fo it had, 
but in a wretched manner. The king hearing this, was ſo 
prejudiced againſt Linacer, that he ever aged amore him as 


an impoſtor.” 


Thus indeed Eraſmus bimſelf hath Felated! the ſtory, and 


Rn follows him: but Eraſmus was miſtaken 1 in ſome. of the 


circumſtances, 


Linacrum, quo nemo majorem orationis raro quidem, at Hens tamen omiſit 


nitorem, caſtitatem, et condecentiam ad Huetius De Clar. Interpr. p. 234. 
interpretationes contulit: quarum virtu-  * Ep. 105. * Ep. 157. 


tum integritatem dum diligentius tueri * Eraſmus calls him Siburgus. 


ſtudet, fidelem verborum afſeQationem, _ © Ep. 1091. c. 1263. 


2 


; By: 
8 


that he was, Vir non exact tantum, 4 ſeveri judicti. 


OF ERASMUS. Spb 9 


| circumſtances. Linacer was Preceptor to prince Arthur, and to A. D. 1497. 
him he dedicated his verſion of Proclus. Maittaire hath publiſhed 


the Dedication, Ann. Typ. I. 2 3. | 
ce However, Linacer was in great favour with Henry VIIL 


« who had an high opinion of his {kill as a phyſician ; and he 


«© warmly recommended his friend Eraſmus to the king. After 


= « this he went into orders, and had only the Chantorſhip | of the 


wo Church of York. He died. of the ſtone, 1 in great pain, in 
1 524. — 

e From his epitaph (fays Wood) we may gather this character, 
« that he was a moſt ſkilful Critic in. Greek and Latin, and a 
© moſt excellent phyſician, having performed ſome almoſt mira- 

« culous cures, &c. His works are enumerated by Wood, and 
cc ſufficiently evince the character which Eraſmus gives of him, 


* It ſeems, he had done ſomething to * offend Eraſmus, who 


« yet was willing to overlook one diſkindneſs, conſidering how 


e much he had been obliged to him. However this happened, 
„ Linacer had a very amiable character. He was a great bene- 


factor to the public; for, beſides his founding lectures both in 


“ Oxford and Cambridge, he was one of the chief founders of 
** the College of phyſicians, in Knight-Riders Street in London, 
« of which he was the firſt Preſident. His picture is ſaid to be 
« in Merton College, Oxford.” © 

| Eraſmus hath * bantered Linacer, but without naming him, for 


giving himſelf up too much to Grammatical ſtudies. 


* Linacer, 


1 


d Koight | F495 torquet ac diſcruciat in Grammatica ; 
Ep. 4310 1874. TT, prorſus felicem ſe fore ratus, {i tamdiu 
' Ep. 699. liceat vivere, donec certo ſtatuat quo- 
s Novi quendam ToAurexplrezer, modo diſtinguendz ſint octo partes ora- 
Græcum, Latinum, Mathematicum, tionis, quod hactenus nemo Grecorum 
Philoſophum, Medieum, x24 Tavra aut Latinorum ad plenum præſtare va- 
BaTtAmnoy, jam ſexagenarium, qui cæte- luit. Moriæ Encom. c. 458. 
ris rebus omiſſis, annis plus viginti ſe + See Knight's Life of Colet, p. 1 39. 
eB 2 


* A r 
A. D. 1497. Linacer, in his youth, went to Italy, and contracted an 
acquaintance with ſeveral illuſtrious and learned men, and par- 
ticularly with Hermolaus Barbarus. dr 


« Eraſmus begged the aſſiſtance of William Latimer in pre- 
e paring his New Teſtament for a fecond edition, knowing him 
ce to be very accurate. | 

We have nothing extant of this learned man, he being, as 
« we have his character by Eraſmus, a man of more than * virgin 
% modeſty, under which was veiled the greateſt worth. After he 
e left Oxford, he retired to the Rectory of Eaftberry in Glou- 
« ceſterſhire; /where he died very aged. He had alſo the Rectory = 
« of Weſton under Edge, and a Prebendſhip in the Church of 1 
« Saliſbury; and what preferment he had, he owed to the | AF 
© favour of Cardinal Pole, to whom he had been tutor, or TH 
| * maſter. He was one of the greateſt men of that age, learned : 
i 3 nin all ſacred and profane letters, and anſwered fully the cha- 

| „„ « racter which Eraſmus gives of him, that he Was, vere Theo- 
l « Jogus, integritate vitæ conſpicuus. | 
| dr 21 {© There is a painting in the Chancel window at 8. Saintbury, of 3 F 
ji wy 1 Religious perſon praying to St. Nicolas, which is ſaid by an 4 
I Ss « ingenious Antiquary to be done for him. He adds, that in the E 
1 old parſonage-houſe at Weſton ſub Edge in Com. Glouceſt. 3 
il « there were the letters W. L. old faſhioned, carved upon the | 
| 0 5 « ſtone-work, and wood-work, before the houſe was altered, 1 
i ES and the ſame are till in ſeveral of the windows, and that the 1 
| | % houſe 9 


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b Ingreſſo Vaticanam Bibliothecam, reſpondit, Nec tu, ſacrate heros, alius 9 

et Græcos codices evolventi, ſupervenit eſſe jam potes, quam ille fama notus 1 
Hermolaus, ad pluteumque humaniter Patriarcha Italorum Latiniſſimus. Ab | 4 N 
accedens, Non tu, hercle, inquit, ſtu- hac amicitia, uti caſu evenit feliciter wv 

dioſe hoſpes, uti ego plane fum, Barba- conflata, egregiis demum voluminibus | 1 1 

| rus eſſe potes, quod lectiſſimum Plato- ditatus in Britanniam rediit. Fuvius, 4 
nis librum (is erat Phædrus) diligenter Knight, p. 29. | = 1 ; 
evolvas. Ad id Linacrus lato ore Ep. 363. | 1 


8 


OF ERASMUS. EN 11 
1 e houſe was probably built by him, which is of the ſize of a little A. D. 1407. 
— *«< College, and in the ſame faſhion.” 
7 c At Oxford Eraſmus was acquainted with More, with Tho- 
e mas Wolſey, burſar of Magdalen College, with John Clay- > —9 
mond, afterwards Preſident of Magdalen College, and thence 
L ©« removed to the Headſhip of Corpus Chriſti College by Biſhop 
: « Fox, the founder, and with Thomas Halſey, afterwards Peni- 
= e tentiary of the Engliſh nation in St. Peter's Church of Rome, 
* <« the Pope's Protonotary of Ireland, and Biſhop of * 
E | « With theſe Eraſmus kept up a correſpondence.” | 
« He " ſtudied at Oxford, as Wood ſays, in St. Mary' 8 College, 
1 ce jn the years 1497, 1498, if not all of 1499: but he ſeems to 
nn ſtretch his ſtay too far.” 
In a long letter in anſwer to one of Joannes Sixtinus, who 
was then ſtudying at Oxford, he ſpeaks modeſtly of himſelf, and 
writes, though in no Ciceronian —_ yet with much wit and 
vivacity. Ep. 13. 


2 « Sixtine, who died! in 1 519, was a Phryſian by birth, bred” 
C jn the Univerſity of Senes in Tuſcany, where he took the 
= << degree of Doctor of Civil and Canon Law; and was incorpo- 
K rated in Oxford. He was Rector of Eccleſcliffe in the Dioceſe 
© © of Durham, and of Hakkamb in the Dioceſe of Exeter. Wood 
= « ſays, that he was likewiſe dignified in the Church of England, 
and one of the foreigners who were excuſed from paying a 
<« ſubſidy to the King in 1513, namely, Peter Carmelian, Poly- 
dore Virgil, Eraſmus, Ammonius, &c. By his will he ordered 
his body to be buried in that part of Paul's which was called 
Pardon Church-yard, his grave to be covered with a marble 
gk ſtone, and a plate of braſs on it with this inſcription, Orate 
« pro anima Johannis Shxtini, Sc. As to his eſtate in Phryſia, 1 
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A. D. 1497. 


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THE LIFE 


and the other half to the Monaſtery of Owgocloyſter, where 
his ſiſter was a Profeſt Nun, on condition that his brother Albert 
ſhould enjoy one half part of the profits during his life. He 
gave ten pounds to the reparation of the Church of Eccleſcliffe, 
though he had not one peny for dilapidations from his prede- 
ceſſor Weſt, Biſhop of Ely, and twenty pounds to be diſtri- 
buted among the poor of the ſaid pariſh, for buying of tools 
and inſtruments neceſſary for their country labours. He left 
alſo toward the reparation of the Church of Hakkamb, though 
he had there likewiſe not a peny for dilapidations, fifteen pounds. 
He bequeathed forty pounds to be diſtributed for Exhibitions to 


poor ſcholars in Cambridge and Oxford: and, laſtly, twenty 


marks to Cutbert Tunſtal, Maſter of the Rolls. 


« Eraſmus , who condoled his death, obſerves, that he was of 
ſo ſtrong a Wee that, without a violent ſhock of ſickneſs, 
he might have lived to the age of Neſtor; that he had a maſterly 
wit, a quick apprehenſion, and a tenacious memory; and that, 

beſides the knowledge of Canon and Civil Law, he was hap- 
pily converſant in every other part of learning. 


In the 14th letter, which is to Piſcator, (Robert Fiſher) he 


ſpeaks with much affection of Lord Montjoy, who had brought 


him over to England, and with much reſpect of the Engliſh 


Literati. 


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« Fiſher à ſeems to bo the ſame perſon who was reste to 


the Church of Chedſey, in the Dioceſe of Bath and Wells, 


and had afterwards a Canonry in the Collegiate Church of 


Windſor, in which he was ſucceeded by Thomas Wulcey (or 
Wolſey) the King 8 Almoner, and great favourite, 1 in the year 
1510. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


3 


« Of Wolſey Eraſmus had at firſt conceived too good an A. D. 1497. 


opinion, and had faid many things in his favour ; but found 
« himſelf deceived in ſeveral inſtances by a man, who had more 
« of the Courtier, than of the friend and patron. If therefore 


he did in ſome of his later writings alter his ſtyle, and ſpeak 
« ſevere things of him, we mult attribute it to a courſe of ill 


« uſage, which he, in common with his beſt friends, had met 


with from him; to ſay nothing of the general odium Wolſey 
had incurred by his pride and inſolence.“ 


Eraſmus went from England to Paris, whence he wrote a letter 
to one William, who was of Gouda. It is full of complaints, 


but he doth not tell what it was that made him fo uneaſy : only 


it appears from it, that he did not paſs his time agreeably at Paris, 


and from ſome following letters, that he had pupils there. Ep. 1 5. 


He deſcribes a battle between his hoſteſs and her maid, who 
had been ſecretly inſtructed by him how to defend herſelf. The 
ſtory 1s well told, and extremely comic. Ep. 19. 

The next letter is a violent invective againſt ſome perſon, 


who had deprived him of his pupil Thomas Grey, ſon * Perhaps 4 
to the Marquis of Dorſet. Ep. 20. 


In a letter to his young friend Grey, he tells him chat a friend- 
ſhip like theirs, founded upon probity and a love of literature, 
would be perpetual. 

Colet had read divinity lectures at Oxford upon St. Paul's 
Epiſtles, and wanted Eraſmus to do the ſame upon the Old 


| Teſtament. Eraſmus very prudently excuſeth himſelf from un- 
dertaking the taſk, as being too great and heavy for him. His 


N letter 


Gulielmum Hermannum Gauden- Et quoniam virtutis ſtudium nec 


ſem, literis deditiſſimum juvenem, ali- rd novit, nec caſibus fortuitis 
ſubjacet, non poteſt bonorum benevo- 


quot annis ſtudiorum ſodalem habuit, 
cujus exſtat Odarum Sylva. B. Rhenan, lentia non eſſe perpetua. Ep. 21. 


Vit. Eraſmi. 4 It is thus alſo in the Baſil Edition; but 


5 Knight, p. 18. : it ſhould be, I ſuppeſe, ſatietatem. 


14 PHE: EFF VP 


A.D. 1497. letter to Colet (without any date of time) is written, Oxonio, 
o Collegio Canonicorum Ordinis Divi Auguſtini, quod vulgo dicitur 
S. Maric. Ep. 403. c. 1789. It belongs probably to this 
year. T1 | 


A. D. Mccccxcvill. Etat. XXX1, 


Eraſmus had moved, the year before this, from Paris to Orleans, 
and had ſtayed there three months; but now he was at Paris, 
whence he wrote ſeveral letters. He had been ill there in Lent, 
and he ſays that St. Genevieve had cured him; but it was not 
without the aſſiſtance of William Cope, a ſkilful phyſician, and a 
man of learning. Ep. 29. Ep. 504. C. 1884. | Þ 

| He was preparing his book of Adagies, and applying himſelf Y 
cloſely to the Greek language; and he ſays, that as ſoon as he A 

could get any money, he would purchaſe, firſt, Greek authors, 
and ſecondly, clothes. There are few ſtudents, who would do the 
ſame. Ep. 58. | 

The Marchioneſs of Vere invited him, by James Battus, a par- 2 
ticular friend of his, and tutor to her ſon, to come and ſee her. : 
But he wanted money and an horſe for the journey, and wiſhed 3 
that the Lady would furniſh him with both. It ſeems that he = 
underſtood a little French, and had written to her in that language. A Z 

He projected to go to Italy and take a Doctor's degree, if his 

friends would furniſh him with neceſſaries. Ep. 29, 31, 34, 36. 

From ſome of his letters it appears that he was this year in 

England. 


—— - 


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———— — 


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N + 
8 2 ˙ TIT Ae Hg. 12S. 
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A. D. MCCCCXCIX. tat. XXXII. 


He did not make any long ſtay 3 in England, fix v we find him | 
« Paris in the beginning of 1499- He had not carried away =_— 
much 1 

u See the character of Battus in * Non peto magnificum Bucephalum, | q A 
Eraſmus. T. V. c. 69. | ſed cui non pudeat virum inſidere. 1 


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OF ERASMOUsS. 


than twenty- four of the prefent money. Ep. 52, &c. 
He complains of his bad ſtate of health, and of his poverty, 


and wiſhes that his patroneſs, the Marchioneſs of Vere, would 
ſend him two hundred franks; a very trifle, as he ſaid, com- 


pared with her ſuperfluous expenſes on other occaſions, and her 
liberalities to ſome raſkally Monks, whom ſhe maintained, and 


whom he calls, cucullatos ſcortatores, et turpiſſimos nebulbnes. 


Eraſmus was reprinting his book De ratione conſcribendi epi iftolas, 


De copia verborum, &c. and intended to dedicate them to Adol- 


phus, ſon of the Marchioneſs. 
The Tract De ſcribendis Epiſtolis was firſt written at the 


Pe. ſuggeſtion of Montjoy, at Paris, about the year 1493, and 
** finiſhed in twenty days. Eraſmus was afterwards ſenſible that 


he had drawn it up too haſtily,” 


Upon ſome j Journey he loſt his wallet, which contained his 


linnen, and ten pieces of gold, and his Preces Horariæ; and 
could not take a ſecond journey, as he tells his friend Battus, 
partly for the loſs of the money, but principally for having loſt 
his prayer-book. Ep. 53. 70 
At Midſummer he went to the Low Countries, as far as to 
Holland. He ſays that * the air of Holland agreed with him; but 


that he was much offended at their Epicurean repaſts. Add to- 
this, that the people are ſordid, unpoliſhed, deſpiſers of learning, 


which meets. there with no encouragement, and much envy. 
T hings have been much altered in this reſpect, ſays Le Clerc: 


Holland is become the aſy/um of letters ſince the beginning of the 
ſeventeenth century; and it * be affirmed, that, during that 


age, 


Knight, p. 49, incultum, ſtudiorum omnium contemp- 
* In Hollandia, cœlo quidem juvor, tum præſtrenuum, nullum eruditionis 
ſed Epicureis illis comeſſationibus offen- fructùm, invidiam ſummam. 
dor. Adde hominum genus ſordidum, 


15 
much money from England, fince they ſent him eight franks by A. D. 129g. 
a ſpecial meſſenger: but eight franks were then worth more 


blandæ, faciles, et quas tu tuis Camcenis 
facile anteponas. Eft præterea mos nun- 
quam ſatis laudatus. Sive quo venias, 
omnium oſculis exciperis ; five diſcedas 


aliquo, oſculis dimitteris ; redis, red- 
duntur ſuavia; venitur ad te, propinan- 
tur ſuavia; diſceditur abs te, dividuntur 


baſia; occurritur alibi, baſiatur affatim; 
denique quocumque te moveas, ſuavi- 


oF 
16 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1499. age, no country hath furniſhed ſo many fuccours to Europe for 
. the advancement of literature. Ep. 59. 
He wrote a jeſting letter to Fauſtus * Andrelinus, the poet 
laureate, and yet no extraordinary poet, exhorting him to leave 
France, and repair to England with all ſpeed, for the lake of 
converſing with the * Britiſh Ladies, &c. 73 
> But though he liked the Engliſh faſhion of faloting the Ladies, 
he did not like the faſhion of ſearching thoſe who left the nation, 
and of not ſuffering them to carry away more than ſix Angels, 
nor the rudeneſs of a cuſtom-houſe officer, who ſtripped him of 
| all the money which he had above that ſum, namely of twenty - 
N Pounds, when he wanted to paſs from Dover to France. This | 
i „ * affront, as he thought it, Ruck! in * ſtomach extremely. Ep. 1 
il 2, 80, 94. ö 
Wl There is a ſtory, that Henry hs eighth ordered the cuſtom- | 4 
(i houſe officers to pillage Eraſmus, who returned to complain to x 
0 | 3 _ King; ; and that the King laughed at him, and ſent him away © i 
18 with a preſent, and with orders to receive his money again. Bayle 8 
i Wo treats it as a fable; and Henry did. not reign till the year 1509. 1 
i © * Towards the end of the year he was at Orleans, and thence 4 
| j | 5 returned to © Paris, He e had much ado to ſubſiſt there, and was b | 
ll 2 Baillet IV. 329. Bayle Awpzetinus, niſſima fit conjunctum contumelia, nulla 1 
b Sunt hic Nymphæ divinis vultibus, tamen a me talio referri poteſt. Quid A 


enim ego aut cum Anglia univerſa dimi- 


cem, aut cum Rege? Nihil illa com- 
meruit; et in eum ſcribere, qui poſſit 
non ſolum proſcribere, verum etiam 
occidere, dementiæ extremæ puto, &c. 
See Knight, p. 53, &c. 

d ERASME, Not. B. B. 

See Catal, Lucubr. | 

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Wh < Vulnus illud in Anglia acceptum tiz, quum agerem in Collegio Montis | 
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OF ERASMUS. 


17 


in uſed by one Auguſtin, whe had a to him, and who A. P. 1499. 


robbed him. 0 

He deſcribes in a very lively manner the arent danger, to Which 
he was expoſed, of being robbed 2 RATES in going from 
Amiens to Paris. Ep. 81, _ + 0 


From ſome letters dated this year, it it appears that he interned 6 to 


publiſh St. Jerom, and that he was quite in love with this Father, 
whom he extols to the ſkies; and, with a ſort of poetical rapture, 
he promiſes himſelf that he ſhall have the affiſtance ' of the 


Saint in the great undertaking. Certainly there was infinitely 
more to be learned from Jerom, than from the Schoolmen, from 


Scotus and Albertus, and the reſt of the crew, 


Ep. 86 is to Robertus * Gaguinus, with whom hen was acquainted, | 


a whom in other letters he hath highly commended. In his 
Ciceronianus, he ranks him amongſt Hiſtorians of low degree, and 


ſays that his ſtyle is hardly good enough to be called Latin. 


q Gaguinus tranſlated Ceſar $ — Commentaries into French. 


K. 1488, IO eee eee 


A. D: ub. 8 5 Etat. xxxIII. 


Eraſmus wrote from Paris a letter to As a Bergis, Abbot 
of St. Bertin, and another to the Marchioneſs of Vere. He is 
not ſparing in his compliments to either, and he wanted to get 
ſome ſubſidies from them, which he ce difficult to obtain, 


though he was well ſkilled in the arts of begging, and of ſetting 


forth his wants. He deſires his friend Battus to plead his cauſe 


to the Lady, Tell her, fays he, that ſhe, who feeds a ſet of 
illiterate n ought much more to conſider me, &c. He 


f Bayle EMIIE, Not. F. Maiftaire ef heologorum p permagnam ige eſſe 
Ann. Typ. II. 67. Pope Blount, copiam, mei ſimilem vix multis ſeculis 


o. 361. . inveniri; niſi forte adeo ſuperſtitioſus 


s Maittaire I. 207. es, ut religio tibi fit in amici 0 
H Tell her =— <juſinodi indoctorum -mendaciolis aliquot abuti. yp 94. 
1 


18 | THE LIFE 


A. D. 1500. alſo deſires him to perſuade her to procure him ame Eccleſiaſtical 
preferment, that he might have. a place to fit down and iy in. 
But theſe were his younger thoughts. 

He begins his letter to his patroneſs, Anna Berſala, with telling 
her that there were three Annes, famous in ancient e, to 
whom ſhe deſerved to be joined, Ep. 92. 

He tells her that it was neceſſary for him to go to Italy, wid 
take a Doctor's degree, which, as he obſerves, makes one neither 
better nor wiſer ; * but it muſt be done, ſays he, if a man would 
be eſteemed by the world. Elſe Eraſmus, as he informs us him- 
lf, in the Abridgment of his life, which is before the Firſt Tome, 
had in thoſe days no great inclination to the ſtudy of Theology, 
and no mind to engage in it, leſt he ſhould oppoſe the eee 
received opinions, and ſo paſs for an heretic. 

A s there was then no tranſmitting letters and bills by 1 Poſt, 

he was obliged to ſend ſpecial meſſengers, and young men, who 
were his amanuenſes. This was an expenſive method; and Eraſmus, = 
who was always of a weakly confiitution, could not live in an hard. = 
and frugal way. | | 0 | 

He ſpent ſome time in the Caſtle of the Prince of . | 
burn, and borrowed from his neighbours ſome of the works of 

the Fathers. 44 77 

His Adagies were printed at FEY for the firſt time. 


A. D. Mp. Ka Eta. XXXIV. 


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We have few letters of this and of ſome followin g years, There: 
is an handſome Epiſtle from Antonius 2 a Bergis to the Cardinal. 


| De: 


4 Bayle ANNE, where ſome additions Chriſto, Theologorum principe. 
are made to his liſt, A ſtudio Theologiæ abhorrebat,. 1 
k quando nunc, non dicam vulgo, quod ſentiret animum non propenſum, WR ; 
ſed etiam iis qui doctrine principatum ne omnia illorum fundamenta ſubver- 7 
tenent, nemo. doctus videri poteſt, niſi teret, deinde futurum ut hæretici nomen 
Aagiſter naſter appelletur; etiam vetante inureretur. 


= OF ERASMU | 19 


6 De Medicis, Eraſmus compoſed it for "_ and was chen in A. D. 1 501. 
= Flanders with this Abbot, Ep, 95 


A. D. MDII. 1 Aut XXV. 
The plague being at Paris, he ſpent ſome time at Louvain, 
This year he loſt his friend and patron the Archbiſhop of Cam- 
bray. Ep. 100. He celebrated him in four epitaphs, for which 
he was poorly paid, as he informs Gulielmus Goudanus. 


In the Appendix Epi Nolarum, there is a fort of Dedication to 
Henry a Bergis, the Archbiſhop of Cambray, which muſt have 
= been written before the year 1503. Eraſmus preſents to him 

1 the poems of his friend Gulielmus Goudanus, which he pub- 

liſked without the author's leave. Whether they deſerved the 
* Ccommendations which he beſtows upon them, I know not : but 
* the praiſes, which he occaſionally gives, to Baptiſta * Mantuanus, 
= are ſurely far beyond that man's poetical merits. Ep. 395. 
Eo c. 1781. | 
n In another Epiſtle, he laments p the condition of the Mar- 
chioneſs of Vere, who had married, as it ſhould ſeem, beneath 
HY herſelf. ,, Bayle * knew nothing of this circumſtance, Eraſmus 
n+ had complimented ber: for ALA g even the moſt Gael 
wy offers. # 
'D 2 | A. D. 
n Fpiſcopum Cameracenſem tribus he, quibus nullus mediocribus poëtis locus 
Latinis epitaphiis celebravi ; uno Græco; erat. — Mantuæ deceſſit, non plane felix, 
miſerunt ſex florenos tantum, ut etiam quum in extremo vite actu, defenſimem 


mortuus ſui ſimilis et. Ep. 445. contra Critices ſcribere cogeretur, qui ejus 
c. 1836. poc mata obeliſcis non inanibus miſere con- 


» Val. Andreæ Bibl. Belg. p. 351. JFedifent. Elog. p. 117. 


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llightingly: Incidit in ca tempora, ſays 


. * See Baillet IV. 324. 4to Edit, and 
Du Pin B. E. XIV. 97. Mantuan is 


ſaid to have voided fifty- five thouſand 
Paul Jovius ſpeaks of him 


» Dominam Verienſem matrimonium 
pluſquam ſervile eripuit. Ep. 446. 
c. 1837. 


q Dick. BERSALA, 


20 


A. D. 1503. 


THE LIE E 


A. D. mnt. . Etat. xxxvi. 


He publiſhed divers of his works at Louvain, a tract De refor- 


midatione Chriſti, a Pæan, an Obſecratio, and particularly the 
Enchiridion Militis Chriſtiani. Then he went to Paris, whence 
he wrote to Petrus Egidius of Antwerp, who was one of his 


beſt friends, and for whom he compoſed an e which | 


zs in his Colloquies. Ep. 101, 102, 746. 


This Fear < died the wicked Pope . Alexander VI. 


A. D. MDIV. 0 Anat. XXXVIT. 


This and the three following . ver if the _ of the letters: 


are right, he was ſometimes at Paris. 
He congratulates his friend John Colet, who was made Dein 


of St. Paul's. He gives him ſome account of his own occupations, 


and ſays that his mind was entirely ſet upon religious ſtudies, and 
that he intended to devote the reſt of his life to them, and that 


he had been three years applying cloſely to the Greek language. 


He would alſo have maſtered the Hebrew tongue; but he ſoon 
grew tired of the attempt, in all probability for want of proper 


inſtructors and helps; elſe he did things infinitely harder than it 
is to learn Hebrew. He alſo complains that want of money 
hindered him from finiſhing ſome treatiſes, becauſe it forced him 
to ſpend much of his time in reading lectures to young ſtudents. 
He mentions his deſign of publiſhing a ſecond Edition of his. 


» Adagies, becauſe the firſt was ES: executed 6. by him, and 


W printed. "bps 102. | 101 


x Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. p. 202, leratiſſimus, cujus filius, Cæſar Borgia, 
Val. Andreæ Bibl. Belg. p. 647. petfectum præbuit Machiavello callidi 


See Gordon's Life of Alexander. fed nefarii Principis exemplar. Peri- 


Alexander omnium, qui unquam #5 Hiſt. Sec. XVI. p. 7. 


fuerunt, perfidia, libidine, ſævitia, ſce- » Maittaire An. Typ. II. p. 195, 251. 


o F E RAS M Us. 


He ſpeaks alſo of ſome other works, and mentions a remarkable A. D. 1504. 


thing of his \Enchiridion *, that he compoſed it, not to make a 
parade of wit or e but rather to correct a vulgar error 
of thoſe, who ſuppoſed religion to conſiſt in mere ceremonies: 


and bodily obſervances, which ſurpaſſed even Jewiſh ſuperſtitions, 


and who ſtrangely ene the gy which concerned true 


| piety... 


Hence it it may be ſeen, that long te Luther ade his 
appearance, Eraſmus had cenſured the minute devotions, which 
the directors of conſciences impoſed upon the people, inſtead of 


inſtilling into them that true piety, which conſiſts in the practice 


of Chriſtian virtues. 


Eraſmus informs us of the occaſion on which he oma this 
book, in a letter to Botzem containing a catalogue of his works. 


He had a ” friend much addicted to women, and a very bad 
huſband to his wife, whom he uſed ſo brutiſhly as ſometimes to- 
beat her. She perſuaded Eraſmus. to undertake this work, with- 
out letting her huſband know any thing of it. He began it 
A. D. 1494, at the caſtle of Tornenhens, and finiſhed it nine 


years after at Louvain, At firſt it did not ſell ; but, in the year 


1-518, he put a preface to-it, which made it go off, by exciting : 
the clamours of the Dominicans, We will ſay more of it here- 


after. It appears from a letter of Eraſmus, that he, for whom 


this book was compoſed, was not made better by it. Inſtead of 


thanking his monitor, he ſaid maliciouſly, that there was much 


more holineſs in that little book, than in its author. The man 
was of the military profeſſion, and this might induce Eraſmus to 


intitle his book, T be Chriſtian Soldiers Dagger, or Manual. 


. Fuhren non ad oſtentationem | 1 mire negligentium. 


ingenii aut eloquentiæ conſeripſi, verum * Theologos omnes fortiter contem- 
ad hoc ſolum, ut mederer erroti vulgò nebat, uno me excepto. Ep. ad Botz. 


Religionem conſtituentium in cærimo- * But it is dated, Apud Divum Audo- 
nijs et obſervationibus pluſquam Judaicis marum, Anno a Chriſto nato ſupra mil- 


lerum corporalium; ea quæ ad pietatem leſimum quingenteſimo primo. 


A. D. 


21 


22 THE LITE O 


A. D. 1504. | © It cannot be denied that this book is full of good maxims 
« and of uſeful inſtructions. Vet was it decried by the Arch- 
deacon of Palenca, as containing ſome hereſies. Louis Coronel, 
a Doctor of Divinity, undertook the defenfe of it. It was read 
„ in Spain, even by Charles V. It took very much, and was 
© ſoon tranſlated into Italian, French, Spaniſh, and German. 
Some perſons have not found in it all the UNcTion, which 
e were to be wiſhed in a Book of Devotion. Maffæus, in his 
“Life of Ignatius Loyola, informs us, that this Saint, when he 
peruſed it, found that it had a bad effect upon him, and cooled 
his devotion : and one of the moſt ſpiritualized men of this age, 
Monſieur de Saint Cyran, made the ſame obſervation. It is 
true, that in this work there are things not altogether proper for 
Godly Books intended for the common people ; and yet it 
wuſt' be granted, that there are alſo things extremely con- 
ducing to inſtruct them 1 in their duty, and to preſerve in them 
* a ſpirit of true piety. Du Pin B. E. XIV. 56. 
The judgment of Ignatius is altogether worthy of him; and 

every Fanatic in the world, if he were to peruſe this Treatiſe of 
Eraſmus, would be of the very fame opinion, and would want 
ſomething more pathetic and favoury, ſomething with more 
Unction, and leſs morality and common ſenſe, 


* 


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A. D. mpv. | Etat. XXXVIII. 


He drew up a good apology for * Laurentius Valla, whoſe $ 

* annotations on the New Teſtament he had diſcovered i in ſome m0 

| TN LOIIM Library. 

. 300 VALIL A. Boiflard Icon. the bad Latinity and the inaccuracy of 
p. 113. P. Jovius Elog. p. 25. Baillet II. this verſion. As he was a mere Latin 
219, and the Notes of La Monnoye, Grammarian, fays Father Simon, his 
III. 19, 220, 221. Pope Blount, remarks are inconſiderable. Bibl. Univ. 

p. 325. XVI. 66. This Critic hath not done 
d Valla had a deſign to tranſlate the juſtice to Valla. | 
New Teſtament into Latin; but being Valla primus ſcripſit notas in No- 
forbidden by the Pope, he could only vum Teſtamentum; ſecundus Eraſmusz - 
write notes upon the V ulgate, cenſuring poſtea Camerarius. Scaligeran, p. 400. 


/ 


— 2 —— — — 4 — > 9. ary, — r 


4. A688 
* 8 


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3 


5 £ WAY: 


own in anſwer to it. 


OF Ek R As M Us. 


Library. 
to cenſure the Vulgate. There was ſome reſemblance between 
the genius of Valla and of Eraſmus; but the latter was better 


tempered, and had more diſcernment. 
numerous. adverſaries of much the ſame e and character. 


Ep. 103. 


Valla had drawn a great odium upon himſelf for Caring 


Each of them met with 


* He was this year at Paris 290 dedicated his tranſlation of. 
Lucian's Alexander to a French. Biſhop, 


. D. MDI. 


Eraſmus wrote ſome letters this year to his Engliſh corre- 
ſpondents from Paris, in which he greatly commends the friends 
whom he had in this iſland. Ep. 104, 105, 106. 


Fiat, xxxlx. 


This year he was alſo in England, and dedicated the W 
cida of Lucian to Richard Whitford, and a declamation of his. 


ſame ſubject. 


More had alſo made a declamation on the 


« * Whitford, as Wood ſays, was bred at Oxford, and was 
« firſt chaplain to Biſhop Fox, about the latter end of Henry VII: 


8 © but. Tang a retired life, and laying aſide the thoughts of. 
"5 preferment, | 


T. I. c. 230: 
* Latine declamare ccepi, idque im- 


pulſore Thoma Moro, cujus, uti ſcis, 


tanta eſt facundia, ut nihil non poſſit 


perſuadere vel hoſti: tanta autem homi- 
nem caritate complector, ut etiam fi. 
ſaltare me, reſtimque ductare jubeat, 
ſim non gravatim- obtemperaturus, — 
Neque enim arbitrer, niſt me vehe- 


mens in illum fallit amor, unquam na- 
turam finxifle ingenium hoc uno præ- 


fentius, promptius, oculatius, argutius, 
breviterque dotibus omnigenis abſolu- 
tius. Accedit lingua ingenio par, tum 


morum mira feſtivitas, ſalis plurimum, 


ſed candidi duntaxat, ut nihil in eo deſi- 


deres quod ad abſolutum pertineat patro- 
num. — Hortor autem ut et Moricam 
conferas, itaque judices, num quid in 
ſtylo ſit. diſcriminis inter nos, quos tu 
ingenio, moribus, affectibus, ſtudiis uſ-. 
que adeo ſimiles eſſe dicere ſolebas, ut 
negares ullos gemellos magis inter ſe 


ſimiles reperiri poſſe. Vale meum deli- 


cium, Richarde feſtiviſſine. Tom. I. 


c. 266. a 


'Y Knight, p. 64. Robes Life. off 


More, p. 30. 


23 
A. D. 1505. 


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A. D. 1506, 


THE LIFE 
* preferment, he entered himſelf a Monk of the order of 
„St. Brigit, in the Monaſtery called Sion, near to Brentford in 


© Middleſex ; and there living till the diſſolution of religious 


“ houſes, he was turned out to ſeek his bread. f 
 <« Being accounted a very pious and learned man, he had been 


© entertained by Lord William Montjoy, and by him made 


« known to Eraſmus, by whom he was much valued. 

He left behind him many pious tracts, which ſhew that 
his bent was towards religion, and that he was a very ſtrict 
% Roman Catholic, the names of which are ſet down by Wood, 
<« and in moſt of which he ſtyles himſelf The Wretch of Sion. 
et plainly appears that he was of Cambridge, from a Licence 


„ which was granted to him by the Maſter and Fellows of 
Queen's College, whilſt he was Fellow there, in which the 
« reaſon given for leave of abſence Was, that he might attend 
upon Lord Montjoy in foreign SO. - 
About the fame time Eraſmus dedicated the tranſlation of 

Lucian's Timon to Dr. Thomas Ruthall. | 


“ Ruthall *, who was ſecretary to Henry vn, had! n great 
* eſteem for Eraſmus, and was kind to him in the next reign, 


« when he came to be Biſhop of Durham. And Eraſmus long 


« afterwards ſent this Biſhop his Paraphraſe upon the Epiſtle to 
< the Galatians, and begged his protection agans. the my 


< enemies that began to oppoſe hin. - 
Eraſmus publiſhed a tranſlation of other dialogues of Lucian, 


with an elegant dedication to Ruthall, in which he attacks the 
fabulous Legends and the lying miracles, which had been admitted 


by Chriſtians even in early times, and by ſome of which Auguſtin 
himſelf had been impoſed upon. Ep. 475. c. 1862. 


He was this year at Cambridge, where his ſtay was ſhort. 


One might expect the moſt authentic account from our 
" learned hiſtorian Dr. John Caius, or Keys; and yet all the 


ES particulars 
* Knight, p. 80. > Knight, p. 85. 


| OF ERASMUS. 25 
1 cc. particulars related by him cannot be depended upon. He ſays, A. D. I 506, 
ce that Eraſmus lived at Cambri dee about the. year 15 o, at what 
« time Henry VII made a viſit to that place ; that he read the Greek 
ce tongue there, and wrote 4 treatiſe De Conſcribendis Epiſtolis, 
ce and had it publiſhed by Sibert ; and had. alſo | his Grace to be 
37 ce Batchellour of Divinity ; | that be uſed much to commend the 
; « fudents, and the Hate of earning i in this Univerſity ; ; that he was 
* ſucceeded by Richard Crook, a r ſcholar of” Grocyne, 200 a 2 20 
* Profeſſor of the. Greek age in the Univer ty of Leiphic, and 
« flouriſhed about 1514. | 
That Crook did Rnd 3 appears from his . 
“ in praiſe of Greek learning, wherein he makes honourable 


mention of Eraſmus, and ſpeaks modeſtly of himſelf, as unwor- 
e thy to ſucceed ſo great a man. 


Other particulars are not to be depended upon. We can⸗ 
not find, that Eraſmus was at Cambridge at any time that 
« Henry VII came thither. Nor does it appear, that he taught 
e Greek, as Profeflor, at his firſt coming in 1506: it was not 
till his return in 1509, or ſome time after, He might poſſibly 
« get his Tract De Conſcribendis Epiſtolis printed at Cambridge; 
< but if any ſuch impreſſion be extant; it will probably be found 
* to be of a later date. Nor are his commendations of the ſtate 


(c 


of learning to be applied to this time, but to the 1 improvements 
* that were afterwards made, &c. 92 8 1 | 
=_ «© The greateſt Maſter of the Antiquities of our - Dawvetfty 1 is 
1 * pleaſed to ſay no more, than that Eraſmus had his Grace at 
Cambridge in the year 1506, to commence B. D. and D. D. 
at the ſame time, performing his exerciſe, and fatisfying the 


«© Beadles; and was afterwards admitted the Lon W 
* Profeſſor about. the year 1 571. 


= | 8 ee R C k 
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re LIFE 


R. Crook, ſucceſſor to Eraſmus in the Greek profeſſorſhip, 
was * famous in his time; ; and Eraſmus had ſo good an opinion 
«© of him, that, knowing! his ſtrait circumſtances, he defired Dran 
« Colet to aſſiſt him. | 
"M0 Though the Oxford hiſtorian mentions Eraſmus as teaching 
Greek at Oxford, and living there many years at different 
times; yet, by all that I can find, it is probable that he never 
went there after his firſt coming to England in 1498, or made 
© no ſtay there. By his own account, he had not Greek enough 1 
eto ſet up for a teacher, even ſome years after his leaving 1 
England fof the firſt. time. He purſued thoſe ſtudies at Paris, | 
as ſoon as he left. England; and fays in one of his letters, that 
his application to Greek had almoſt killed him, and that he 
had no money to buy books, or to rait a maſter. He ſpeaks 
of a Profeſſor of Greek at Paris, one George Hermonymus, a 
wy old blockhead, who was neither willing nor able to teach 

He was therefore forced to make his own way, by tranſ- 
« Greek writers. In a letter to Colet in/1 504, he ſays that 
© he had cloſely oppligd eee Greek for the three, alt > 
years.” | 
ce m Budzus, bind he owed his . almoſt 9 to 
his own induſtry, yet learned ſomething of Faber Stapulenſis, 
Joannes Laſcaris, and Hermonymus. As ſoon as the latter 
arrived at Paris, Budæus employed him, and gave him a large 
falary. He explained to Budzus ſome, Greek authors, as well 
as he could, which Was“ very poorly.” 


1 Eraſmus 


Camerarius beſtows great com- Juiſſet; neque welke, 0 potuiſſet, Kc. 
mendations on Crook, under whom he Cat. Luculr. | 1 
had ſtudied at Leipſic. Præcept. Vitæ Eraſmus hath a ee of this 
Puer, Epiſt. Nuncup. p. 17. Crenius man T. I. c. 933. | 

De Erudit. Comp. | e Bayle Bupf. 

Lutetiæ tantum unus Georgius n Quem Budæus nactus magna mer- 
Hermonymus Græce balbutiebat; ſed cede conductum ad ſe accerſivit, et an- 
talis, ut neque potuiſſet docere, ſi vo- tequam dimitteret, amplius quingentis 1 
nummis 


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OF ERASMUS. 


27 


% Eraſmus was at London in January 1 506, and ſent a A. D. 1506. 


« tranſlation. of Lucian's. Touris, as a newi year's gift to 
« Dr. Richard Fox, Biſhop of Wincheſter. | 


His dedication of ſome Dialogues of, Lucian to Hier. Buflidianus 


is from Nene, in Novgmber I $90 1 J. I. 5 bn 


' b 4405 3% tie ; 


A. TT MDVIL. Fiat. XL. 


He went to Paris, we cannot ey hs when, and took 
with him the ſons of Dr. Joannes Baptiſta, firſt phyſician to 
er I. 


Eraſmus, When he went to Italy, and was croſſing the Alps, 


compoſed a * poem, on horſeback, concerning the inconveniences 


and infirmities of old age, addreſſed to William Cope, a phyſician; 


and complains that he already felt them, though he was not 
then quite forty years of age. From this time forwards he repre- 
7rd II EE Sts 1 NOIG ſents 


nummis aureis donavit. — Huic Greco 


cum aliquot annos operam dediſſet, et 


eo prælegente audiviſſet Homerum 
auctoreſque alios inſignes, nihilo doctior 


eſt factus: neque enim præceptor ille 


plura docere quam ſcire poterat. L. 


Regius. 
Anno 1476 in Gallia conſedit, Pa- 


riſiiſque literas Græcas proſeſſus eſt 


Georgius Hermonymus, Spartanus, &c. 
Alius ab hoc Hermonymo erat ſenex 


iſte Græculus indoctus, a quo Græca 


rudimenta, circa annum 1491, edoctus 


eſt Gulielmus Budæus, de quo in epiſto- 


la ad Cuthbertum Tonſtallum ſcribit, &c. 


(Eraſmi Epiſt. 249.) Hodius De Græc. 
Illuftr, p. 233, 238. 

o Knight, p. 93. 

» Lambert Bos hath pointed out an 
error of Eraſmus in his tranſlation of a 
paſſage in Lucian. 6 p. 145. 

41 Tom. IV. c. 7 56. 


rQuam nuper hunc Eraſmum 

Vidiſti media viridem florere juventa! ? , 
' Nunc is repente verſus | 

Incipit urgentis ſenii ſentiſcere damna, 

Et alius eſſe tendit, 

Diſſimiliſque ſui ; nec adhuc Phcebeius orbis 
Quadragies revexit | 

Natalem lucem, quæ bruma ineunte Calendas 


Quinta anteit Novembſes. FIR | 
Nunc mihi jam raris ſparguntur tempora canis, &c, 


28 


brother 


\ 4 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1 507: ſents himſelf as an old man] being in'this reſpect quite the reverſe 


of Henr. Valeſius, Who at ſeventy imagined himſelf young, as his 


diſtempers, and an uncommon application to literature, he lived 


on to a good old age; and is one of thoſe examples. which ſerve 


to ſhew that ſtudious occupations are not * unwholſome, if they 
be accompanied with ſobriety and moderate exerciſe. 


A. D. MpvfII. Kat. XII. 


He went to Italy, and took his * Doctor s degree, as it appears 
in ſome letters written from Bononia, or Florence. At Bononia 
he ſtayed about a year, and thence went to Venice, where he 
publiſhed a third Edition of his Adagies. Then he paſſed the 
winter at Padua, and went to Rome the year following. At Venice 


he contracted an acquaintance with ” Marcus Muſurus, and * Scipio 


Carteromachus, who taught the Greek language at Padua and 


Bononia, and conſulted theſe learned men upon ſuch difficulties 


as occurred to him in the explication of Greek proverbs. He alſo 


was particularly intimate with Hieronymus“ Aleander, who was 


informs us. With an infirm conſtitution, and many 


5 Natus annis ſeptuaginta, nec fibi 
ipſe videbatur ſenex, nec aliis videri 
volebat, qui mala et incommoda ſe- 
nectutis nulla ſentiret. In literis, quas 


ad eum miſerat Gronovius Gronovii 


filius, longam & felicem ſenectutem ei 
precatus erat. Senectutis nomine offen- 
ſus eſt Valeſius, epiſtolamque ceu a 
juvene juveniliter et inepte ſcriptam pro- 
jecit; tanquam ſibi dedecus aliquod falſo 
exprobraretur. Id mihi poſt, ſed ridens, 
referebat; ita ut appareret ipſum in ſe 


poſtea deſcendiſſe, et annorum ſuorum 


magis quam firmæ valetudinis et virium 
babita ratione, dictum Gronovii pro- 


baviſſe. Adjiciebat inſuper, ante accep- 


aſterwards 


tas haſce a Gronovio literas, ſe de ſe- 


nectute ſua nunquam cogitaviſſe. Vit. 
Valeſ. 77 
r See Huetiana, p. 5. 

v At Turin. Bayle. 

v Hodius De Græc. Illuſtr. p. 219, 


204, 303, 304. Eraſm. Epiſt. 671, 


B. Rhenani Vit. Eraſmi. Bayle Mu- 
su Rus, which is a good Article, Mait- 
taire Ann. Typ. I. 288, 293. 
*Bayle CARTEROMACHUs, Eraſm. 
Ep. 671. 

3 Bayle ALE ANDRE. P. Jovius Elog. 


p. 181. Remarques ſur Bayle. Relat. 


Gotting. Vol. III. Faſc. I. p. 87. 


Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. 99, 240. 
2 p 


'% IN 


Ee 


/ 


OF ERASMUS. 


afterwards Archbiſhop of Brindiſi, and Nuncio, and then Cardinal. A. D. 1 5ob. 


He lodged with him, at the houſe of * Aldus Manutius ; and the 


ſame room, and the ſame bed, ſerved — both: but they did 
not long continue good friends. 
He was, at this time, tutor to Alexander Archbiſhop of St. 


Andrews, natural ſon to James, King of Scotland. In his Adagies 
he hath given a great character to this youth, who ;, returning to 
Scotland, was unfortunately ſlain by his father's ſide, and with 
his father, in the battle fought againſt the Engliſh at Flodden field. 
Eraſmus was much concerned at his death, and perſuaded Am- 
monius to draw up an account of this battle, which yet was never 
publiſhed. Ep. 12 57. | 


A. D. MDIX. Etat. XLII. 


He sed « great honour this year from a King's ſon : Henry 
Prince of Wales wrote him a letter. Ep. 451. c. 1840. 


He paſſed the ſpring in Italy, and wrote two letters from Rome 
to Lord Montjoy. He had not his health in Italy, but was well 
received there by perſons of the firſt rank, and amongſt the reſt 
by the Cardinal of St. George. | 


He hath given a pretty account of the manner, in which he was 
treated by Cardinal Dominic Grimani, who had ſent him word 


by Bembus, that he ſhould be glad to ſee him. As he had thus 
invited me, fays Eraſmus, once or twice by Bembus, I, who was 


then very aukward at paying my court to the Great, went rather 


through ſhame of refuſing, than out of any inclination. There 


was no creature either at the door, or in the hall; and it was 
in the afternoon. I gave my horſe to my ſervant, and went in 


alone. I faw no one in the firſt, ſecond, or third room; nor did 


I find any door ſhut; and I wondered at the filence and ſolitude. 
At 


Maittaire Ann. Typ. I. 229, 292. 141. c. 1608. 253. c. 1666. 
II. 37, &, Eraſm. Epiſt. 671, c. 1228, Knight, p. 101, 


29 


1 
— 3 * . „„ „ͤ„ a eli eds —— . — 


. THE LIFE 


A D. 1509. At laſt I arrived at a room where I found: one: man; a Greek; a 
phyſician as I thought, cloſe ſhaved, who ſtood at an opet-dogr, 
_ I aſked him what xy Cardinal might be doing. He anſwered, 

that he was converſing with ſome, gentlemen ; and, as I ſaid no 
more, he aſked me my buſineſs. - I would only have paid my 
compliments, ſaid. I, to the Cardinal, if it had been convenient; 
but, ſince he is engaged, I will come another time. As I was 
making a retreat, I looked out at a window, to ſec the ſituation 
of the place. The Greek came to me again, and aſked me, if I 
would have him ſay any thing to the Cardinal. It is not neceſſary, 
ſaid I, to diſturb; him: I will ſhortly come again. At laſt he 
| aſked me my name, and I told him: upon which he flipped 
away, unperceived by me, and returning defired me not to go. 
In a minute after, I was called in. The Cardinal. received me, 
not as ſuch an one as he might have received a perſon of my low 
Nation, but as though I had been one of his collegues. He i 
ordered me a chair, and we converſed together for more than 4 
two hours, nor would he ſuffer me to be uncovered : a ſurpriſing = 
__ civility from a man of his dignity! Amongſt ſeveral things 9 
relating to learning, in which he ſhewed great ſkill, he gave me 7 
an account of his intention to collect a library, which I hear he 
hath ſince executed. He exhorted me not to leave Rome, a place 
where men of genius were encouraged. He offered me his own 
houſe, and told me, that the air of Rome, being warm and moiſt, 
would ſuit my conſtitution, that he was ſituated in the moſt 
wholeſome part of the city, and that a certain Pope had built the 
palace in which he lived, upon that account. After much con- 
verſation, he called in his nephew, who was already an Arch- 8 
biſhop, and was of a promiſing genius. As I offered to riſe, the 
Cardinal would not let me; and faid, that the Diſciple ought to 9 
ſtand in the preſence of his Maſter. Then he ſhewed me his 
library well ſtored with authors of different languages. Had I 
known him ſooner, I ſhould never have quitted Rome, where 
| oY I found 


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OF ERASMUS. 37 


| 1 found more favour than I deſerved : but I was then determined A. D. 1509. 
do go, and it was not in my power to ſtay. As ſoon as I told 
7 j him that I had a call from the Og of England; be ny me 
no mere Ke. 5 
Eraſmus adds, in cpo to the perſon to whom he writes 
this letter, and who was an Italian, that he had done much better, 
if he had taken up his abode in Italy: but a land of ceremonies, 
6 Jy and a land of Inquiſition, was no proper habitation for a man of 
= a temper ſo free and open, and 0 remote from the Italian 
grimaces. Ep. 1175. | 
E: Eraſmus afterwards wrote to this courteous Cardinal, and ſent 
1 him his Paraphraſe of St. Paul. Ep. 315. F 
5 « At Rome he was received with great applauſe, and the : 
Pope offered him a place amongſt his Penitentiaries, which 
was reckoned both profitable and honourable, and a ep to 
47 e the higheſt preferment at that court.” 
"00 He was taken into the protection of Raphael Cardinal of 
St. George, and at his perſuaſion was put upon a very ungrate- 
ful taſk, the declaiming backward and forward upon the ſame 
argument: firſt, to * diſſuade from undertaking a war againſt 
4 the Venetians; and then to exhort to the ſaid war, upon the 
« Pope's changing his holy mind. 
Buy his own account of Pope Julius, he ſeems to have found 
= *« ſolittle ſincerity at Rome, that he was the more glad of a call 
= *© back to England.“ 
Mont joy had written him a letter, which is ; the tenth, and 
dated 1497: but it ſhould be 1509. In it Montjoy promiſes him 
* 1 OT Ns great 
9 1 b Knight, p. 102, Poſterior oratio vicit, tametſi ego prio- 
nn B. Rhenani Vit. Eraſmi. rem majore ſtudio magiſque ex animo 
a 6 Knight, p. 105. See allo Catal, tractaveram. Periit perfidia cujuſdam 
Lucubr. archetypum. Catal, Lucubr. 
_ it 1 * He hath touched upon this ſubject - 5 Concerning Montjoy, ſee Knight, 
i in his Eccleſiaſtes, T. V. c. 898. p. 14. + 
1 1 | * Rurſum ſuaſi bellum in Venetos. 


32 


A. D. 1509. great favours from Henry VIII, and from Warham; yet he ſeems 


THE LIFE 


to have had no particular commiſſion from them to ſay ſo much, 


He adds, that the Archbiſhop had given him five pounds, to 


which Montjoy added five more, to facilitate his journey, But 
ten pounds was no great ſum, to defray. a man's charges from 


Rome to France, and thence to England. 


This Lord writes Latin much better than ſome Gahan Doctors. 


His letter, which is eaſy and elegant, is kind and affectionate to 
his friend Eraſmus : and we may collect from it, that the Engliſh 


were highly delighted at the death of Henry VII, and had great 
expectations from Henry VIII, whom Montjoy extols to the 


ſkies; and not without reaſon, for he was a promiſing Prince, 
very generous, and a lover of learning and of learned men, 


though afterwards he lived to diſappoint theſe 1 and to 


Prove a tyrant. 


Eraſmus, in the Dedication of his Adagies to this Nobleman, 
gives him commendations, which i in all nnn he juſtly 


deſerved. 


Four Dominicans were burn this year at Bern, for pretended 
revelations, and apparitions of their own contriving. 


n Unice ſtudiorum meorum Mæce- 


nas. Nam quo alio verbo brevius ple- 


niuſve complectar vel tuum iſtum tam 
ſingularem in nos animum, vel laudum 
tuarum ſummam ? qui quidem es unus 
pulcherrimo illo Apuleii dignus clogio : 


Inter doctos nobiliſſimus, inter . 7 


doctiſſimus, inter utroſque optimus : illud 
adjiciendum, inter omnes modeſtiſſimus. 
i Ex Helveticarum rerum ſcriptori- 
bus petendum eſt, quid patraverint Do- 
minicani Bernæ, cum hominem ſemi- 
fatuum ementitis apparitionibus, dein 
fraudis conſcium, in æmulationem Fran- 


A. D. 


ciſcanorum ſubornaſſent, ut contra con- 


ceptionem B. Virginis immaculatam, 
quam illi ſtatuunt, revelationes publica- 


ret. Combuſti ſunt ob impoſturam dia- 


bolicam, multaque crimina, quorum 


coram Pontificiis Delegatis convicti fue- 
runt, ex Dominicanis quatuor. Am- 


pliſſimam immanis ſceleris relationem, 


a Franciſcano quodam ejuſdem urbis 


Monacho, ut apparet, deſcriptam, ex 


Archivo Bernatium produxit Hottingerus. 


Hiſt. Secul. XVI. Part. V. f. 334 ad 


411. Sectendorf. L. I. p. 97. Fol. Ed, 
Frankf, 1692. 


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O F ERASMUS, i 33 


15 D. Mx. 19925 Etat. xXLIII. 


Eraſmus was in England in the beginning of this year, and he In D. 1510, 
ſtayed there a conſiderable time, as we learn from Ep. 109, 

and the following letters. He received many favours there, as 
his letters ſhew. In one to Botzem, he ſays, that having tranſ- 
lated the Hecuba of Euripides into Latin verſes, he added to it 
ſome poems, and dedicated the volume to Warham. The Pre- 
late received his Dedication courteouſly, but made the Poet only 
a ſmall preſent. As he was returning to London from the palace 
at Lambeth, William Grocyn, his friend, who had accompanied 
him to Lambeth, aſked him in the boat, what preſent he had 
received. Eraſmus laughing anſwered, A very conſiderable ſum; 
which Grocyn would not believe. Having told him what it was, 

Grocyn replied, that the Prelate was rich enough, and generous 
enough, to have made him a much handſomer preſent ; but that 
he certainly ſuſpected, that Eraſmus had put ſtale goods upon him, 

and had already dedicated that book elſewhere, and to ſome other 
patron. Eraſmus aſked him, how ſuch a ſuſpicion could have 
entered into his head. Quia fic ſoletis vos, ſaid Grocyn: that is, 
becauſe ſuch hungry ſcholars as you, who ſtroll about the world, 
and dedicate books to noblemen, to whom yoo can find Weng 
are apt to make uſe of this trick. 

Eraſmus ſays, that he had no great wind to ay | in England; 
but that the Archbiſhop alone detained him. He adds, that 
Mont) joy had given him thirty ducats. Ep. 109 
He had no cauſe afterwards to be diſſatisfied with the Engliſh, 
if we may confide in his letter to * Servatius. But there is ſome 
reaſon to ſuſpect, that honeſt Eraſmus magnifies things on this 


occaſion, « becauſe his boaſts to Servatius nan agree with his 
complaints in ſome other letters. 


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34 
A. D. 1510. 


THE LIFE 
The king himſelf, ſays he, a little before his father's death, 
when J was in Italy, wrote me with his own hand a very friendly 


letter; and now he ſpeaks of me in a moſt honourable and 


affectionate manner. Every time that I ſalute him, he embraces 
me moſt obligingly, and looks kindly upon me; and it plainly 
appears,. that he not only ſpeaks, but thinks well of me. The 
Queen hath endeavoured to have me for her preceptor. Every 
one knows, that if I would but live a few months at court, the 
King would give me as many benefices as I could deſire: but 


I eſteem all things leſs than the leiſure which I enjoy, and the 


labours and ſtudies in which I am occupied. The Archbiſhop 


of Canterbury, Primate of England, and Chancellor of the 
kingdom, a learned and a worthy man, loves me, as though he 


were my father or my brother; and, to ſhew you the ſincerity of 


his friendſhip, he hath given me a living worth about an hundred 
nobles, which at my requeſt he hath ſince changed for a penſion 
of an hundred crowns, upon my reſignation. Within theſe few 
years, he hath given me more than four hundred nobles without 
my aſking : one day he gave me an hundred and fifty. From the 
liberality of other Biſhops, I have received more than an hundred. 


Lord Montjoy, who, was formerly my diſciple, gives me a yearly 
penſion of an hundred crowns. The King, and the ' Biſhop of 


Lincoln, who by the King's favour is omnipotent, make me 
: magnificent promiſes. Here are two Univerſities, Oxford and 
Cambridge, and both would be glad to have me: for I have 


taught, ſeveral months together, Greek and Divinity at Cambridge, 


but without recerving any ſtipend, and I am reſolved always ſo 


to do. 


This letter of Eraſmus is, Ex Arce Hannitnf (read Hemmenf) 


juxta Caletium. Ep. 8. c. 1 527. It is alſo prefixed to the firſt 
Volume of his works. There is much difference between theſe 


two, 


1 Wolley. ; SN, >. 


younger days of a rambling genius. 


OF ERASMUS. 


Greek in the one, are tranſlated into Latin in the other. © 
At his arrival in England, he lodged with the famous Thomas 


More, who was then a young man ; and whilſt he was there, -to 
divert himſelf and his friend, he wrote in a week a“ book, called 


" The praiſe of Felly, in which he ſhews that there are fools in all 


ſtations. A copy of it was ſent to France, and printed there, 


but with abundance of faults :' yet it took ſo well, that in a few 
months it went through ſeven editions. But it drew upon him 


ſeveral enemies, as we ſhall ſee hereafter. 


« The deſign of this ludicrous piece is to expreſs his reſent- 
© ments of being neglected at Rome; and therefore he expoſes 
* that court, not ſparing the Pope himſelf : — fo that he was never 
alter this looked upon as a true ſon of that Church.“ 

It appears from many letters, that he contracted in England 
a ſtrict friendſhip with Andreas Ammonius. of Lucca, who was 


ſeeking for ſome employment at the Engliſh court, and was at 


laſt made Secretary to the King, and died, aged forty years, of 
the ſweating * ſickneſs. 


and ſeveral from him to Eraſmus, who ſtayed a conſiderable time 
at Cambridge, though he often ſtepped up to Town, being i In his 


= Ammonius 


There are ſeveral letters of Eraſmus 
written from Cambridge to Ammonius, who lived at London; 


n Bayle ERasme, Not. R. 

2 It was printed at Paris, by Gour- 
mont, without any date of the year. 
Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. p. 195, 225, 
272. I have occaſion often to cite 


Maittaire, who was an uſeful compiler, 


and nothing more. 

o Knight, p. 107. 

p Bayle AMMoNIUs. Knight, p. 132, 
133. Enight's Life of ns p. 212 — 
214. 

7 Nuper novum n peſtilentiz genus i im- 


miſit [Deus] letiferum ſudorem, quod a 
Britannis exortum incredibili celeritate 
per orbem longe lateque divagatum eſt, 


plurimorum exitio, ſummo terrore om- 


nium; vel quia novum, ut a medicis 
minimum eſſet opis, vel quia paucis 


horis tollit quem arripuit, vel quia ſub- _ 
inde repetit quem reliquit, vel quia 


pernici contagio latiſſime graſſari ſolet. 
Eraſmus T. V. c. 347. See allo Thuanus 
L. VI. p. 199. Ed. Genev. 


35 


two copies of the ſame letter; and ſome things, which are in A. D. 1510. 


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Ammonius was a learned man, handſome and genteel in his 
perſon, ingenious, generous, and good-natured, and a true, kind, 


and conſtant friend to Eraſmus. He writes wy e and 


elegantly. 
He was. Apoſtolical Protcnatety,: the Pope's 8 Collector in 
England, Latin Secretary to Henry VIII, and Prebendary of 


St. Stephen Chapel in Weſtminſter, and of Homer and 


Writhington in the Church of Saliſbury. 
99; 7Te ſweating ſickneſs (of which Ammonius died) dean 


« at firſt in 1483, in Henry the Seventh's army, upon his landing 
e at Milford haven, and then ſpread itſelf in London. It 


returned here five times, and always in ſummer; in 1485; in 
« 1506; afterward in 1517; when it was ſo violent, that it 
killed in the ſpace of three hours; then in 1520; then in 
« 1528, and proved mortal in the ſpace of fix hours,” 

_ « * Braſmus viſited the Church of Canterbury, and the Reliques 


« in it, in company of an Engliſh friend, Gratian Pullen, who, 


<« it ſeems, had more curioſity than faith; and Eraſmus had much 
« ado to reſtrain his heretical ſpirit. — They were obliged to kiſs 


« the old ſhoe of St. Thomas a Becket, and to drop money in 
« it, An account of theſe incidents is told by Eraſmus, in his 


* Colloguy of Pilgrimage for Religion, in a pleaſant manner.“ 


© * When Eraſmus ſaw at Canterbury the Tomb of Becket 
© laden with ſo many pretious jewels, and other ineſtimable 


* riches, he could not but wiſh that theſe ſuperfluous heaps of 
« wealth might be diſtributed amongſt the poor; and his tomb 
eto be better adorned with leaves and flowers, than to heap up 


ce all that maſs of treaſure, to be one day plundered and carried 


„away by the men of power; which was a prophecy moſt 
“literally fulfilled in leſs than twenty Ps | 
cc In 


+ Freind's Hiſt, of Phyſ, Rooper's . Knight, p. 117. Eraſmi Conviv. 
Life of Mose, p. 46. Relig. 
s Knight, p. 116, 3 


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OF ERASMUS. 37 

© In another place he ſeems to aſcribe the great power and A. D. 1510. 
« wealth of the Engliſh Ecclefiaftics to the death of this man.” 

Dr. Knight takes this laſt remark from an Epiſtle, under the 5 
feigned name of Nucerinus, which is commonly aſcribed to 
93 Eraſmus, and not without much probability. In this Epiſtle, 
: 4 which contains an account of the death of More, and of Fiſher, 
1 we read, that the Joty brought in a verdict againſt More, ac pro- 
nunciarunt Killim, hoc ef, Font eft morte. He ſhould have ſaid, 
— pronunciarunt Guilty, hoc eft, Sc. Ep. 378. c. 1763. IT would 
not adviſe any one to uſe this as an argument, that Eraſmus could 
not be the writer of the Epiſtle; for he ſeems to have known 
little or nothing of the Engliſh language, though he lived amongſt _ 
us for ſome time. In this Epiſtle Becket is called T "EY 
Alcrenſis, and Eraſmus calls him ſo in Tom. V. c. 362. Eraſmus, 
4 as it appears from ſome paſſages in his writings, had a better . 
| 1 opinion of Becket than he deſerved. 
= *<* ” As Eraſmus was at firſt invited down. to Cambridge by 
1 . cc Fiſher, Biſhop of Rocheſter, Chancellor of the Univerſity, and 
1 | Fi cc Head of Queen's College; ſo he was accommodated by him 
din his own lodgings at his College, and promoted by his 
= * means to the Lady Margaret's Profeſſorſhip in Divinity, and 
= . *© afterwards to the Greek Profeſſor's chair; which places, tho 
* e they were more honourable than profitable, yet were of great 
WM 4 ſervice to the Univerlity,” 
Ho long Eraſmus was Greek Profeſſor in Cambridge, I 
W | know not. It is made a queſtion by ſome, whether he was 
= | < ever called ſo or not; taking him only for a Reader in that 
| T language: but I think it pretty plain, by Richard Croke's 


_ « Oration in praiſe of Greek learning, that he ſucceeded Eraſmus 


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* Becauſe that Prelate was born in » Knight, p. 124. 
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yl 


38 THE LIFE 
A. D. 18e. « jn that chair. See an account of Croke, and of his works, in 
% Wood's Athenze Oxon. I ſhall only juſt obſerve, that we have 
no reaſon to believe that Eraſmus, though commonly placed in 
de the liſt of Univerſity Orafors, as Predeceſſor to Ke ever 
<« filled that place.“ 4 
Eraſmus, at the defire of Biſhop Fiſher, and by order of = 
by the Univerſity of Cambridge, drew up the Epitaph for Margaret 1 1 
“ Counteſs of Richmond, which is inſcribed upon her tomb in 1 
« Weſtminſter Abbey; and had for ſo doing twenty ſhillings.” 2 

Ep. 109 is to Halſey, with whom he had been acquainted at 
Oxford, who was made Biſhop of Laighlin in Ireland in 1513, = 
and tranſlated to the e of eint and was a good friend 1 
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He 8 orefies Colet to give him fifteen. 1 Which he = 
had promiſed long before, on condition that Eraſmus would 
dedicate to him his book De Copza Verborum, which was not 1 
publiſhed till the following year. See Ep. 115, which is elegantly 
written, and which ſhews that this worthy man muſt have been It 
in great ſtraits, ſince he was forced to beg ſo importunately -. — k 
a few pieces of gold. It 1s not altogether to Colet's honour. = 
In another letter to Colet, we find age the Academics at E 
Cambridge, where Eraſmus reſided, were as poor as himſelf, | 1 
He was much diſtreſſed, becauſe he could not bear malt liquor, | 
and new or bad wine, which gave him fits of the gravel. 4 
Ammonius ſent him ſome Greek wine, for which Eraſmus 1 

. returned a copy of verſes in praiſe of his benefactor. Ammoniss 
1 ; = WL repaid = 
| | 2 See alſo Index Epiſl, Braſn 22 ut intelligam hic demum effundendum 
| TS » Knight, p. 139. mihi, quicquid a Mzcenatibus queam 
It | © Knight, p. 213. avellere. — De quzſtu nihil video, quid 
| 4 Video veſtigia Chriſtiane pauper- enim auferam a nudis, homo nec impro- 


tatis. Quæſtum uſque adeo non ſpero, bus, et Mercurio irato natus? Ep. 117. 


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OF. ERASMUS. 


repaid him, not only with a pretty poem, but with another veſſel A. D. 1513. 
of Greek wine, Ammonius had publiſhed, it ſeems, a volume 


of poems. Ep. 124, 125, 127. 2 | 
Ammonius complains of the * plague, which was at London, 
and of a famine, that would probably enſue; and obſerves, that 


wood was grown dear, becauſe there had been a great conſumption 
But, ſays he, they increaſe upon 


of it in fagots to burn heretics. 


us; and every * illiterate booby ſets up for a teacher, and becomes 
the head of a ſect. If he had lived here now, he might have 


| beheld meaner perſons carrying on the in trade with more 


ſucceſs. Ep. 127. 


Though Eraſmus, as we have obſerved, ad to Servatius that 
he taught gratis at Cambridge; yet it appears, that he made ſome 
profit, and that he expected the payment of thirty nobles, which 


retained him there, though he wanted to be gone. But he 


*. Peſtis modum ſævitiæ ferme impo- 
ſnit, Sed fames, niſi magiſtratus re- 
medium aliquod adhibeant, ſubſequetur, 
malum nihilo peſte mitius. Lignorum 


pretium auctum eſſe non miror : multi 


quotidie hæretici holocauſtum nobis 
præbent, plures tamen ſuccreſcunt: 
quin et frater germanus mei Thomæ, 
ſtipes verius quam homo, ſeam, fi Diis 
placet, et ipſe inſtituit, et e 


habet. 


Angli Plerigue ſunt 1 ; tales 
multos navi. Scaligeran. p. 21. This 


ſurely was too ſevere Ron our fore- 


fathers. 


P. Jovius Elog. p. 41. Hodius de 
Grec, ]luſtr, p. 12, &c. 


thought that ſo poor a reward might be reckoned a very nothing. 
He had explained the grammar of * Chryſoloras, and intended to, 
read lectures Wen that of _ Ep. ON 1 


h Boiſſard Icon. Baillet II. 223, 
603. III. 20, 21, 22. Pope Blount, 
p. 333. Eraſmus, T. V. c. 115, 
Of this learned and illuſtrious Greek 


Hody hath given a large account, De 
Grac. Illuſir. p. 55, &c. He ſtands 


amongſt the Infelices Literati, or in the 
Philological Martyrology, 


Huetius alſo hath given his opinion 
concerning Gaza and Argyropylus, and 


prefers the latter, conſidered as a tranſ- 


lator, to the former, contrary to the 
ſentiment of Jovius and of Eraſmus. De 


Clar. Interpr. p. 238. 


Eraſmus hath frequently commended. 


Gazay in his Epiſtles,. in his Adagies, i in: 
the Ciceronianus, and in other. —— 


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40 


A. D. 75 IT. 1 


THE LIFE 
He informs Ammonius, that he intended to pay a pious 
c viſit, to the Lady of Walſingam, and to leave behind him a 


copy of Greek verſes, as an offering to her ſſirine; and this he 


« performed, But it ſeems more out of cuſtom than conſcience, 
«that. he gave into this ſuperſtition; — and there never was a 


better ſatire againſt this ſort of foolery, than _ Colloquy of 


« his, which he calls Peregrinatio rehgionis ergo.” 

The Biſhop. of Dura, about this d e bim a preſent 
of ten owns. TA. | iv: 

He complains that the: alc was in gende oh chat the 
roads were infeſted with highwaymen; and ſays of Cambridge, 


that it was almoſt deſerted, and that he could not * maintain 


himſelf there, but muſt ſeek ſome other oy to live in, or 


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to die in. 


In Ep. 135, he gives a noble changer to! Tier, FEY to 


mm a abr, F iſher 24s. a great: zeal to ente literature: in others, 


** ihe p. 131. 
- Sumtus intolerabiles, lucrum 


ne teruncii quidem. Nondum quinque 


menſes ſunt, quod huc me contuli, in- 
terim ad ſexaginta nobiles inſumſi. 


Vnum duntaxat ab auditoribus quibuſ- 


dam accepi, eumque multum deprecans 
ac recuſans, Ep. 131. 


OF Epiſcopus Roffenſis, vir non toni 
admirabili integritate vitæ, verum etiam 


alta reconditaque doctrina, tum morum 
quoque incredibili comitate commenda- 
tus maximis bpariter ac minimis, me, 
tametſi nihil omnino ſum, pro ſua hu- 
manitate, fingulari | favore ſemper eſt 
proſecutus. — 
u Inſigni benignitate me proſequun- 
tur cum alii permulti, tum præcipue 
Mæcenas ille meus unicus, Archiepi- 
ſcopus Cantuarienſis, i imo non meus, ſed 


* 


25 * j #4 . * * | 22 and 


omnium erucktorum, inter quos ego 
poſtremas teneo, ſi modo ullas teneo. 
Deum immortalem! quam felix, quam 


foecundum, quam promptum hominis 
ingenium? quanta in maximis expli- 


candis negotiis dexteritas ! 85 3 non 


vulgaris eruditio? Tum autem quam 
inaudita in omnes comitas ? quatita” in 


congreſſi jucunditas ? ? ut, quod vere res 
gium eft, x neminem a a fe talen —— 


net. 


ane 18 quam nullum ſuper- 
cilium ? ut ſolus ipſe magnitudinem ſuam 
ignorare videatur. In amicis tuendis 
nemo neque fidelior neque conſtantior. 


In ſumma, vere Primas eſt, non ſolum 


dignitate, verum et in omni genere 


laudis. | Ep : 135 * 


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OF FRASMUS. 


and to excel in it himſelf; and, though of an advanced age, was 


deſirous of becoming 1kilful in the Greek language, fo neceſſary 


for a Divine; and would have engaged Latimer to teach bun 


bel — letter to eee 301 * and e Bengt, p. 139. 


* 
. 


- 
A 


Hic mihi ſuccurrit vir omni memoria 
ſeculorum dignus Guilhelmus Waramus, 


Arch. Cant. totius Angliæ Primas: non 
ille quidem titulo, ſed re Theologus; 


erat enim Juris utriuſque Doctor, lega- 


tionibus aliquot feliciter obeundis incla- 


ruit, et Henrico ſeptimo, ſummæ pru- 
dentiæ Principi, gratus caruſque factus 
eſt. His gradibus evectus eſt ad Can- 
tuarienſis Eccleſiz faſtigium, cujus in ea 
inſula prima eſt dignitas. Huic oneri, 
per ſe graviſſimo, additum eſt aliud gra- 
vius. Coactus eſt ſuſcipere Cancellarii 
munus, quod quidem apud Anglos plane 


regium eſt; atque huic uni honoris gra- 
tia, quoties in publicum procedit, Regia 


corona ſceptro Regio impoſito geſtatur. 
Nam hic eſt velut oculus, os, ac dextra 
Regis, ſupremuſque totius Regn 
Hanc provinci 
compluribus tanta dexteritate 


ſſit, ut 


diceres illum ei negotio natum, nulla alia 
Sed idem in his, quæ 


teneri cura. 


ſpectabant ad religionem et Eccleſiaſti- 
cas functiones, tam erat vigilans et 


attentus, ut diceres eum nulla externa 
cura diſtringi. Sufficiebat illi tempus 


ad religioſe perſolvendum ſolenne precum 
penſum, ad facrificandum fere quotidie, 
ad audiendum præterea duo aut tria 
ſacra, ad cognoſcendas cauſas, ad exci- 
piendas legationes, ad conſulendum 


Regi ſi quid in aula gravius exſtitiſſet, 


ad viſendas Eccleſias, ficubi natum eſſet 


- 


i Bri- 


F annis 


Eraſmus 


aliquid, goal. 3 poſſularet, 
ad exci ipiendos convivas ſæpe ducentos; ; 
denique lectioni ſuum dabatur otium. 


Ad tam varias curas uni ſufficiebat et 


animus et tempus, cujus nullam portio- 
nem dabat venatui, nullam aleæ, nullam 
inanibus fabulis, nullam luxui aut vo- 
luptatibus. | 
mentis erat illi vel amœna quæpiam 


lectio, vel cum erudito viro colloquium. 
Quanquam interdum Epiſcopos, Duces, 


et Comites haberet convivas, ſemper 
tamen prandium intra ſpatium horæ 


finiebatur. In ſplendido apparatu, quem 


illa dignitas poſtulat, dictu incredibile. 


quam ipſe nihil deliciarum attigerit. 


Raro guſtabat vinum, plerumque jam 
tum ſeptuagenarius bibebat pertenuem 


cereviſiam, quam illi biriam vocant, 


eamque ipſam perparee. Porro, quum 
quam minimum ciborum ſumeret, tanien 


comitate vultus ac ſermonum feſtivitate 


omne convivium exhilarabat. Vidifles 
eandem pranſi et impranſi ſobrietatem. 
A ccenis in totum abſtinebat; aut fi con- 
tigiſſent familiares amici, quorum de 
numero nos eramus, accumbebat quidem, 


Pro his omnibus obleRa- 


41 
A. D. 1517, 


ſed ita, ut pene nihil attingeret ciborum: 


ſi tales non dabantur, quod temporis 
cœnæ dandum erat, id vel precibus, vel 


lectioni impendebat. Atque ut ipſe 
leporibus ſcatebat mire gratis, ſed citra 
morſum atque ineptiam, ita liberioribus 


jocis amicorum delectabatur: a ſcurrili- 


8 


tate 


— 


42 


A. D. 1511. 


"THE'LIFE 


Eraſmus complains bitterly of ſome perſon in En gland, who 
had made bim large Promiſes, and had not n them. 


Ep. 129. 


He fare the Archbiſhop, that he was afflicted with the 
gravel, which malt liquor had brought upon him; and ſays 
pleaſantly, that he was fallen. into the hands of hangmen and 


harpies, called phyſicians and apothecaries. I am, ſays he, in 
travail; it ſticks in my ribs; and when or what I ſhall bring 
forth, I know not. He ſends the Archbiſhop the Saturnalia 
of Lucian tranſlated into Latin; and, for the reaſon mentioned 


above, he adds, that he bad not dedicated it to any other perſon, 


Ep. 188, 189. 


tate et obtrectatione tam abhorrebat, 


quam quiſquam ab angue. Sic ille vir 
eximius ſibi faciebat dies abunde longos, 


quorum brevitatem multi cauſantur. 


Ecclefiaft. T. V. c. 810. 


Eraſmus wrote this aſter the d rat of ; 


Warham. 


IT is with a melancholy kind of 
pleaſure that I tranſcribe theſe paſlages, 
and ſhall in other parts of this work 
inſert other teſtimonies to the honour 
of the Archbiſhop ; whilſt in the cha- 
racter of this amiable Prelate, drawn by 
ſo maſterly an hand, I contemplate that 
of my late Patron, (Thomas Herring, 


Archbiſhop of Canterbury) who, beſides: 
the good qualities. in which he reſem- 


bled Warham, had piety without ſuper- 
ſtition, and moderation without mean- 


48 Warbam 


neſs, an open and a liberal way of 


thinking, and a conſtant attachment to 
the cauſe of ſober and rational liberty, 


both civil and religious. Thus he lived 
and died, and few Great men ever paſſed 
through this malevolent world, better 
beloved, and leſs cenſured, than he. 

He told me once, with an obliging 
condeſcenſion, which I can never forget, 


that he would be to me, what Warham 


was to Eraſmus ; and what he promiſed, 
he performed: only leſs fortunate in 


the choice of his humble friend, who 


could not be to him, what Eraſmus 


was to Warham, But if theſe Pages 
ſhould live, protected by the ſubject 
which they treat, and the materials 
of which they are compoſed, they may 
perhaps aſſiſt in doing Juſtice to his 


memory. 


His mihi dilectum Nomen, Maneſque verendos, ä 
His ſaltem accumulem donis, et fungar amico 
Munere Non totus, raptus licet, optime Præſul, 
Eriperis: redit os placidum, moreſque benigni, 
Et venit ante oculos, et pectore vivit Imago. 


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OF ERASMUS. 43 


( « Warham was a great Canoniſt, an able Stateſman, a dextrous A. D. r511, 
' Courtier, and a favourer of learned men. He always hated 
Cardinal Wolſey, and would never ſtoop to him, eſteeming it 
« below the dignity of his See. He was not ſo peeviſhly engaged 
« in the learning of the Schools, as others were; but ſet up and 
<« encouraged a more generous way of knowledge: yet he was a 
<« ſevere perſecutor of them, whom he thought heretics ; and 
<« inclined to believe idle and fanatical people, as will afterwards 
« appear, When the pac of the Maid of Kent ſhall be 


“ related.” 8 

He had all lod concurtad' in the King's WT HO and 
e had promoted them in Convocation : yet, ſix months before 
« his death, he made a proteſtation of a ſingular nature at 
« Lambeth, and fo ſecretly, that mention is only made of three 
ce notaries and four witneſſes preſent. It is to this effect: that 
*« what Statutes ſoever had paſſed, or were to paſs, in this preſent 

“ Parliament, to the prejudice of the Pope, or the Apoſtolic See, or 

ce that derogated from, or leſſened the Eccleſiaſtical authority, or the 

« liberties of his See of Canterbury, he did not conſent to them; but 
* did diſown and diſſent from them. — T leave it to the Reader to 

« conſider, what conſtruction can be made upon this; whether it 

Was, in the decline of his life, put on him by his Confeſſor 
e about the time of Lent, as a penance for what he had done; 
Ie ce or if he muſt be looked on as a deceitful man, that, while he 

15 * ſeemed openly to concur in | thoſe K he 188 againſt 
5e them ſecretly, &c.” | 

« ? Fiſher was a learned and devout man, but much addicted 

'* to the ſuperſtitions, in which he had been bred up; and that 
= © led him to great ſeverities againſt all that oppoſed them. He 
= © had Veen wal many years Confeſſor to the King's grandmother, 
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| A, D. 1511. 


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THE LIFE 


© the Counteſs of Richmond; and it was believed, that he per- 
« ſuaded her to thoſe noble deſigns for the advancement of 
learning, of founding two Colleges in Cambridge, St. John's 
c and Chriſt's College, and Divinity Profeſſors in both Univer- 
„ ſities: and, in acknowledgment of this, he was choſen 


« Chancellor of the Univerſity of Cambridge. Henry VII gave 


he uſed to. ſay, his Church was his wife, and he would never 


* part with her becauſe ſhe was poor. He continued in great 
„ fayour with Henry VIII, till the buſineſs of the Divorce was ſet 
on foot; and then he adhered ſo firmly to the Queen's cauſe, 


e and the Pope's Supremacy, that he was carried by that head- 


long into great errors.—When he and More were put to death, 
wet Sender, who was never wanting in the moſt ſervile compli- 


cc ances, wrote a vindication of the King's proceedings. The 
„Lord Herbert had it in his hands, and tells that it was written 
in elegant Latin, &c.“ 

Eraſmus ſays, that four learned men, and his intimate friends, 
had begun to ſtudy Greek, when they were more than forty 


La) 
— 


years old, and had reaped great advantage from it. It ſeems 


not improbable, that Fiſher might be one of theſe. 
He obſerves of Warham, that he was never idle himſelf "OY 


would ſuffer none of his domeſtics and dependents to be uſcleſs 


and lazy. 


In Ep. 131, and in other places, he mentions John Brian 
amongſt his Cantabrigian friends. 


ces We have ſome account of Brian from a manuſcript of 


<« Archbiſhop Teniſon, which ſays, that he was born at London, 


“ and was of King's College, and that he was one of the moſt 
« learned men of his time, eſpecially in the Greek and Latin 
& * tongues, 
4 Tom. V. c. 78. .* Knight, p. 146, | | 2 
Lingua, T. IV. c. 732. | L 


him the Biſhoprick of Rocheſter, which he, following the rule 
*« of the primitive Church, would never change for a better: 


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OF ERASMUS. 45 


* tongues, as alſo a public Reader upon Ariſtotle in the Schools; A. D. 1511. 
« and tho he diſobliged many, who affected the old nonſenſical 

« diſtinctions and quibbles, yet this made him to be taken notice 

« of and beloved by Eraſmus. There is mention made by 

« Eraſmus. of his writing a RY of France ; but it doth not 

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Emſmos ſent a rantlaors of Puck te ne to his friend 

er Baptiſta, now phyſician to Henry VIII. Ep. + » 7 wag 
© « © Praſmus exhorted the * phyſicians of his time to ſtudy 
« Greek, as more neceſſary to their profeſſion than to any other. 
« He recites the names of the moſt eminent phyſicians in Europe, 
& who, ſenſible of the want of that language, learned it in their 
* . *© declining years. He mentions none, who had the good fortune 
« to learn it when young, but our Linacer and Ruellius. He 
ce hopes, that all ſtudents in that faculty will labour to attain it; 
« and he thinks in a little time no one will be fo impudent, as 0 
e profeſs phyſic without it. 
« It is to the honour of that faculty, that « as the firſt teachat 
of the Greek tongue at Oxford was Linacer, ſo the next of any 
note was Dr. John Clement, another very learned phyfician, to 
ce whom ſucceeded Mr. Thomas Lupſet.” 

If Eraſmus had lived in theſe times, he would have found it 
needleſs to exhort the Gentlemen of that profeſſion to the ſtudy 
of the learned languages and of polite literature, in which fo many 
Þ of them have diſtinguiſhed themſelves. _ 
He hath recommended the ſtudy of phyſic, as of the * beſt 
9 profeſſion to ſecure a man from . He had ſeveral good 
_ = 1 aac | friends 
It t Knight, p. 109, *" Epil. 205, alit et 8 ſed alit tantum : que 

* Adverſus inopiam certiſſimum præ- complectitur et Po#ticen, et, ut nunc ſunt 
ſidium eſt Ars medicandi, quæ longiſſine tempora, Rhetoricen. T. V. c. 661. 


abeſt a neceſſitate mendicandi, Huic Of 'the Ars Theologica he faith no- 
proxima eſt Juris prudentia. Plurimos thing; and we alſo will ſay nothing. 


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THE LIFE 


A. D. 1512, friends amongſt the phyſicians ; and they have uſually been ſuch 
to men of letters, 


He ſent a foul copy of a tranſlation of the Tearomenithus to 


Ammonius, begging him to get it tranſcribed ”, which, it ſeems, 


no one could or would do for him at Cambridge. Ep. 139. 

In * a letter to the Marquis of Vere (Princip: Veriano) he tells 
him, that he was ſick of England, and longed to be in his own 
country; and begs his favour and afliſtance. 

The Archbiſhop, having rallied him a little about his Nor 
ſent him thirty angels, and exhorted him to take care of his 
health. Ep. 134. 

He publiſhed his book De copia verborum, augmented, and 


dedicated to Colet, according to his promiſe, whom he highly 


commends for having founded a ſchool at London, at his own 
expenſe. 


A.D. MES. Etat. xLvI. 


He wrote from London a very elegant letter to the Abbot of 


St. Bertin, againſt the rage of going to war, which then poſſeſſed 


the French and the Engliſh. He hath often treated this ſubject, 
and always with great vivacity, eloquence, and ſtrength of reaſon: 
as in his Adagies, under the proverb, Dulce bellum inexpertis; in 


his book, intitled Querela pacis; and in his Inſiruttion of a Chriſtian 
Prince. But his remonſtrances had ſmall effect; and Charles V, 


to whom the laſt mentioned treatiſe was dedicated, became not a 
jot the more * for 1 it. 


Eraſmus 


Et hic (O Academiam !) nullus tum quidem ample ſpes me ferocem 


inveniri poteſt, qui ullo pretio vel me- reddiderant, et aurei Britanniæ montes 
diocriter ſcribat. - animo concepti : ſed eam criſtam mihi 

= Quoties pcenituit me, fortunam, depreflit Fortuna: nunc ſi vel mediocris 
quam ante triennium mihi Lovanii iftic detur, cupio cum Ulyſſe patriæ 


offerebas, non amplexum fuiſſe? Sed fumum ſubſilientem conſpicere. Ep. 143, 


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OF ERASMUS. 47 
Eraſmus thought it hardly lawful for a Chriſtian to go to war, A. D. 1513. 
and in this reſpect was almoſt a Quaker. 
He tells Antonius à Bergis, that this war diſtreſſed him in 
particular, on account of the ſcarcity of proviſions, and becauſe 
no good wine was to be had in England. He ſeemed to himſelf 
as One baniſhed, and impriſoned in an iſland, becauſe at that 
time they received no letters from beyond ſea. He would gladly 
have returned to Flanders, if he could have found a ſubſiſtence. 
„„ * 
He was forced to live expenſively, not only becauſe of his bad 
health, but becauſe he kept an horſe, and probably a ſervant to 
take care of him. He had the misfortune to loſe his horſe; and 
he preſented his New Teſtament to Urſewick, in hopes that he 
would give him an horſe, as he ſays: but Urſewick was not to 


2 


3 be met with at that time. Ammonius very generouſly and 


genteelly made him a preſent of one. Ep. 145, 146. 


2 Cujus immanitatis conſpectu multi 
homines minime mali eo venerunt, ut 


Chriſtiano, cujus diſciplina in hominibus 
diligendis præcipue conſiſtit, omnia arma 
interdicerent: ad quos accedere inter- 


dum videntur et Joannes Ferus, et 


Eraſmus noſtras, viri pacis et eccleſi- 


aſticæ et civilis amantiſſimi. Grotus, 
Bayle FERus, Not. E. 
v ſed quando video te equo egere, 


albo equo (ſcis quanti hoc olim fuerit) a 


me donaberis, ex Juverna ultima advecto. 


Accipe qualemcunque tibi numquam 


imputandum. 
Thus Ammonius : to which Eraſmus 
replies; Video circumſpectius tecum 
agendum : adeo captas omnem donandi 


anſam. Remiſſurus eram munus tuum, 


Urſewick, 


etiam Moro diſſuadente, ni veritus 
fuiſſem, ne ſuſpicareris aut parum mihi 
placere, aut me Ammonio parum liben- 
ter debere, cum nulli debeam libentius, 


ut nec amo quemquam effuſius. Diſpe- 


ream, Ammoni, ni iſtum tuum animum 
tam excelſum, tamque amice amicum, 
pluris facio, magiſque amo, quam uni- 
verſum ſtrepitum Pontificiæ fortunæ. — 
Perplacet equus candore inſignis, at ma- 


gis animi tui candore commendatus. 


Malueram in alios quoſdam prædonem 
agere, in Eboracenſem, Coletum, Urſe- 
wicum: verum illi ſapiunt; quanquam 
Urſewicus pollicetur inſignem equum, 
nec addubito quin ſit præſtiturus, idque 
ad Calendas, non Græcas, ſed Octo- 
bres, * _ 


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48 


A. D. 1513. 


4 


THE LIPE 
Urſewick, who, it ſeems, had promiſed him an horſe, was as 
good © as his word: and Eraſmus beſtows no ſmall. 1 on 


the beaſt. 


Urſewick was his true friend on many occaſions, a. Einſaus 


had dedicated his tranſlation of Lucian's Gallus to him, A. 1503. 


« © Chriſtopher Urſewick is ſaid by Wood to have been Recorder 


* of London in part of the reign of Edward IV, in the time of 
Richard III, and in part of Henry VII; to. which laſt king 
being Chaplain, and afterwards Almoner, he was by him 
employed in ſeveral embaſſies, eſpecially to Charles VIII, G 


o 


Ld 


c 


« of France. 


Mr. Speed hath many 3 concerning him, &c. He 


. 


- 


had been fo faithful and uſeful to Henry VII, that under him 


he might have attained the higheſt dignities in the Church, and 


„the moſt profitable offices in the State: but * 


© Equi tui genius mihi fuit magnopere 


felix, nam bis jam Baſileam uſque vexit 
ac revexit incolumem, itinere licet peri- 
culoſiſſimo, non ſolum longo. Sapit 
jam non minus quam Homericus Ulyſſes: 
ſiquidem 


— more, homi num multorum dual et urbes : 


tot adiit Univerſitates Dum Baſlilee 
meipſum pene laboribus eneco menſibus 


decem, ille interim otioſus ita pinguit, 
ut vix ingredi poſſit. Ep. 255, A. 1517. 
4 Knight, p. 75. 
* -——Titulo res digna ſepulcri! 
Here is his Epitaph, and a good one 
it is, and much to his honour : 
Chriſtopherus Urſewicus, Regis Hen, 
VII. Eleemoſynarius, vir ſua ætate cla- 
rus, ad exteros reges undecies pro patria 
legatus. Dec, Ebor. Archd. Richmond, 
Decanatum Windeſor. habitos vivens 


reliquit. Epiſc. Norwicenſem oblatum 


refuſing the 
« Biſhoprick 


recuſavit: magnos honores tota vita 


ſprevit : frugali vita contentus, hic vivere, 
hic mori maluit. Plenus annis obiit, ab 
omnibus deſideratus: funeris pompam 


etiam teſtamento vetuit : hic ſepultus 


obiit, Anno 1521, die 24 Ocobris, 


To deſerve a Biſhoprick, and to reject 
it, is no common thing. But that our 


Urſewick may not ſtand here alone, we 


will ſubjoin to him an illuſtrious man * 


the fifteenth century: 


Sixtus the fourth, haying a a 


eſteem for John Weſſel of Groeningen, 
one of the moſt learned men of the age, 
ſent for him, and ſaid to him, San, aſk 
of us what you will ; nothing ſhall be 


refuſed, that becomes our character to 


beſtow, and your condition to receive, 


Mott holy Father, ſaid he, and my ge- 


nerous Patron, I ſhall not be trouble - 


ſome to your Holineſs, You know, that 


I never 


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7 


OF ERASMUS. 


Biſhoprick of Norwich, after ſo many merits, he choſe for his 
« reward a retired country life at Hackney, near London, where 
he died, and was buried, A. 1521. He is faid to be the 
founder of a ſchool, with an houſe, in the Church-yard in 


- 


« 


La) 


c 


-— 


« Hackney, of which pariſh he was Rector. Some writers have 


% made him a Cardinal, confounding him with Chriſtopher 
« Bainbridge, Archbiſhop of York, and Cardinal of Rome.“ 


* 


The Edition of the New Teſtament, a work of infinite pains, 
and which helped, as he ſays, to deſtroy his health, and ſpoil 


his conſtitution, dre upon him the malicious cenſures of ignorant 
and envious Divines, who, not being capable themſelves of per- 


forming ſuch a taſk, were vexed to ſee it undertaken and accom- 
There 5 was, it ſeems, one College at 


pliſhed by another. 
Cambridge, which would not ſuffer this book to enter within its 
walls, as he obſerves to his friend Bullock. Eraſmus defends 
himſelf very well againſt theſe wretches; and, amongſt other 


things, obſerves, * how much the 1 225 of Cambridge was 


improved in literature. 


would give me out of your Vatican Li- 
brary a Greek and an Hebrew Bible. 
Vou ſhall have them, ſaid Sixtus: but 
what a ſimple man are you! Why do 


you not aſk a Biſhoprick ? Weſſel re- 
plied, Becauſe I do not want one. Vit. 
Sprizelius, 


Profeſſ.  Groning. p. 18. 
Vol. I. p. 824. Bayle WkssELus. 
- Becauſe I do not want one. The hap- 


pier man was he; happier than they, 


who would give all the Bibles in the 
Vatican, if they had them to give, for a 
Biſhoprick. 7 


lt was not pub] iſhed till the year 
1516, 1 


_ 


I never ſought after great things. The 
only favour I have to beg, is, that you 


He 


Eraſmi Editio Novi Teſtamenti Græce 
et Latine Frobenii prælo quater ſubjecta 
eſt, A. 1516, 1519, 1522, 1527. Nec 


49 
A. D. 1513. 


ante annum 1516 unquam Novum 


Teſtamentum Græce publicatum fuerat, 
& c. Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. 2, &c. 


s Quanquam narrarunt mihi quidam, 


Tavu @:157450:, unum apud vos eſſe col- 
legium I2020y 1407470, quod meros ha- 
bet Areopagitas: qui gravi ſenatuſcon- 
ſulto caverint, ne quis id volumen, equis, 


aut navibus, aut plauſtris, aut bajulis, 


intra ejus Collegii n inveheret. 


Ep. 148. 
n Ante annos ferme viginta nihil tra- 
debatur i in Schola Cantabrigienſi, præter 


— Parva — ut 8 | 
et 


50 
A, D. 1513. 


THE LIFE 


He tells Colet, Ep. 149, 1 50, that he had begun to tranſlate 
St. Baſil on Iſaiah, (or an author who went under his name) and 
would ſend a ſpecimen of it to Fiſher, Biſhop of Rocheſter, to 
ſubmit it to his judgment, and alſo. to try whether that would 
draw ſome: preſent from him: on which he cries out, O beggary ! 


I. know, you laugh at me: but I hate myſelf, and am reſolved 


either to mend my fortunes, and get out of * number of 
mendicants, or to imitate Diogenes. 


Colet had * told him, that he would give * a mtl matter, 


if he would beg with humility, and aſk without modeſty; had 


| adviſed him to imitate Diogenes; and had hinted to him, that 


he was too querulous and greedy, It ſeems, they bantered him, 


becauſe he was frequently importuning his friends, Eraſmus in 
his anſwer tells him, that, in the opinion of Seneca, favours were 
dearly purchaſed, which were extorted by begging. - ' Socrates, 


talking once with ſome friends, ſaid, I would have bought me 
a coat to-day, if I had had money. They, ſays Seneca, who 
gave him what he wanted, after he had made this ſpeech, ſhewed. 
their liberality too late. Another ſeeing a friend, who was poor 
and ſick, and too modeſt to make his wants known, put ſome 
money under his pillow, whilſt he was aſleep. | 

When I uſed to read this in the days of my youth, ſays 


Eraſmus, 1 was extremely ſtruck with the honey of the one, 


and 


et vetera illa Ariſtotelis dictata, Scoti- collati Umbræ Theologorum videantur, 
caſque quæſtiones. Progreſſu temporis non Theologi. 

acceſſerunt bonæ liter: acceſſit ma- IIlud certe præſagio de meis W 
theſeos cognitio: acceſſit novus, aut tionibus, qualeſcunque ſunt, candidius 
certe novatus Ariſtoteles: acceſſit Græ- judicaturam Poſteritatem: tametſi nec 
carum literarum peritia: acceſſerunt de meo ſeculo queri- poſſum. 

auctores tam multi, quorum olim ne # Knight, p. 124. 

nomina quidem tenebantur. — Quæſo, hs & S I9094-5-: be: 
quid hiſce ex rebus accidit Academiz ! Seneca De Benef. VII. 24. 
veſtre? Nempe fic eMoruit, ut cum * Arceſilas. In Diog. Laert. IV. 37. 
primis hujus ſeculi ſcholis certare poſſit; Seneca De Benef. I. I, 
et tales habet viros, ad quos veteres illi 


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OF ERASMUS. 


DT 


and the generoſity of the other, But, fince you talk of begging A. D. 1 513. 


without ſhame, who, I beſeech you, can be more ſubmiffive 


and more ſhameleſs than myſelf, who live in England upon the 
foot of a public beggar ? I have received fo much from the 


Archbiſhop, that it would be ſcandalous to take any more of him, 
though he were to offer it. I aſked N. with ſufficient effrontery, 


and he refuſed me with Mill greater impudence. Even our good 
friend Linacer thinks me too bold, who knowing my poor ſtate. 


of health, and that I was going from London with hardly fix 
angels in my pocket, and that the winter was coming on, yet 
exhorted me moſt 'preflinply to ſpare the Archbiſhop and Lord 


Montjoy, and adviſed me to retrench, and learn to bear poverty 


with patience. A moſt friendly counſel! For this reaſon above 
all, I hate my hard fortune, becauſe ſhe will not ſuffer me to be 
modeſt. Whilſt I had health and ſtrength, I uſed to diſſemble 
my poverty: now I cannot, unleſs I would riſque my life. But 


I am not ſuch a beggar neither, as to aſk all things from all 
perſons. | To ſome I ſay nothing, becauſe I would not be refuſed; 


and I have no pretence to ſolicit you, who do not ſaperabound in 
wealth. But, ſince you feem to approve of impudence, I will 


end my letter in the moſt impudent manner I can. I have not 


aſſurance enough to ask you for any thing; and yet I am not fo 
proud, as to reject a preſent, if a friend like you ſhould offer it to 


one in my circumſtances. Ep. 150. 


One, who could talk at this rate, muſt have been reduced to 
hard neceſſity, Unleſs he were a bad manager, it is ſcarcely to 


be conceived, how a fingle man, and a learned man, could have 
found it ſo difficult to maintain himſelf at that time in England, 


partly by his pupils, and partly by the preſents which were made 
to him. However that be, there ſeems to be ſome reaſon to 


ſuſpect, that Eraſmus underſtood not the important art of paying 
his court to the Great; and that there was ſomething in his 
manner, which diſguſted ſome of thoſe to whom he made his 


— H2 ahphplications; 


52 


A. D. 1513. a pplications; ſo that bs was more b to "rn in his writings, 


than in his perſon : and this might ſpoil his fortunes. Perhaps 


alſo he talked too freely, as he confeſſes in the character which 


he hath given of himſelf, in the Compendium of his life. 
Vet Eraſmus, though open and facetious, was good - tempered; 


and good temper is a natural politeneſs, which to all reaſonable 


perſons is more acceptable, than that which is artificial: as, on 


the contrary, the politeneſs of an ill-natured man 1s ſhocking, for 


it is hypocriſy ſuperadded to malignity. 


As, by being converſant with antiquity, he knew many things, 
which others knew not, and was diſpoſed to jeſting, he could 


hardly refrain from ridiculing, at one time or other, the follies of 
the age, and of a certain ſet of people. It is well known, that this 


| temper fails not to give. offence, eſpecially to thoſe, who expect 


that their weakneſſes or vices ſhould: be ſpared on account of their 
ſtation and character: elſe the King, the Courtiers, and the 


Biſhops, who often beſtowed preferments upon Drones, void of 


all capacity and merit, and ſometimes loaded them with pluralities, 
might eaſily. have given him ſomething. in the Church, without 


cure of ſouls, which would have afforded him leifure to ſtudy, and 
means to live, But perhaps he, who hated confinement on any 


account, did not care to be connected with Monks and Chapters 


of Canons. As theſe people were exceſlively envious, they would 


have teized him with their chicaneries upon every occaſion. He 
had long perceived, and declared to the world, that the religion 
of theſe Eccleſjaſtics conſiſted entirely in minute obſervances and 
formal grimaces, with which the wicked can comply, as well as 


the good. He, on the contrary, made religion to confiſt in ſuch 


things, as none, except worthy perſons, ever obſerve; in the exer- 
ciſe of thoſe Chriſtian virtues, which are formed in the mind, 
from a knowledge of our duty, and a perſuaſion of its importance. 

| A.man 


» Linguæ inter amicos liberioris, ſæpe falſus, non poterat tamen amicis 


nonnunquam plus quam ſat eſſet; et diffidere. 
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33 


A man fixed in theſe ſentiments, and alſo continually occupied in A. D. 1513. 


learned ſtudies, would have found it very difficult to. practiſe the 
rites and ceremonies, with which religion was overrun and choked 


up in thoſe days. This neglect in England, as in all other places, 


was accounted a far more heinous crime than the vileſt immo- 
rality and debauchery, The Monks, above all others, were in- 


exorable upon this article, and doubtleſs oppoſed and harraſſed 


openly and ſecretly all who were not in their way of thinking and 
acting. So that, to ſet Eraſmus thoroughly at eaſe, Henry VIII 

ought to have beſtowed an handſome penſion upon him, which 
would have exempted him from worldly cares and avocations, 


and furniſhed him with books, and leiſure, and the conveniences 


of life. But this the King would not do; and if he afterwards 


invited Eraſmus. again to his dominions, it was at a time when 


that learned man was not able to undertake the journey. 


It appears from Ep. 151, that he had a Prebend, which he 


reſigned, reſerving to himſelf a penſion out of it. 
* Wolſey gave him a Prebend at Tournay; a gift, which, in 


all probability, would never be worth more than a Cardinal's 
Bleſſing, and which actually was revoked, and came to nothing. 
He writes this to Ammonius from Baſil. In the year 1524, he 
tells his friend. Botzem, that he had never * received any thing 


from Wolſey, beſides compliments and promiſes. 
Henry VIII, fays Burnet, loved the purity of the Latin 
tongue, which made him be ſo kind to Eraſmus, that was the 


great 


* Burnet Hiſt. of the Ref. I. 8, IT, municatus in Flandria: tanta illic Ebo- 
19, 21, 80. III. 24, 171. Thuanus I. racenſis reverentia !—Accepimus tamen: 


p. 22. Fiddes's Life of Wolſey. It nihil enim facilius quam amittere. Ep. * 


ſhould have been called, An apology 8 | | 
for \ Wolſey, and a libel on the Refor-» 4 Cardinali Eboracenſi, cui dedicavi- 


mation. mus libellum Plutarchi, puto me nihil 
» Eboracenſis. donavit me Præbenda non debere, ob ſingularem favorem, quo. 


Tornacenſi, ſed dwg Sogw, fi quid me jam olim proſequitur; et tamen hac- 
noventur res, Hujus Commiſſarius, tenus ex illius munificentia non ſum pilo 
ſchedis publicitus affixis, ſuit excom- factus ditior. Catal, Lucubr. 


inc 


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A. D. 1513. ce 


TREE LIFE 
great reſtorer of it, and to Polydore Virgil; though neither of 
ce theſe made their court dextrouſly to the Cardinal, which did 
te much intercept the King's favour to them; ſo that the one left 
« England, and the other was but coarſely uſed in it, who has 


ce ſufficiently revenged himſelf upon the Cardinal's memory.” 
« "I have made Remarks upon the Hiſtory of Cardinal 


cc Wolſey, in which I have expoſed the horrible lies of Sanders. 


© Burnet is a madman of another kind, of whom the Reader 
<« ſhould be aware. Henry Wharton, in his Anglia Sacra, hath 


ee ſhewed much accuracy, and love of truth.” 


_ « * Maſſey, Dean of Chriſt-Church in Oxford, my particular 


F « friend, who followed King James, told me, that we were great 


cc fools to give any credit to Sanders, who was a raſkal, and 
ce had robbed the College of Chriſt-Church. 1 knew 


him well.” | 
The learned Abbe Longuerue, who appears to have been tole- 


| rably furniſhed with ſelf-ſufficiency, and much prejudiced againſt 
Burnet, may perhaps have made, as well as Fiddes, ſome 


reaſonable remarks in behalf of Wolſey's political merits; of 


whom alſo it muſt be owned, that he was an encourager of 


learning : but to juſtify the Cardinal in other NINE is a weak 
and vain undertaking, to ſay nothing worſe of it. 
_ Eraſmus, as we ſhall ſee in the ſequel, ſaid ſome ſevere thin gs 
of Wolſey at the time of his diſgrace ; for which Fiddes chargeth 


him with malevolence and inconſiſtency. Knight hath given an 
anſwer to Fiddes, which ſhall be inſerted in the next V olume, and | 


which contains many remarks worthy of notice. 


One of the moſt favourable things, that can be alledged for 
Wolſey, is contained in an article of his impeachment, namely, 


that he was » remiſs in hunting and puniſhing heretics, and 

father 

x * Longueruana II. p. 23. Tb. p. 67. See alſo p. 136. 
They are in the eighth Tome of the _ u Fiddes Colle. p. 235. 
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i OF ERASMUS. 55 
Mt thin diſpoſed to ſcreen them, by means of which connivance A. D. 1573. 
* Lutheraniſm had got ground. | 

« * Wolſey was vain-glorious above all meaſure, as may be 
ſeen by Sir T. More's book of Comfort in tribulation; where 

« he meaneth of him, what is ſpoken under the name of a great 

<« Prelate in Germany, who, when he had made an oration 
4 before a great audience, would bluntly aſk them that ſat at 

cc his table with him, how they all liked it; but he, that ſhould 

ce bring forth a mean commendation of it, was ſure to have no 

« thanks for his labour. And he there telleth further, how a 
« great ſpiritual man, who ſhould have commended it laſt of all, 

ce was put to ſuch a nonplus, that he had never a word to ſay; 3 
« but crying ob, and fetching a deep ſigh, he caſt his eyes into 

de the welkin and wept. On a time the Cardinal had drawn a 

e draught of certain conditions of peace between England and 
France, and he aſked Sir T. More's counſel therein, beſeeching 

ce him earneſtly, that he would tell him, if there were any 
e thing therein to be miſliked: and he ſpake this ſo heartily, 

e (faith Sir Thomas) that he believed verily that he was willing 
« to hear his advice indeed. But, when Sir Thomas had dealt 
© really therein, and ſhewed wherein that draught might have 

e been amended, he ſuddenly roſe in a rage, and faid, By the 

« Maſs, thou art the verieſt fool of all the Council. At which 

« Sir Thomas ſmiling, ſaid, God be thanked, that the King our 
* maſter hath but one fool in all his Council.” 
* This calls to mind the ſtory of G7 Blas and the Archbiſhop < 
baut, ſeriouſly, it is a diſagreeable thing to be in the condition of 
Gil Blas, and connected with one, who will take it in dudgeon, 
if you do not ſmoke him with as much incenſe, as would ſatisfy 
| * three, or thrice three Goddefles, . 
3 G * Eraſmus 
9 | * More s Life of Sir T. More, p. 56. 
4 — — — — — ſedeſque rèviſit 

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A. D. 1513. 


THE 


ce Eraſmus being in ſtraits, the Archbiſhop had * given 1. 
the Rectory of Aldington in Kent, in the year 1511, &c. At 
the requeſt of Eraſmus, he preſented another perſon to it, and 
charged the living with a penſion of twenty pounds a year to 
be paid to him, to which 0 added twenty more out of his 


c 


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0 


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« own pocket. 


LIFE 


This cuſtom of charging livings with 2 wry to thats 


* 
* 


» Knight, p. 1 54. 


2 Anrnui reditus ſtati ſunt paulo plus 


quam quadringenti floreni aurei. Atque 


hic cenſus impar eſt, fateor, ſumptibus, 


quos exigit hæc ætas ac valetudo, famu- 
lorum et ſcribarum neceſſaria ſtudiis 
meis opera, tum 'iT7oJpogio, crebra mi- 


gratio, atque etiam hie animus, ne quid 


aliud dicam, abhorrens a ſordibus, nec 
ferens appellantem creditorem, aut non 
penſatum officium, aut neglectam ami- 
culi inopiam. Cat. Lucubr. 

Erat (Waramo) juxta morem horum 


te mporum neceſſum, præter familiam, 


quam alere cogebatur numeroſiſſimam, 
aulæ Regiæ, totius Regni negotiis, 
etiam profanis, dare operam; nec ibi 
moribus hodie receptum eſt, ut ſummi 


Præſules concionentur: tamen quod in 
hoc officii genere diminutum erat, ab- 


unde penſabat gemina vigilantia, par- 
tim proſpiciens, ne quis inutilis ad Do- 
minici gregis curam adhiberetur, par- 


tim multos ſua liberalitate fovens in 
literarum ſtudiis, quos ſperabat ad bo- 
: in hos erat tam 


nam frugem evaſuros 
expoſita liberalitas, ut moriens nihil 


omnino reliquerit præſentis pecuniz, ſed 
zris alieni nonnihil, tametſi non deerat 
Hæc nequa- 
quam loquor ad gratiam: amavi vivum, 


unde id diſſolvi poſſet. 


vir egregie pius. 


who reſigned them, was ; become very common ; but Warham 


: cc ſo 


nec minus amo mortuum: quod enim 
Si ſuppu- 
tem, quicquid ille mihi dare paratus erat, 


in illo amabam, non perut. 


immenſa fuit ejus in me liberalitas; ſi 
ad calculum vocemus quod accepi, ſane 
modicum eſt. Unicum modo ſacerdo- 


tium in me contulit, imo non dedit, ſed 
obtruſit conſtanter recuſanti, quod eſſet 


ejus generis, ut grex paſtorem requireret, 


quem ego linguæ ignarus præſtare non 


poteram. Id quum vertiſſet in penſionem, 
ſentiretque me eam pecuniolam gravatim 
accipere, quod a populo, cui nihil pro- 
deſſem, colligeretur, ſic me conſolatus eſt 
Quid, inquit, magni 
faceres, ſi uni agreſti popello prædicares? 


Nunc libris tuis omnes doces paſtores 


fructu longe uberiore; et indignum vide- 


tur, ſi ad te paulum redeat ſtipis Eccle- 
ſiaſticæ? iam ſolicitudinem in me re- 


cipiam: providebo ne quid illi deſit Ec- 


cleſiæ. Idque fecit: nam ſubmoto cui 
reſignaram ſacerdotium, is erat illi a 
Suffragiis, homo variis diſtractus nego- 
tis, alium præfecit juvenem rei Theolo- 


gicæ peritum, probatis et integris mori- 


bus. — 
Hoc teſtimonium defuncto Patrono 


citra adulationis ſuſpicionem præbere 
licet. 


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* and More, the greateſt and beſt n. of Eraſmus, 10 too 


much credit to it.“ 
This year Etaſmus dedicated to Ichn Young a cranflation of 


08 


good character, as an able man, and a very great encourager 
— 


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It may be thought worth obſerving, that Elizabeth Barton, 
< otherwiſe called the Holy Maid of Kent, was of the town of 
Aldington, where Eraſmus was Rector, as appears by her 


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OF ERASMUS. 


37 


ſo much diſapproved the practice, that he determined never to A. D. t 513 


grant the favour to any other beſides Eraſmus, whom he 
excepted for his ſingular merits,” 


indictment at her trial; as alſo that Richard Maſter, who was 


ſucceſſor to Eraſmus, and paid him his penſion, was one 
of the managers of this pious fraud; for which he, amongſt 


others, ſuffered death, about a year or two. before Eraſmus 


died at Baſil, Perhaps there never was ſo notorious a cheat 


carried on with ſo much art and ſucceſs: for not only the 


Simple, but, as Holinſhed ſays, the Wiſe and the chr 


were deceived by her; inſomuch that Warham, and Fiſher, 


Plutarch De tuenda valetudine. 


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{ c Young was Dean of York, and Maſter of the Rolls, He 
had been employed as a public miniſter in ſeveral embaſſies to 
foreign courts with good ſucceſs; though; it ſeems, he was no 
favourite of Cardinal Wolſey, and charged by him with ill 


management in his negotiations with the Court of France, &c. 


This was another of the friends of Eraſmus, who was under 
the frowns of the Cardinal: though he has from others a very 


of the Learned; an inſtance of which we have, beſides his 


He was buried in the Rolls Chapel. 3 | 
Near his monument was hung up, in a table, a very bad copy 


of verſes in praiſe of him, which you may ſee in Knight, P. 175. 


8 He 


» Enight, 5 „ * Nacht, p. 174. — Life 


of Colet, 216-218. 


58 


Az D, 1513. 


THE LIFE 
He left legacies to Warham, to Wolſey, to New College at 
Oxford, to the College at Wincheſter, and to the town of Rye. 


See an account of his preferments in Knight's Life of Colet. 
Erneſtus, Prince of Saxony, and Archbiſhop of Magdeburg, 


died this year; a Prelate of an amiable character, and beloved 


by his ſubjects. In his laſt hours, the Franciſcans viſited him, 
and generouſly offered him their Meritorious Works, to ſecure 


his ſalvation : but he choſe to © rely upon thoſe of his Redeemer. 


A. D. mpxiv. tat. xLVII. 


5 In the beginning of this year Eraſmus was in Flanders. He 
ſpeaks of his paſſage from England, which was favourable : but 
the ſailors, or cuſtom-houſe officers, the Maritimi Predones, as 


he calls them, who were to carry his baggage, put it into a wrong 


ſhip. Amongſt his clothes were all his writings, the work of 
many years, which he gave up for loſt, and mourns, as a father 


would weep over his dead children, He inveighs bitterly againſt 


the Dover ſailors, true harpies, no leſs than thoſe of Calais. But 


probably he recovered his effects, ſince he os nothing more about 
it afterwards, Ep. 159. 


At departing from Londow, he ſaluted the Kin g and the Biſhop 
of Lincoln, who made him no preſent ; though the Biſhop treated 
him with magnificent promiſes. The Biſhop of Durham gave 


him fix angels, the Archbiſhop of Canterbury the fame, and the 
Biſhop of Rocheſter preſented him with a Pee of Sold, which 
he calls regalem. 

. His friend Montjoy was then governor of Ham, i in Picardy, 


where he paſſed ſome days, and then went to Germany. Whilſt 
he was there, he ſeems to have written the Abridginent of his 
life, 


a Refert Dreſſerus reſpondiſſe illum; mei Jeſu Chriſti unice mihi proſunt. 
Nolo veſtra merita et opera, quæ nullius Seckendorf. L. I. p. 114. 0 
ſunt valoris: opera Domini et Salvatoris 


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2 93 


OF ERASMUS. 59 


life, and as a © letter to Father Servatius, which is prefixed to the A. D. 1514. 
firſt Tome of his works, and printed over again Ep. 8. c. 1527. 
In the Abridgment he ſays, that he would have paſſed the reſt 
of his days in England, if the promiſes made to him had been 
performed: but being invited to come to Brabant, to the Court 
of Charles Archduke of Auſtria, he accepted the offer, and was 
made Counſellor to that Prince, by the favour of the Chancellor 
of Burgundy. It appears from other places in his works, that 
they had annexed to the title of Counſellor, which was only 
honorary, a ſtipend of two hundred florins, which weighed more 
than ſix hundred florins at preſent; and as ſilver was then 
much ſcarcer than now, this ſum would have been conſiderable: 
ſo that, if he had been punctually paid, he would have been in 
prey good circumſtances. | 
It is not to be wondered, that in his dener to Servatius he 
refuſed abſolutely to return to Holland, and immure himſelf in the 
Convent of the Regular Canons of Stein. He had many good 
reaſons not to yield to ſuch an impertinent requeſt. I ſee not, 
ſays he, what I could do in Holland. Neither the air nor the 
diet would agree with me; and I ſhould be a ſhew, for every 
one to ſtare at. I left the place when I was a youth; I ſhould 
return an aged and grey-headed valetudinarian. I ſhould expoſe 
myſelf to the contempt of the moſt Contemptible, I who have 
been accuſtomed to receive honour from the moſt Eminent. I 
ſhould be obliged to change my ſtudies into repaſts. You promiſe. 
to ſeek out a place for me, where I may live, and find advantage 
and profit: but I cannot gueſs what you deſign, unleſs it be to 
place me in a Nunnery, that I may there be a ſlave to women, I 
who have refuſed to ſerve Kings and Archbiſhops. Profit is what 
I value not: I would not be rich: I defire only what may enable 
me to preſerve my health, and purſue my ſtudies, without being 
a burden to any one. 


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2 ER . 


60 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1514. This father Servatius was Prior of a Convent of Regular Canons, 
amongſt whom Eraſmus had formerly been; and he endeavoured 
to draw Eraſmus again into his Convent, which would have been 
no ſmall honour to the Order. Probably he pretended to be an 
affectionate friend to Eraſmus, to gain his friendſhip and his 
confidence: but it is certain, that this letter, with which he was 
favoured on this occaſion, being thewed to others, brought 
Eraſmus into trouble, on account of ſeveral expreſſions in it not 
favourable to the Monks. It will not be amiſs to give ſome 
account of theſe paſſages, both becauſe they delineate the temper 
and the particular character of Eraſmus, and his notions of 
Monkery and of Monaſtic devotions; and becauſe the liberty, 
with which he gave thoſe men their due, brought upon him the 5 
greateſt vexations, which he afterwards experienced. 

I have lived, ſays he, amongſt ſober people, and attached to 

my ſtudies, which have happily preſerved me from many vices. 
1 have converſed with perſons, who had a love and a taſte for 
true Chriſtianity; and from their converſation I have reaped much 
benefit. I will not boaſt of my writings, which perhaps you 
deſpiſe : but many perſons have owned to me, that by reading 
them they have been made not only more learned, but more 
virtuous, I never loved money, and never was ſubject to ambiti- 
ous deſires of glory and reputation. I never was a ſlave to ſenſual 
pleaſures, though formerly I have been * defiled with them : and 
as to drunkenneſs, I ever abhorred it. 

The ingenuity with which Eraſmus, both here and in * 677, 
confeſſes ſome faults of his youth, which he might have paſſed | 
over in ſilence, would, though we had not other proofs of it, 

induce us to believe what he urges in his own behalf. But 
concerning the Monks he thus proceeds: Every time that I 
have thought of returning to you, I have conſidered, that many 
of 


© Bayle was not a man to overlook Not, E. E. 
or ſuppreſs this confeſſion. See ERASME, 


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OF ERASMUS. 


repaſts altogether ſecular, and your whole way of life diſtin guiſhed 
only by thoſe things, which are commonly called ceremonies. I 


have conſidered the infirmities of my own body, enfeebled by 


years, by ſickneſs, and by labours, which are ſuch, that either I 
could not give you content, or muſt deſtroy myſelf by attempting 


to do it. For ſome years I have been ſubject to the ſtone and 
gravel, a troubleſome and a dangerous diſeaſe ; and am obliged to 
drink only wine, and wine of a particular ſort, It is not every 


diet or climate that ſuits me. This diſorder, which frequently 


returns, obliges me to live by rule. I know the air of Holland, 
and your diet, to fay nothing of your manners. Why ſhould I 


return, only to die with you? But perhaps you imagine, that it is 
a ſingular happinels to die in a fraternity, Alas! you are miſta- 
ken, and almoſt all the world is miſtaken along with you. We 
make Chriſtianity to conſiſt in dreſs, in eating, and in little 
obſervances. We look upon a man as loſt, who quits his white 
garment for a black one, who wears an hat inſtead of an hood, and 


often changes his habitation. Shall I venture to affirm, that the 
greateſt miſchief, that hath been done to the Chriſtian religion, 


ariſes from theſe Religions, (or Religious Orders) as they are 
called, though perhaps a pious zeal firſt introduced them? They 
have ſince been augmented by flow degrees, and multiplied into 
various kinds, The authority of Popes, too eaſy and indulgent 


in ſuch things, hath ſupported them. For what is more corrupt 


and more wicked, than theſe relaxed Religions? Conſider even 
thoſe which are in the beſt eſteem, and you ſhall find in them 


nothing that reſembles Chriſtianity, but only I know not what 


cold and Judaical obſervances. Upon this the Religious Orders 


value themſelves, and by this they judge and deſpiſe others. 


Would it not be better, according to the doctrines of our Saviour, 
to 


61 


of you would envy me, and all of you would deſpiſe me. I have A. D. 1514. 
conſidered the inſipid and frivolous converſations held amongſt 
you, in which there is nothing that ſavours of Chriſtianity ; your 


THE LIFE 


A.D. 1514. to look upon Chriſtendom, as upon one houſe, one "We one 


Monaſtery, and all Chriſtians as one brotherhood ? Would it not 
be better to account the ſacrament of baptiſm the moſt ſacred of 
all vows and engagements, and never trouble ourſelves where we 
live, ſo we live well? 

Theſe were clear Evangelical wattis; and facts which all the 
world ſaw, or might ſee: but, upon this ſyſtem, what would 
have become of Monkery, of the Mendicant Orders, and of their 
prayers and maſſes for the living and for the dead? What would 


have become of men, who had learned no other occupation, and 
had no other way of getting their bread? It is no wonder, that 
they were enemies to Eraſmus, waged eternal war with him 
whilſt he lived, and afterwards tarniſhed his memory as much 


as they could, Eraſmus, when he ſpake in this manner concerning 


the Monks, might have eaſily foreſeen and en all that 


| happened to him from that quarter. 

Alt is commonly ſuppoſed, that Eraſmus quitted the Monaſtic 
« ſtate for this reaſon above all, that he could not bear the tyranny 
« of an ignorant and inſolent Superior; and ſuch were uſually 
the Heads of thoſe Houſes. They relate on this occaſion 


a trick, which Eraſmus put upon his Superior, and upon a 


Monk of the Fraternity, whilſt he was in the Monaſtery of 
© Tergou. There was, it ſeems, a favourite pear-tree in the 
garden, and the Superior reſerved the fruit of it for his own 
« eating. Eraſmus, who, in this inſtance, had the fame taſte 
with his Maſter, roſe ſome mornings before break of day, to 
rob the tree. The Superior, obſerving that the number of his 


*« pears was greatly diminiſhed, reſolved to watch at his chamber- 
window, to diſcover the delinquent, There was in the Convent 


Ja lame Monk. One morning then, as the Superior was upon 
the watch, he perceived a man in the pear-tree; and as it was 
« ſtill duſky, he intended to wait, till he could ditcern the robber. 
But he made ſome noiſe, which was overheard by Eraſmus, 

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OF ERASMUS. 


« who, fearing to be diſcovered, made haſte to get down from A. PD. 1514. 
« the tree, and returned back, limping all the way. The Supe- 


« rior was now fatisfied that he had found out the thief. So he | 


« called his Monks together; and, after a diſcourſe upon the 
« important duty of Canonical Obedience, he turned to the lame 
« Frier, and accuſed him of two heinous crimes, of robbery, and 
« of contempt for the commands of his Superior. In vain the 
« poor man inſiſted upon his innocence. That only irritated his 
« Maſter the more, who impoſed an heavy ry upon him, 
© notwithſtanding his proteſtations. 


« We need not fear, by relating this pleaſant adventure, to wrong 


« the memory of Eraſmus, or to diſturb the repofe of his aſhes. 
« He was of ſo facetious a temper, and fo fond of a witty ſtory, 
« that he loved a good jeſt, though made upon himſelf. Tantam 


« vim habet lepos, et jucunditas Fernen, ſays he, ut etiam in 10e 
4 apte tortis dicteriis delectemur. 


Bibl. Univ. VII. 139. 


Eraſmus, in his Ecclgſiaſtes, hath repreſented in ſtrong terms 
the inſolence of theſe petty * Monarchs. 
| Afterwards he went to Baſil, where he carried his New Teſta- 


ment, his Epiſtles of St. Jerom with his notes, and ſome other 


"kh. to print them in that city. He had apphed himſelf to 


E Nunc quidam ita 3 huma- 
nam obedientiam, ut ſummam illam, 
quam omnes Deo debemus, obſcurent. 


Pontifex toties exigit obedientiam a 


Principibus; Epiſcopus à Clericis et 
Preſbyteris ſuis; Abbas a Monachis : 


additur jusjurandum, ut perjurii crimen 
 objict poſſit, niſi per omnia mos geratur 
hominis voluntati, ne dicam libidini. 


Nam interdum fit, ut Præpoſitus aliquis 
indoctus, ſtultus, fortaſſis nec ſobrius, 


quaſi per rem divinam, obteſtetur, ut 
obtemperet. In quo? Non ut caſte 


this 


vivat, non ut abſtineat ab ebrietate, non 
ut fugiat hypocriſim. Sed quid? Ne 
diſcat Græce, aut ne attingat libros elo- 
quentium, aut aliud his etiam ineptius, 
quod intelligi malim quam exprimere. 


Si ack Baccho ſervit, ſi ventri in- 
dulget, ft ſcortatur, ſi odio et invidia 


madet, ſi nihil attigit ſacrarum literarum, 


nec perjurus eſt, nec inobediens. Si 


negligit imperata non ſobrii ac ſupercili- 


oſi Præpoſiti, horrendum facinus admiſ- 
Monachum per ſanctam obedientiam, | 


ſum eſt, violata ſana obedientia, ſce- 
lus carderibus et capite plectendum. 


T. V. c. 1023, 


63 


64 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1514. this Father from the beginning of his ſtudies, and had long 


formed a deſign of publiſhing him. He had made collections 


for that purpoſe, and peruſed his works with care; fo that none 
was ſo proper for the undertaking as himſelf. When he arrived 
at Baſil, he found this work actually in hand, and ſome of it 
printed. Joannes“ Amerbachius, a man of wealth, and Joannes 
Frobenius, a ſkilful printer, had joined in the project. It is eaſy 
to imagine, how Eraſmus was delighted to find them ſo diſpoſed, 
and how pleaſed they were to have the aſſiſtance of ſo able a 
critic. Amerbachius had three ſons, * Bruno, Baſil, and Boni- 


facius, whom he had educated, as in other literature, ſo in the 
ſtudy of the Hebrew tongue, without a knowledge of which 


there was no poſſibility of doing juſtice to Jerom, and in which 
Eraſmus was not verſed. 


About this time then Eraſmus contracted che ſtricteſt . 


ſhip with the Amerbachii, and with Froben, and ever afterwards 
teſtified the utmoſt eſteem for them. 


e paſſed ſome months at Bafil, mightily pleaſed with this 
part of Germany, and with the behaviour of the Biſhop of the 
city, who, though accounted a frugal man, offered him money, 


and forced him to accept of an horſe, whom he could have fold 


iaſtantly for fifty franks, that is, more than an hundred and fifty 
franks of our preſent money. Ep. 153, 304. 


Here he received a moſt obliging letter from Ulricus Zaſius, 


Profeſſor of Law at Friburg, who proved afterwards one of his 
N 5 beſt 


„ Baillet Jug. des Sc. I. 380. Mait- Concerning Froben's ly, ſee alſo 


taire Ann, Typ, I. 140. Index Epiſt. Ann. Typ. II. 347, &c. 
Eraſm. | VIVMaittaire Ann, Typ, II. 124. 
i Maittaire Ann. Typ. I. 22 1. Ultima  Boiſſard Icon. 169. 


centuriæ decimæ quartæ decade ineunte, n  Boiffard Icon. p. 21 7: Pope Blount, 


laudem meruit Frobenius, &c, — p. 419. 


He ſhould have ſaid decime quint@, Zaſius Profeſſor primarius Juriſpru- 
Ann. Typ. I. 257. II. IF: &c. 10, dentie | in 1 Academia Friburgenſi fuit, vir 
&c. &C. h celeberrimus, 


OF ERASMUS. 


friendſhip with Eraſmus, and complains of the —— of ok 
Ep. 25. C. 1540. 

At this time Eraſmus contracted alſo an acquaintance with 
Beatus Rhenanus, Nicolas Gerbelius, and * Joannes Oecolam- 
padius, learned and ingenious men. 

He returned to the Low Countries ; and being at Bruſſels i in 
the autumn, the Chancellor Salvagius ſaid, in the preſence of 
many of the Counſellors of Charles of Auſtria, (afterwards 
Charles V) that this * Prince had nominated Eraſmus to a vacant 


celeberrimus, quem Eraſmus Germano- 


rum dociſimum, ſanctiſſimum, candi- 
diſſimum vocat, et vix ullum alium ma- 
joribus proſequitur laudibus. Favebat 
is Luthero, ut ex epiſtola inter Schwe- 
belianas edita conſtat, in qua Lutherum 
Theologorum Pheœnicem vocat, et ſerip- 


ta quædam ejus, maxime Commenta- 


rium in Epiſt. ad Galatas, mire com- 


mendat, licet de poteſtate Pontificia 
nimis ab eo attenuata aliquantum que- 


ratur. Ea vero æquanimitate comme- 
ruit, ut omnes ejus libri, doctiſſimi licet 
et excellentiſſimi, Romæ in Indicem 


librorum prohibitorum relati fuerint, 


donec . Seckendorf. L. I. 
p. 88. | 
n Boiſlard Icon. p. 249. Beza Icon. 


Baillet II. 290. Du Pin B. E. XIV. 


176. Gallæi Imagines. Maittaire Ann. 


Typ. I. 291. II. 12. 

A. 1547, Beatus Rhenanus Seleſta- 
dienſis, annum agens 62, Argentinæ, 
cum e balneis rediret, moritur; vir in 
humanioribus literis, antiquitate, et pia 
doctrina exercitatiſſimus, ingenio miti, 


Biſhoprick in Sicily, thinking it a part of his own patronage ; 
K 15 


and 


ut qui in cogitatione de conſtituenda ex 


omnium conſenſu in religione concordia 
conſenuerit, ſummus Def. Eraſmi obſer- 


vator, qui eandem viam in his turbis in- 


ſtitit. Thuanus L. III. p. 99. 


* Verheiden Theol. Effig. p. 56. 


Beza Icon. Pope Blount, p. 383. Du 
Pin B. E. XIII. 102. Mech. Adam. 
Vit. Oecol. Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. 3. 


Bayle OkcolAuADE. It is a EAST | 


Article. 
v P. Jovius, in his Elogia, hath made 


mention, with much reſpect, of Oeco- 
lampadius, Zuinglius, Bilibaldus, Copus, 


Beatus Rhenanus, Camerarius, Zaſius, 
and Goclenius, p. 221. 

Rhenanus, Camerarius, Melanchthon, 
doctiflimi Germanorum, tunc temporis, 
hodie pauciſſimi. Scaligeran. p. 337. 

12 Rex Catholicus me propemodum 
Epiſcopum fecerat. Ubi, inquies ? Non 


apud extremos Indos—verum apud Sicu- 


los, Græculos olim, et nunc quoque 
dicaces et feſtivos. Sed feliciter erratum 
eſt, et ex animi mei ſententia. Ep. 279. 


| beſt friends. Zaſius was advanced in years, when he began his A. P. 15 14. 


66 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1514. and then finding that the Pope had the right of nomination, had 


defired him to confer it upon Eraſmus, But this recommendation 


had no effect, and the Prince thought no more about giving him 


another Biſhoprick. Eraſmus laughed, when he heard of this 
preferment : and certainly a man of his temper was very unfit for 


ſuch a ſtation ; though the Sicilians, who, as he ſays, were merry 


fellows, might have liked ſuch a Biſhop. 
Reuchlin, or Capnio, as he was called, gave Eraſmus an 


account, how he was perſecuted by the Divines and Monks of 
Cologn. His Latin ſtyle is none of the beſt ; and Du Pin ſets it 
much too high, when he ſays, that he ſpake Latin with a purity 
and an eloquence almoſt inimitable. Henr. Majus hath written 


his life, of which there is a good abridgment in the Brbhothegue 
Untverſelle. Eraſmus gives him a great character, and complains 
in ſtrong terms to Cardinal Grimani of the cruel uſage, which 
Reuchlin had experienced in his old age, for the moſt frivolous 
cauſes. Ep. 167. 


This excellent man Was one of the beet of letters in 


Germany; well {killed in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew; honoured 
by all the learned and illuſtrious perſons of his time both in 
Church and State, hated and perſecuted by Monks and Inquiſitors, 


by the Minorum Gentium Sacrificuli; yet ſingularly fortunate in 


not being overpowered by ſuch formidable enemies, and dying 


at laſt in peace, without being hanged or burned. * Eraſmus had 
the courage to write his Apotheofis, and to make him Saint 


Reuchlin. He was born 1450, and died 1522. Bullinger was 
1 +... 006 


7 Baillet Jug. des Scav. Vol. I. p. 258. Græc. Illuſtr. p. 200. 
Huetius de Interpr. p. 225. Bibl. Univ. . ED. $.. Cf I.024- | 
VIII. 485. Du Pin B. E. Tom. XIV. t Ejus dro$%wcw Eraſmus poſtea, 
p. I, &, Beza Icon. Sleidan L. II magnopere propterea Sophiſtis inviſus, 
and III. Seckendorf, L. I. p. 103, elegantiſſime deſcripſit. Beza. 
&c. Perizonius, p. 97. P. Jovius * Appendix. 
Elog. p. 217. Burckhard Comment. * Bayle BULLINGER, Not. A, 
de Vit. Hutten. p. 149. Hodius De 

2 | 


» 1 2 
S cate 
„ . 

D 


OF ERASMUS. 


67 


one of thoſe, who ſignalized themſelves in the defence of Reuchlin: A. D. 1514. 


and indeed all writers of any reputation, who have taken occaſion 


to mention him, have done juſtice to his ſingular merits. 
Eraſmus undeſignedly obtained a preſent from Caraffa, a Biſhop, 
and the Pope's Nuncio in England, ana b Wb for it in a 
letter to that Prelate. 
He would not ſettle at Louvain, for many reaſons, and parti- 


cularly becauſe of the wretched Divines, Pſeudetheologi, with 
whom that place was infeſted. He adds, The Lord mend GA, 


for they ſtand greatly in need of i it, Kc. 
From Epiſt. 165 and 306, it appears, chat he had not learned 


to ſpeak Engliſh, and did not underſtand it. 
He complains of his poverty to Wentford, who, though not 


rich, had offered him the free uſe of his purſe; but Eraſmus 
would not accept of it. He ſpeaks alſo of the generoſity of his 
friend Grocyn, who, whilſt he was with him, never would take 
any thing for his board, 


He often declares, that he could not md the * fatigue of 
reviſing, poliſhing, and correcting his own works; eſpecially, 
ſince for all his pains he had no proſpect of obtaining any thing 
beſides ſcholars wages, weak eyes, ill health, ſhort commons, and 
a little reputation, mixed with much envy and detraction. 


_ > He had ſome hand in an edition of Seneca the Tragedian. 


K 2 A. D. 


Reverende Pater, ſenſi, ſenſi, ſed fingat, qui cum nihil adferant, quo vel 


ſero ſenſi errorem meum de munere tuo. meliores reddamur, vel eruditiores, tamen 
Admonueram ut non ſolum faveres, ſed omnibus faceſſunt negotium. Ep. 160. 
etiam adjuvares. At quod ego de literis * 


ties me poſtea puduerit facti. Ep. 16. Jum modo gloriæ cum plurima invidia 
. 1 conjunctum. 


Utinam magnus ille Jupiter univer- b Maittaire Ana Tye. II. 260. 
ſum hoc hominum genus recudat ac re- 


maxime, cum videam hinc 
ac doctrina ſentiebam, tu de pecunia nihil recipi fructus, præter lippitudinem, 
putabas dictum. Dici non poteſt, quo- ſenium præmaturum, eſuritiones, ac pau- 


68 


A. D. 1515. 


THE LIFE. | 


A. D. Mpxv. tat. xLVIII. 


Ep. 167 is a long and a very polite one to Cardinal Grimani, 
of whom we have ſpoken before. Eraſmus tells the Cardinal, 


that he had been drawn over to England by moſt magnificent 
promiſes, but in ſome meaſure diſappointed. He adds a fine 


character of his patron Warham. In all this he may be ſuppoſed 
to ſpeak with much ſincerity: but aſſuredly he complimented 
the Cardinal, when he ſaid, that he regretted Rome, and had 


twice deſigned to return thither, becauſe ſo many of the Cardi- 


nals honoured him with their friendſhip, and becauſe Rome itſelf 
had ſo many things to attract a man of letters; as the ſplendor of 


ſo illuſtrious a city, the ſweet liberty which was to be enjoyed 


there, the number of good libraries, the converſation of the 


Learned, and the noble collection of ancient monuments. 


He might indeed have found at Rome great aſſiſtance for the 


ſtudy of letters ſacred and profane; but upon condition that he 
ſhould exactly obſerve all the ceremonies of religion, and ſpeak 
of them with profound reſpect, never preſume to cenſure the 


morals or the ſentiments of the Eccleſiaſtics, and hold no opinion, 


which the Pope did not approve; that is to ſay, upon condition 


that he ſhould ceaſe to be Eraſmus, and bury in eternal ſilence 


the very beſt things, that he ſaid and publiſhed. At Rome he 
muſt have followed moſt of the directions, which he gave, in 
banter, to his friend Ammonius, where he inſtructs him how to 
make his fortune in England. Firſt of all, ſays he, be impudent : 
thruſt yourſelf into all affairs; elbow thoſe who ſtand in your 
way ; love and hate no one in good earneſt, but conſult your own 
advantage; give nothing without a proſpect of getting by it; be 
of the opinion of every one with whom you have to do. 


Eraſmus was too ſincere, too frank, and too honeſt to take up 


fuch a behaviour; and yet without it there was no poſſibility for 
I | 1 | him 


AS 
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OF ERASMUS. 690 
him to make his fortune at Rome: and afterwards, when Adrian VI, A. D. 1515. 
and Clemens VII, invited him thither, a fit of the gravel came 
upon him opportunely enough, and furniſhed him with a civil 
excuſe. 
He ſpeaks afterwards of his edition it Ne, which he had 
2 mind to dedicate to Leo X, but which he dedicated to a better 
man, to the Archbiſhop of Canterbury. He mentions alſo his 
Adages, which he reprinted with conſiderable additions; his New 
Teſtament, which was to come out the year following; and his 
Inſtruction of a Chriſtian Prince, in favour of Charles Archduke 
of Burgundy. He ſays, that, after theſe works were finiſhed, he 
would write upon St. Paul's Epiſtles, and that nothing ſhould 
take him off from that work. 
Hh He ſent at the ſame time a letter to the Cardinal of St. George, 
E containing nearly the ſame things. 
7 He addreſſed a very handſome epiſtle to 105 and full of 
ib compliments. He ſets him far above his predeceſſor of quarrel- 
: 4 ſome memory, Julius II, whoſe warlike diſpoſition had done 
great miſchief to Italy; and he exhorts Leo rather to wage war 
> with the vices of the Chriſtian world, and with the Turk, if he 
> thought proper. He alſo ſpeaks of his Jerom, and of the pains 
which he had beſtowed upon this learned Father, and offers to 
dedicate the edition to him, and ſhews how proper it was to 
prefix his name to the work. Leo returned him a very obliging 
anſwer, and ſeems not to refuſe the offer of Eraſmus, which yet 
did not take effect. Not contented with this civility to Eraſmus, 
RE he 


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© Julius II, ſacrorum nundinatione, et Ut alium Pontificem deceat, Julium 
nefandis moribus infamis, bella ex bellis tamen non decet: ſi is ſit Julius, cujus 
ſerebat. Perizonius, p. 40. See Bayle mite ingenium, et ſingularis vitæ ſancti- 


_ Jores II. 0 monia, a bello videatur abhorrere. De | ; 
Eraſmus commend Julius, but it is Rerum Cop. T. I. c. 86. 
ironically e „ | 
n 


70 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 151 5 he alſo wrote to Henry VIII, and recommended Eraſmus to his 


"= MW 


9 


favour. Ep. 178, 179. 
The Cardinal of St. George alſo anſwered him, coiling him 


much to come to Rome, and approving his deſign of dedicating 
St. Jerom to the Pope. Ep. 180. 


And yet, after all, Eraſmus hath * declared, that he purpoſely 


La) 


abſtained from going to Rome, or even to the Imperial Court, 
for fear the Pope or the Emperor ſhould command him to 
« write againſt Luther, and what they called the New Hereſies. 
And therefore, when the Pope's Nuncio to the Engliſh Court 


c 


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« reaſon to fear, that the court of Rome would never forgive 
« him the freedoms that he had already taken ; and indeed he 
ee might probably have been ſerved, as M. A. de Dominis, Arch- 
ce biſhop of Spalato, long ſince his time, was.” 

Eraſmus had made an haſty voyage from England to Baſil, and 
thence to the Low Countries. But there are 10 many falſe dates 


* 


as to years, months, and days, and ſo many errors as to places, 
in his Epiſtles, that it creates no ſmall difficulty. It is to be 


ſuppoſed, that Eraſmus himſelf, publiſhing his letters very confu- 
ſedly, vTeg» Tet, was ſometimes deceived by his 2 
and dated them wrong. 

Le Clerc and Dr. Knight complain of this; and the latter was 
diſcouraged on this account from drawing up the life of Eraſmus 
in the way of Annals. Le Clerc hath attempted it, and J have 
followed him, and can only ſay, that our method in the main is 


tolerably * exact, errors excepted; which however are of ſmall 


moment. | | 
| I never 
Knight, p. 183. | which, their lives ſhould always be 


That is to ſay, aſter the year 1519. drawn up in the form of Annals. Bayle 
' Moſt of the Elogies of great men CavssIN, Not. G. p. 822. 
are ful of anachroniſims + 0 avoid 


had inſtructions to perſuade Eraſmus to throw himſelf at the 
Pope's feet, he was more cautious than to truſt him, having 


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OF ERASMUS. 
I never could admire that quality in Bayle, which Le Clerc 
calls, well enough, un exactitude etonnante ſur des choſes de neant. 


Such laborious accuracy ſhould be beſtowed upon diſquiſitions 


which better deſerve it. 

| Eraſmus returned thanks to Leo, and dedicated his New 
Teſtament to him. Ep. 181. 

Charles, who had ſucceeded his grandfather Ferdinand, had 


made Eraſmus his Counſellor, and had aſſigned him an annual 


penſion, and alſo a benefice, a Canonry of Courtray, which he 
reſigned to another, reſerving to himſelf a penſion out of it. 


Ep. 191. 


He acquaints Leo with this, and begs ſome "NEO of him, 
what it was we are not told, which, as he ſays, the Biſhop of 


Wincheſter, the Engliſh Ambaſſador at Rome, would explain to 
him. He obtained it, as it appears afterwards. Probably, as he 


wanted to be ſcreened from the ſlanders and the perſecutions of 
the Monks, he had deſired the Pope to grant hinr a diſpenſation 
in form, from the vow which he had made in his youth amongſt 


the Regular Canons. 


Eraſmus wrote a long letter upon this ſubject to an | 


Grunnius, the Apoſtolical Secretary, in which he is ſuppoſed 


to repreſent his own caſe under the name of Florentius, and 


to beg the above-mentioned ent of the Pope. Ep. 442. 
c. 1822. 


He there deſcribes, with copiouſneſs and vehemence, the 


71 
A. D. 1515. 


artifices which the Monks employed to inveigle young perſons, 
who were of a promiſing genius. Theſe men ſaid, that you muſt 


follow Jeſus Chriſt, though you were to trample upon the bodies 


of your father and mother, and that the authority of earthly 


parents was not to be oppoſed to that of the holy Spirit; as if 
the Devil, ſays Eraſmus, never took up his dwelling amongſt the 


Monks, and as if every one, who put on their doublet, was divinely 
inſpired. 


= — —_— 
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72 


A. D. 1515. 


THE LIFE 


inſpired. On the contrary, moſt of them have had no other 


call than ſtupidity, ignorance, 9 e and the hope of 


being fed. 


Then he repreſents at. lite the baſe wicks, which had been 
uſed, to overreach young Florentius, to draw him into a Convent, 
and to make him enter himſelf into the Order. Long he refuſed, 


but at laſt was vanquiſhed by the importunate ſollicitations of the 
Monks. Yet he went from them, to live with the Archbiſhop 
of Cambray, with the conſent of the Biſhop to whoſe juriſdiction 


the Convent belonged, of the Prior, and of the General of the 


Order. However, he wore the habit as long as he could; but 
was obliged to quit it in Italy, becauſe it reſembled the dreſs of 
thoſe, whs attended perſons infected with the plague, and from 


whom every one fled. He was twice in great danger of being 


killed at Bologna, on this account ; and he obtained leave from 


Julius II to wear it or not, as it ſhould be convenient, as he ſays 


in his letter to Servatius; on condition, he adds in the letter 


to Grunnius, that he ſhould carry about him ſome mark of his 


Order. In France he wore it, after the manner of the country; 
and in England he quitted it, as unfaſhionable. Yet, upon his 


return to the Low Countries, they began to quarrel with him 


on account of his vows and his habit. Therefore he aſked Leo 


to be diſengaged in foro humano; for in conſcience he accounted 
himſelf quite free. As to the Monks, he treats them very roughly 
and without reſerve ; and if they railed at him, it muſt be owned, 
that in this letter he hath not ſpared them. Grunnius read it all 
to the Pope, and to ſeveral Cardinals. The Pontiff expreſſed 


great indignation againſt ſuch Plagiaries, or men-ſtealers, (a title 
which thoſe Monks honeſtly deſerved) and ordered, that the 


diſpenſation ſhould be expedited for Florentius, or Eraſmus, 
without any expenſe, But Grunnius gave three ducats, that the 
thing might be done without delay. 


This 


OF ERASMUS. 73 


This year Eraſmus was at Baſil; and this year Martin Dorpius, A. D. 151 5+ 
Aa Divine of Louvain, inſtigated by the enemies of Eraſmus, wrote 
againſt his Praiſe of Folly, He was the firſt adverſary of Eraſmus, 
at leaſt he was the firſt who wrote againſt, him, whilſt others 
| contented themſelves with reviling him over their cups, or in 
| private. Dorpius condemned the Moriæ Encomium, as a ſatirical 
work, in which the author ridiculed all orders and profeſſions, 
not excepting even the Eccleſiaſtics, who have commonly pre- 
tended, that their F unction ſhould ſerve them for a paſſport, and 
ſecure them from having their behaviour inſpected and examined. 
He endeavoured to diſſuade Eraſmus from undertaking the New 
Teſtament, but graciouſly gave him leave to publiſh St. Jerom. 
Eraſmus replied with a good deal of mildneſs, knowing, as he 
ſays ro Botzem, that Dorpius, who was young and ductile, had 
been inveigled by others to write againſt him; and ſo they con- 
tinued friends, after Eraſmus had cleared up ſome points to him, 
as you may ſee in the beginning of his Apologies, Tom. IX. 


Dorpius wrote a letter upon this occaſion to Eraſmus, which is 
not in the Leyden Edition. We ſhall inſert it in the Appendix. 


More alſo replied to Dorpius, in a lon g and laboured Epiſtle, 
in which he proves the neceſſity of ſtudying the Greek language, 
of which Dorpius had ſpoken with contempt, and expoſes (but 
with civil language) his ignorance, his impertinence, and his 
malevolence. Ep. 513. c. 1892. If Eraſmus had not been — 
tempered, and, as he fays of himfelf, 


Trafct fact Irs, tamen ut placabilis Met, 


he would not have taken Dorpius into his favour again *; but he 

lived with him upon good terms, and outlived Him and greatly 
lamented his death, ED 

= e e Whatſoerer 

Y Val. Andreæ Bibl. Belg. p · 592, 728 Eraſmus ſays of him, in the year 

I 2 Mirzi — — 0 1517, Dorpius (nobis) ex animo favet, 


74 
A.D. 1515. 


a * 7 * > 15S w * 
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Whatſdever motive Dorptbs might have had for his under- 


taking, he certainly deſerved to be blamed for having treated of 


ſubjects which he underſtood not, and for having been the firſt 


to attack a perſon, to whom the world had the higheſt obligations. 
It ſhews a malignity of mind, and a meanneſs of ſpirit in a man, 


to decry works which he is not able to i imitate, and to make thoſe 
perſons odious, who are employed in giving inſtruction to the 
public on important matters, of which he knows nothing. 

This year the plague was at London. Ep. 171, 172. 0 

Eraſmus complains of the lazineſs of the Engliſh, who! would 
not tranſcribe his writings for any Price. , 

In a journey on horſeback, he got a violent ſprain i in his back, 


| which afflicted him for a long time, end of which he gives 


a doleful account. Ep. 182. | 
His learned friend: Watſon ſent kind. a | letter Horm Cambridge 


Watſon writes Latin well, and Eraſmus calls him % n/ignem Theo- 


um. Ep. 183. 


a — - 1 2 


„ Watſon was fallow off Bee College, and after yards | 


« Rector of Elſeworth in the Dioceſe of Ely. He invited 
cc Eraſmus to his parſonage - houſe; and .it is probable, , that 
« Eraſmus complied with the invitation, on account of the great 
« intimacy between them: He ſeems to have made a tour into 
« foreign parts, and to have been at Venice, 
5 neglected by the Great, and roſe no. Higher in the Church. 


60 Erathnus 


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'Te-: probably Was 


ſed ſuæ gloriæ perparcus eſt, ne dicam 
tamelicus, quo minus poteſt in amicum 
transfundere. Ep. 182. c. 1631. 


More continued to deſpiſe him, and ſays | 
10 Eraſmus, Gaudeo Dorpium reſipuiſſe, 
videlicet delinitum conviciis, quem blan- 
ditiæ reddiderant ferociorem. Profecto 
fic eſt quorundam hominum ingenium, 


ut ſi paululum obſequaris, inſoleſcant; 


contemtius habiti, frangantur, et fiat 
azhjectiſſimi. Ep. 221. c. 1649. 
i Tanta eſt apud Britannos laboris 
fuga, tantus amor otii, ut ne tum quidem 


excitentur, quum ſpes doloſi affulſerit 
nummi. Ep. 172. a 


* Knight, p. 1457. mile 


* v4 


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OF ERASMUS. 


« learning.“ 
Wolſey, who had given n Eraſmus the above · mentioned Prebend, 


Fry Pope. like a true eonttier, to revoke his Ts and 


FE a ; LE .S . 2 


5 e dan, gu” "ao Pr win 8 55 this, in a very "cixil 


and friendly letter to- him. However, it appears from a letter of 
More to Eraſmus, that this was a preferment which would nat 


Jampridem donatum, 


taking it back again. Ep. 227. 


have ſuited him, and that the Cardinal did him no ill office i in 


The 186th is a pretty letter from Ammonius, topnther with a 


preſent of Greek wine. 


The next is a ſhort letter of mere formality 155 complimen 


from Eraſmus to Wolſey. 


In Biſhop Fiſher's letters to Eralinus Were appears a: | #66 | 


temper, and a paſſionate love of learning. He wanted to be 


better {killed in Greek, and“ wiſhed that he had been a diſciple 
to Eraſmus, or to Rodolphus Agricola. | 


He promiſes to- all 


Eraſmus with money, to the utmoſt of his power. | 
Eraſmus, in a letter to Franciſcus, Wolſey's phyſician, gives 


FOES - 

m Dominus Eboracenſis, id: quod eſt 
Curialibus perquam peculiare, palinodi- 
am cecinit: Canonicatum enim, tibi 
alteri contulit, 
filio chirurgi regii, ſed quem non puto 
ſine litigio futurum, ſi res innovari con- 
tingat. Pollicitus eſt tamen ipſe Ebo- 
racenſis tibi hic alium Canonicatum, aut 
in Anglia quippiam majus donaturum, 
quod mihi coram expoſuit Montjoius, 
t metſi ejuſmodi pollicitationibus dives 
quilibet eſſe potęſt. Non poteſt dici quam 

2 


bim a melancholy account of his bad ſtate of health, and of his 
| on ard 2c 


ſufferin gs 


| | ? 
mihi, aliiſque compluribus etiam Cano- 


nicis gratum fuiſſet, fi te huc tandem 
poſt varios et improbos labores Bona Dea 


retuliſſet; ſed non vidi juſtum derelictum. 


Ep. 37. c. 1545. 5 


n Utinam aliquot menſes licuiſſet ha- 


buiſſe te præceptorem. Ep. 428. c. 18 12. 


Utinam juvenis præceptorem illum 
(Agricolam) fuiſſem nactus. Mallem 
id profecto, neque ſane mentior, quam 
Aichiepiſcopatum em. 
c. 1813. | | | 
* Ep. 430. c 1813. — 


Ep. 429. 


75 


4 Eraſinus had a ed faanmhle opinion of bp judgment and A. D. 1575. 


76 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1513. ſufferings by the ſtone in the kidneys. He tells him, amongſt 


other things, that it had been his cuſtom for twenty years to read 
and write * ſtanding or leaning, and to fit very little, except at 
meals, or when he ſometimes took a ſmall nap aſter dinner. But 
theſe precautions did not ſecure him from Ge many n 


of Which he complains. Ep. 431. c. 1813. 
Another letter of his to the ſame friend is very ſingular. 


' Eraſmus there aſeribes the plague, from which England was 
hardly ever free, and the ſweating fickneſs, partly to the incom- 


modious form and bad expolition of the houſes, to the filthinefs 
of the ſtreets, and to the fluttiſhneſs within doors. The floors, 


ſays he, are commonly of clay, ſtrewed with ruſhes, under 
which lies unmoleſted an ancient collection of beer, greaſe, frag- 
ments, bones, ſpittle, excrements of dogs and cats, and every 


thing that is naſty, & 


England is happily alered for he bean i thats reſpects from 


its condition in the days of Eraſmus; to which change, I pre- 


fame, it may in a great meaſure be imputed, that we have been 
free for ſo many years from the plague. But much is ſtill want 
ing to make London more airy, * and healthful; eſpecially 
with relation to the Priſons. 


In a letter to Gonellus, Eraſmus talks * leaving England. 
Ep. 172. 
« * Gonel, who was of Cambridge, was domeſtic tutor to. 


« Sir T. More's children, recommended probably by Eraſmus, 
and then by More to Cardinal Woltey. He was made Rector 


LY 


ol Conynton in Cambridgeſhire ; and had no other preferment, 
<« ſeeming by this to have been another of the friends of Eraſmus, 


+ who was not in the good graces of the Cardinal.” 


» Genter did the fame. Bayle C- =* Appendix. 


TERUS, Not. I. by Nude, P77. 


\ Ep. 432. © 1815 


Ammonius 


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OF 


ERASMUS. 


Ammonius mentions one Petrus mile tvho was a unter A. D. 15485 


of Latin verſes. Both Ammonius and Eraſmus ſpeak of 2 with 


the utmoſt contempt: ''Ep. 186. 
s year Eraſmus received a very coil letter Frome .; n 


This 


who is generally allowed to have been a man of nde and 


of good abilities. 


Nicolaus Gerbelius wrote a letter to e advan; tie 
he ſhould print his New Teſtament. - Ep. 31. c. 1542. 
: Eraſmus publiſhed an Edition of Seneca the Philoſopher. 


Eraſmus fin returned to the Low Countries, whence he wrote 
to his friends. He received there a Brief from Leo X, granting 
requeſt. The Biſhop of Wincheſter alio informed him 


him his 


Etat. XLIX, | 


of this favour. Neither Eraſmus, nor they who write to him, 
have ſpoken clearly about it. Ep. 191, 193, 194. : 


»Gulielmus Budæus, and Gulielmus Copus pliyfclan” to 
Francis I. wrote to Eraſmus to inform him, in the name of 


Gulielmus Parvus, (Petit) the King's Confeſſor, that his Majeſty 


: Bayle CARMILIANUS» 

v 3s 23. © 203d. _-- 

* Verheiden Præſtant. Theolog. E&- 
gies, Kc. p. 51. Beza Icon. Du Pin 
B. E. T. XII. 55. Seckendorf L. III. 
N 17. Thuanus L. I. p. a8. Pope 
Blount, p. 394. Simon Hiſt. Crit. 
Bibl. Univerſ. XXIII. 401. 

1 Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. p. 3. 

* Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. p. 265. 

2 Sireſter Giglis, an Italian, who 
then refided at Rome, as Embaſſadoc 
from Henry VIII. Knight, p. 228. 

> Boiflacd Icon. p. 131. Bera Icon. 
Pope Blount, p. 399. Bayle Bupt. 
Regi Vit. Budi. Memoires pour Ia 


Was. 


OT Oe Foote 
Roy. des Inſcr. &c. T. III. p. 528—544, 
Steidan L. XIII. p. 342. P. Jorius 


Elog. p. 179. Remarques ſur Bayle, ix 
the Relat. Gotting. V. III. Faſc. I. 


p- 99, Sammarthanus Elog. L. I. p. 3. 
Ed. Par. 1633. Baillet II. 282, 607. 
III. 42. VI. 205. Jcach. Paſtorius. 
Palzftr. Nobilium, p. 312, publiſhed bx 
Crenius. Crenius, de Phulalag. Liter 
ria, hath collected ſome teftimonies of 
learned men, of Jovius, Vires, Eraſmus, . 
Reza, Laur. Humfredus, Victorius, and 


Barthius, in favour of Budzus, and hatk 


nnen Ti of N 


De ſtadia veſtutuass. 


77 


i BE LES - - 
A. D. 1516, was deſirous of inviting learned men to France, that Petit had 3 
named Eraſmus, that the King had approved of it, and hal 
ordered Budæus to invite him, and to promiſe him a Benefice _ 
of a thouſand © livres. Budæus told Eraſmus, that the Williams bi: 
were ſingular friends both to him and to learning; and this gave 1 
Eraſmus an occaſion to make a long liſt of the Williams, who 1 
were his patrons and favourers, not forgetting William Warham. 1 

Budzus gives great commendations to Eraſmus, and adviſes him 

to accept of the King's offer. Ep. 197, 198. 0 

Eraſmus returned a polite and a laboured anſwer to Budæus, in 

which he commends his great abilities, and prefers him to all 

the Learned of Italy. It is a reply to ſome letter of Budæus, 

which we have not. Budæus having ſaid in it, that the Eccleſi- 

aſtical character laid Eraſmus under ſome reſtraint, and obliged 

| him to be more circumſpe&t than a layman, like Budæus; 
- Eraſmus replies, amongſt other things, that, concerning liberty of 


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| ſpeaking, tho he had never ſaid any thing ſeditious or immoral, 
yet he had ſometimes ſpoken too boldly, which had done him 
| | no ſmall miſchief. They, who had been his worſt perſecutors, 
\ were certain Profeſſors of nonſenſe, (he calls them MaTaidaoyo, 
g alluding to Oed! with whom he hoped that Budæus would 
| never be plagued; for, ſays he, they are worſe animals than 
any that either land or water produces. + 
| N My. Budzus, it ſeems, had blamed Eraſmus for mixing too many a4 
V proverbs in his writings, and for having expatiated too much upon 


them in his large book of Adages. But Eraſmus replied, that 
thoſe were his riches, and that it had coſt him no ſmall labour 
to collect them. He might, in his turn, have blamed Budæus 
for mixing too much Greek with his Latin, to ſhew his ſkill 


| in 
| e They call them Francices and velut ex inſtituto ſermonem 8 
Florenos. num et ſemi-Græcum texere, fortaſſis 
4 Eraſmus hath blamed this affeftation : in adoleſcentibus ſemet ad utriuſque lin- 
| — 5 — Cæterum, quum nihil huc invitat, guæ facultatem exercentibus veniam 
| : | mereatur: 
| 
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, * 9 9 6 5 


OF ERASMUS. 


79 


in that language. The letters of theſe two great men, though A. D. 1516- 


full of compliments and civilities, are alſo full of little bicker- 


ings and conteſts, which ſhew, that their friendſhip was not 
entirely free from ſome ſmall degree of Jealouſy and envy, eſpe- 


exally. on the fide of Budzus, who yet 1 in other reſpects was an 


* excellent perſon. Ep. 200, | 
He had made an offer to Eraſmus of * 1 on the 


New Teſtament; and Eraſmus declined to accept that favour, as 


fearing to be. accuſed of making uſe of other mens labours. But 
in this he judged amiſs; and had done better, if he had taken 


and mixed them amongſt his own, figning them with his friend's 


name, or had printed them ſeparately, and at the end. Then we 
ſhould have had. them, but now they are loſt. Eraſmus however 
acknowledges, that he had been aſſiſted by ſome learned friend in 
paſſages where ſome Hebrew words are mentioned and explained; 
but he e ſays, that he had done this as ſeldom as he poſſibly could. 


mereatur : in vids. mea, ſententia, pa- 
rum decora fuerit hec oſtentatio, | &c. 
De Cop. Verb. c. 12. 

Andreas Eudæmon Joannes cenſured 
I. Caſaubon for the ſame ſort of pe- 
dantry. Crenius De Singul. Scriptor. 
p. 74. 
Budæus commends the ſtyle of 
Eraſmus, ſaying, — . ftyli puritate et 
ingenii amœnitate omnilum \PYRETE emeru= 
1. Ep. 220. 

— Vir ad ſeculi ſui gloriam natus, 


laudibus literariis abundans, magnaque 


cum propter ſingularem rerum omnium 
ſcientiam hominum admiratione affectus, 


tum ob id potiſſimum, quod Tas 
literas ſua ætate intermortuas exſuſci- 


tarit: at cum pari felicitate Latinas 
arripuiſſet, i quando Græca Latine 
expoſuit, quid in utriſque poſſet voluit 


oſtendere, et res Moftrare ſplendore ver- 


He 


borm cumque diſerti 5 quæ- 
reret laude, evaſit paraphraſtes. Hue- 


tius De Clar. Interpr. p. 209. 
Defuit quidem tanto viro perſpicuus 
ille venuſtioris eloquentiæ nitor, quem 


recentiores, uni Ciceroni addicti, majore 
ſtudio et religione coluerunt. — Certe 
voluntatem illi, non facultatem defuiſſe, 


argumento eſſe poteſt penitiſſima illa to- 


tius Latinitatis cognitio, &c. —Neque 
defuerunt ex Italia Germaniaque plures 
æmuli, qui pulcherrimam illam operam 
[De Afſe] ſibi falſo vendicarent: admo- 
vente calumniæ faces Eraſmo, qui cum 
occulte Budzo principem in literis locum 
invideret, hominis exiſtimationem, quam 
non audebat aperte invadere, cuniculis 


oppugnare non deſinebat. Sammarthanus. 


This Frenchman Jhews himſelf ſo par- 
tial upon all occaſi tons, that his teſtimony 
againſt Eraſmus is of ſmall weight, 


— 


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——— 


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— 


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80 
A. D. 1516 He peaks with much affection of Gulielmus Copus, and alſo of 
Jacobus Faber Stapuienfis, (Jacques Le Fevre D' Etaples) with 


A 
* 


THE LIFE 


whom after wards he had a ſmall n Which dia v not continue 


long. 


4 DA in his wiltivn emed to Site no friend to the 


«© Reformers. It is ſaid of him, that he would not have his 
C pigure drawn; and it gave occaſion to theſe verſes: 


60 Nec voluit vi uus ; fings pingive Budæus, 
Nec vatum moriens quefiut ehgia : 
* Func, qui tanta fue mentis monumenta religuit, 
« Externa puduit vivere velle manu. 


ce Budzus * ſometimes. criticiſed Eraßmus whhout namin g 
« him; and never would mention him in any of his works; 
« which was very perverſe and croſs, when Eraſmus had humbiy 


2 
* 


begged it of him as a favour. 


It may be faid juſtly enough of this great man, that he 


made himſelf more feared than loved in the Republic of letters. 


« The * celebrated Budæus was made Maſter of the Requeſts i in 
« the laſt century, becauſe he underſtood Greek: and, in our 
< age, to underſtand Greek 1s the ſure way to get ' nothing.” 


* Bayle. 

h J have obſerved, that the prints, 
which we have of Budæus, do not 
reſemble one another. 

i Id parum amicæ voluntatis argu- 
mentum crediderunt, quod a Budzo in 


tot numero libris mentio nuſquam facta 


ſit Eraſmi, quamquam ut fieret multis 


precibus ab Eraſmo ambiretur. Præ- 


:terea putant id quoque ad iſta quæ dixi 
accedere, quod Budæus diſſimulanter 
Eraſmum in ſuis libris nonnunquam 


perſtringere videtur, velut in Commen- 


Ballet 


tariis, quando ridet illos, qui de ſingu- 
lorum ingenio et eloquentia ſenteritiam 
ferre audent, qui Laurentio inferiores, 
præſcribunt loquendi formulas, qui leviora 
quædam ſcripta in vulgus edunt, que nec 
ſolem nec ætatem ferant. Regus. 


_ * Menagian, II. 343. dee alſo Auti- 


Baillet II. 49. 


| *Aleam 35 & &s T eine is io iromerern. : 
Vet I could name ſome Friends, who, 
though ſkilful in the Greek tongue, have 
not found their learning an impediment 


to 


444+ 


. 


#4 
. 


. 


OF ERASMUS. 


81 


Baillet hath given a large and accurate account of Budæus, A. D. 15 16, 


of his erudition, ſtyle, and works. | 


In an Epiſtle to Budzus, Eraſmus pays him the . 


a * . 
» 
1 17 0 
* . . by 
- 
* 


to their promotion, and cannot be num- 


bered with thoſe, of whom Menage 
ſpeaks ſo difconſolately. 
" Bayle BARBARUS, Baillet II. 243. 


1 Jovius Elog. p. 69. Pope 
hlount, p. 343. Opera Pauli Leopardi, 


Hermolai Barbari, Philippi Beroaldi, 
Eraſmi, Rhenani, Turnebi, optima. 
Scaliger an. p. 289. 

„ Anti-Baillet I. 52. 
Literariæ Tum. I. p. 52. 


Amcenitates 
Colomeſius 


Opuſc. c. XXXI. p. 304. Baillet II. 
243. III. 31. VI. 49. Clauſius Vit. 


Politiani. Act. Erudit. XLVII. 42. 
Bayle Po IT IEN. P. Jovius Elog, p. 73. 
Pope Blount, p. 357. Huetiana, p. 18. 
Aldus Manutius ap. Maittaire I. 249. 
„ Hermolaus Batbarus, Politianus, 
Picus Mirandula, Leonicenus, Gaza, 
lumina. et flores Italic . Sali. 
geran. p. 190. 

Inter eos omnes, qui bonas wie 


ſuſcitarunt in Italia, invideo tantum 
tribus his: Theodoro Gazæ, magno 


certe viro et docto — Angelo Politiano, 
excellenti poetæ, ut in omnibus aliis 
præterquam in Epiſtolis, quarum ſtylum 
imitari nolim nimis elatum et oratorium, 
ſed potius Cæſaris, Caflii, Planci, Bruti, 
et aliorum apud Ciceronem, &c. Tertius 


eſt Picus Mirandulanus. Ibid. p. 242. 


Politien s'eſt ſervi d'un Auſone que 
Petrarque avoit eſcrit. Ib. p. 319. 


oratorem poſtulamus. 
viro magno humanitus excidiſſe {i dixero, 
id ſocer meus (H. Stephanus, nam Caſau- 


of ſetting him even above Hermolaus Barbarus and * Angelus 
Politianus, whom he accounted the two greateſt * Geniuſes of 


Italy. 


Politien. Pluſculæ a Ne- 


gat ſibi fuiſſe copiam vitæ Politiani a. 


Menckenio ſcriptæ, in qua ſperaret ſe 


inventurum apologiam viri de crimine 
atheiſmi. Non fallitur, 


Remarques ſur Bayle, in the Relat: Got- 


ting. Vol. III. Faſc. I. p. 120. 


Politianus homo, non unus e multis, 


ſed cum paucis potius comparandus; in 


omni pene facultate, quæ virum erudi- 
tum deceat, ſuæ princeps ætatis, in ſcri- 
bendo vero potiſſimum. Nam quz vel 
oratione vorſa ludere, vel prorſa com- 


mentari libuit, præclaris diſtincta ſunt 


notis felicis et elegantis ingenii, quod 


non ad alieni ſtyli exemplum ſerviliter 


compoſitum, ſed velut jugum imitationis 
indignans, ſuo ſibi ductu et auſpicio veli- 
ficatur. Hinc adeo in interpretationibus, 
cum auctore. ſuo non certat modo, ſed 
eum ſæpe etiam ſuperat; ut Eraſmus 
ipſe, ejuſmodi lucubrationum egregius 
ſpectator, ſummum eum artificem dicere 
non dubitarit. Id genus multorum mo- 
vit approbationem; at non proinde me- 
am; nec, ut ſpero, item veſtram: mo- 


rigeram enim et ad imitandum accom- 


modam orationem, non circumfluentem 
et altius exaggeratam z interpretem, non 
Multa ad hæc 


M bonus 


Verſatur enim 
in eo crimine depellendo a p. 429—448. 


82 


A. D. 1516, Italy. 


ba bit. 


THE LIFE 


Eraſmus was a warm admirer of Politian, hath often 


4 extolled him, and, I dare ay, 1 in his heart thought him a much 


finer writer, and a more ingenious man, than Budæus. Erafmus, 
as Menage tells us, uſed to ſay, when he ſpake of TI _—_ 


eſſe Polittanus quam Angelus. Ep. 200. 


bonus loquitur) ſuis in Herodiani inter- 
pretationem animadverſionibus compro- 
Quid quod ab Angeli æmulis 
jactari ſolitum fuiſſe narrabat Pontifex 
Leo, opus hoc eſſe Gregorii Tipher- 


natis, atque id ex inæquali et vario ora- 


tionis contextu deprehendi. Huetius 
De Clar. Interpr. 219. | 

„The Duke of Montauſier highly 
« eſteemed the Epiſtles of Politian. He 
always had copies of them by him, 
£ which he uſed to N to 155 learned 


c acquaintances. — 


„Few authors, in the er ages, 


ic have been more cenſured than Politian. 


“Joannes Coraſius, in Miſcellaneorum 


&« Libris, treats him with the utmoſt 
“ contempt. The two Scaligers and 
Melanchthon have entirely decried 
« him. The laſt- mentioned perſon, 
ce and, after him, Vives and Du Pleſſis 


“ Mornay, reproach him for having 
<« fooliſhly boaſted, that he had never 


read the Scriptures but once, and that 


he accounted this once to be ſo much 
« time thrown away. But this is a 
e calumny contrary to the expreſs teſti- 
% mony of Politian in one of his letters, 
« Seſe quadrageſimali tempore publice po- 
« pulo ſacras Literus enarraſſe.“ Vigneul 


In another Epiſtle to Budæus, he gives a great eder of 
Rodolphus Agricola, whom he hath often commended, 


bens 


* 
* 


Marville,) Vol. +4 p. 182. 


The Scaligers and Aden had 


too much ſenſe and learning, to doubt 
of Politian's abilities. If they decried 
him, it muſt have been for other reaſons. 

4 Cujus viri ingenio ita ſum delecta- 


tus, ut nullius æque. Ep. 11. c. 1531. 


r quem virum, ſi fatorum invi- 


dia ſupereſſe voluiſſet, haberet Germania 
quem Italis opponeret, qualem nunc ha- 
bet Gallia Budæum, ſed unum. Ep. 221. 

HBaillet II. 226. Bayle AGRICOLA, 
P. Jovius Elog. p. 61. Scaligeran. p. 11, 
15. Val. Andre Bibl. Belg. p. 704. 
Miræi Elog. Belg. p. 108. Relat. Got- 
tingenſ. Vol. III. Faſc. I. p. 82. Hue- 


tius De Clar. Interpr. p. 230. Pope 


Blount, p. 337. Eraſmus T. V. . N 
921. 
1 Rodolphus A RY unicum Game 


niæ noſtræ lumen et ornamentum, an- 


num egreſſus quadrageſimum, Hebræas 
literas diſcere nec erubuit, vir in re lite- 
raria tantus, nec deſperavit homo natu 


tam grandis; nam Græcas adoleſcens 
Ipſe jam quinquageſimum 


imbiberat. 
tertium ingreſſus annum, ad Hebraicas 
literas olim utcumque deguſtatas, cum 
licet; recurro. Rut. Ferie Throl. T. V. 
c. 79. 


Iu 17 
TS 

r 

EL 4 


7 l . 1 0 
5 e «% fre, 4.4 
CO oe PO y TS 
N 25 SIGN Er, Nee 
S 1 * 4 5 206 IS STE 
. 8 N 


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eee 


* N £ ONES 6. N N * 
. Bo EZ e 5 > A 4 
2 SSS F o 8 
FP A 2 A ny ne ED LEE a 
W e IRIS WES Coo ts RS ES IIA "Rn 1 ; s. 
TT nnn * r 6 8 - 


lr rev. 
. - 3 

e IE 
o 

* I * * 


eee eee eee 


OF ERASMUS. 
Stephanus Poncherius (Etienne de Ponchery) Biſhop of Paris, 


Embaſſador of Francis I at Bruffels, propoſed to Eraſmus: the 


offen which the King had made him. Eraſmus excuſed himſelf; 
alledging, that the Catholic King detained him in the Low 


Countries, having made him his Counſellor, and given him a 


Prebend, though as 1 he Aud feen none of the revenues which 


had been promiſed. i bunt F 


[Eraſmus was dk in 1 che tight, to WN a ſotticrrenti in France: ; 


where the envy of ſome men of letters, and the malice of the 


Monks and Sorboniſts, would have made bim very miſerable. 
» The New Teſtament, * Greek and Latin, with his notes, was 


publiſhed at Baſil, and foon ſpread itſelf far and wide; and he 
received. the congratulations of his friends, and, amongſt others, 


of  Franciſcus Deloinus, (Deloin) and of Nicolas Beraldus, 
(Berauld) who wrote to him from Paris. Ep. 201, &c. 
Eraſmus returned anſwers to them, and to Budæus and Copus; 
and ſays, that he could accept of nothing in France, till he had 
conſulted, the Chancellor of Burgundy. He alſo ſent a letter of 
compliments and thanks to Francis I. Ep. 202, &c. 204. 
There was at that time a learned man, Wolfgangus Fabricius 
* Capito, Preacher to the Biſhop of Baſil. Eraſmus, in a letter 


A. D. 1516. 


to him, declares! his hopes, that, peace being re-eſtabliſhed in 


the world by the means of Leo X, Francis I, and Charles V, 
learning would flouriſh in Europe. If he was miſtaken in the 
firſt part of his prediction, he was not in the ſecond; for, not- 


withſtanding the wars which enſued, letters gained ground in all 


places. After having derided the ignorance of thoſe Divines, who 


e the progreſs. of literature, and who had _ the en 


M2 571 of 


u Maittaire Ann. Typ. IL. 276, 31 4 PE TL EAA toi excuſum ſit, 


727. More Ep. ad Dorp. 
x Cum N Teſtamentum, in | Y Bayle BERAUBD. 


in quod (Eraſmi) deſudat labor, nun- 2 Beza Icon. Seckendorf. de 


quam hactenus, quod ſciam, Grace XVI. Maittaire Ann, Typ. II. 13. 


84 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1516. of the rabble on their ſide, he extols Capito for his abilities, his 


knowledge of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and his unblameable 
behaviour, and exhorts him to labour. ſtrenuouſly in the cauſe of 
the reviving Arts and Sciences. Capito having aſterwards em- 


braced the Reformation, of which he ſowed the firſt ſeeds at Baſil, 
and of which he was one of the chief ſupporters at Stratſburg, 
Eraſmus changed his manner of ſpeaking, rather forced, as we 


may ſuppoſe, by the circumſtances in which 1 n Himſelf, 
than induced by fickleneſs and levity. | 

The * works of St. Jerom made their appearance in \ April, = 
the dedication to Warham bears date the firſt of that month : 


is alſo dated from Bafil, though Eraſmus was at that time in * 


Low Countries. It ſeems to have been the faſhion in thoſe times 
to ſubſcribe Dedications from the place where the Book was Printed; 
and not from that where the Author reſided. 812 

This addreſs to Warham is not in the uſual form of dedications, 
ſtuffed only with compliments: many things are contained in it 


of great utility. He complains moſt juſtly of the little care, which 
paſt ages had beſtowed, in preſerving the works of the ancient 
Chriſtians. After which he ſays, I deſpiſe not the ſimple and 


well-meaning piety of the Vulgar, but I am really ſurpriſed at 
the perverſe judgment of the Multitude. We kiſs the old ſhoes 
and dirty handkerchiefs of the Saints, and we neglect their books, 
which are the more holy and valuable reliques. We lock up their 


ſhirts and clothes in cabinets adorned with jewels; but as to their 
writings, on. which they ſpent ſo much pains, and which are ſtil 
_ extant for our benefit; we abandon them to mouldineſs and vermin. 


It is not difficult, fays he, to diſcover the cauſes of this conduct. 


As ſoon as the manners of Princes degenerated into brutiſn tyranny, 
and the Biſhops were intent upon acquiring profane dominion 


and 


2 The works of Jerom were pub- A. 1526 ; afterwards at Baſil, A. 1553; 


liſhed by Eraſmus, and printed in fix and then by the e A. 1 —— 


volumes, at Baſil, from A. 1516 to 


. 


2 W 2 n — 
FFP *¶ 5 e ES 
n n n EE Loot al tor gs 

9 — , 8 * 2 N 
een c 8 v 
N *** 99 * * * 


OF ERASMUS. 


and wealth, inſtead of teaching the people their duty, tlie whole A. D. 15164 


Paſtoral care fell to the ſhare of thoſe, who are called Hiers, or 
Brethren, and Religious men; as if brotherly love, and Chriſtian 
charity, and true religion belonged only to them! Then polite 
literature began to be neglected, the knowledge of the Greek 
tongue was much deſpiſed, the knowledge of Hebrew ſtill 
more. The ſtudy of eloquence was thrown aſide: the Latin 


4 tongue by a new acceſſion of barbariſms was ſo corrupted, that it 


could hardly be called a language. Hiſtory and Antiquities were 


diſregarded: learning conſiſted in certain ſophiſtical quibbles and 
ſubtilties, and all ſcience was to be fetched from the Collectors 


of Sums, that is, of Common- places of Philoſophy and Divinity. 
Theſe compilers were always dogmatical and impudent in 
proportion to their ignorance: they were glad to have ancient 
authors diſtegarded, or, which is very probable, they gave an 
helping hand to deſtroy thoſe books, which if they had ever 


read, it was to no purpoſe, becauſe may. were not n of 


underſtanding them. 


After this he ſpeaks of the is due to the works of St. 


Jerom; and here he deals in exaggerations, and plays the part 
of a panegyriſt. He mentions alſo the great labour which it had 
coſt him to put his Author into good condition : yet his principal 


labour, as to the firſt edition, was the reviſing and explaining the 
Epiſtles of Jerom, to which. he prefixed his Life. In a ſecond 


edition, he reviſed the whole; and again prepared a third, which 
did not appear till a conſiderable time after his death, and in the 


year. 1553. The dedication. to Warham, and the life of Jerom, 


are not inſerted in the Edition of the works of Eraſmus. 


* Germanus Brixius, a wealthy and a learned Frenchman, 


wrote a polite letter to Eraſmus, telling him how much Steph. 


Poncherius 


d See Le Clerc $ Dueftiones Run Ghuyfotwih; ; and Eraſmus commends 
Mane, both him and his tranſlation, T. VIII. 


Brixius cranllated ſome treatiſes of c. 3. 


= 


8 


THE LIFE 


A.D. 1 516, Poncherius eſteemed him, as alſo Budæus, and * learned men, 


not forgetting himſelf. He preſſes him to come and ſettle in 
France. But Eraſmus, having a fixed penſion from his own 


Prince, was not difpoſed to quit certainties for diftant hopes and 
fair promiſes. If Francis wanted to make Eraſmus his own, he 
ſhould have begun by directly giving him what he promiſed, 
namely, a Benefice of a thouſand livres; which was ſet forth to 


Eraſmus as no ſmall favour, whilft Eccleſiaſtical Preferments of 
ten times that value were beſtowed, - not unfrequently, upon 
fawning Courtiers, or young Rakes of quality, to enable them to 
live in ignorance, lazineſs, pride, and luxury. Vet it ought to 
be acknowledged of Francis, that he deferved to be called the 
Friend, the Patron, and the Father of Learned men, and the 
Protector and Rewarder of Arts and Sciences; titles more glorious, 


and leſs common, than thoſe of King or Emperor. Ep. 212. 


4 Rex Galliz toties ad honeſtifimas 


conditiones invitat, literis etiam propria 


manu deſcriptis; id quod negant eum 


ter a corona ſuſcepta feciſſe. 

© Franciſci regis interitus valde in- 
commode accidit viris literatis atque ſtu- 
dioſis: nam artes omnes liberales nemo 


vehementius amavit, aut liberalius eſt 
Multa jam conſuetudine 


proſecutus. 
variam ſibi cognitionem comparaverat; 
nam prandens atque cœnans fere loque- 
batur de literis, et avidiſſime quidem, 
uſus ad eam rem per multos annos Ja- 
cobo Colino, homine docto, et in lingua 


populari mirabiliter facundo. Poſt hune 


ſubiit Petrus Caſtellanus. Ab iis, quic- 
quid eſt in poetarum, hiſtoricorum, coſ- 
mographorum librig hauſerat: quicquid 
de plantis, herbis, animalibus, metallis, 
gemmis prodiderunt Ariſtoteles, Theo- 


phraſtus, Plinius, et id genus alii, multo, 


UE 


Ap Eraſmus 
ſicut dictum eſt, uſu, et quotidiana re- 


Citatione, cognitum habebat et explo- 


ratum : de mathematicis etiam et rebus 


divinis frequens erat collocutio, Cir- 
cumſiſtebant menſam omnis ordiflis xiri 
magnifici: & quoniam de variis argu- 


mentis inferebatur ſermo, vix erat, ut 
non ex 4is. aliqui ſemper in medium ali- 
quid adducerent: et id quidem unicuique 


| licebat, qui modo eſſet paulo notior. 


Exemplum etiam illud ſtudiumque Regis 
multos, ut cum laude coram eo diſſerere 
poſſent, ad majorem diligentiam exacuit. 
In ſua lingua ſemper habitus eſt imprimis 
eloquens atque gravis. 


auctorum ſeripta conquirerent atque de- 
ſcriberent: et bibliothecam inſtituit am- 
pliſſimam, quæ libros aliquot inſignes 


poſtea dedit, cujus erat cuſtos Caſlellanus. 


Sleidan. L. XIX. 529. * 
* m_— 


Per Italiam at- | 
que Græciam habebat, qui veterum 


Ni 
* 


FEI 
Ke ea. Ars es e eee, 
Et ee he nf Inte! pet 


OF ERASMUS. 
Fraſinus received from England a bill for ſixty an gels. 
Budæus wrote him a long epiſtle, mixed with a db 
quantity of Claſſical Greek, according to cuſtom; and Eraſmus 


replied, - They cenſured each other, though civilly and gently, 
about their ſtyle, and manner of compoſition. That of Eraſmus 


1 is more ſimple, the thoughts natural, and the turn eaſy and lively, 


That of Budæus is more learned and elaborate, and alſo more 
Riff, and cloudy, and embarraſſed. Budæus is often ſo obſcure in 


his epiſtles, that it is difficult to 80 along with him, and under- 
ſtand him. 


Ep. 220, 22 1. 
Ludovicus Canoſſa, (Canoſſe) Biſhop of pet invited Eraſmus 
to live with him, promiſing, till he could provide better for him, 


to allow him two hundred ducats a year, and board for himſelf, 


for his ſervant, and for two horſes: a genteel offer, and to have 


been accepted by any learned man depreſſed with poverty. 
Eraſmus would never have parted with his dear independency for 


But 


any ſtipend, Having at that time a ſufficient income. Ep. 224. 


Veritas quoque non patitur, ut reti- 
ceam egregiam voluntatem atque ope- 


ram inferioribus temporibus in hac re 
poſitam a Franciſco primo, Gallorum 
rege, qui ut erat omnibus in rebus mag- 
no animo ac vere regio præditus, pro- 
cliviſque in humanum genus juvandum, 
rectaque ſtudia ſumma ope augenda, 


curavit, ut quicquid antiquorum ingenii 


monimentorum reſtaret in afflicta Græ- 
cia, ad ſe mitteretur: cui beneficio mag- 
no addidit alterum, et ipſum valde utile 
ad hanc ipſam honeſtam artem ornan- 
dam: ſtuduit enim, magnis præmiis 


propofitis, ut lepidæ admodum formæ 


literarum et Græcarum et Latinarum 
fingerentur: in quo etiam felix fuit: ita 
enim pulchre atque polite fabricate 
fuere, ut non videantur ab humano in- 
genio venuſtiores et exquiſitiores ullo 


nonnulli audacioris 


Eraſmus 


pacto conformari poſſe ; librique ipſis ex- 


cuſi, non invitent tantum, ſed etiam 
aliquo modo rapiant ad fe legendos. 
Victorius. Bayle FRANCo1s I. Not. 


C. C. See alſo Thuanus L. III. p. 85. 


A. 1547. 
Franciſcus I, Rex Gilliarum, litera- 


87 
A. D. 1516. 


rum ac literatorum amans, ut ferme 


literas fovent, qui digna literis gerunt, 
Lutetiæ inſtauraturus Academiam, mag- 
nis illuc præmiis advocaverat ex Italia 
Germaniaque præcellenti doctrina viros. 
Commodum id Luthero viſum, miſſique 
propterea ex aſſeclis Bucerus, aliique 
ingenii, qui, per 


occaſionem difſerendi in eo ſapientium 
cœtu, novi Evangelii periculum facerent. 
Nec defuere, qui novitate caperentur, 
Strada, Bell. Belg. See Crenius De 
Philol. Literar, p. 14. 


88 HE FIFE 
. D. 1516. Eraſmus hath given a lively and pretty account to Brixius of 
| his firſt interview with Canoſſa. Ep. 1239. | 

It was again propoſed to make him a Canon of Tournay ; but 
difficulties aroſe, and the thing was dropped. Ep. 227. = | 
Erneſtus, Duke of Bavaria, intending to improve his Academy «7 
at Ingoldſtad, ordered Urbanus Regius, the Profeſſor, to try if i 

he could entice Eraſmus thither. In the mean time the Divine 
of Louvain, (the head-quarters of Bigotry both then and fince) ) 

well knowing that Eraſmus was no admirer of their Scholaſtic cg 
Theology and Monkiſh notions, began to ſtir againſt him. By 
the aid of his friends he pacified them a little, and went to ſpend = 
ſome time at Louvain, to ſee if he could gain their good will, _—_ 
Ep. 225, 231. = 

More ſent Eraſmus twenty pounds from Warham, and ſays of 

Colet, between jeſt and earneſt, * that he was ſo fond of diſpu= 

tation, as even to oppoſe the advice, which in his heart he was 
inclined to follow. ” BF 

Bovillus (Bullock) wrote to his friend Eraſimis from Cambrid geb, > mx 
and complained that learning had few patrons and encouragers 4 4 
amongſt the Great. He had not been well, and theſe e en = | 
reflections had increaſed his malady. B 3 
#7 Bullock | 
Appendix. | rent et vellent uti! Nunc vero quibus 8 
s Coletus j Jam Græcatur ſtrenue, aſus adeſt facultas, ſi non deeſſet voluntas, i 6. N 
in ea re precaria opera Clementis mei: ſunt adeo egregie tenaces, ut celerius ab = 


credo fore ut pergat et pervadat naviter, * adamante ferrum quam ab his num- 
maxime ſi tu ab Lovanio uſque ſtimules: 


mulum caſurum expectaveris, niſi quis = 
quamquam fortaſſe ſatius erit eum im- ſtrenue et impudenter mendicet, vel ſit 9 
petui ſuo permittere. Solet, ut ſcis, Gnathone adulantior, &c. Ep. 61. = | 
diſputandi gratia repugnare ſuadentibus, @ x 557 Shs | | 0 8 
J etiamſi id ſuadeant, in quod ille ſua ſponte _ 
| | maxime propendeat. Ep. 52. c. 1553. * What Bull Ja = of th adamas, be ” = | 
b Auxit nonnihil vim morbi—fingu- from Pliny, L. xxxvIl. e. 4. P. 773. | 3 1 | 
laris quzdam ingratitudo, quæ tam ma- i Damnoſa quid non imminuit dies ? 
iſ | ligne doctorum hominum meritis reſpon?- tas parentum, pejor avis, tulit 
0 det, maxime tuis. Utinam major rerum Nos nequiores, mox daturos 
opulentia his contingeret, qui et ea ſci- Progeniem vitioſiorem. 


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”_ — A 


OF ERASMUS. 89 


% Bullock was Fellow of Queen's College, and afterwards A. D. rg16. 
cc Vice- chancellot: in 1524-5; He was thought a perſon of great 
abilities, and was ſingled out upon many occaſions for public 

= << ſet vice: particularly, When Cardinal Wolſey, in his zeal againſt 
Luther, ſent ſome of the moſt able Divines to London, in order 


e 1to.confront;his:opinians, and. confute his books; we, find Dr. 
e Bullock named for one, the others being Umphrey, Watſon, 
and Ridley: they were one out of the Univerſity Cheſt 
e z d each. The Cardinal had ſo good an opinion of him, 

= * that he made him his Chaplain, though we do not find that he 


= :riifed him: to any thigh dignity. We are ſure, that the Oration, 
; 1 „ that he ſpoke to Cardinal Wolſey in his praiſe, deſerved more 
= * at his hands. It is lately printed in the Cardinal's Life; and, 
& as i diſcovers the:ſyle and. ſpitit of the man, the reader may 
8 < judge, how well he deſerved; the favour and friendſhip of Eraſ- 

e mus for his ingenuity; though grains of allowance are to: be 
m made for his enlarging upon the praiſes of the Cardinal. 
From the Protor's book we find alſo, that he, in conjunction 
f 1 | ce ths Walden, read a mathematical lecture i in the Univerſity, 

| „ and had a ſalary for it, in the year 1513; and the year before 
te e find that he had the ſame ſum, namely, four pounds, paid | 
him for the ſame lecture probably. He was one of the twelve 
Preachers ſent out by the Univerſity in the year 1 517 5; and 
* in the year 1524 he is ſaid to have had a premium for 
— << writing the Pope's. letters, i 1, e. letters, I ſuppoſe, to the Pope. 
What became of this learned man afterwards, I know not.” 
More ſays merrily to Eraſmus, I do not like my office of an 

74 Embaſſador; it doth not ſuit a married man thus to leave his 
family it is much fitter for you Eccleſiaſtics „ Who have no 
wives and children at home, or who find them whereſoever 
Wee 80. | 


ieee N teen ute I Buipus 
Es Knizht/ p. e aut dow non o habetis, aut eubique repe- 
qui primum iuxores ac liberos ritis, kee. Bp: — * 

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90 


A. D. 1516. 


THE LIFE 


Eraſmus obſerves, that literature began to make a great and an 
happy progreſs. » But, ſays he, I fear two things; I fear that 


the ſtudy of Hebrew will promote Judaiſm, and that the ſtudy of 


Philology will revive Paganiſm. 


He ſeems to have had the Italian 


Virtuoſos and the Ciceronians in view, many of whom wrote in 


the ſtyle and manner of Pagans. We muſt except 
writes with as much piety as purity. en nen auen to 


Sadolet, who 


the ſame purpoſe in his Adages, c. 389. ern, 
In the ſame letter ou ei that he was entered into his. ah 


fert year. 


This year * Bilibaldas Pirckheimprus! gauge the Sac 


; j 


at Eraſmus, who returned him a polite and reſpectful anſwer. 
Pirckheimerus was Counſellor to the Emperor, and Senator of 
Nuremberg, a very learned and worthy man. Ep. 48. c. 1551. 

Eraſmus ſays, that, having laid out all his money in clothes 
for the winter, he was obliged: to ſell * W leſt 80 ſhould 


eat him up. Ep. 81. c. 1571. 


More informs Eraſmus, that the Bpiltole Obſcurirum F Ir | 


met with a en er even from. the Blockheads who 


— Unus 155 PO habet 
animum meum, ne ſub obtentu priſcæ 
literature renaſcentis caput erigere cone- 


tur Paganiſmus ; ut ſunt et inter Chriſti- 


anos, qui titulo pene duntaxat Chriſtum 
aznoſcunt, cæterum intus Gentilitatem 


ſpirant: aut ne, renaſcentibus Hebræo- 


rum literis, Judaiſmus meditetur per, 
occaſionem reviviſcere; qua peſte nihil 
adverſius nihilque * inveniri po- 
teſt doctrinæ Chriſti, — Nuper exierunt 
in vulgus aliquot libelli merum Judaiſ- 
mum reſipientes. Ep. 207. 
Non ſum equidem admodum vitæ 
avidus, five quod animo meo jam pro- 
pemodum vixi ſatis, videlicet annum 
ingreſſus primum et quinquageſimum 
See Bayle ERASME, Not. A. 


by the order of Pope Leo: 


Were 


„ Baillet III. 38. Burckhard Com- 
ment. de Vit. Hutteni, p. 145, 189. 
Huetius De Clar. Interpr. p. 225. 


"P Epiſtolæ Obſcurorum Virorum opera 


pretium eſt videre quantopere placeant 
omnibus, et doctis joco, et indodtis ſerio, 
qui, dum ridemus, putant rideri ſtylum 


tantum, quem illi non defendunt, ſed 


gravitate ſententiarum dicunt compen- 
ſatum, et latere ſub rudi vagina pulcher- 


rimum gladium. Utinam fuiſſet inditus 


libello alius titulus! Profekto intra cen- 
tum annos homines ſtudio ſtupidt non 
ſenſiſſent naſum, quamquam rhinocero- 
tico longiorem. Ep. 87. c. 1574. 


q They were condemned to the flames 


Obſcurorum 


8 DIS > 


l 2 2 7 a i 
3 Be 4 Tahoe a 
Nees " N * CAP 


O F. ERASMUS. 
were derided in them, and who had not the ſenſe to feel it. A, P. 1516: 


Eraſmus hath made the ſame * obſervation.” 


fathered upon Reuchlin, ' Eraſmus, and others; but it was pro- 
bably the work of Hutten, in part at leaſt. One * Pepericornus, 
or Pfeffercorn, a pretended proſelyte from Judaiſm, and (which 


is often the caſe) a real knave, wrote againſt it, and complained. 
that it was deſigned to ſpread ſome "Os though what t 

Ep. 91. c. 1577. 1 f 0 | 
= -* Eraſmus allows it to be a witty deſerts, but deen 
1 it and along with it all eee and defamatory libels, the 
exploits 


he could not tell. 


N 2 


Obſcurorum Virorum Eviftole, ad 


exagitandam Monachorum ſtribliginem 
concinnatz, Leonis X decreto, quod 


magno auri pondere ab ipſo Colonienſes 
Theologiſtz impetraverunt, Vulcano 
olim ſacratæ fuerunt. 
rariæ, Tom. IX. p. 660. 


Ubi primum exiſſent Epiſtolæ Ob- 
ſcurorum Virorum, miro Monachorum 
applauſu exceptæ ſunt apud Britannos 


2 Franciſcanis ac Dominicanis, qui ſibi 


perſuadebant, eas in Reuchlini contu- 
meliam, et Monachorum favorem, ſe- 
rio proditas: quumque quidam egregie 


doctus, ſed naſutiſſimus, fingeret ſe 
nonnihil offendi ſtylo, conſolati ſunt 
hominem. Ne ſpectaris, inquiunt, o 


done, orationis cutem, ſed ſententiarum 
vim. 


Nec hodie deprehendiſſent, ni 
quidam, addita epiſtola, lectorem ad- 
monuiſſet rem non eſſe ſeriam. Poſt in 
Brabantia, Prior quidam Dominicanus, 
et Magiſter noſter, volens innoteſcere 


Patribus, coëmit acervum eorum libel- 


lorum, ut dono mitteret Ordinis Proce- 


ribus, nihil dubitans quin in Ordinis 


Amcnitates Li te- | 


honorem fuiſſent ſeriptæ. Que fungus 
poſlit eſſe ſtupidior? Ep. 99. 
See Bayle HocnsTRAT, and Burck- 


hard Comment. ve Vit. Hutten. p. I 6 5s 


&c. 
t Burckhard Comment. deVit. Hutten. 


p. 175. 
» Magnopere mihi Uiſplicebant Epi 


ſtole Obſcurorum Virorum: jam tum 
ab initio delectare potuiſſet facetia, niſi 
nimium offendiſſet exemplum. Mihi 
placent luſus, ſed citra cujuſquam con- 
tumeliam. Sed moleſtius fuit, quod in 
poſteriore editione mei quoque nominis 
mentionem admiſcuerint: quaſi parum 


f 


fuiſſet ineptire, niſi nos quoque vocaſſent 


in invidiam, et magnam partem fructus 
tot ſtudiorum laboribus expetiti corru- 


piſſent. Ne id quidem ſatis viſum, en 


alter libellus priori adſimilis, in quibus 
crebra mentio fit eorum, quibus ſcio 
juſus hujuſmodi nequaquam probari. 
Quam male conſulunt iſti, non ſolum 
in ſeipſos, verum etiam in omnes, quibus 
bonæ literæ charz ſunt ! Jam illud eſt 


omnium moleſtiſimum mihi, fi modo 


Ver um 


This book was 


If 


91 


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92 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1516. exploits of Gerithmizns, whoſe delicacy: and modeſty will not 
permit them to ſet. their names to their works; works, ' which, 
like a candle's end burning in _ ET food! ceaſe both to 


blaze and to ſtinnn. 


* 


/ 1 


In his * Spongia he ſays, that it was  compold by diate rab, 


whom he names not. 
He ſeems to have ſpoken the more warmly upon this ludi- 


crous occaſion, becauſe he was unjuſtly ſuſpected of being the 
author of ſome 7 libels, which appeared at that time; and there- 


17 


verum eſt, quod mihi iſtinc reverſus 
famulus meus Jacobus narravit, apud 
complures haberi Coloniæ libellum 
neſcio quem, in Julium Pontificem, 
quomodo mortuus excluſus ſit cœlo per 
Petrum. Audieram jampridem hujuſ- 


modi fabulam actam in Gallia, ubi ta- 


lium nugarum immodica licentia ſemper 
fuit. Eam, opinor, aliquis in Latinum 
ſermonem tranſtulit. Demiror quid 
iſtis in mentem veniat, cum ſic otium 


et operam perdunt. Cæterum admiror 


efle qui ſuſpicentur tam inſignem inep- 
tiam a me profectam, opinor ob id, quod 


ſermo fortaſſe ſit paulo Latinior. Luſi 
quidem in Moria, ſed incruente: nullius 
famam nominatim perſtrinxi; ; in mores 


hominum luſimus, non in famam homi- 
num. Ep. 160; 8, 0. 


Scit tota ſodalitas Baſillenſis mihi 


ſemper diſplicuiſſe Epiſtolas, quas in- 


ſcripſerunt Ohſcurorum Virorum, non 


quod abhorream a feſtivis jocis, ſed quod 


non placeat exemplum lædendi famam 
alienam : 


quam vir vere pius probat, iſtas tam 


virulentas inſectationes, que a ſpiritu 


quod ea res cuivis fit in 
promptu, &, Non probo, neque quiſ- 


. P . "Ay 
vi. 431637 OP T2 nh evil. fore 
as 111 5 * + * * * + * 
— 


mundi, non Chriſti, proficiſcuntur. + 
168. . « 4-1 
Peſſime conſuluit. rebus humanis, qui 
titulum indidit Olſcurorum Virorum : 
quod ni titulus prodidifſet Tuſum, et 


hodie paſſim legerentur illæ Epiſtolæ, 
tanquam in gratiam Prædicatorum ſeri 
tæœæ. Adeſt hic Lovanii Magiſter noſter, 
pridem Prior apud Bruxellas, qui viginti 
libellos coemerat, gratificaturus amicis, 


paulo antequam Bulla ea prodiret, que 
effulminat eum libellum. Primum op- 

tabam non editum eum libellum; verum 
ubi fuerat editus, optabam alium titulum. 
Sunt illi quidem digni majoribus convi- 
tiis, ſed exemplum eſt odioſius, et quod 
in furto moleſtiſimum. eſſe conſuevit, 
ſuſpicio incerto auctore per omries vaga- 
tur, ut cuique ſua conjectura, aut ſuus 


ſuggerit affectus: neque enim deerant, 


qui me erederent earum Epiſtolarun 
auctorem, cum mihi nec nomina forent 
nota, nec imitabilis phraſis. Ep. 27% 


6. 4107S; 


F. X. c. 164 | 
Jules II. Memoratur Dialogus | Vir 
cujuſdam erudi 27 mi fe eftivus—rquto Julius 


cæli ſores, &c. et cum is etiam in 


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OF ERASMUS. 


fore he declares, that he never wrote any books, to which he did A. D. 90 


not put his name., But, after all, theſe Epiſtles of the Obſcure may 
be conſidered as a piece of harmleſs mirth, levelled againſt men, 
who were not only egregious boobies, but, which was infinitely 
worſe, ſhameleſs calumniators and blood-thirſty perſecutors. 
« * Simler, in the life of Bullinger, ſays, that when Eraſmus 
| rea theſe Epiſtles, which were, lent him by a. friend, he fell 
« into ſuch a fit of laughing, that an abſceſs in his face burſt, 
e which elſe ſhould have been laid open by order of his phy- 
« ſician. This ought to be reckoned = one of the benefits 
6c ptoduged by reading,“ | . | 
Ortuinus Gratius, who had been 8 by Hegius, the School- . 
maſter of Eraſmus, at Daventer, publiſhed a Faſciculus, in which 
were collected ſome Epiſtole Clamrum Virorum. He alſo; wrote 
againſt Reuchlin: for which he is laſhed in the Ep:/tole Obſcu> 
rorum Virorum, He replied, in a book called Lamentationes 
Obſcurorum Yirorum : but it was to no purpoſe; the laugh went 
againſt him. Gratius 3 in 1 2545; 6 as a man; for, as an E 
he was dead Tong bes. lo oath | if, 
> £ Luther” wrote at letter mY year to Kephebe in lich he- 
ſnews himſelf a zealous Auguſtinian and Anti- pelagian in the 
Points of ee ſin, grace, juſtification by faith, and not by 
1 17101 OB PC rs Ti RE we 4 moral. 


* - 


cc. 


= — > 


Tomis Paquillorum habeatur, 5 rari- 


9 -v SS: 3» 


is the real author. See No 2656 of the 
tate ac pretio libri diſputatur. [Biblio- 


Bibliotheca Baluziana. Bayle Jorks II. 


theca. noſtra habet exempla duo libri, 


quem Phœnicem putabat Dan. Heinſius, 


et centum aureis redemerat. 1. Remarques 


fur Bayle, i in the Relat. Getting. Vol. III. 
Faſc. I. p. 113. 


Notwithſtanding, theſe proteſtations f 
of Eraſmus, * have perſevered in 
aſcribing this Dialogue to him; and 
Baluzius, in his copy of this book, in- 

ſerted a preface of his own band-wri- 
ting, in which he affirms, that Eraſmus | 


Not. N. and T. IV. p. 3108. Rem. 
Crit. The ſolemn aſſeverations of Eraſ- 
mus ought to outweigh the conjectures . 
of Baluzius. 


(A Nullum e . ne- 
que conſcripturus. ſum, cui non præfi- 
gam nomen meum. Ep. 317. 

Baxle ER ASME, Not. Z. 
d Val. Andreæ Bibl. Belg. p. 638. 
0 Seckendor L. I. p. 2.2, 


94 


extremely bad. 


THE LIFE 


A. DI r516. moral works, &c. He blames Eraſmus for leaning too much 


the other way, and for thinking too meanly of Auguſtin. As 


do I prefer Auguf 


1 


much as Eraſmus a e Jerom to Auguſtin, ſays he, ſo much 
in to Jetom. 


His taſte, in this point, * was 


44; 


Eraſmus elle with great eſteem of nis friend Paula 
Emilius, and of his Hiſtory of France. Ep. 203. 

* Alardus wrote to Eraſmus, and tranſlated a little Greek poem 
of Erafmus to . W Mary into " Latin Verne” Ep. 66. 


c. 1560. 


* The tranſlation of ſome pieces of Plutarch was publiſhed by 
Froben, and other ſmaller treatiſes of Eraſmus. _ 
5 This year alſo were printed, at Louvain, Epiſtles of Eraſmus 


Grammar. 


A. D. MDxVII. 


and his cotreſpondents, and _w "CRE of en 8 Greek 


Etat. L. 


This year * Warham wrote a polite letter to Eraſmus, and 


a Bayle EmiLE. 


© Val. Andreæ Bibl. Belg. p. 127. 
Mirzi Elog. Belg. p. 109. 


f Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. 284, 293. 


s Ib. p. 291, 294, 307, 318. 


h Quum non illaudati nominis æter- 
nitatem per te ſim conſecutus, qua multi 


præclari Reges et Imperatores carent, et 
a memoria hominum penitus exciderunt, 
niſi quod tantum vix nominum eorum 


catalogus, et id jejune quidem fiat, non 


video, quod ſatis ſit in hac mortali vita, 
quod pro immortalitate reddam. Cogito 
enim quanta mihi tribueris ubique, vel 
præſens per colloquia, vel abſens per 


thanked him in the moſt e manner for having conferred 


Immortality 


literas, aut communiter per volumina: 


quæ quidem ſunt majora, quam ſuſti- 
nere valeam. Judicabis ergo Cantuari- 
enſem ingratiſſimum, niſi tui ſit habitu- 
rus rationem fideliſſimam et conſtantiſſi- 
mam, licet meritis inæqualem et infe- 
riorem. Quod autem ſexaginta nobiles 


non ſunt hactenus ad te per commuta- 
tionem perlati, menſarius in culpa eſt, 


xc. Editionem tuam in Novum Teſta- 
mentum aliquot fratribus meis Epiſcopis 
et Theologiz Doctoribus communicavi, 
qui maxime operæ pretium in ea re te 


feciſſe uno ore profitentur ; quorum judi- | 
cio o adhzerens, et omnia ſumma judicans, 
quæ 


* K * 3 8 

Wt Is * 0 _ 2 * 5 7 _ 

SO SES OB E 
* e 
OT As Wt 


OF ERASMUS. 95 


immortality upon him. The Monks had a very different opinion A. D. 1517. 
from Warham, about the, labours which Eraſmus beſtowed upon 


Jerom. | 

The Biſhop of thous, to whom! Eralinus had ſent his Ep 
ſition of the firſt Pſalm, printed in 1515, invited him to his 
palace. Eraſmus excuſed himſelf on account of the inclemency 
of the ſeaſon, and his mine, and his many occupations. 
Ep. 233. 

Eraſmus warmly recttfiniended/ to the Biſhop of Paris. his. 
friend Henricus Glareanus of Switzerland (on whom he beſtows. 
many praiſes) to teach the Belles Lettres in France, which office 
” Eraſmus himſelf deſired to decline. His recommendation was 
not ineffectual. He * cloſes: his letter very prettily. 51 be 
18 He received: a letter from Oecolampadius full of friendſhip and 
reſpect. This learned 1 man, who was of Franconia, and whom. 


* R __ — wad ** & a 2 288 
4 % 5 3 : 3 N I a as Foy rhe Its 8 Ry” f 
e 8 8 USSR = = 3 
3 LATE, ad S PS ĩ K 


1 Eraſmus had deen at Baſil, informs him of his own occupations. 
. | =} | at- 
quæ a tuo divino ingenio multiplicique 
doctrina proficiſcuntur, eam omnibus 
laudibus effero, perinde ut Hierony- 


mianam provinciam, quam in eo es, ut 
propediem abſolvas: per quæ opera fa- 
mz immortalitatem- inter homines, in- 


ter ſuperos divinam remunerationem, et: 


a me quicquid commode et convenien- 
ter præſtare potero, conſequeris. Hiero- 
nymi volumina nunquam ſatis laudata a 


præſentium latore accepi: pro quibus, et 
pro Novo Teſtamento, quod etiam abs 


te accepi, gratiam habeo immortalem: 


hoc eſt, pro ſudoribus, quos in his ope- 


ribus exantlaſti. Poſtremo rogo; uti 
cures has meas literas ad Reverendum 


et optimum fratrem, Epiſcopum Baſi- | 


leenſem, perferri, et te valetudine eo 
diligentius liberare ſtudeas, ut quam- 


& 


i . 


/ I * 4 TO) , 1. 
k : * Jt 


primum te videamus. Ep 26 15 & 6: 6s. 


C. 1559 '. 


i Non ita e in Bibliotheca =" 


lica Ulmenſi vidi editionem Hieronymi 

Frobenianam, ita male a Monachis ha- 

bitam, ut haud exigua pars annotationum 
Eraſmi a crudelibus eorum manibus ex- 

puncta et prorſus obliterata fit. Amamit. | 
Literariæ, T. II. p. 432 


* Sed heus tu, vacuis epiſtolis non eſt 
arceffendus (Glareanus:) viaticum adda- 
tur oportet, velut arrhabo reliqui pro- 
miſſi. Vide quam familiariter tecum 
agam; ceu tuæ Celſitudinis oblitus. Sed 
ita me tua corrupit humanitas, quæ 
hanc docuit impudentiam.: quam aut. 
totam ignoſcas oportet, aut bonam certe. 


atem a K ipfi imputes. Ep. 23 3 


0345 - 2 tA TT 6s \ Wo 


96 „ TN E'. EHF E 
A. D. 151). at this time, for he was 'collating the 1 the a; 
i and of his connections with Melanchthon 
(| | About this time Jacobus Faber Stapulenſis, whom Eraſmös 
== had always accounted one of his friends, wrote againſt him; and, 
| in a ſecond edition of his Commentaries upon the Epiſtles of 
1 „„ St. Paul, attacked him very rouglily for his interpretation of a 
0 paſſage in the eighth Pſalm, cited in Hebr. xi. 7, and treated him 1 
| as a corruptor of the Scriptures, Wh. -- = 
| _ "Eraſmus" wrote an anſwer in a mild manner, and allo. ſent = 
1 him a letter, exhorting him to ſpeak for the future with more 7 
ll - - candor and moderation, and to declare himſelf, publicly at leaſt, 
! aa friend to Eraſmus, leſt the Monks, their common enemies, 'F 
| =o ſhould rejoice and triumph to ſee them at variance. See Ep. 239, 3 

22971, Which are written in a friendly and a Chriſtian manner. 

Faber, though a learned man, was not equal to Eraſmus, or = 

a match for him in diſputation. If he did not comply at that 
time with this humble and reaſonable requeſt of Eraſmus, he 
however did not reply to his book, and ſo the Ay was 
dropped on both ſides. nm vids! wel = 
The reply, which Eraſmus ** to Faber, wok: "rg up only 
fourteen days in writing and printing, as he tells Budzus; twelve 


days, as he informs another friend, Ep. 240. c. 1657. It was 1 
favourably received by the learned world, and particularly applauded i 
by the German, Italian, and En 18 pe wes: ee to 
ſee Eraſmus demoliſh a Frenchman. E 307. 7 5 800 1 


The moſt commendable and edilying part of this affair was, 
that Faber afterwards repented of having attacked Eraſmus, and 
that Eraſmus was very ou. for having anſwered him ; and they = 

| je continued x 
3 Verheiden 1 Theol. Effg. Sammarthanus Elog. L. I. p. 1. Thu- 1 
P- 104. Beza Icon, Colomeſius Me- anus L. VI. p. 175. Bayle LO and 
lange Curieuz, p. 810, 4to Ed. Me- T. IV. p. 3102, Rem, Crit, Pope 
nagiana, T. III. p. 272. Du Pin B. Blount, p. 205. ©. | — 
E. XIII. 174. XIV. 157. P. Jovius 3 » Tom. IX. e. 3 —— CO 
Elog. p. 203. Bibl. Univ. XVI. 66. e nr wee "= 


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OF ERASMUS 


97 


continued to ſpeak of each other with great et and eſteem: A. D. 1 * 


for which reaſon we will alſo diſmiſs the diſpute; only obſerving, 
that it would be happy, if wrangling Geniuſes would copy from 
theſe examples, and conſider a little, how all men of ſenſe and 


manners applaud ſuch moderation, and how they abhor and 


deſpiſe thoſe, who having begun to quarrel, perhaps, upon mere 
baubles, never end their conteſts and animoſities, till Death comes 


and puts them to ſilence. Ep. 293, 436. 


" Faber, though he lived in communion with the Church of 
Rome, was ever ſuſpected of Proteſtantiſm, and OY was 
very little of a Papiſt. 


« Faber was expelled from the Faculty of Theology at Paris, 
« He printed a Pſalter of five verſions, accompanied with notes 
© of imall merit. He had ſhaken off the prejudices of his Fra- 
ce ternity, who idolized the Vulgate, becauſe they underſtood 
<« nothing elſe.” 


O 1 


n Le Fevre. Pluſcula hic nova. Pro- 
batur multis argumentis, illum nun- 
quam fuiſſe Doctorem Sorbonicum, ſ. 


Doctorem Theologiæ Facultatis Pariſi - 


enſis: multo minus gradu illo dejectum. 
Multa de diſputatione de tribus Magda- 
lenis. Monet inter alia Jolius, A. 1702 
et 1703, non fuiſſe permiſſum ſtatuere 
in Sorbona, Tres Magdalenas, 
unctrices Domini, &c. 


tres 
Multum operæ 


collocatur in evertenda narratione Tho. 


Huberti de morte Fabri, in cujus limine 
deteſtatus eſſe, præſente Regina Na- 
varræ, dicitur diſſimulationem, qua in 
communione Eccleſix Romanæ man- 


ſerit, cujus deſerendæ auctor ipſe fuiſſet 


pluribus, martyrii coronam ea de cauſa 
adeptis. Omnes partes illius narratio- 


nis (etiam quod Fabrum centenario ma- 


1 


jorem facit) convellere ſtudet Auctor. 


[ Qui habent ſchedas B. Beyſchlagii, qui 


de Fabro Stapulenſi accuratos commen- 
tarios promiſerat, fi edere illas, aut uti 
adeo illis volent, recte illas cum hoc 
capite Jolii conferent.] Remargues ſur 


Bayle, in the Relat, Gotting. Vol. III. 


Faſc. I. p. 104. 
Primam editionem Novi Teſtamenti 


Gallici, interprete Jacobo Fabro Stapu- 


lenſi, quz Pariſiis anno 1523, in 8vo, 


lucem adſpexit, rariſſimam vocat Lon- 


gius: nempe ejus uſus publica authoritate 
fuit prohibitus. Quod fatum etiam ſub- 
ierunt aliæ illius editiones, A. 1524, 
1520, &c. curate. Amænitates Litera- 
riæ, Tom. II. p. 360. 

* Longueruana [. 145. 


10 
{tl 
3: 
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— 
— 


— 


98 


A. D. 1517. 


THE LIFE 


« x It is ſaid of Faber by a writer of good credit, that he had 
* been a great traveller in queſt of knowledge, and had ſeen not 
„ only Europe, but alſo Aſia, and a part of Afric.“ 

Faber had a diſciple, Joannes Aventinus, a learned man, who 


was accuſed of hereſy by the Jeſuits. Fromondus compares | 


Aventinus to Eraſmus for free thinking and free ſpeaking. 
Edward Lee began about this time to attack Eraſmus, and 
to ſtir up the Divines againſt him; in which attempt the 
Dominicans were no leſs buſy. He not only treated Eraſmus as 
one of little erudition and no. judgment, but as an heretic and 


an enemy to the Church; and did all that lay in his power to 


 AvENTIN, Not. H. 


run him down and ruin him. Eraſmus in return hath often faid 


of him, * that the earth never produced an animal more vain, 
more arrogant, more ſcurrilous, more 1gnorant, more fooliſh, and 
more malicious, than he. Yet this man advanced himſelf at 


Court, and became an Archbiſhop. He muſt have had ſome 
dexterity, ſays Le Clerc, unleſs his elevation was owing to the 
caprice of the King, or of Dame Fortune, who loves to * divert 


herſelf, and play her gambols, (if we may ſpeak in a Nn 
ſtyle) at the expenſe of poor mortals. 
Lee was of a reputable family, was educated at Oxford and 


Cambridge, afterwards Chaplain and Almoner to Henry VIII, 


then employed by the King on ſeveral embaſſies, then made 
Archbiſhop of York A. 1531, and died 1544. 

He was, as Antony Wood and ſome others have ſaid, not only 
profoundly learned, and an incomparable Divine, but a pious 


Chriſtian, an able and aſſiduous preacher, extremely charitable 


to 


» Menagiana III. 274. 
4 Liberrime enim linguz (hæreticæ 106. 
dicere non auſim, neque puto) et plane Quo uno nihil unquam adhuc terra 
Eraſmicæ, in Monachorum et Eccleſi- produxit, nec arrogantius, nec virulen- 
aſticorum vitia fuit Aventinus. Bayle tius, nec ſtultius. Ep. 248. 
© =——quoties voluit Fortuna jocari. 

Knight, p. 286, &c. Du Pin B. E. | N 


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OF ERASMUS. 


to the poor, and univerſally lamented, when he departed this A. D. 1517. 


life. It is very well: but whence came our Antiquaries to know 
all this? Why, even from his Epitaph. As if Stones could not 
exaggerate! Thus much is certain, that 1 was always an enemy 
to the Reformation. 


« * Amongſt the Biſhops, all were not equally Posen nor 
c gealous. Lee and Gardiner were thoſe, in whom the old leaven 
c had the deepeſt root. So the King, being informed that Lee, 
& though he had given in his profeſſion, ſubſcribed and ſealed by 
* him, yet did not his duty in his Dioceſe and Province, neither 
in teaching himſelf, nor cauſing others to teach the people, 
conform to what was ſettled both in Convocation and Par- 


« liament, ſent him orders both to preach theſe things, and to 
<« order all other Eccleſiaſtical perſons in his Province to do the 
« ſame. Upon this he wrote a long vindication of himſelf in 
« June 1535, &c.' 

« x The Archbiſhop of York was wack ſuſpected; and if many 
<« apologies look like intimations of guilt, he had a great deal; 


for he took many occaſions to juſtify himſelf, &c.” . 
More (great grandſon of Sir FT. More) and Stapleton have | 


extolled Lee, as an excellent man : but the queſtion is, whether 


they were excellent judges. T heir uncharitable zeal is indeed 


unqueſtionable. 


Sir T. More was a conſtant friend to Lee: and yet much diſ- 
pleaſed at his quarrelling with Eraſmus. He wrote three letters 


to Lee on that occaſion; which inform us, that he would have 


diſſuaded Lee from printing his cenſures upon Eraſmus; that he 


was very ſorry, when they were publiſhed; that he thought Lee to 


be no match for Eraſmus, but far inferior to him both in know- 


ledge and abilities, and in credit and intereſt with the learned 


world; and judged that this exploit would draw infamy and 


O 2 . ' contempt 
a "RP III. 99. 


* Burnet III. 108. | — p. 69. 


Y More's Life of Sir Thomas More, 


99 


100 


THE LIFE: 


A. D. 1517. contempt upon ue writer, and even an odium upon the Engliſh 


Nation. 


Thus our Lee, who, if he had kept the Fool within doors, 


might have paſſed off for a tolerable Divine, choſe rather to 
purchaſe renown, ſuch as it was, by heading the clamorous, 
unlearned, or half-learned cenſurers of Eraſmus, and of all refor- 


mations. Amongſt theſe indeed he might hope to make a figure, 
though not amongſt more eminent perſons ; and it is no wonder, 


that an ambitious man ſhould chuſe rather to be the leader of 
a paltry ſect, than loſt amongſt ſcholars of the ſecond or third 


claſs. In the opinion of Dr. * Knight, Lee ated alſo with a 


view to preferment, and thought it a probable way of riſing 1 in 
the Church at that time. | 


Eraſmus * tells Botzem, that Pace had ſucceeded Colet i in tha 


Deanery of St. Paul's: but this happened in the year 1519 ; which 


ſhews, as my friend Dr. Birch obſerved, that the letter to Botzem 

could not have been written, as it is dated, 16 Mali, A. 1517. 
Eraſmus in the firſt edition of his New Teftament had ſpoken 

with reſpect of Budæus, on Luk. i. 3. though he had blamed his 


Interpretation of a Greek word. Budæus on this occaſion, though 


he was a better Grecian than Eraſmus, took it like a man of 
honour. He owned his miſtake, thanked Eraſmus for ſetting 


him right, and even furniſhed him with Greek citations againſt 


himſelf. Eraſmus made uſe of thoſe paſſages in the ſubſequent 
editions, but ſtruck out what he had blamed in Budæus. He 
alſo profited from another remark of Budzus on the ſame verſe, 
who had ſhewed Eraſmus, that he alſo was miſtaken upon 
another word. But Budzus added an advice to Eraſmus, which 
did not pleaſe him ſo well, and exhorted him not to deal ſo much 
with trifles, (Mcalooyipara) which he compoſed, by way of 


amuſement and recreation, in the midſt of more conſiderable | 


occupations, 


RFI pa SIEGE Frafinus 
* P. 289. * Ep. 248. 


OF ERASMUS. Tor 
Plͤraſmus! in his anſwer returns him thanks; but frankly declares, A. D. 1517. 
that he knew not what theſe bagatelles were, and gives a liſt of his 
Works, which, as he thought, did not deſerve that appellation. 

le fays, for example, that in his Enchiridion he had been bold 
to maintain ſentiments oppoſite to thoſe which at that time were 
7 moſt prevalent, without fear of the unreaſonable perſons whom 
be might offend, He means popular and Monkiſh devotions, 

the uſeleſſneſs of which he had ſhewed. Ep. 151, 260. 1 

He ſent to Henry VIII a ſecond edition of a tranſlation of 

Plutarch, Concerning the method of di ;Ringuiſhing a flatterer from a 
lk friend. He had dedicated the firſt edition to this Prince ; and 

he added to it ſome other pieces, as the Panegyric of Philip the 


father of Charles V, and the Inſtruftion of a Chriſtian Prince. 
N ; He deſired Cardinal Wolſey, Henry's favourite, to preſent this 
Volume to him; and he dedicated to Wolſey another Treatiſe of 
| Plutarch, Concerning the uſefulneſs which may be reaped from enemies. 
It ſhould ſeem from a letter of Eraſmus to Botzem, that neither 
i it the King nor the Cardinal made him any preſent on this occaſion. 
> Eraſmus however wrote a letter of thanks to the King for all his 
* favours, Ep. 267, 268. 
1 The firſt edition of his New Teſtament had ſo quick a ſale, 
1 that in the autumn this year he was buſy in reviſing it, and pre- 
paring a ſecond, as he ſays in a letter to Bilibaldus Pirckheimerus, 
who was, and continued to be, one of his ſincereſt friends. 
il Pirckheimerus was alſo a firm friend to Reuchlin, and courage- 
2 ouſly undertook his defence againſt his malicious enemies, the 
Monks. Eraſmus here deſcribes the Jew Pfeffercorn, who was 
10 come over to Chriſtianity, and was the ring- leader of Reuchlin's 
enemies, and ſays of him, that he deſerved much better to be 


hanged than to be confuted. He alſo commends the Treatiſe of 


Pirckheimerus. Ep. 274. Ep. 201. c. 639. Ep. 202. c. 1110 
Ep. ug! c. 1642. id 


= 


He 


102 


A. D. 1517. 


HE LIFE 
He dedicated to Erneſtus, Duke of Bavaria, an edition of Quintus 
Curtius, and the 276th Epiſtle contains the Dedication, In it 


he derides the romantic genius of the Greek Hiſtorians, and 
cenſures the deteſtable ambition of Alexander, much in the ſame 


manner as Seneca hath done. 

To Philip of Burgundy, Archbiſhop of Utrecht, he dedicated 
his book called The Complaint of Peace. The Prelate not only 
thanked him, but would have given him a Benefice ; which 


being refuſed by Eraſmus, he preſented to him a ring* with a 


ſapphire ſtone, which his own brother, David, Archbiſhop of 
Utrecht, had worn. Ep. 281, 282. 


Hieronymus Buſlidius, (Buſleiden) an Eccleſiaſtic of the Low 


Countries, died this year, and gave his effects to the Academy of 
| Louvain, to erect a College, where Latin, and Greek, and Hebrew 


ſhould be taught. Eraſmus greatly commends this act of charity 


and liberality, which muſt have been very advantageous to that 
Univerſity, if able men were choſen for Profeſſors of thoſe 


languages. 
But this noble inſtitution gave 8 diſguſt to the illiterate 


Divines, who harboured there. They are vexed, ſays Eraſmus, 


that three tongues ſhould be in requeſt, and they had rather be, 
what they are, double-tongued : and indeed there is no teaching 
a new language to ſuch old parrots. 

The quarrel, which had unfortunately broken out between 


Faber and Eraſmus, had well-nigh produced one between Eraſmus 
and Budæus, who was a friend to Faber, and who, ſeeing him 


fo. diſcomfited by Eraſmus, was quite vexed at it, and could not 
forbear from complaining and expoſtulating. Eraſmus anſwered 
him; but the letters relating to this ſubje& are not all ranged 
in proper order for want of dates, Fhat which begins, Budeus, 

haftenus 


b Inſtituitur hic Collegium Trilingue, lunt ; jam vetuli pſittaci, quibus mutan- 
ex legato Buſlidii, Sed obſtrepunt non- dz linguæ ſpes non fit. Ep. 358. See 
nulli, qui, quod ſunt, bilingues eſſe ma- alſo Ep. 387 tu Budæus. 

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OF ERASMUS. 


107 


hactenus Eraſmi amicus, ultimam ſalutem dicit Brafmo, and which A. D. 1 1517. 


is the 343d, ſhould be placed before the 28 5th, in which Eraſmus 


anſwers, Eraſmus Budæi perpetuus, velit, nolit, amicus, non ultimam 


ſed Jugem ac perennem illi ſalutem dicit. Vet this laſt· mentioned 
letter is not an anſwer to the other, but to the 310th, which 
ſhould alſo have been placed before the 285th. 


Theſe letters of altercation between the two great men, altho 
they be ingenious and learned, are not entertaining. They are 


full of chicaneries about trifles, eſpecially thoſe of Budeus, who 
ſeems to have been of a litigating humour. 
Budzus is © thought by ſome to have been :nclined at laſt to the 


ſentiments of the Reformed ; and their conjecture is partly founded 


on this, which is no bad reaſon, that, immediately after his 


death, his wife and children went over to that Religion, and 


ſettled at Geneva. 


Budzus loved the Monks ad the Sl Eccleſiaſtics as little a as 
Faber or Eraſmus did, and probably was as little beloved by them. 
In one of his letters he ſhews a ſupreme contempt of the Sorbonne, 

+ 471 and 


_ © Bayle Bupe, Not. O. bonici iſti Doctores Melchioris Cani 

4 Celebris ille Gregorius Tifernas elogio ſuperbire, quod annis trecentis in- 
quos non ſuſtinuit inſultus, antequam regris linguæ Grace et Hebraicæ nullam 
ab Academia Pariſienſi, ut Græca ſibi habuerint peritiam. — Hine tragcedia illa 
legere permitteretur, impetraret? Cum doctiſſimi Capnionis cum Monachis Co- 
enim, Decreto Concilii Viennenſis ſub- lonienſibus, Pariſienſibus, et aliis, quæ et 
nixus, circa A. 1470, Academiæ illius ingenioſis Obſcurorum Virorum Epiſtolis 
Rectori indicaſſet, ſibi conftitutum eſſe decantata, et a Sleidano prolixius de- 


literas Græcas profiteri, poſtulato etiam fcripta; Hinc et Eraſmus omnis male- 
ſtipendio, demirabantur omnes hominis dicentiæ incus eſſe debuit. Nihil tam 
peregrini, nec ab Academia arceſſiti, acerbum, tam inhumanum, aut a pietate 
audaciam. Illo autem Decretum, quod tam alienum nihil, quod in Eraſmum 
Scholæ etiam Pariſienſis mentionem fa- ejuſque ſtudia, & iE dpdtys, Mona- 
ciebat, urgente, Rector ad Senatum chalis, ut vocabant, ſimplicitatis hyper- 
rem detulit, atque fic introducta in 


aſpiſtæ non conjecerint. Moria præſertim 


Scholam illam fuit ea Profeſſio, quæ tot ſua, qua ſtudia et mores Theologorum 
ſeculis jacuerat. Maluerunt quippe Sor- ſui ſeculi falſe perſtrinxit, crabrones fic 


ürritavit, 


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104 


A. D. 1517. and calls the members of it prating Sophie and 8 . Dunes of 
the Sorboman Lake. | 


THE LIFE 


The 253d letter is from our * Tonſtall to Budzus, written with 


elegance, and full of learning and good ſenſe. 


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« © Eraſmus highly valued Cuthbert Tonſtall, Biſhop of Dur- 
ham, and received many great favours from him. He 'was 
acquainted with this Biſhop abroad, and whilſt he was in 


the Low Countries, where at Bruſſels he lived in the ſame 
© houſe with him. I find other writers join with Dr. Fiddes in 
the ſame elogy of him, that, while there, he was very ſedu- 


' 


lous in his charge, as well as very capable of executing it ; 
that nothing, wherein his Majeſty was concerned, eſcaped 
him. He perfectly underſtood the ſtate of the Imperial 
Court, penetrated into all the deſigns of it, and failed not, as 
occaſion offered, to impart his advice accordingly to the King. 


He is ſaid alſo to have been of a very mild and gentle diſpo- 


ſition ; ſo that, in the cruel reign of Queen Mary, his Dioceſe 


eſcaped the perſecutions : though, as to himſelf, he continued 
rigid in his principles, and conſcientiouſly choſe rather to be 


deprived of his rich Biſhoprick, than act againſt his judgment. 
He was confined during his life in the palace at Lambeth, 
but met with great civilities from Archbiſhop Parker. He 


lies buried in the Chancel of the Pariſh-Church of Lambeth. 
cc He 


irritavit, ut omni fere apud mitratos 
gratia exciderit. Crenius de Philolog. 


Literar. p. 16. 
Eraſmus ſpeaks of this Decree : 


Exſtat pervetuſtum Pontificii Senatus 


decretum, de conſtituendis Doctoribus, 


qui linguas aliquot publice traderent. — 
Cur, quod Pontificum auctoritas juſſit, 
negligimus? 1955 ad 81 T. IX. 
3 


e nunc agentem Sorlonæ, anne 
e ev EogCwridlt NI JiareiCorta. 


This lake is called Serbonis or Sirbo- 


nis; but it ſuited Budæus better to call 
it Sorbonts, for the ſake of the jeſt. 
- f Burnet Hiſt. of the Ref. I. \g2, 159. 


II. 195, 387, 396. III. 53, 107, 126, 


129, 133. Fiddes's Life of Wolſey, 


p. 130. 


13 


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" OF ERASMUS. Iog 

„„ He was of Cambrid ge, and a BenefaCtor to the Public Library, A. D. 1517. 

„ &c. Though he was ſo inflexible in the latter part of his life, 
and ſo ſtiff in his Popiſh prinęiples; yet, in the reign of Henry 

VIII, he had been a ſtrenuous aſſettor of the King's Supremacy, 

60 and wrote a very ſevere letter to Cardinal Pole, then abroad, 

a upon this head, and bid fair, as it was then oh) to. be a 

: "1 Ce arent Proteſtant ; but ſtopped; ſhort.” 


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= milhed Ws. theſk virtues deere te one 15 their ordinary effects 
in him, great moderation, that was ſo, eminent in him, that at 
© © no time did he dip his hands in blood,” 
The Biſhops made great complaints of T indal's ranflation 
3 3 hs of the *N ew Teſtament., But Tonſtall, then Biſhop « of London, 
being a man of invincible moderation, would do no body hurt; 
e yet endeavoured, as he could, to get the books of Tindal and 
= © other Reformers into his hands. 80 being at Antwerp, in the 
© year 1529, as he returned from his embaſly, he ſent for one 
ce Packington, an Eogliſh merchant there, and deſired him to 
e ſee how many New Teſtaments of Tindal's tranſlation he might 
have for money. Packington, who was a ſecret favourer of. 
„Tindal, told him what the Biſhop propoſed. Tindal was very 
glad of it; for, being convinced of ſome faults in his works, 
e he was deſigning a new and more correct edition: but he was 
„ poor, and the former impreſſion not being 10 off, he could 
| P not 


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b Burnet. tum putes. Anglos enim, quamvis re- 
F 5 Burnet. luctante et invito Rege, tamen fic ſuſpi- 
Dixit nobis (A. I 526) Buſchius, rare ad Evangelium, ut affirment ſeſe 
Mormatiæ ſex mille exemplaria Novi emturos Novum Teſtamentum, etiamſi 
= Teſtamenti Anglice excuſa. Id operis centenis millibus zris fit redimendum, 
= verſum efle ab Anglo, illic cum duobus Adhæc Wormatiz etiam Novum Teſta- 
Britannis divertente, ita ſeptem lingua- mentum Gallice excuſum eſſe. Spalati- 
rum perito, Hebraiee, Greece, TLadlba, nus, in the Aman. Literar. T. IV. 
Italicæ, Hiſpanicæ, Britannicæ, Galli- p. 437. 
cæ, ut, quamcunque loquatur, in ea na- 


— — — — 


—— ———— x our... ee oa a ann CER IE, FILED IE Ds — 


106 
A. D. 1517. 


THE LIFE 
not go about it: ſo he gave Packington all the copies that lay 


in his hands; for which the Biſhop payed the price, and 


brought them over, and burnt them publicly in Cheapſide.— 
Next year, when the ſecond edition was finiſhed, many more 
were brought over; and one Conſtantine being taken in Eng- 
land, the Lord Chancellor, in a private examination, promiſed 


him, that no hurt ſhould be done him, if he would reveal 
who encouraged and ſupported them at Antwerp ; which he 
accepted of, and told them, that the greateſt encouragement _ 


wag had was from the Biſhop of London, who had bought 


half the impreſſion. This made all that heard of it 
f wh heartily, though more judicious perſons diſcerned the 


great temper of that learned Biſhop in it.“ 


« 1 Jn the reign of Edward VI, Tonſtall was pat into the 
Tower. The Commons refuſed to attaint him. He had in 


all points given obedience to every law, and to all the in- 


junctions that had been made; but had always in Parliament 


proteſted againſt the changes in religion ; which he thought 
he might in good conſcience ſubmit to and obey, though he 
could not conſent to them. Only i in the matter of the Cor- 


poral Preſence he was till of the old perſuaſion, and wrote 


about it. But the Latin ſtyle of his book is much better than 


the divinity and reaſonings in it.— There was a conſtant good 


correſpondence between Cranmer and him, though in many 


things they differed in opinion. — So, when the Bill for attaint- 
ing him paſſed ! in the Houle of Lords, Cranmer poke ireay 


againſt it. 
cem When the Bill * G Elizabeth 8 en was paſſed, 


Tonſtall came not to Parliament, There were ſome hopes 
of gaining him to concur in the Reformation: for, in the 
Warrant the Queen afterwards gave to ſome for Conſecrating 
the new Biſhops, he is firſt named; and I have ſeen a letter 


1 Burnet, | 0 Mm "Burnet; 


won of 


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OF ERASMUS. 


107 


of Secretary Cecil's to Parker, that gives him ſome hope that A. D. 1517. 


Tonſtall would j join them. He had been offended with the 
cruelties of the late reign: and though the reſentments he had 
of his ill uſage in the end of King Edward's time, had made 
him at firſt concur more heartily to the reſtoring of Popery, 


<« yet he ſoon fell off, and declared his diſlixe of thoſe violent 
courſes; and neither did he, nor Biſhop: Heath, bring any in 


trouble within their Dioceſes upon the account of religion.” 


<« =" Heath was a man of a generous temper, and ſo was well 
uſed by Queen Elizabeth; for, as he was ſuffered to live 
ſecurely at his own houſe in Surrey, ſo ſhe went thither ſome- 
times to viſit him. Tonſtall and Thirleby lived in Lambeth 


with Parker, with great freedom and eaſe.” 

<« Tonſtall, being a man of great probity, could we at firſt 
approve « of (a Bill in which the King's Supremacy was inſerted) 
in which he ſaw a fraudulent management, and an ill deſign : 


ſo he proteſted againſt it. He acknowledged the King's head- 


ſhip in temporal matters, but did not allow it in ſpirituals. 


But Henry VIII, who had a particular friendſhip for him, 
wrote him a letter; - which, it ſeems, ſo far ſatisfied him, that 


he took the oath afterwards, without any limitation.” 


<«« ? Tonſtall declared himſelf againſt the Divorce. — How he 


came to change, and to take the oath, is that of which I can 
give no account. —But he was afterwards in all things very 
compliant, even to the end of King Edward's reign.” 


« 1 Tonſtall, being provoked by Pole, and commanded by the 


King, wrote a full and ſolid anſwer to his book; — which I 


have abſtracted the more fully, for the honour of his memory, 
who was a generous and good-natured as well as a very learned 


+ Pole, who was then a Cardinal, wrote no anſwer to 
is, that I could find, &c.“ "47 


— Burnet. o Burnet, ? Burnet. 4 Burnet. 


| FB 


— , IE a 0s Ar. Wo. 


A. D. 1517. Upon the death of Queen Jane, Tonftall wrote a conſolatory 
« letter to the King. — It runs upon the common topics of 
« affliction, with many good applications of Scripture, and ſeems 
« chiefly meant to calm and chear up the King's ſpirit. But the 
« truth is, King Henry had fo many groſs faults about him, that 
« it had been more for Tonſtall's honour, and better ſuited his 
« character, if he had given hints to awaken the King's con- 
« ſcience, and to call upon him to examine his ways, whilſt he 
had that load upon his mind. Either Tonſtall did not think 
« him ſo faulty as certainly he was, or he was very faulty him- 
* being ſo wanting to ow duty. upon ſo great an 
& occafion.” 
« * In the reign of Edward, Tonſtall was accuſed of con- 
« ſenting to a conſpiracy in the North, and lay in the Tower, 
« till Queen Mary ſet him at liberty. There, in the ſeventy- 
te ſeventh year of his age, he wrote a book, aſſerting the corporal | 
40 preſence of Chriſt in the Sacrament. He was deprived of 
r 
| Though, during the reign of King Henry, Tonſtall went i 
| | te with the ſway of the times, to the great grief of Sir T. More; Fi 1 
« yet living to the time of Queen Elizabeth, (whoſe god-father © i 
« he was, when ſhe bewrayed the font) in his old age ſeeing her 
te take ſtrange courſes againſt the Church, he came from Durham, 
e and ſtoutly admoniſhed her not to change religion ; which k 
« if ſhe preſumed to do, he threatened her to loſe God's bleſſing 
| « and his. She, nothing pleaſed with his threats, made him' be 
| e caſt into priſon, as moſt of the Biſhops were, where he made 
* 9 * glorious end of a Confeſſor, and n tor his nn 9 
. | & exime of ſehifſm.” / ' -- 1 
8 A priſon, ſaith this zealot, [Lambeth Palace, oy the Arch: = 
1 biſhop's Table, was a dreadful dungeon, to be ſure; and as bad 


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> 


OF ERASMUS, 


109 


as thoſe, into which the righteous Bonner, and other ſaints of the A. D. 1519. 


ſame claſs, uſed to thruſt the poor heretics! Will men never be 


aſhamed of theſe godly tricks and difingenuous prevarications? _ 
Henry VIII ſent Eraſmus ſixty angels, and offered him a living 
of an hundred marks, if he would come to him, and take it. 


Ep. 127. c. 1600. 
In Ep. 263, dated Aug. 24, 1 5175 he FRA that he was turned 


of fifty: annum exceſſi quinquagefmum, 


Tonſtall, in a letter to Eraſmus, treats a Faber with 


great contempt. Ep. 272. 


Eraſmus was in England this year in the ſpring, was cour- 


teouſly received by the King and the Cardinal, and had very 
| handſome offers made to him, if he would ſettle in England. 


In an epiſtle to his friend Gerardus Noviomagus, who was 
afterwards his foe, he acquaints him, that he had been ſurpriſed 
with a meſſage relating to ſome new preferment beſtowed upon 
him, as he fancied ; but he found out at laſt, that it was ſent to 


a name-ſake of his, one Eraſmus, a Doctor of Law. 


Eraſmus received a courteous letter from * Spalatinus, Secretary | 


to Frederic of Saxony, and correſponded with him afterwards. 
'This worthy man was a conſtant friend to Luther, and one of 


v Rex ultro me mira complexus eſt 
humanitate, atque item Cardinalis, Rex 
alter, ut ita loquar. Obtulerunt, præ- 


ter des magnificas, ſexcentos florenos 
in ſingulos annos. 
nec acciperem conditionem WN nec 
rejicerem. 


Sic egi gratias, ut 


Ep. 274. 
* Audi rem ridiculam. Nuper qui- 


dam expeditus accurrit, annuncians, 


ſacerdotium meum, quod haberem Tra- 


jecti, æſtimatum quatuor Philippeis, fi 


vellem numerare. . Primum gaudebam, 
ſomnians novum aliquod collatum ; de- 


inde mirabar quid rei eſſet; poſtremo 


2 


the 


ſenſi nomen commune fuiſſe cauſam er- 


roris. Eſt enim hie alter Eraſmus, Juris 

Doctor, ad quem ſeriptas literas inſciens 

nuper legi, putans ad me | ſeriptnn, —— 

Ep. 279. - i 
Ep. 278. 

* See more concerning Spalatinus in 

Seckendorf, L. I. p. 22, et paſſm, In 


the Amænitates Literariz there is a large 
extract from a manuſcript Diary of Spa- 


latinus, which contains many curious 


and remarkable things relating to thoſe 


times, * Tom, IV. p. 389. 


ä N — — 


110 


A. D. 1517. the Reformers. 


THE 


LIFE 


He tranſlated into German the Treatiſe of 


Lraſmus, De In/titutione Principis Chriſtiani. He 00g in the 


year 1545, aged 63. 


The 2824 Epiſtle is from Bombaſius, who was Secretary to 
a Cardinal. * Bombaſius was a man of learning and of wit, 
who writes extremely well, and who always continued his friend- 


ſhip with Eraſmus. He was killed at the ſacking of Rome, 


A. 1 oy and Pierius hath recorded him amongſt the nern 


Literati 


This year Seat loſt his dhloet friend Aramonios, who 
was taken off in a few hours by © the ſweating ſickneſs in England, 
and whoſe death he frequently and paſſionately laments. Hence 
it appears, that this diſtemper did not ſpare foreigners, as ſome, 


I think, have imagined. 


He tells a friend, that his * chief ſupport was from his + Eogith 


revenues, which alone kept him from ſtarving. 


Warham ſent him a * letter, and a preſent of twenty angels: 
and, from a letter of Eraſmus to Marcus Laurinus, it appears, 
that he had * received a gift from ſome other friend. 


He * commends the Univerſity of Cambridge, as having thrown 


oft ſcholaſtic nonſenſe. 


In Ep. 594, he calls Bombaſius 


patronorum fideliſimum, et amicorum in- 


tegerrimum. 


b Bayle BomBasivus, Eraſmus 


Ciceronian. Adag. c. 220. I. Index 
Epiſt. Eraſm. BomBaAsivs. | 

© Eraſmus, in a Dedication to Schyd- 
Jovietz, ſays, Sudorem letiferum ante 


annos triginta non novit Anglia, nec ca 


lues fere tranfilit ejus inſulæ fines, 
Tom. IV. This was written in 1525. 


Extrema ancora eſt Britannia, quæ 


niſi me ſublevaſſet, adhuc mendicaret 


He 
Eraſmus. Ep. 185. c. 1632. | 


© Ep. 205. c. 1632. 


f Accepi una cum literis nobilem 
Flandricum, ducatum Hiſpanicum dupli- 
cem, et Michaelem Anglicum, munus 


cum per ſe magnum, tum ipſo auctore 
multo gratiſſimum. Ep. 208. c. 1643. 

s Videmus eas ineptias magna ex 
parte explodi. Cantabrigia mutata : 
hæc Schola deteſtatur frigidas illas argu- 


tias, quæ magis ad rixam faciunt, quam 


ad pictatem, Ep. 214. C. 1645. 


rariam. 


OF ERASMUS. 
He began to be quite ſick of a thankleſs and quarrelſome 
world; and reſolved, after the publication of his New Teſtament, 


to quit his ſtudies, or at leaſt to appear no more as an author. 


But (happily for the public) he was too active, and too fond of 2 


literature, to keep ſuch raſh reſolutions. 
He throws out ſome ſuſpicions concerning Pace; but thiy 
ſeem to have continued yu friends are notwithſtanding 


this coldneſs. 


Henricus Affinius Lyrenfis, a Doctor of phyſic x, made him a 


valuable preſent of plate. Eraſmus returns him thanks; and in 
the fame letter makes mention of Theodoricus, a printer. 
In a letter to More, Eraſmus makes ® 
Tonſtall's generoſity; and declares himſelf uncertain where he 


ſhould ſettle ", and not at all diſpoſed for England. He judged 


rightly : Henry and Wolſey were not proper maſters for him to 


live under. 


Amongſt his Epiſtles, there is » one, eur date, to an 
anonymous friend, of the ludicrous kind, concerning the art of 


Novum Teſtamentum bona ex 
parte abſolyi: eo edito dormiam, aut 
mihi canam et Muſis, ſi hic eſt fructus 
gratus tanto ſtudio juvantium rem lite- 
Ep. 215. c. 1646. 

FSubolet mihi et Pacæi mutatum 
ingenium, licet ſimulet priſtinam ami- 
eitiam. Ep. 216. c. 1647. 

| k Quod cyathos argenteos tanti pretii 
paraſti, non poſſum non exoſculari ani- 
mum tam benignum : 


promeritus, nunc pudet recuſare ſponte 
oblatum, ne vel parum bene videar ſen- 
tire de animo tuo, vel nolle tibi tantopere 
de vinctus eſſe: ſiquidem amantis animi 


1 


verum ipſe me- 
cum varie afficior, dum nunc pudet tan- 
tum recipere munus ab homine, de quo 
magis voluerim bene mereri quam ſim 


thrivin g 


ſignum eſt, et 88 debere, &c. 
Ep. 227. c. 1652. 

Inter typographos, qui Erafini tem- 
poribus celebres, eique amicitiæ propioris 
neceſſitudine conjuncti fuerunt, memo- 
rantur Theodoricus Martinus, Matthias 
Schurerius, Rutgerus Reſcius, et eorum 
nemine inferior, Jodocus Badius, &c. 
Maittaire Ann. Typ. H. 54. 

m — Cum apud me ſolicitus eſſem, 


quibus verbis illi gratias agerem, ille 


ultro quinquaginta ſcutatos Gallicos ad- 


didit, nec ulla ratione licuit excuſare. 


Diſpeream, ſi quid habet hæe ætas cum 
eo viro conferendum. Ep. 241. c. 1658. 

n —et Angliæ motus timeo, et ſervi- 
tutem horreo. 


» Ep. 510. c. 1887. 


grateful mention of 


111 
A. D. 1517. 


THE LIFE: 
thriving at court, and of obtaining the fayour of the Great. By 
ſome expreſſions in it, it Ron to have * written 1 he 
was fifty years old. 


He informs Tonſtall, that Afulanus Was wpubliting th the r * Grek 
Bible. 


A. D. MpxviIII. * ee tt. 11. 8 


We come now to turbulent and tempeſtuous times; to violent 
ſtruggles between the Reformed and the Romaniſts; to conteſts, 


not for things of ſmall importance, but for nothing leſs than power 


and dominion on the one ſide, life and liberty on the other. Reli- 


gious diſputes opened the _ and produced os, wars and 
cruel perſecutions: | : 


. bella, (DAP Pee. -. 5 
Et Tibrim multo ſpumantem fanguine cerno. | 


_ Eraſmus, who of all things abhorred and dreaded ee 


and tumults, was much alarmed and afflicted at this ſtate of affairs; 
and often complained afterwards, that his endeavours to pacify 
and reconcile the two oppoſite parties only drew upon him the 
reſentment and indignation of both. 
Whilſt he was occupied in reviſing and augmenting his New 
Teſtament, Leo X was no lefs buſy in publiſhing every where his 
* Indulgences, to raiſe money, under the pretence of making war 


upon the Turks, ſay ſome; of building St. Peter's Church, ſay 
others: and the Dominicans being employed by him in Germany 


in this dirty work, the Auguſtinians were irritated, who pretended 
that the office of retailing ee belonged to them. On 


F | V 
9. 172. c. 1627, Maittaire Ann. Thuani Hiſt. L I. p. 13. n 

Typ. II. 133. T. V. c. 167, 942, who ſpeaks ſlight - 

_ © Seckendorf L. I. p. 11, &c. Peri- ingly of Indulgences. Fiddes, in the 
20nius, p. 93, &c. Lettres ſur les Ju- Life of Wolſey, p. 1325 — who treats 

biles, et les Indulgences, par C. Chais. them tenderly. 

Relat, Gotting. Vol. I. Faſc. I. p. 88. Du Pin B. E. T. XIII. p. 30. 


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ſtitious devotions, had opened the way for Luther. 


OF ERASMUS. 


and Profeſſor of Divinity at Wittenberg, began to examine the 
doctrine of Indulgences, which the Dominicans ſold in the moſt 
open and the moſt infamous manner; and having, as he thought, 
found it to be full of errors, he refuted it publicly, in the year 


1517. We will not enter into a detail of this hiſtory: we have 
only marked the date of its commencement, becauſe from this 
time Eraſmus began to be moſt maliciouſly perſecuted by the 


Eccleſiaſtics, who loudly complained, that his bold and free 
cenſures of the Monks, and of their pious grimaces and ſuper- 


they uſed to ſay, laid the egg, and Luther hatched it. And indeed 


on this point they judged not amiſs, nor with their accuſtomed 


| finiſterity, if we may be permitted to uſe that word. 

The ridiculous Maimbourg tells us, that the Catholic Church 
enjoyed a ſweet peace in the ſixteenth century, and held the 
Popes in profound veneration, till the heretical Luther raiſed 
commotions: a ſtory which was fit to be told only to boys and 
girls at Paris. It is hard to name two perſons, who were more 
generally and more deſervedly abhorred, than Alexander VI and 
Julius II: and as to Leo X, all the world knew, that he ſat very 


looſe to religion and to morality. 


»Bembus, in his Hiſtory of Venice, ſpeaking of the 1 
which Pope Alexander VI granted to the Venetians, to enable 


4 Q_ them 


Eraſmus, as 


s Verheiden Theol. Effie, ay 23. 


Pope Blount, p. 380. Beza Icon. Bibl. 


Univ. XXII. p. 1. XXIV. p. 163. 
Huber Hiſt. Civ. Burnet III. p. 112. 
Du Pin B. E. XIII. 30. Perizonius. 
Bayle LurhER. Sleidan L. XVII. 
481. Seckendorf Hiſt, Luth. from 
whoſe book a good hiſtory of Luth 

and Lutheraniſm might be collected. 
Thuanus L. II. p. 47, who ſpeaks of 
Luther with great decency. and mode- 


ration. Fiddes's Life of Wolſey, p. 146, 
&c. Luther's Colloquia Menſalia, tranſ- 


lated into Engliſh by Bell, and printed 


A. 1652. But ſuch ſort of Collections 
are uſually of dubious authority, as Bayle 
hath juſtly obſerved. 

It ſeems not to have been any 
ſpleen againſt the Dominicans, that ſet 
Luther tg work, but a diſlike of ſuch 
practices. | 

v Le Clerc Bibl, Choiſ 2 P. 336. 


113 
this occaſion, * Luther, who was of the order laſt- mentioned, A. D. 15:5, 


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114 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1 518. them to make war with the Turks, and which aroſe from the 


ſale of Indulgences, ſays, that his Holineſs had commanded by a 


Brief, that they ſhould have all the * ſacred money, which the 


ſubjects of that Republic, who had been guilty of criminal actions, 
_— to obtain an exemption from the pains of Hell. 

He adds, that, to ſhew the devotion of thoſe times, he will 
mention the ſum, which was thus collected in the Republic. It 
amounted to ſeven hundred and ninety pounds of gold. If by 


was worth thirteen or fourteen times as much filver. A vaſt 
ſam indeed! if it be conſidered, that money was ſcarce in thoſe 


days; that theſe pious Chriſtians emptied their purſes to purchaſe 


pardons, for the validity of which they had no kind of ſecurity, 


a pound he means twelve ounces, of what weight ſoever, it 


* 


except Alexander's bond; and that, after their departure hence, 


they could not inform their poſterity, whether the Pope had 


y gulled them or no. 


% Luther's breach was occaſioned by the Nundäout ſale of 
e pardons and indulgences, which all the writers of the Popiſh 
« fide give up, and acknowledge that it was a great abuſe; fo in 
e the countries where the Reformation has got an entrance, or 
t in the neighbourhood of them, this is no more heard of: and 
« it has been taken for granted, that ſuch an infamous traffick 


was now no more practiſed, But of late, that we have had 


e armies in Spain and Portugal, we are well aſſured, that it is ſtill 
* carried on there in the moſt barefaced manner poſſible. It is 


e true, the proclaiming a ſale is forbidden by a Bull: but there 


is a Commiſſary in every place, who manages the ſale with the 


cc molt 


= Cum ei pecuniam ſacram, quam Indulgences have been granted, ſays 
homines in imperio Veneto, ut crimini- Eraſmus, ſo largely, that poor Purga- 
bus et maleficiis obnoxii, ob commiſſa, tory is in no ſmall danger of being ſtrip- 
poſt mortem apud Inferos pœna libera- ped of all its inhabitants. Tom. V. 
rentur, ex Alexandri literis perſolye- c. 359. 


rent. - Burnet III. lntrad. p· xx. 


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OF ERASMUS. 115 
moſt infamous circumſtances imaginable. In Spain, by an A. D. 1518. 
« agreement with the Pope, the King has the profits of this Bull; 
« and it is no ſmall branch of his revenue. In Portugal, the 
« King and the Pope go ſhares. Dr. Colbatch has given a very 
cc particular account of the managing the Bull there : for, as 
<« there is nothing ſo impudent, that thoſe men are aſhamed to 
venture on; ſo they may ſafely do what they pleaſe, where 
XZ < the terror of the Inquiſition is ſo ſevere a reſtraint, that men 
dare not whiſper againſt any thing that is under that protection. 
A notable inſtance of this hath appeared lately, when, in 
c the year 1709, the Privateers of Briſtol took the Galleon, in 
Which they found five hundred bales of theſe Bulls, and ſixteen 
reams were in a bale. So that they reckoned the whole came 
to 3,840,000. Theſe Bulls are impoſed on the people, and 
ce fold, the loweſt at three ryals, a little more than 20 d. but to 
ſome at fifty pieces of Eight, about x17. of our money; and 
« this to be valued, according to the ability of the purchaſer, 
once in two years. All are obliged to buy them againſt Lent. 
Beſides the account given of this in the Cruifing Voyage, I 
1 have a particular atteſtation of it by Captain Dampier. — He 
> was not concerned in caſting up the number of them; but 
- he ſays, that there was ſuch a vaſt quantity of them, that they 
= *« careened their ſhip with them.“ 
| John Giglis, or Des Lis, De Liliis, an Italian, who was 
= made Biſhop of Worceſter by the Pope's authority in 1497, 
received at the ſame time from him a right to pardon all crimes 
whatſoever, and to permit men to retain other people's property, 
buy what method ſoever they had ſeized it, provided they gave a 
certain portion of it to the Pope's Commiſſaries or Subſtitutes. - 
Seckendorf, in his Hiſtory of Lutheraniſm, hath confuted the 
falſhoods and calumnies of Varillas, Maimbourg, Palavicini, Boſ- 
ſuet, and others of the ſame ſtamp. He 18 willing to ſuppoſe, 


Q2 | en 1 50 


Wharton Anglia Sacra. Bibl. Univ. 3 90 


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116 2 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1518. that Boſſuet did not always read the books that he cited, but 
truſted to extracts given him by others. This was a very polite 
and courteous behaviour towards a Prelate, who underſtood the 
craft and myſtery, the tricks and fineſſes of I e contro-;k 
verſy, better than honeſt Seckendorf. 1 1 1 
We will now ſele& a few things, Son various authors, which 4 
characterize Luther. | 1 
Luther was rough in controverſy, or rather unn, Li; 
reply to Henry VIII was diſreſpectful. His own friends blamed 
him for it; and he condeſcended to write the King an humble 
letter, and to beg his pardon. But he had a very unfavourable 7 
opinion of ſovereign Princes, and ſaid, that they were little better 
than * thieves and highwaymen, and that The greater Prince, the -, 
greater robber. 
He made a ſmart remark on the behanicr of Charles V, whom 
yet he hath. commonly. treated very courteouſly : © I have ſeen, 
«« ſaid he, a pretty dog at Lintz in Auſtria, that was taught to 
« go with a hand-baſket to the Butcher's ſhambles for meat: 
« Now, when other dogs came about him, and would take the 
meat out of the baſket, he ſet it down, bit, and fought luſtily : 
but when he ſaw they would be too ſtrong for him, he him- 
& ſelf would ſnatch out a piece of meat, leſt he ſhould loſe all: 
Even ſo doth our Emperor Charles; who, after he hath a long 
time defended the Spiritual Livings, and ſeeth that every Prince 
e taketh and raketh the Monaſteries unto themſelves, doth now 
© take poſſeſſion of ſome Biſhopricks, that he may get alſo 
1 partem de. tunica Chriſti,” 
It is. to be ſuppoſed, that, in Luther's- opinion, a man con- 
cerned. in the adminiſtration of public affairs, who did not take 
E 1 due 
d Scllicet illis etiamdum temporibus ſervitutem formatis, ſtatuitur, Perixo- 
nequaquam tantum diſcriminis inter mus, p. 107. Pie 
principes et privatos fieri vulgo ſolebat, e Seckendorf L. I. p. 178. 


quantum nunc ex moribus Gallicis, per Luther's Collog. Menſal. p. 88. 
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OF ERASMUS. 


f fwan, or a white crow, or a Patriot fetched from More's Utopia, 
He uſed alſo to fay, that the Pope and his partizans were ſuch 


incorrigible reprobates, that they ought to be treated in the ſevereſt 


manner, and that Erafmus ſpoiled all by Wen e too much 
courteſy and reſpect. 


As he thus laſhed the Papiſts, fo he did not greatly ſpare his 
own brethren of the Reformation, if they departed from any of 
his ſentiments. He called Zuinglius an aſs; and when Zuinglius 
and Oecolampadius died, he ſaid hard things of them. 

He aſcribed to the Devil an amazing power and activity, and: 
imputed to him the wickedneſs that was in the world, and the 

reſiſtance that was made to the Reformation. He tells many ſtrang ge 
ſtories of apparitions and of Diabolical operations. 


He accounted matrimony to be not only lawful, but a duty 
incumbent upon all who were capable of entering into that ſtate. 5 


His warmth againſt Indulgences was very pardonable, conſider- 


ing that they were one of the moſt ſhocking inſults upon common 
leaſe and Chriſtianity, that ever appeared in the world. 


© One Tetzel, a Dominican, and a retailer of Indulgences, bad: 
picked-up a vaſt ſum at Leipſic. A gentleman of that city, who: 


had no veneration for ſuch ſuperſtitions, went to Tetzel, and : 


aſked him, if he could ſell him an Indulgence before-hand for a 


certain crime, which he would not ſpecify, and which he intended 5 


to commit. Tetzel ſaid, Yes; provided they could agree upo1r: 
the price. The bargain. was ſtruck, the money paid, and the 
abſolution delivered in due form. Soon after this, the Gentleman, 


knowing that Tetzel was going from Leipſic well loaded with 
caſh, way-layed him, robbed him, and cudgelled him; and told 
him at parting, that this was the crime, for which he had pur 
chaſed an abſolution. George, Duke of Saxony, a zealous friend 
to the Court of F Rane, gies. of this rebbery at: firſt. was very 


an 
CY + Seckendor! I. 26. * 


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117 


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A. D. 518. angry; but, wins informed of the whole FR Fs he laughed 


THE LIFE. 


heartily, and forgave the criminal. 

The Emperor Maximilian, being at Inſpruck, was ſo offended 
at the wickedneſs and impudence of this Tetzel, who had been 
convicted of adultery, that he intended to have him ſeized upon, 
and put in a bag, and flung into the river; and would have done 
it, if he had not been hindered by the ſolicitations of Frederic 


Elector of Saxony, who happened to be there, very opportunely 


for-T ewes. -_ -- 
* When Luther had publiſhed his Theſes againſt Indulgences, 


Tetzel, a Dominican, was the firſt who wrote againſt him, and 


abilities, and impetuoſity, ſays Du Pin; and fo Tetzel publicly 
burned the Theſes of Luther at Frankfort, and Luther burned thoſe 


of Tetzel at Wittenberg. This is not altogether right; for, firſt, 
Tetzel was a perſon too mean and worthleſs, to be compared on 
any account with Luther; and, ſecondly, Luther had no hand in 
burning the contemptible works of Tetzel, but ſome of Luther's 


friends did it without his leave. See more concerning Tetzel 
in > Seckendorrf . 
In the Amwnitates Literariæ, there is a Latin letter 6 Tetzel 
to ſome perſon, who had ſpoken ſlightingly of him. It is in 
a ſtyle not much better than that of the Epeſtolee Wr 
Virorum. Tom. III. p. 241. 
Bellarmin, and the Abbe Richard, * accuſed Tutte 5 


e Arianifm. Their accuſation hath no better foundation than 
this, that Luther * declared his diſlike of the word Conſabſtantial, 
8 > c 


Luther. Matheſius. Seckendorf I. with Arianiſm; but it appears from his 
16, 25, Huber Hi. Civ. Sleidan writings, that he was no more an Arian 
L, XIII. p. 347. e or Unitarian, than any of his accuſers. 

s Du Pin. | | } oft Nec eſt quod mihi Homouſion illud 
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OF ERASMUS. 
and faid, that the Arians, though otherwiſe in the wrong, were A. D. 1518. 


in the right to reject unſcriptural terms, introduced by men, who 
thought that they could ſpeak better upon the ſubject, than the 


Spirit of God. 


It appears from Luther's works, that he was not 


at all in the ſentiments of the Arians, and that he alſo approved 
at other times even of the word 9p9go1. 


He was an enemy to the allegorical and myſtical way of 


expounding the Scriptures, as being precarious, dangerous, tend- 


ing to fanaticiſm, and expoſing religion to the ſcoffs of Infidels. 
He alſo blames thoſe, who pretended to interpret the Apocalypſe 


to the people; and fays, that if a Divine ſhould preach upon it for 


twelve months together, neither the Paſtor nor the Flock would 
at the year's end be edified by it, either in faith or manners. 
Being conſulted concerning the divorce of Henry VIII, he 


m = diſapproved it. 


” When he was informed that chey had burned ſome of his 


books at Rome, he ordered a fire to be made in the middle of 


Wittenberg, and there, by way of repriſals, he publicly burned 


the Pope's. Bull, and the Corpus Juris Canonici. 


In like manner, * Rantzaw, Biſhop of Lubec, having embraced 


mis, quod et Hieronymus optavit aboleri ; 


adeoque non effugerunt periculum, hoc 
invento vocabulo, ut Hieronymus que- 
ratur, neſcire quid veneni lateat in ſyl- 


labis et literis; adeo ut illud Ariani 
magis quam Scripturas etiam exagita- 
bant. — Quod ſi odit anima mea vocem 


Hamouſion, et nolim ea uti, non ero 
Quis enim me coget uti, 


hæreticus. 
modo rem teneam, qu in Concilio 
per Scripturas definita eſt? Etſi Ariani 


male ſenſerunt de fide, hoc tamen opti- 


me, five bono, five malo animo, exege- 


Menſal. p. 447. | | 
» Du Pin XIII. 61. Huber. Sleidan 


Patdasanidm⸗ ordered all the bells of the city to be rung, and in 
the Nen of the paopia buried the book of Decretals. 


Luther's - 


runt, ne vocem profanam in rebus fidei 
ſtatui liceret. Scripturæ enim ſinceritas 
cuftodienda eſt, nec præſumat homo ſuo 
ore eloqui aut clarius aut fincerius, quam 
Deus elocutus eſt ore ſuo. 


246. 
m Seckendorf L. UI. 112. 


L. II. 
Longueruana II. 145. 


1 Seckendorf L. I. 165, 166. AN. 


Colloq. 


119 


1 


A 20 


A. D. 1518. 


THE: LIFE 


Luther's Commentary on the Epiſtle to the Galatians was 
his favourite work: he uſed to call this Epiſtle » his zie, his 
Catharine Bore; and probably Catharine could bear ſo n | 


a rival without any jealouſy. 


They, who deny that faith is a good work, muſt adopt a ſyſtem 


Luther lived upon very good terms with his Catharine, ' and 


had a great eſteem for her; though perhaps he thought her rather 
too talkative. 
« 4 A certain learned Engliſhman, at Wittenberg, was much 
* converſant with Luther at his table; but he had not his Dutch 


language well: therefore Luther ſaid unto him, I will give you 
« my wife for a ſchool-miſtreſs; ſhe ſhall teach you finely and 


e readily to ſpeak Dutch, for ſhe is very eloquent, and ſo perfect 


ce therein, that ſhe far ſurpaſſeth me. However, when Women 
ce are ready in ſpeaking, it is not to be commended : it becomes 


them much better, when they keep filence and ſpeak little.“ 


His favourite doctrine was Juſtification by faith alone, and 
not by works, Moral, Legal, or Evangelical: but we muſt do 
him the juſtice to obſerve, that he perpetually inculcated the 


abſolute neceſſity of good works. According to him, a man is 


juſtified only by faith; but he cannot be juſtified without works; 


and where thoſe works are not to be found, there is aſſuredly no 


true faith, - Others are of opinion, that the faith which juſtifies-or 


faves, is to be taken more largely for the whole duty of a Chriſtian, 


that is, for a belief in Chriſt, a reliance-on his promiſes, and. a 
ſincere though imperfect obedience. In favour of this, they may 
ſay, amongſt other things, that good works muſt enter into the 
definition of Chriſtian faith, becauſe Faith itſelf is a good work. 


of 


» Szepe enim Epiſtolam ad Galatas Galatas eſt mea Epiſtola cui me deſpondi; 
meditandam et explicandam poſt hoc eſt mea Catharina de Bora. Seckendarf J. 
tempus, et cum jam in matrimonio dul- 1 139. 
ciſſimo cum uxore ſua viveret, reſumens, 4 Luther's Coltoguia Menſalia, p. 72. 


dixiſſe aliquando fertur; Epiſtola ad Seckendorf I. 134, &c. III. 120. 


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df abſolute neceſſity, and ſay, that in the receiving and entertain- A. D. 1518. 


ing of faith a Chriſtian is altogether paſſive. Thence it follows, 
I think, that a Chriſtian cannot even conſent to receive and keep 
this divine gift, becauſe conſent is an action or operation of the 
mind: and this brings us to a ſtate of ful of quietiſm, and 
of ſelf. annihilation. 


He abhorred the ae and called them Sophiſlical 


Locuſts, Caterpillars, Frogs, and Lice. 
« t Jerom (ſaid he) ſhould not be numbered among the achers 
ce of the Church, for he was an heretic ; yet nevertheleſs I believe 


« that he is ſaved through the faith in Chriſt. — I know none 
© among the teachers, whom I hate like him; for he writeth 


© only of Faſting, of Victuals, of Virginity, &c. he teacheth 
ce nothing of faith, nor of hope, nor of love, nor of the works 
of faith. Truly, I would not have willingly entertained him 
« for my Chaplain.” 

He was violently prejudiced againſt Eraſmus, after their con- 
troverſy about free-will, and repreſented him to his friends as a 
profane ſcoffer, an Arian, an Epicurean, and an enemy to all 
religion. In this we may ſafely credit the Colloquia Menſalia. 

He * declared himſelf againſt perſecution, compulſion, and 


violence, in matters of religion. 
He ” accounted madmen and ideots to be poſſeſſed by evil 


ſpirits, and phyſicians to be miſtaken in alcribing thoſe diſorders 
to natural cauſes. 

He had no favourable opinion of aſtrology, and blamed 
Melanchthon for regarding it too much. 


He * hated Ariſtotle, but highly eſteemed 5 5 as a wile 
and good man. I hope, ſaid he, that God will be merciful to 
« him, and to ſuch as he was: howſoever, it is not our duty to 


R T0 ce ſpeak. 


* Seckendorf L. I. 165. L. III. 80. 

Luther's Colloq. Menſal. p. 35 5. Id. P. II. 125. 

u Ibid. p. 431, 432. z Colloq. Menſal. p. 503. 
* Seckendorf L. II. 25, &c. 124. 2 Ibid, p. 509. 


122 


A. D. 1518. 


THE LIF E 


« ſpeak certainly touching that point, but to remain by the Word 


« revealed unto us; namely, whoſo believeth, and is baptized, the 


5  * (ame ſhall be ſaved. Vet nevertheleſs God is able to diſpenſe 


« and to hold a difference among the nations and Heathen, but 


« our duty is not to know nor to ſearch after time and meaſure. 
« For there will be a new Heaven and a new Earth, much larger 


* and more broad than now they be. God can give to every 


te one according to his pleaſure.” | 
He gives his countrymen a good character be amplity of 


manners: The high Germans are ſimple, and do more affect 


* the truth, than the French, Italians, Spaniards, Engliſh, &c. 
« which their languages do alſo ſhew.—The French write other- 


« wiſe than they ſpeak, and ſpeak otherwiſe than they mean. But 


« the high German tongue is the moſt complete, &c.“ In another 


place he owns, that his countrymen loved drinking too much, 


and were poſſeſſed with a thirſty Devil, whoſe name was Qraff. 
He was contented with little, and had a great contempt for 


money. John of Saxony having made him a preſent of a coat, 


he was uneaſy at it, and intreated the Elector not to ſend him 
any more gifts, ſince he was not in neceſſity and diſtreſs, 

He * was ſomewhat inclined, once at leaſt, to the opinion, that 
ſouls after death ſleep till the reſurrection. John, the Elector 
of Saxony, died of an apoplexy, as ſoon as he returned from 
hunting: Our S Prince, ſaid Luther, expired like an infant, 
without trouble or 
imagine that he is juſt come home from the foreſt. * In another 
place he obſerves, that nothing i is clearly revealed concerning the 
intermediate ſtate of the righteous, and that it becomes us not to 
decide about it. Vet he hath ſaid ſometimes, that the ſouls of 


the good are in a ſtate of felicity; and this feems to have been 
his laſt and his ſettled opinion, See Bayle LurHIRR, Not. D. D. 


| who 
5 Colloq. Menſal. p. 523. 2 Id. L. 
© Seckendorf L. II. p. 137. * Id, L. 


fear; and when he awakes at the laſt day, be will 


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123 


Who juſtifies him, on this article, againſt the calumnies of " A. P. 1518, 
prating Thraſo, Cardinal Perron. 


He was of opinion, that the Jewiſh nation e never be 


convitted, and that St. Paul's expreſſions concerning this ſubject 
were miſunderſtood. * Eraſmus was of a contrary ſentiment. 


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Seckendorf L. III. p. 426. 


« When Luther began to preach, the Inquifition, which had 
ceaſed its purſuits in many places, probably for a ſcarcity and 


want of heretics, began to rage with much violence. Many 
| were afterwards condemned to the flames in Germany; and 


in France the Chancellor Du Prat, Primate of the kingdom, 
made a decree to confirm all the Canons of the Council of 
Lateran againſt heretics: and upon this occaſion the Inquiſition 
was eſtabliſhed in France ; and we know not gs when it 
was expelled thence.” 


« i We are obliged to Luther for 1 put us under a 


neceſlity of ſtudying religion. They only ſtudied the Pagans 


and religion was turned to ridicule, as in the Tales of Boccace, 


Dante, &c. At Padua, as Ludovicus Vives obſerves, there was 


a Profeſſorſhip founded to teach Averroes, and none to teach 


the holy Scriptures: and the Univerſity of * Turinge was 


divided into Realiſts and Nominaliſts, who not only diſputed, 
but came to blows,” 


Luther in tranſlating the Bible was aſſiſted byi the diſciples 


of Reuchlin, and hath hit off many places very * happily. 
M4 ere 


Ameenit, Literar. T. XI. p. 281. 


But Thurmius ſays, Meditatur con- 2 Eccleſiaſt. T. V. c. 1049. 
verſionem Judzorum Ezardus, cujus n Limborch Hiſt. Inq. Sleid. L. XIV. 
ſpem ex multis Scripture locis concepit, p. 378. 


oſtenditque hac de re locum egregium i Longueruana I. 16. | 


in Poſtilla Lutheri ad Evangelium die 8. * Tubingen, I ſuppoſe. 

Stephani A. 1543 impreſſa, quem plane I Longueruana II. 78. 

in alium ſenſum detortum eſſe oculariter n St. Aldegonde finds great fault 
demonſtravit, in Editione Wittebergenſi with Luther's Bible. n * 
1598, es Lutheri mortem excuſa.— Not, G. | 


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124 


A. D. 1518. 


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THE LIFE 


There is much to be learned from his work. He was a 


maſter of the German language. By his vehemence and his 
invectives he drew many after him. 
of men were already diſpoſed that way. The Court of Rome 


It Is true, that the minds 


was held in execration, and the Eccleſiaſtics in contempt. 


Notwithſtanding all this, if they would have granted the 
» Cup to the Laity, and Marriage to the Clergy, n 


would have come to nothing.” 

„Luther was ſo violent, that, writing to a pious and nh 
Proteſtant Divine, who was not in his ſentiments about the 
Lord's Supper, he applied to him and to his party, by an in- 


decent parody, the firſt verſe of the firſt Pſalm, * Bleſſed is the 


man, who hath not walked in the counſel of the Zuinglians, Ge.“ 


« * Iſaac Voſſius having told me, that he remembered to have 
ſeen in the Tragic Hiſtories of Bandel an elogy given to 


<< Nel principio, c. 


«© Theſe words Sleidan would certainly have Sena to his 


Luther by Leo X, I conſulted that writer, and found it ae i 


« hiſtory, if he had known of them.” 


n In the Amænit. Literar. there is a 
letter of Pius IV to the Archbiſhop 


and Elector of Mentz, permitting him 


to grant the Cup to the Laity, but un- 


der conditions, with which no Proteſtant . 


could have complied, and which were 


contrived on purpoſe to exclude Pro- 


teſtants. It is written A. 1564. T. IV. 
p. 501. 

o G. J. Voſſii Epiſt. p. 48. 

Beatus vir, qui non abiit in con- 
ſilio Sacramentariorum, et in via Zuin- 
glianorum non ſtetit, et in cathedra 
F'ugurinorum non ſedit. 

4 Colomeſius, Recueil, &c. p. 321. 

Nel principio che la Setta Luthe- 


The 


rana comincio a germogliare, eſſendo di 


brigata molti Gentilhuomini, ne l'hora 
del meriggio, in caſa del noſtro virtuoſo 
Signor L. Scipione Attellano, e di varie 


coſe raggionandoſi, ſuerono alcuini che 


non pauco biaſimarono Leone X Ponte- 


ſice, che ne i principii non ci metteſſe 
remedio, a Phora. che Frate Silveſtro 


Prierio, Maeſtro del Sacro Palazzo, gli 
moſtro alcuni puncti d' hereſia che Fra 
Martino Lutero haveva ſparſo per l' ope- 
ra, la quale de le Indulgentie haveva 
intitolata.; percioche imprudentemente- 
riſpoſe, che Fra Martino haveva un 
belliſſimo ingegno, e che coteſte erano 
invidie Frateſcheo, : 1 Ae 


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I25 


The ſenſe of the paſſage is, that, at the beginning of the A.D. 191% 


Lutheran troubles, certain Italians meeting together at a friend's 
houſe, ſome af them cenſured Leo for having neglected to put a 


timely ſtop to the evil, though Silveſter Prieras had ſhewed him 
heretical articles contained in Luther's Remarks on Indulgences. 
The Pope replied, moſt imprudently, Brother Martin is a fine 
genius, and his enemies are little envious Monks. 


« * When my firſt poſitions concerning Indulgences were 


brought before the Pope, he ſaid, A drunken German wrote 


them; when he hath ſlept out his ſleep, and is ſober again, 


© he will be of another mind. In ſuch ſort he contemneth 


«< every man. 
Luther often apologizes for his bluntoefs and roughneſs. 


I am accuſed, ſays he, of rudeneſs and immodeſty, particularly 


by adverſaries, who have not a grain of candor and good 


manners. If, as they ſay, I am faucy and impudent, Iam 


however ſimple, and open, and ſincere, and have none of their 


guile, diſſimulation, and treachery. 


* Seckendorf hath fully diſcuſſed the * bigamy of the . 


grave of Heſſe, and the ſhare which Luther was ſuppoſed to 


have in permitting it. 
One of Luther's good friends. and diſciples. was George, 


Prince of Anhalt, who .embraced the Proteſtant religion, and 


preached it himſelf, and may be . amongſt the moſt 


conſiderable Reformers. 
* Luther left a widow, and three ſons, and two A hes ; 


and his family was not * extinct, when Seckendorf publiſhed: 
his 1 15 We the latter end of the laſt century. 


1 ; AS 


Luther's Colog Menſa p. 3009. 1 L. III. 651. 


- 


2 


x See in 2 the * of GLEI- Perizoniug, p. 338. A 
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126 


A. D. 1518. 


THE LIFE 


Whilſt * the troops of Charles V were at Wittenberg, in the 
year 1547, the Spaniards ſolicited the Emperor to pull down 


Luther's monument, and wanted to dig up his bones: but the 
Emperor had more generoſity and prudence, than to conſent to a 


4 r . 


procedure ſo baſe and infamous. 

After the Lutheran controverſy had been Joul g carried on, | makiy 
of the: Monks in Scotland were fo learned, that they charged 
Luther with being the author of a Wee book, called Ti he * 


+ * 


Teſtament, 


Luther had an uncommon genius, a lively imagination a 


good ſhare of learning, a pious and devout diſpoſition, a tincture 
of melancholy and of enthuſiaſm, and a great warmth and im- 
petuofity, which impelled him, in his controverſial works, to 


inſult and ridicule his adverſaries. He was fond of Muſic, and 


both a compoſer and a performer, which was very good for his 
mind and body. It expelled melancholy, 'as he faid, and put the 


Devil to flight, who mortally hated Muſic. He entertained. a 


mean opinion of the capacity and diſpoſition of thoſe, who had 


no: taſte for this excellent art. He alſo * facrificed to the Eruces, | 


and compoſed ſome poems, both Latin and German. 


We will conclude his character with theſe verſes, ahh = 


long to him much better than to Pollux, Hercules, mr, 


and nne to whom Horace * ee: 
| ET Junta 


b Violari autem ſepulcrum vetuit 
Carolus, Wittebergam armis miniſque 
ingreſſus, contra quam urgebant Hiſpani 
omnes, eo uſque infenſi Luthero, ut et 
oſſibus ejus inviderent quietem, eaque 
perinde, ut Huſſo factum fuerat vivo, 
mallent cremari; quos laudatiflimus ta · 


men Imperator graviſſimo ſermone caſti- 
gavit, quando dixit: Nihil mihi ultra 


cum Luthero; alium ille judicem jam 
habet, cujus juriſdictionem invadere 


noſtrum non eſt; neque mihi cum mor- 


2 


tuis bellum eſſe ſciatis, ſed cum ſuper- 
ſtitibus in nos armatis. Cumque animad- 
vertiſſet Hiſpanos Duci Albano et Epi- 
ſcopo Atrebatenſi, ſuadentibus ejus in- 


dignitatem facti, conſentire, ſevere tan- 
dem atque etiam vitæ capitiſque periculo 


ſanxitz inviolatum Lutheri ſepulcrum ut 
eſſet. Funkerus. 1 „ 

See Bayle LUTHER, Not. H. H. 

c; Perizonius, p. 233. 2; 

4 Seckendorf L. I. 17, &c, 


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Juſtum et tenacem propoſiti viram 
Non civium ardor prava jubentlum, 
Non vultus inſtantis tyranm 
Mente quatit ſolida, neque Auſter 
Dux inquieti turbidus Hadriæ, 
Nec fulminantis magna An. manus: 
Si fractus illabatur orbis, 
r pe ferient ruinæ. 


wh f 4 Eekius, a Divine of Ingoldſtad, * fignalized 9 


ſelf againſt Luther, wrote a letter to Eraſmus, in which, after 
paying him great compliments, he cenſured him ; | 

1. For having ſaid on Matt. ii, that poſſibly; the Evangeliſts, 
in citing paſſages from the Old Teſtament, had not conſulted 
thoſe Books, but had truſted to their memories, which had ſome- 
times deceived them, as it happens in ſuch caſes :; 


2. For having obſerved on Acts x, that the Apoſtles in ſpeaking 


and writing Greek had mixed ſome idioms of their own tongue ; 
and had learned Greek, not from the works of Demoſthenes and 


other good writers, but from common converſation : 


127 
A. D. 1518. 


3. For having ſo far preferred St. Jerom to. St. Auguſtin, as to 


affirm, that it was mere impudence to compare the latter to the 


former. Hereupon Eckius ſays, that even the diſciples of Eraſ- 
mus, the Eraſinici, as he calls them, complained that their Maſter 


had never read St. Auguſtin. 


Eraſmus replied, 1 in a long letter, of which fome notice thall 
be taken, as we proceed. Ep. 303. [ 


Nicolas Beraldus, on the contrary, wrote to Eraſmus from 
Paris, exhorting him to proceed as he had begun, and ſending 
| him 


* 


Du Pin XIV. 164. Luther gives a very vile character upon him. See 
an account of his death, and beſtows Seckendorf L. III. p. 468. 


128 THE LITE 


A. D. 2518. him compliments and thanks from the Learned at Paris, and, 
amongſt others, from Louis de . of whom we ſhall have 
occaſion to ſpeak hereafter.” 

By theſe and other letters it appears, thin his nden of 
St. Paul, which he had begun to publiſh, were generally eſteemed, 
The Eccleſiaſtics then only attacked his New Teſtament, and 
ſome other of his Treatiſes. 

For the underſtanding the New Teſtament, Eraſinus' 


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« Paraphraſe, which was trahſlated into Engliſh, was thought 
„ the molt profitable and eaſieſt book. Therefore it was re- 
r ſolved, that, together with the Bible, there ſhould be one of 


& theſe in every Pariſh- Church over Ae ans . was in 


the year 1547. 1 


In the year 1546, the Fathers at che n of Wien 


declared the Latin Vulgate to 


be Authentic, for a very good 


reaſon; becauſe, if it were neceſſary to have recourſe to the 


Originals, the Grammarians and Critics would have been more 


important nr than theſe Eccleſiaſtics. 


® Burnet II. 27. 
ne ſcilicet, ſi ad Gracam aut 
Hebraicam recurrendum ſubinde eſſet 
ſcripturam, Grammatici ejus exponen- 
de, et ita jipſius religionis Chriſtianæ, 
arbitrium ſupra Theologos, quorum pau- 
ciſſimi eas intelligebant linguas, ſibi 
vindicarent. Perixonius, p. 337. 

i The Erammarians ought certainly 


h 


to give place to thoſe, who, without 


any aſſiſtance from their art and their 


rules, can perform wonders in literature. 


This is no ordinary atchievement; and 


it ſeems to be the characteriſtic mark, 
which diſcriminates the Genius (as he 


is called) from the Scholar. The Au— 
thor of the Perſian Letters, obſerving 
that ſome perſons gained a comfortable 


2 
— 


Minn 
maintenance by teaching what they did 
not underſtand, adds; I me ſemble qu'il 
faut avoir beaucoup d'eſprit pour faire 
cela, Every Smatterer in your trade 


be ( ſays the Steward in Moliere to the Cool) 


ca ſend up a good dinner, if he is fur- 


niſhed with materials; but the true ſpirit 


and beauty of cookery conſiſts 1 in doing 
it without them. 
' Eraſmus was often called a Grammas- 


rian by his facetious adverſaries : and, 


if I remember right, he replies ſome- 


where to one of them; If you want to 


ſtrike out (Grammaticen) Grammar from 


the Liberal Arts, you ſhall have my con- 


ſent ; provided you will ſubſtitute (Sy- 
cophanticen) Calumny, that we may ill 


have the number ſever. 


Wa 


oF ERASMUS. 3 129 
Queen Mary put out a proclamation againſt importing, A. D. 1518. 
printing, reading, ſelling, or keeping heretical books: and it is 
obſervable, that the works of Eraſmus are reckoned . 
thoſe peſtilent books. 
They, who were readers and admirers 95 the works of 
Eraſmus, were not the more inclined to befriend the. Monks; ; 
and Herman, Count of New Eagle, (Comes a Nova Aquila ) 
whoſe lands lay ſome miles from Cologn, and who was a warm 
friend of Eraſmus, had a violent quarrel with the Dominicans of 
"XZ that city. James Hochſtrat, their Prior, who had made him- 
ſelf known by perſecuting Reuchlin, publicly calumniated this 
"XZ nobleman, who could find no way to ſtop his mouth, till he 
"XZ had recourſe to the following expedient: He forbad his vaſſals 
aand tenants to give any thing to the Dominicans, when they 
came a begging; and he perſuaded his relations, whoſe eſtates 
were in the neighbourhood, to do the ſame, and to let Hoch- 
ſtrat know it. The Dominicans at firſt thought that it was only 
threatened in jeſt ; but when they found that their brethren were 
roughly repulſed from every door, and could not get their uſual 
= colleQtions of eggs, cheeſe, &c. they compelled their Prior to 
make a public recantation; and this honeſt man took an oath, 
chat he had always entertained the ſincereſt reſpect and eſteem 
for the Eee * he had uſed to revile him in the moſt 
| | Ou |  __ ſcurrilous 


* Collier Eecl. Hiſt. 8 corum docte ipſe commentatus. 
= | 1. Nuenarius plerumque, i item Neetiai, De reliquis excellentiſſimi hujus in- 
1 3 ö Nove Aguilæ 1. in Newenar Comes ap- genii monimentis conferatur Geſneri 
XxX pellatur. Canonicus primum, deinde Bibliotheca, p. m 285. Quantum vin- 
[ Præpoſitus ſummi Colonienſis templi. dicatæ a barbarie literz Nuenario Comiti 
8 * Mauricius Comes de Spiegelberg ſumma debeant, et ego ſummatim expoſui in 
= eurainoptimis literis inſtituendum ipſum meis de Lating Lingue in Ge: mania 
a puero curaverat, in Italiam eo nomine Faris, Comment. p. 331. Burkhard 
illum ablegans: quas in omni vita ſua Comments de Vit. Hutten. p. 148. | 
dlligenter coluit, Is ipſe eft, qui Egin= = Bayle HocusTRAT. 
= A>Partum primus edidit, de Origine Fran- 


* — r 
J TT 
n jj ² OI et HE 
< Js Os 1 n 

. emu Ns 


130 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1518. ſcurrilous manner. Eraſmus tells the — Bp 10 31 and allies 


which the King 


connection. 
Talmud, and never converſed with * Reuchlin, except once at 


to it Ep. 311. 

Latimer, in an Epiſtle to Eraſinus, calls \ Chalcondyles 3 
doctorem; and Eraſmus, in a Preface to Gaza's Grammar, allows 
him to be virum I et 8 tough inferior to Gaza. 
Ep. ot 1 . 

Eraſmus received this year” a confiliaatie preſent irons Henry 
VIII. He returns him his thanks for it, as alſo for the kind offer 
made him of an handſome maintenance in 
England for the reſt of his life. Without either accepting or 
refuſing this favour, he informs the King, that he ſhould be 
obliged to ſpend four months upon his new edition of. the New 
Teſtament. ' 


A little time IN an wrote alſo to Cardinal Wolley. 


After ſome compliments, which he beſtowed upon Wolſey, tho 
he loved him not, he complains heavily of the calumnies of 
malicious men, and haters of literature, who croſſed his deſigns 
of employing human learning to ſacred purpoſes, and of tranflating 
and illuſtrating the holy. Scriptures, as he had begun to do. 


Theſe wretches, ſays he, aſcribe to Eraſmus every thing that 5 
is odious: like true calumniators, they confound the cauſe of 

literature with that of Reuchlin and Luther, tho they have no 
As for me, I never eſteemed the Cabala or the 


Frankfort. 


_— Hodiu De Gre, Illutr, 'p.-211, ticulam quandam Hebrai-Codicis facri, 
221, N Pſalmos nempe pcenitentiales, A. 1512, 


o Uberrime de Reuchlini vita diſſe- 
ruit J. H. Majus. — Id unum tamen 
monendum eſſe duco, eum omnium in- 


ter Chriſtianos primum juſtam Gram- 


maticam et Lexicon Hebraicum con- 

cinnaviſſe, A. 1506, — Primus etiam, 

quod ſciam, de Accentibus Hebræorum 

ſeripſit: primus item Chriſtianorum par- 
2 


orbi dedit; cum antea ſoli Judæi in | 
Italia Soncini, Pifauri, ac Venetiis, ope- 


Tam Bibliis Hebraicis typographiz bene- 


ficio publicandis navarent, quorum ta- 
men pauciſſima exempla in Chriſtiano- 
rum manus pervenere. Amanit, Liter. 


＋ om. XIII. p. 208. 


OF ERASMUS. 131 
1 Frankfort. We are only upon thoſe terms of civility, which A. D. 1518. 
N uſually ſubſiſt between men of letters; though, if J had been his 
intimate friend, I ſhould have no reaſon to be aſhamed of it. He 
hath received letters from me, before I knew him by ſight; in 
which I advifed him to refrain from ſuch invectives and inſults, 
as he had inſerted in his German Apology, when he was pro- 
voked by his enemies. As to Luther, he is altogether unknown 
to me, and I have read nothing of his, except two or three pages; 
not becauſe I deſpiſe him, but becauſe my own ſtudies and occu- 
pations did not give me leiſure; and yet, as I hear, there are 
perſons, who affirm that I have helped him. If he hath written 
well, the praiſe belongs not to me; and if he hath written ill, I 
ought not to bear the blame, ſince in all his works there is not a 
line that came from me.—His life and converſation is univerſally 
commended ; and it is no ſmall prejudice in his favour, that his 
morals are unblameable, and that Calumny itſelf can faſten no 
_ reproach upon him. If T had really been at leiſure to peruſe 
his writings, I am not fo conceited of my own abilities, as to 
Paſs a judgment upon the performances of fo confiderable a 
Divine; though even children, in this Knowing age, will boldly 
pronounce, that this is erroneous, and that is heretical. I was 
once againft Luther, purely for fear leſt he ſhould bring an 
od dium upon literature, which is too much ſuſpected of evil 
= already; and 1 know full well, how invidious it is to oppoſe 
"Z t thoſe received opinions, which produce ſo plentiful an harveſt 
= to Priefts and Monks. Many Theſes have appeared concerning 
W | Papal Indulgences : then came out a book concerning Confeſſion, 
ang another on Penance; and ſome Bookſellers being diſpoſed to 
| reprint. them, I diſſuaded them from it very earneſtly, leſt it ſhould 
excite an hatred for learning.— He hath publiſhed feveral ſmall 
Tracts, which I Have not read, and which no man ever heard 
me commend or diſcommend ; for 1 am not ſo extravagant; a8 
to praiſe, or ſo addicted to calumny as to cenfure, what 1 never 


8 2 ſaw, 


132 


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. 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1518. ſaw. Germany hath produced ſome promiſing youths, who 
have eloquence and learning, and of whom ſhe will one day, in 


my opinion, have reaſon to boaſt, no leſs than England can now 
boaſt of her ſons. I know none of them, even by fight, except 
Helius Eobanus, Ulricus Huttenus, and Beatus Rhenanus. Theſe 
men fight their enemies with all the weapons, which their natural 
and acquired abilities have put into their hands. I myſelf ſhould 
confeſs that they take too much liberty, if I did not know how 


cruelly they have been treated, and how much provoked, both 
publicly and privately. The Monks take upon them to rail 
moſt violently, and even ſeditiouſly, in their ſermons, in the 
Schools, at entertainments, before the illiterate multitude, and to 


throw out any thing that their ſpleen ſuggeſts; and then imagine 
that it is an unpardonable crime, if the inſulted perſons ſay a 
word in their own defence: and yet even a bee hath a ſting to 
wound her enemy, and a mouſe will bite when hard preſſed. 


Whence came this new race of Deities? They call every one an 


heretic whom they diſlike, and ſtir heaven and earth when they 
are called calumniators. A lunatic would be aſhamed to act like 


them; and yet, for ſooth, they expect to be treated with com- 


plaiſance and veneration! Such is the confidence which they 
repoſe in the ſtupidity of the multitude, not to fay, of rulers and 
princes } 

Thus Eraſmus defends himſelf hare, and thus 5 in many other 
Places of his writings; and we may here obſerve his reſerved 
caution not to condemn Luther, whilſt he condemned openly 
enough the conduct and the ſentiments of Luther's enemies. 


His frankneſs alſo appears in thus diſcloſing his heart to a man, 


who was altogether unworthy of having ſuch confidence repoſed 


in him. Eraſmus, it ſeems, thought it proper to addreſs himſelf 
to Wolſey in this free manner, and to plead his cauſe againſt 


thoſe, who had tried to make him paſs, in the opinion of the 


Cardinal, for a dangerous man, and an innovator, His apology 8 
would 


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OF ERASMUS. 


but to talk at this rate to ſuch an Eccleſiaſtic as Wolſey, was little 
better than pleading Guilty. So Le Clerc obſerves : but. may it 
not be ſaid, that Eraſmus, who knew Wolſey well. enough, might 
judge that he ran no great riſque in talking thus to a man, who 
both favoured TO and was not fond of the _ Monks ? 
Ep. 317. 

Eraſmus dedicated an edition of ” Heston us which he bad 
reviſed, to Frederic Elector of Saxony, and to George a Prince 
of the ſame houſe. The firſt was the patron and protector of 
Luther; the * latter oppoſed him to the utmoſt of his power. 
In the dedication he ſhews them what uſe was to be made of oth 


| hiſtories. Ep. 318. 


He had publiſhed an edition of Suetonius the year before, 


with a." Preface to the Reader, which is not in our Collection of 


his works. 


He went to Baſil, to look 1 the printing of his New 


Teſtament; and Martin Dorpius, who, as we obſerved, had been 
his antagonitt, ſent him from Louvain a civil and friendly letter, 


to ſhew that he was ſincerely reconciled to him. An uncommon 
thing amongſt Scholars, and above all amongſt Divines! So ſays 


Le Clerc; and I, am here only his tranſlator. But Le Clerc had 


felt much of the Odium Theologicum, which ſeems not to be ſo 


violent. now, as it was in his time. 


Eraſmus greatly commends the Rector of Erphort, for havin g 
introd uced the Belles Lettres into that Academy in a gentle and 


peaceable manner. I hate tumults, ſays he; and I. am. much 
miſtaken, or more is obtained by moderate counſels, than by 


- outrageous violence. It is the duty and the honour of good men 
ſo. 


? Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. 316. p. 277. L. III. p. 208—2 I4s 
3 See an account of George of Saxony, Appendix. 

and of Luther's conteſts and quarrels Ep. 323. 

with this Prince, in Seekendorf, L. I. „ 


134 
would have been good, if laid before men of honour and honeſty; A. D. 1518. 


134 ; THE ELITE. 


A. D. 1518. ſo to ſerve the public, as to offend and hurt few * and even 
no perſon, if that be poſſible, A cold and contentious Theology 
was become ſuch a nuiſance, that it was neceſſary to return back 
to the fountain-head; and yet, rather than to drive .it out too 

| furiouſly, I ſhould chuſe to have it mended, and even. tolerated, 
till ſomething better were ready to-ſupply its place. Luther hath 
given us good advice on many points: I wiſh he had done it with 
greater diſcretion and civility! more perſons then would have 
favoured and defended him, and more good would have accrued 
to the Chriſtian cauſe. And yet it would be an impiety to leave 
him undefended, where he hath the truth on his fide; for then 

[|| who will ever dare to ſtand up for the truth? It is not fora 

l perſon of my condition and capacity to paſs a ſentence upon his f 

1 doctrine. Hitherto he hath certainly been uſeful to the world: age 

hath ſet men upon ſtudying the Fathers, ſome to ſatisfy their own 

minds, and others to plague him, and to hunt out arguments and 3 

objections againſt him. | kB | 

This is good advice in the main; but men, , like the Scholaſtic = 1 

Divines, accuſtomed to dictate and to bear rule, would not 


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hear of enjoying nothing better than a bare toleration, and even 
of being obliged to tolerate others. They would ſooner have 
riſqued their all, than have ſuffered themſelves to be thus taken 
down, and reduced to defend their cauſe only by rational argu- 
ments. Therefore the tumults, which honeſt Eraſmus ſo dreaded | 
and abhorred, were a neceſſary evil in many places, where theſe 
ignorant Rulers would liſten to no remonſtrances, nor yield up 
the ſmalleſt ſcrap of their pretended rights. As well might men 
have charmed the Dionyſiuſes, and other Tyrants of Antiquity, 8 
with philoſophic diſcourſes, and have perſnaded them to quit 
their poſt, and to make due nden for all the miſchief which 
they had done. Ep. 32 5. 
This is what Eraſmus himſelf had experienced, as RA ng as he 
had endeavoured to bring ſuch. Incorrigible perſons to a better 


mind. 


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OF ERASMUS. 135 
mind. This is what he ſoon experienced again, when he had A. D. 1518. 
written his preface to the Chriſtian Soldier's Manual, which is 
e in Ep. 329, to Paulus Volzius, an Abbot. 
In this Epiſtle he cenſures the Scholaſtic Divinity, and the life 
and converſation of the Monks, entirely oppoſite to the uſeful 
rules laid down in that little Treatiſe ; and though his remarks on 
this ſubje& contain truths moſt! manifeſt and. inconteſtable, yet 
they drew upon him anew the indignation of Monks and Eccle- 
Haſtics. This preface well deſerves a ſerious peruſal ; but, as it 
is a long one, we will only ſelect a few paſſages from it. 


We are making preparations, ſays he, for a war againſt the 
Turks. * With what view ſoever this be undertaken, we ought 
to pray to God that it may be profitable, not to a few, but to all 
of us in common. 

If we ſhould conquer them, it is to be ſuppoſed, (for we ſhall 
hardly put them all to the ſword) that attempts will be made to 
bring them over to Chriſtianity. * Shall we then put into their 
hands an Occam, a Durandus, a Scotus, a Gabriel, or an Alva- 
= $1 rus? What will they think of us, (for, after all, they are rational 

creatures) what will they think, when they hear of our intricate 
and perplexed ſubtilties, concerning Inſtants, Formalities, Quid- 
dtties, and Relations? what, when they obſerve our quibbling 
3 Profeſſors ſo little of a mind, that they diſpute together, till they 
turn pale with fury, call names, ſpit in one another's faces, and 
3Þ 1 even come to blows ? what, when they behold the Jacobins 
| nt 


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He hath treated this ſubje& more 
ns _ y in his ſw co de Bello Turc, 
. ] =» Nolim enim hic ſuſpicari Oy" ta- 
E | men heu nimium ſzpe compertum eſt ! 


tyrannidem. Alag. c. 968. B. 

_ * Eraſmus was ſomewhat miſtaken, 
The Chriſtians of his time, if they had 
been victorious, would certainly have 
eſtabliſhed an Inquiſition in Turky, and 


preætexi belli Turcici rumorem : ut hoc 


titulo ſpolietur populus Chriſtianus, ut 
omnibus modis preſſus fractuſque ſer- 


vilius ferat Principum utriuſque generis 


by that method have converted them 
ſpeedily, and effectually ſtopped the 


mouths of gainſayers, 


„ 
32 wh 


THE LIFE 
A.D. 1518. fighting for their Thomas, and the Minorites for their moſt 
refined and Seraphic Doctors, and the Nominaliſts and the Realiſts 
each defending their own jargon, and attacking that of their = 
adverſaries? what muſt they think, when they find it ſo very 
difficult a thing to know what expreſſions may be uſed, when you 
ſpeak of Jeſus Chriſt; as if you had te do with a moroſe and 
malicious Dzmon, whom you will call forth to your own de- 
ſtruction, if you uſe a wrong word in the form of evocation, 
and not with a moſt merciful Saviour, who requires nothing of 
you but a purity and ſimplicity of manner? 
Tell me, 1 beſeech you, what effects will all this n 
when they ſhall find our lives no better than our Divinity, and 
obſerve. our tyranny, our ambition, our avarice, our rapaciouſnels, > 
our luſt, our debauchery, our cruelty, and our oppreſſions? With 7 
what forehead ſhall we dare to recommend to them the doctrine 
of our Saviour ſo directly contrary to our behaviour? The moſt 
efficacious way of gaining them would be to approve ourſelves the 
ſervants and imitators of Jeſus Chriſt, and to convince them, that 
we covet neither their lands, nor their money, nor their wives, a 
nor their daughters, but only deſire their ſalvation, and the glorg 
of our Lord and Maſter. This is the true and powerful Theology, 
which formerly ſubjected to Jeſus.Chriſt the pride of Philoſophers, 
and the Ke of Princes, and he himſelf will aid us, when we 
begin 


Cbri briliaaity i in its fipliciy, and only the 3 £1] 
Apefiles Creed: — 
| Adferamus fidei profeſſionem ſim . = | 


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Chriſto fit loquendum? perinde quaſi 
cum moroſo quopiam agas Dæmone, 
quem in tuam ipſius perniciem evocaris, 
ſi quid te fefellerit in verbis præſeriptis, 


ac non potius cum clementiſſimo Serva- 


tore, qui a nobis ꝓræter puram ſimpli- 


cemque vitam nihil exigit, 


2 If you would convert them, ſays he 
in another place, you muſt give them 


* 


cem vereque Apoſtolicam; non tam Ar- 
ticulis humanitatis additis oneratam. 
Ea potiſſimum exigamus ab illis, quæ 
nobis aperte ſacris voluminibus et Apo- 
ſtolorum li:eris tradita ſunt. 
facilior erit conſenſus, et facilius · con- 


ſtabit concordia, ſi in ple iſque liberum 


erit in ſuo cuique ſenſu abundare, tan- 
tum ut abſit contentio. Adag. c. 968. C. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


converting them; not by uttering imprecations againſt them, but 
by charitable wiſhes and fervent prayers for their ſalvation. If 


we have no ſuch honeſt and pious intentions, it is much more 


likely that we ſhall become Turks, than that they ſhall become 


Chriſtians. | If the fortune of war, which is ever uncertain, 
ſhould favour us, the Pope indeed and the Cardinals will have a 
more widely extended empire, but the kingdom of Jeſus Chriſt 
will not be enlarged; nor can it flouriſn, except where piety, 
charity, chaſtity, peace, and good order flouriſh likewiſe. May 
tit ſo happen under the auſpices of Leo XI and this we may 
hope, unleſs the viciſſitudes of human affairs en and interrupt 


his good deſigns. 
Then he proceeds to give very good leſſons to all the Religious 


Orders, particularly to the Monks, who preferred human inſtitu- 


tions to divine commandments, and who made religion to conſiſt 


in mere forms and ceremonies, and who were more buſy and 


meddling i in ſecular gffairs than even any of the laity. 


Eraſmus ſets forth all this with vehemence enough ; and if he 
had not the ſame impetuous acrimony in his ſtyle, which pre- 


dominated in the writings of Luther, yet the Monks were offended 


at him not a jot leſs than at Luther; becauſe the abuſes which he 


attacked were the ſource of their beſt revenues, and made them 


love a Monaſtic life, which elſe oy would have avoided and 
abhorred. ; 


When he cenſures the Monks of his own time, {8 often affects. 
to ſpeak much in favour of their anceſtors, who lived in the days 
of Chryſoſtom and Baſil, He was ſomewhat prejudiced in 
behalf of Eccleſiaſtical Antiquity, ſince Monkery was the invention 
of Fanatics, and did ten times more hun than good, even 
when it was 8 (as he — at the beſt. 


1 


137 


"= "4 begin to act thus. Let us ſhew our zeal, not by killing the A. D. 1518. 
Turks, and ſending millions of Unbelievers to Hell, but by 


138 


A. D. 1518. 


THE LIFE 


In Ep. 325, he commends Draco, as a youth of an excellent 
diſpoſition, who was aſterwards a Lutheran miniſter. 

He gives a great character to Leonicenus, an Italian hpfician; 
and mentions * Argyropylus amongſt other learned ATE and 


Italians. 


Eraſmus, whilſt he was preparing a Fey Edition of his Ne ew 


Teſtament, had a iind to obtain a Brief from Leo, which might 


ſtamp ſome authority upon it, and put thoſe to ſilence, who had 
calumniated the firſt Edition. For this purpoſe he wrote to fome 
Cardinals, who happened to be abſent from Rome, and to his 
friend Bombaſius, ſecretary to the Cardinal Ryatuor Sanctorum. 


Bombaſius ſerved him faithfully on this occafion, and, with the 
_ conſent of his Cardinal, drew up a form for the Brief, deſigning 
to ſend it to the Pope for his peruſal and approbation, if he 


thought fit. But an odd accident retarded the expediting of the 
Brief, A French youth, who called himſelf Silvius, came to 


Rome a little before this affair, and had pretended to be an inti- 
mate friend of Eraſmus, and had forged two letters of recom- 


mendation from him; one of which he gave to Bombaſius, and 


the other to Leo, who upon ſight of the letter received him very 


courteouſly, and even promiſed to beſtow ſome favours upon him. 
It happened afterwards that Leo went to Oſtia, at the time when 
Bombaſius received at Rome the letter of Eraſmus, and was con- 
fidering by whom he ſhould ſend the Brief to Oſtia. Silvius 


offered himſelf quite a propos, and the Cardinal of the Four Saints. 


gave him a letter of recommendation to the Pope. Bombaſius 
wrote alſo to the Secretary, deſiring him to return the Brief, 
when Leo had ſigned it, by the ſame hand. Silvius falling ſick, 

ſent 


2 Seckendorf L. I. 279. | LeoNicenus, Pope Blount, p. 342. 


» Medicina loqui ccepit' apud Italos, © Hodius De Græc. Illuftr, 187. : 


opera Nicolai Leoniceni, ſenis immor- Huetius De Clar. Interpr. p. 21x, 238. 


talitate digni. Ep. 333. Summæ eru- In Bayle's Dictionary there is a very i Fl 
ditionis et innocentiæ ſenex Philoſophus. full and good account of this Pope. | 
P. Jovius Vit. Alphonſ, p. 198. Bayle 1 


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OF ERASMUS. 


139 


ſent the letters to Oſtia by a meſſenger, and ſoon after died. The A. D. 1 518. 


Pope and his Secretary, knowing nothing of this, made great 


inquiry after him, to give him the Brief, and to beſtow ſome 
preſent: upon him, for the ſake of Eraſmus. The youth having 


thus diſappeared, the papers were ſent to Rome by another hand. 
Eraſmus: received the Brief, but, as he ſays, knew not this ſtory 


till many years were elapſed. The Brief is prefixed to his New 
Teſtament. Ep. 335, 1257. 


Albertus, Cardinal and Archbiſhop of Mentz, wrote a oſt 


obliging letter to Eraſmus, * much defiring to ſee him, and 
highly commending his New Teſtament; and © made him a 


preſent of a ſilver cup. 
Eraſmus returned to Louvain; and, in a long letter to his friend 


Rhenanus, gives a ludicrous account of his journey, and of the 


calamities which befell him on the road; and complains of ſome _ 


boils, which came out in certain parts of his body, and which 


an ignorant ſurgeon took to be the plague. A letter proper enough, 
it may be, for a familiar acquaintance, but hardly for the public; 


and containing a detail of his grievances fit to have been commu- 
nicated to his apothecary, and to turn the ſtomach of a reader not 
the moſt ſqueamiſh. Yet he recommends the peruſal of- it to 
ſeveral of his correſpondents, who might find in it the ſmall 

| Tr 


remains 


'* —— cepit nos ingens quoddam te 


videndi deſiderium: quippe nihil magis 


ex dignitate noſtra arbitrati ſumus, quam 
cum nos Dei Opt. Max, benignitate in 


principem Epiſcoporum locum evecti 


ſimus, eum virum, qui non per Ger- 


maniam modo, fed univerſam prope 


Europam, in literis principatum obtineat, 


complecti ac fovere, &c. Ep. 334. 
Inſignis ille Heros, Albertus Car- 


dinalis Moguntinenſis, cujus divinas 


dotes tu nuper cominus es admiratus, 


mihi poculum dono miſit, cum amplum 


et grave, tum opere ſpectandum. Addit 


ſe id dare mihi ipſum fugienti, majorem 
experturo benignitatem, ſi mei fecero 


copiam. Dignum nimirum munus, quod 


a tali Principe mitteretur; ſed Eraſmus 
dignior qui Samiis bibat. Quin et no- 
men indidit. Ait vocari poculum amoris 


ex quo qui biberint, protinus benevo- 
lentia mutua conglutinari. 
hæc, utinam Theologi Lovanienſes ex 
eo poculo mecum potaſſent ante annos 


Si vera ſunt 


* 372. — 


140 NN HE LIFE 
A. D. 1518. remains of an unpolite education, which his ee with 
men of faſhion had not quite removed. Ep. 4357. 
It appears from his letters, that he held correſpondences with 
many Prelates and Nobles; and he often mentions it, not out of 
vanity, for perhaps no learned man was ever leſs infected with 
that filly diſeaſe, but becauſe it procured him reſpect from ſome, 
who paid no regard to real merit, and ſerved to humble and 
repreſs thoſe, who called him an heretic. Ep. 353, 350. _ 
The Divines of Louvain began this year to exclaim more than 
ever againſt his New Teſtament, as it appears from Ep. 3 56, 375, © © 
- where Eraſmus defends himſelf. very ſkilfully againſt their accu- Ex 
ſations, as we will ſhew by ſome extracts: for, as the ſpirit of 
Calumny operates much in the ſame manner in all times and 7 
places, the apologies, which learned men have made for them- 
ſelves, ought not to be overlooked and forgotten, and may be 
more uſeful to us than we commonly apprehend. | 


There are none, ſays he, who bark at me more furiouſly, than 
hits who never ſaw even the outſide of my book. Try the 

experiment upon- any of them, and you ſhall find that I tell you 
what is true. When you meet with one of theſe bawlers, let 
him rave on at my New Teſtament, till he hath made himſelf 
hoarſe, and out of breath, Then aſk him gently, whether nge 
hath read it. If he hath the impudence to ſay, yes; urge hin 

to produce one paſſage that deſerves to be blamed. You will find 

that he cannot. Conſider now whether * this be the behaviour 
of a Chriſtian, or ſuitable to the profeſſion of a Monk, to blacken 7 
before the populace a man's reputation, which they cannot reſtore 
to him again, though. they ſnould attempt it, and thus to rail at 0 
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OF ERASMUS. Fr 141 


things; of which they are entirely ignorant; never conſidering A. D. . 
the declaration of St. Paul, that Slanderers ſhall not inherit the 
kingdom of heaven. Of all the vile ways of defaming a man, 
none is more villainous than to accuſe him of herefy; and yet 
to this they have recourſe upon the flighteſt provocation. As 
amongſt the Swiſs, if one of the multitude lifts up his finger, and 
gives the ſignal, all the reſt, as they ſay, do the ſame, and run 
to pillage; ſo when one of this Monkiſh herd hath begun to 
grunt, all the reſt grunt alſo, and ſtir up the populace to ſtone 
their enemies, forgettin g the character which they aſſume, and 
making it their only occupation to throw dirt at honeſt men. 
s8io it was in the days of Eraſmus, and ſo it hath been ſince: 
5 tte ſame Tragicomedy hath been 1 " Mere d pg 
| and upon different ſtages. 
In another letter Eraſmus repels: the attacks of: Ane Monk, 
who had written like a Barbarian, and reaſoned like an Ideot. 
This adverſary had cenſured Eraſmus for departing in divers 
places from the Vulgate, which he ſuppoſed, as it then ſtood, 
to have been the true verſion of Jerom. Eraſmus ſays, that he 
had left every one at liberty to make uſe of the Vulgate, if he 
vVere ſo diſpoſed; but that he had a right, as he thought, to make 
u better verfion, and more conformable to the Original. 
| The man had complained, that Eraſmus dared to reprehend 
1 even Jerom and Auguſtin; and he added, that there had been 
Doctors appointed (ad glozandum) to write gloſſes upon them; 
and not upon the New Teſtament of Eraſmus. As if, ſays Eraſ- 
mus, we ought to defend and palliate all their miſtakes, becauſe, 
| forſooth, they were greater men than we! On the contrary, we 
* ought ſooner to excuſe the defects of the weak and the ſimple, as 
gaV child is more excuſable than a man. And accordin gly we make 
more allowances for the writings, which thoſe two Fathers com- 
poſed in the days of their youth, than for their-later- productions. 
The Divines will have a fin. tune of 3 it and be well. helped ups | 


ane" 9 In We A LT ee 2» 
1 „ a OL, 2 83 
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A. D. 1518. 
that hath dropped from the pens of the Fathers! If the Fathers 
have ſaid what is right, why ſhould not we be permitted alſo to 


THE LIFE 
if it be required of them to defend at all adventures every paſſage, 


ſay it after them? Why do you cenſure in us, what you approve 
in them? If they have erred, why do you reprove us for erring 
along with them, and yet vindicate them at the ſame time? What 
a ſpirit, and what a conduct is this, to defend the Ancients, and to 


wink at their faults, and to revile and calumniate ory ng in 


the works of the Moderns? 


The ſame ſpirit hath been as edeiniaiee in the fventornth 


and eighteenth centuries. Amongſt the Proteſtants, how many 
Divines have ſuffered interpretations of the Scriptures given by 
Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, Beza, &c. to paſs uncenſured, 


and have inſulted perſons who adopted thoſe very interpretations ? 
Men have been branded with the odious appellations of heretics 
and latitudinarians, for ſpeaking and writing like ſome men, who 
were allowed to be orthodox. Ep. 375. 


In the next Epiſtle, Eraſmus defends himſelf againſt Eckius, 
and ſays, 


1. That when he had ſuppoſed the Apoſtles capable of making 


| ſlips of memory, he had not affirmed it for Ce tain, and had only 


ſpoken after St. Jerom; and that the authority of the Scriptures 
would not be invalidated, though ſuch ſmall inadvertences ſhould 
be found in them, in points of little or no conſequence, eſpecially 
as it was not clear and evident, how far divine inſpiration was to 
be extended : 

2. That it was by no means certain, that the Apoſtles received 
the Greek language by inſpiration z and that therefore it was no 
wonder, if they wrote it ill and unelegantly : 

3. That though he had no ſmall eſteem for St, Fe yet 
he judged him far inferior to Jerom, upon many accounts, and in 


many ms: He wanders at the raſh boldneſs of thoſe, who 


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OF ERASMUS. 


Bim ſo frequently; and he declares, that he found more Chriſtian A. D. 1518. 
philoſophy in one page of Origen, whom Jon had much 


ſtudied, than in ten of Auguſtin. a 
cenſured Eraſmus for hind entertained a 


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mean opinion of the ſtyle of the New Teſtament. 
In this Epiſtle Eraſmus makes ſome mention of Philephusf 


as alſo in Ep. 411. c. 1798. 
. Gulielmus Croius, Cardinal and, Archbiſhop, of Toledo, had | 


deglared himſelf (in "converſation perhaps, or in ſome letter to 


Eraſmus) for the opinion of the Stoics concerning the chief good, 
that it conſiſted in virtue, which always is its own reward. Eraſ- 


mus writes him a letter, i in which he prefers the doctrine of the 
: Peripatetics, who add to virtue the gifts of nature and of fortune, 


as neceſſary ingredients in human happineſs; and then . on 
moral advice to the Cardinal, who. was yery young. 


Croius received this letter as a ſort-of civil challen ge, and wrote: 
back a polite nee we his eee to e Eraſmus Co pos 


11 4 i * „DS 


again as politely. 


If Croius wrote the letter himſelf. * muſt have been no ſmall 
But who knows that? He mentions Ludovicus Vives: 
in it; and Vives was at that time his preceptor, and probably his 


affiſter alfo in compoſing this pretty Epiſtle. Ep. 349, 350, 351. 
He was cut off i in the flower of his youth, and Eraſmus 


* Plus me docet Chriſtianze philoſo- 
phiæ unica Origenis pagina, quam 3 


cem Auguſtini. 
i See Act. Erudit. XXVI. 520. ” 


* Philelphi Epiſtolæ, bonnes. Scali- 
geran. p. 370. Memoires pour la vie 


de Philelphe. Memoires de LAcade- 
mie des Belles Lettres, T. XV. p. 531. 
Hodius De Græc. Tluſtr. p. 50. Hue- 


tius De Clar. Interpr. p. 218. Pope 
Blount, p. 331. Francifcus Philelphus, 


affectionately 


vir ille quidem eruditus, ſed nonnun- 
quam plus ſatis ei οαð. Eraſmus Vita 
| Hieronymi. | 


1 Periit Guliclmus Croius, et periit 
veluti floſculus tener in ipſo exortu ſuc- 


ciſus, ſimulque nos docuit, nihil eſſe 
ſatis firmi præſidii in rebus fortunæ arbi- 
trio ſubjectis.— Quid optari poterat 2 
| fortuna, quod illi non affatim fuerat ul- 
tro largita 3 $ Generis antiquiſſima ſtem- 


mata, tum patruus, ſic apud Carolum 
noſtrum 


143 


144 


A. D. 1518. affectionately laments his death. Hei is 1 to n ben; 2 en 


by the Spaniards. 


In a letter to Wacham he propolexto« wait his days in England 


and talks in the ſame way to Colet, 
He ſpeaks like a man of letters concerning the diſcomfort of 


Jos B "7 © 


attending Courts, and of being employed by Princes, 


e He gives Longolius a great character. ee IP 


Ti ? f 


He obſerves of Wolley, that he was a elif rather TR a 


& 1 * 


noſtrum gratioſus, ut penes unum prope- 


modum videatur eſſe imperii ſumma: 


ætas virens, nondum enim egreſſus erat 
annum vigeſimum tertium: corpus ve- 
getum ac firmum: 


tam multiplex dig- 
nitas, ut in illo vix eluceret majeſtas 
galeri Cardinalitii: morum mira facili- 
tas candorque : toto pectore favebat bo- 
nis ſtudiis, nec oderat Eraſmum. Certe 
Vives noſter Mæcenatem amiſit, qua- 


lem poſthac haud facile nanciſcetur, 


Ep. 565. 
m Seckendorf L. I. p. 151. 
D Ubicumque terrarum ero, tuus ero 


clientulus. —Eft animus in Angliam ve- 
ut ſeceſſum quendam abditum ſemo- 
tumque demigrare, et confido fore, ut 
tua benignitas fortunulas noſtras augeat; 
quandoquidem in dies accedit ſenium, et 
quotidie magjs ac magis.intelligo poſtre- 
mum caput 

quam mihi videbor infelix, te incolumi, 


Libri Eccle/ig/te. — Num- 


Ep. 269. c. 1673. & Ep. 305. c. 1690. 


* Moxus adhuc eſt Caleti, magno, ut 


3 


. 
+ 5 * 4 4 
dv 923 * 


| performer of favours, and N havghty and N mk in hi s 
behaviour. 2 85 


He wrote a 8 letter to Occolampadius, in 
a commends W though at that time he was 


 diſpleaſed 


apparet, cum tædio, tum ſumtu, et in 


negotiis longe odioſiſſimis. Sie Reges 


beant amicos : hoc eſt a Cardinalibus 


adamari. Sic et Pacæum jam ſupra: bi- 


ennium apud Elvetios relegatum de- 


nent. Ep. 344. 
v Juvenis, ut ex illius intelligo ſerip- 


tis, cum ad omnes bonas diſciplinas, 


tum ad eloquentiam factus. Hic, ni 


fallor, unus eſt eorum qui mox Eraſmi 


nomen obſcurabunt. Verum' ea res mi- 
hi voluptati eft, quando mei nominis 


_ Jactura Jucrum eſt Reipublicæ literariæ. 


Ep. 347- 
4 Cardinalis ERS pollicetur ; ; 


verum hæc ætas non moratur lentas ſpes. 
- Complexus eſt me Cardinalis Ebora- 
cenſis, non paſlim comis aut facilis. 


Ep, A 35H; ee eld 


r De Melanchthone et fantio- = 


clare, et ſpero magnifice, tantum ut eum 
juvenem nobis Chriſtus diu velit eſſe ſu- 
perſtitem. 


Is prorſus obſcurabit Eraſ- 
mum. IE 354. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


diſpleaſed with him for having ſpoken * flightingly of his N ew 


Teſtament. 

He was alſo a little diflatisfied with his ancient patron Montjoy, 
and thought him rather * too cold and too ſtingy. So he ſays to 
Sixtinus and to More. 


In a letter to Bombaſius, he complaint alſo grievouſly of his 


friend Richard Pace, who had been guilty of no ſmall indiſ- 
cretion, and, in a filly book, had between jeſt and earneſt repre: 
ſented Eraſmus as a beggar, and a beggar hated by the Clergy. 


J am, ſays Eraſmus, neither the one, nor the other. He makes 
the ſame complaints to More, and adviſes him to exhort Pace, 


ſince he had ſo little judgment, rather to confine himſelf to tranſ- 
lating Greek writers, than to venture upon works of his own 
invention, and to publiſh ſuch mean and contemptible ſtuff, 
Ep. 287. c. 1681, 


8 But 


. Quin et Melanchthon vocem ſe dig- pectaſſe. Si ſerio ſetipfit, quid illic ſe- 


tum non fuiſſe. 


nam (perhaps it ſhould be indignam) emi- 


ſit, ſe multa reprehenſurum in Novo 
Teſtamento, ni eſſem amicus Reuch- 
lino. Ep. 289. c. 1682. 


t Montjoius ſui ſimilis eſt ; aut pro- 


mittit, aut queritur. Ep. 261. c. 1669. 
Miror frigus Mæcenatis vetuſtiſſimi 
Montjoii; fed uxor opinor et filius au- 


gent naturæ vitium. Ep. 311. c. 1694. 


u Sciebam Richardum Pacæum ho- 
minem eſſe moribus plane niveis, inte- 


grum, liberum, fie amicum amico, ut 


non alias æque, Toauy 2.07], rorvpeadn, 
ſed tamen optarim illius nomine libel- 


lum eum, De utilitate fludiorum, edi- 
e. Scio doctos, quos non 
paucos habet Britannia, longe aliud in- 


genii doctrinæque ſpecimen ab illo ex- 
— 


rium? ſin joeo, quid ibi feſtivum? poſt- 
remo nihil illic conſtat aut cohæret ſibi; 
ſed velut ægri ſomnia, &c. Deinde, 
quid opus erat Eraſmum toties traducere, 
nunc ut eſurientem, nunc ut I heologis 
inviſum? Certe cum primis Theologis 
mihi probe convenit: et famelicus ille 


quotannis ſupra trecentos ducatos poſſi- 


deo; præter ea quæ ex Mæcenatum li- 


beralitate meiſque laboribus accedunt; 


plura habiturus, ſi libeat ; quidvis habi- 
turus, fi vel paulum me velim Principum 
negotiis immergere. 


dum putat ? — Ego certe illum nondum 
tantum quantus nunc eſt, aliquanto ho- 
norificentios tractavi in meis Chiliadibus. 


Ep. 275. c. 1676. 


Adeone quicquid. 
in mentem venit, illico chartis illinen- 


145 
A. D. 1518. 


146 
A. D. 1518. 


IHE LIFE 
But this diſguſt ſoon paſſed away, and Eraſmus ſpeaks of him 


afterwards with much affection and eſteem, Ep. 48 3, and in 
many other places. | 


« x Pace had been one of the moſt particular friends of Eraſ- 
mus, and their acquaintance was of an early date. Pace was 


trained up at ſchool, as we are told by Wood, at the charge of 


Thomas Langhton, Biſhop of Wincheſter, to whom he was 


* amanuenſis, The Biſhop, being much pleaſed with his pro- 


ficiency, ſent him to Padua to improve himſelf. There he 
met with Tonſtall and W. Latimer, by whom he much pro- 
fited. Upon his return, he ſettled at Queen's College in 
Oxford : thence he was ſent for to Court, his accompliſhments 


rendering him very acceptable to Henry VIII, who made him 


Secretary of State, and employed him in matters of high 
concern. Though ſo much immerſed in political affairs, he 
went into Orders, and had ſome preferments given to him, 
whilſt he was employed in foreign embaſſies. Upon the death 
of Dean Colet in 1519, he ſucceeded him at St. Paul's. Thus 


far the bright part of his life: for, ſome years afterwards, whilſt 


he was upon public buſineſs at Venice, he fell under. the diſ- 


pleaſure of Wolſey; for which two reaſons are afligned ; firſt, 


that he had ſhewed a readineſs to aſſiſt Charles Duke of Bour- 


bon with money, for whom the Cardinal had no great af- 


fection; and, ſecondly, that he had not forwarded the Cardi- 
nal's deſigns of getting the Papacy. Upon theſe two reaſons, 
he was ſadly diſtreſſed by that great man, who ſtopped his 
allowance, and almoſt ſtarved him, and purſued him with the 


utmoſt vengeance, ſo that it did at laſt bereave him of his 
ſenſes; though he had ſome lucid intervals, in which he remon- 
ſtrated to the King againſt his ill uſage. - But the Cardinal was 
too hard for him, and he was confined in the Tower two 
years. He reſigned his two Deaneries of St. Paul's and Exeter 


a little. 
* Knight, P-. 37. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


147 


if little before his death; and retiring to Stepney for his health, A. D. 1518. 


e there died and was buried in 1532, not being quite fifty 
years old, Leland's Encomium, on his return from Venice, 
contains an elegant and juſt character of him. 


„ Eraſmus, as he had a great opinion of Pace, for his candor 


and ſweetneſs of temper, ſo he was much afflicted at his miſ- 
fortunes, and could never forgive the man that cauſed them. 
And it much rejoiced him to ” hear that he had recovered him- 
ſelf, and was reſtored to his places again, &c. 

« As Pace ſucceeded Colet in the Deanery of St. Paul- 8, it 
had been well, if he had uſed his caution too in abſenting 
himſelf from Court, after the Cardinal came to be prime Mi- 
niſter. Colet had too much of the humble Chriſtian, and of 
the reputed heretic, to be favoured by Wolſey, and therefore 


avoided being concerned with him. Having told Eraſmus, in 
a letter, that Wolſey had the ſupreme command, he adds, 


that he himſelf was going to retire from the world.” 

« There is extant a remarkable * letter of Pace to the King, 
written in the year 1527, wherein he very honeſtly gives his 
opinion concerning the Divorce. Fiddes himſelf tells us, that 


Pace always uſed a faithful liberty to the Cardinal, which 
brought him at laſt to confinement and diſtraction.“ 


It was impoſſible for Wolſey to be a ſincere friend to Eraſmus, 


becauſe Eraſmus was patronized by Warham, between whom and 


Wolſey there was no good underſtanding; and becauſe the great 


praiſes, which Eraſmus frequently beſtowed upon the Archbiſhop, 
would be * by Wolſey as ſo many flights and affronts 


U 2 paſted 


Exſilii pre 8 Pacze chariſſi- centos. Video non dormire Numen, 


me, quum viderem illam mihi non ig- quod et innocentes eruit, et feroces 
notam manum, acciperemque te tantis dejicit, — Polt fatales iſtas tempeſtates, 
calamitatibus ac malorum naufragiis in- 
columem enataſſe, ac priſtine etiam 
dignitati reſtitutum, Hoc mihi gratius 
fuit, quam ſi quis angelatos miſiſſet ſex- 


confido poſthac tibi ſerena tranquillaque 
fore omnia, &c. Ep. 1097. 
* Knight's Appendix, p. xxv. 


S 


148 THE LIFE 
| A.D, 1618. paſſed upon himſelf. Eraſmus, in his Preface to Jerom, ſays, 
ö amongſt other things, of Warham, that he uſed to wear plain 85 
apparel, that once, when Henry VIII and Charles V had an in- 0 
| | terview, Wolſey took upon him to ſet forth an Order, that the *: 
| Clergy ſhould appear ſplendidly dreſſed in Silk or Damaſk ; and 

that Warham alone, deſpiſing the Cardinal's commands, came in 
| his uſual clothes. In his dedication of Jerom to the Archbiſhop, 
| 5 be gives him this title, Sedis Apoſtolice Legato nato, &c. He 


| probably intended to intimate, that, even in this reſpect, War- ? . 
| ham was equal, if not ſuperior to the Cardinal, EB 
Wolſey was not one of thoſe, who have ſo happy : a memory, W 

as to forget nothing befides diſcourtefies: he was proud and vindictive; © 4 

and ſuch a man, if he is offended at you, will hate not only you, 

but all thoſe whom you love, and by whom you are beloved: | 


777 claſſem 
Argivum, atque 7 pſes cupiet. ſubmergere ponto, 


Unius ob noxam. 


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9 Babe in a letter to More *, informs him _ favours he 
had received from the old Biſhop of Baſil, and praiſes the inhabi- 
tants of that * city. 


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non admodum benignus : 


2 Epiſcopus Baſileenſis, vir admodum 
natu grandis, integer et eruditus, dictu 
mirum qua me ſit humanitate proſecu- 
tus, homo alioqui multorum conſenſu 
nam hunc 
nævum reperiunt in tam formoſo cor- 
pore. 
vit teſtimonio vocis ſuæ, obtulit pecu- 
niam, fortunam, donavit equum, quem, 


vix portam egreſſus, ſtatim quinqua- 


ginta florenis aureis vendere potui. Pa- 
raverat poculum argenteum, verum au- 
rifaber illi verba dederat, id quod indigne 


tulit. Eloqui vix poſſum, quantopere 


mihi placeat hoc cœlum Baſileenſe, quan- 


Invitavit, complexus eſt, orna- 


topere genus hominum : nihil illis ami- 


cius, nihil ſincerius. Quot me comita- 
bantur equis abeuntem, quibus lacrimis 


dimiſerunt! — Enchiridion exoſculantur 


omnes. Id Epiſcopus Baſileenſis ſemper 
circumfert. Vidi margines omnes ipſius 
manu depictas. Sed deſino hzc, ne glo- 
rioſulus videar: quanquam apud Mo- 
rum non verear vel ineptire. Ep. 364. 


Þ A Baſle il y a de belles filles.— Ba- 


ſilea eſt valde ſalubris. — Ex Baſileenſi 


Bibliotheca omnes boni libri ſunt excuſi ; 
libenter dabant mutuo libros cum cau- 
tione ſufficienti. Scaligeran. p. 48. 


OF ERASMUS, | 149 
In a letter to Tonſtall he defends the words *:bzemo and exalto, A. D. 1518. 
© which he had uſed in his New Teſtament, and which that 
= | learned Prelate had blamed too haſtily, 
Ille had a great loſs this year in the death of Sylvagius, Chains: 
cCellor of Burgundy, and his n friend and . Be 299. 
c. 1688. 
| The 306th is a friendly letter to adus from: * Richard 
_ Sampſon, who was employed by Wolſey. 
- « * Eraſmus was acquainted with him firſt at Cunkeldes ad 
t then at Tournay, where Sampſon uſed his utmoſt endeavours 
4 80 procure a Prebend in that Church for his friend Eraſmus. 
Sampſon was firſt of Clements Hoſtel, and then of Trinity 
« Hall; and afterwards Dean of the Royal Chapel of St. Stephen, 
and Chaplain to the King, Being neglected by Wolſey, he 
E | © wrote him an expoſtulating letter for preferment, which ſuc- 
c ceeded not at that time, though he became at length Biſhop of 
„ Chicheſter. In 1543 he was tranſlated to Lichfield, and was 
of the King's Privy Council, and ſent abroad in embaſſies : 
but this was after he had written a book in vindication of the 
« Supremacy ; the Cardinal ever bearing hard upon thoſe, who 
« would not run the lengths he would have them.” 
2 « * The Biſhop of Chicheſter, Sampſon, though a man com- 
c pliant in all things, and Dr. Wilſon, were exempted out of 
ce the general pardon, for no other crime, but that Abel, who 
| ce ſuffered for denying the King's Supremacy, being in the 
= < greateſt extremity of want and miſery 1 in priſon, where it was 
e faid he was almoſt eaten up by vermin, they had ſent him ſome 
« alms.—Sampſon, though he fell into this diſgrace for an act of 
* Chriſtian pity, yet hitherto had ſhewed a very entire com- 
io, © Pliance 


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< Miror tibi diſplicuiſſe h:emare, quod d 1 Hist. of the Ref I. 21 5. 
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tare reperimus apud Columellam. Ep, e Knight p. 43. 

282. c. 1679. See Geſner's Theſaurus, Burnet III. 149. 


150 


A. D. 1518. © 


THE LIFE 
pliance with all that had been done. He had publiſhed an 
ec Explanation on the firſt fifty Pſalms, which he dedicated to 
de the King; in which as he extolled his proceedings, ſo he run 
« out into a ſevere inveCtive againſt the Biſhops of Rome, and 


« the uſurpations and corruptions favoured by that See, and he 
« reflected ſeverely on Pole. Pole's old friend Tonſtall did alſo, 


ee in a Sermon at St. Paul's, | in his grave way, ſet forth his unna- 


<« tural ingratitude.” | 


«© Eraſmus had a great ſhare of favour from moſt af the Gar- 
dinal's domeſtics, from * Burbank, Lovel, Tones, Philips, Francis, 


Gonell, and Clement. | Gf 
William Burbank was known at Rome to Eraſmus, who ac- 
knowledges many favours received from him. He was Secretary 


to the Cardinal, and promoted by him to the Prebend of South 


Grantham, in the Church of Sarum. He was a Cantabrigian, 
Thomas Lovel was Sub-Dean of Wells, and Vicar General to the 


Biſhop. Robert Tones, or Toneſius, was the Cardinal's Coun- 


ſellor. Philips is faid by Eraſmus to be a zealous friend, and a 
youth of a moſt promiſing genius. Francis was the Cardinal's 


phyſician. Eraſmus was very intimate with him, and, after the 


death of Linacer *, uſed to apply to him for advice under his 
frequent indiſpoſitions. Gonel was acquainted with Eraſmus at 
Cambridge, and was probably one of the Cardinal's domeſtic 
Chaplains. John Clement had been tutor to Sir Thomas More's 
children, at whoſe recommendation Wolſey made him Profeſſor 
of Rhetoric and of Greek at Oxford. He was alſo of the College 
of Phyſicians at London. He left England for the ſake of religion: 
in Queen Mary's reign he returned home, and practiſed in his 
faculty; but when Queen Elizabeth came to the crown, he went 


over to Mechlin, and there died in 1572. 


In 


* Knight, p. 43; i Bp. 7OI. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


151 


In an epiſtle to More, Eraſmus ſpeaks very ludicrouſly of the A. D. 1518. 


projected war againſt the Turks, and of the ſevere mortifications 


impoſed by Pope Leo upon the wives of all who ſhould bear arms 
in that expedition; and throws out a jeſt Upon More's FO. 
en paſſant. | | 

He was politician enough to diſcern, that it was a mere 
villainous trick, deſigned to raiſe money, or a n to 0 
the troops for other purpoſes. 

In a letter directed to Warham, and which begins with Mazce- 


nas optime, &c. he deſires him to intercede with the King for 


ſome ſmall ſubſidy, of which he ſtood in need, and to give him 
an horſe. 
mention is made of the Archbiſhop's wife and children. Perhaps. 
it ſhould have been inſcribed to Lord Montjoy. Ep. 312. c. 1694. 
In a letter to Fiſher he ſupplicates for an horſe : he alſo com- 
plains of the coldneſs of the King and the Cardinal, and of the 


' wickedneſs of the Court of Rome, and talks of coming to ſettle. 


But here muſt be ſome error; for in the ſame letter 


in England. 


Pontifex, et Principes aliquot, novas 
agunt comcedias, prætexentes bellum in 
Turcas horribile. O miſeros Turcas ! 
ne nimium ſeviamus Chriſtiani. Illud 
etiam ad uxores pertinet. 
arma ſumere mariti omnes, minores 


quinquaginta annis, majores viginti ſex. 
At interim prohibet Pontifex ne uxores 
abſentium in bello, domi voluptuentur, 


fed abſtineant a cultus elegantia, ne 
utantur ſericis, auro, aut gemmis ullis, 
fucum nullum attingant, vinum ne bi- 
bant, jejunent diebus alternis; quo ma- 
gis Deus faveat maritis in bello tam 
eruento verſantibus. Quod ſi qui erunt, 
qui domi negotiis neceſſariis alligantur, 


nihilo minus uxores ſervent eadem, quæ 


Cogentur 


In 


ſervanda fuerant maritis in bellum pro- 
fectis. 


ſed lectis diviſæ; nec oſculum interim 


Dormiant in eodem eubiculo, 


detur ; donec bellum hoc terribile favente 
Chriſto feliciter confectum fuerit. Scio 


hæc moleſta fore multis uxoribus, non 
ſatis perpendentibus negotii magnitudi- 


nem; quanquam uxorem tuam pro ſua: 
prudentia, proque pietate in rem religio- 
nis Chriſtianæ, ſcio libenter etiam ob- 
temperaturam. Ep. 265. c. 1671. 

1% opus eſt equo tum commodd, 


tum patiente laborum. Grocini malum, 
ita me Deus amet, mihi ex animo dolet, 


qualiſcunque ille in me fuit. Optarim 


ejuſmodi ingenia nec mortem ſentire nec 
ſenium. — Jam tot eſcis capto Regem, 


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152 THE LIF E 
A. D. 15138, In Ep. 377 to Bombaſius“, he mentions, amongſt other learned 


Engliſhmen, John Stockeſlie. 


ce e Stockeſlie was Fellow of St. Mary Magdalen College in 

« Oxford, and made Principal of Magdalen Hall ; afterwards 

« Vicar of Willoughby in Warwickſhire, and Rector of Slinbridge 

« jn Glouceſterſhire, both in the gift of his College; then Pre- 

ee bendary of the King's Chapel of St. Stephen, Archdeacon of 
« Dorſet in the room of Pace, and Chaplain to Richard Fox 


- 
* 


Biſhop of Wincheſter, who gave him the Archdeaconry of 
Surry. He was made Biſhop of London, upon the tranſlation. 
of Tonſtall to Durham, and Almoner to the King. He was 


« ſent to the Emperor, and to the Pope, and to ſeveral Univer- 
ce ſities, on the affair of the Divorce, and was with Cranmer at 
<« the citation of Queen Catharine to appear at Dunſtable, when 
ee ſhe was divorced. It is faid of him, that he was very ſevere 
ce to the poor Proteſtants; Hollinſhed telling us, that he once 
ee boaſted he had burned fifty heretics. — He had alſo a hand in 
cx. burning Tindal's Bible, then a common effort of ridiculous 
ce bigotry. Collier informs us, that he conteſted the Archiepiſ- 
« copal Viſitation, and refuſed to ſubmit, till he had entered 
«© three proteſtations for preſerving the . of his See, by 


tot reverendum Regis Achatem, et tamen 


hic funiculus nihil attrahit: fi nunc non 
procedit, poſthac nec hamum pericli- 
tabor, nec eſcam. Animus eſt ab hoc 
ſceleratiſſimo ſeculo ſecedere. Ad ſum- 

mum venere Principum technæ, Roma- 


brevi futurus populi ſtatus, ut tolerabi- 
lius ſit Turcarum ferre tyrannidem. 
Ad. vos igitur totus confugiam, velut ex- 


tam orbis Chriſtiani partem. Ep. 306. 
c. 1691. 


næ Curiæ impudentiæ; atque is videtur 


tra orbem, et fortaſſis minime inquina- 


e which 


Scis, optime Bombaſi, quam ſemper 


abhorruerim ab aulis Principum, quam 


vitam ego nihil aliud judico, quam ſplen- 
didam miſeriam ac perſonatam felicita- 
tem: at in talem aulam [Anglicam] 
lubeat demigrare, ſi liceat WN 


Ep. 377. 


a Joannes Stocflerus (/o he calls him) 


præter Scholaſticam hanc Theologiam, 
in qua nemini cedit, trium etiam lin- 
guarum haud vulgariter peritus. — 


»»Knight, p. 192. 


- ED 


OF ERASMUS. 1 53 


which means a Regal Inhibition enſued. He died in 1539, A. D. 1518. 
« and was buried in St. Paul's Cathedral.“ 

« John Stockeſly, Biſhop of London, a man of great witte 
« and learning, but of lytle diſcretion and humanity.” 

« 4 Stockeſley being by the Cardinal (Wolſey) not long before 
ce in the Starre-Chamber openlie put to rebuke, and awarded to 
c the Fleet, not brooking his contumelious uſage — had now a 
6e good occaſion offered him to revenge his quarrel, &c.“ 

« * All agree, that Eraſmus was never here in England after 
« the year 1518, And indeed we are much at a loſs to give an 
« account of him, during the time he ſpent in this his laſt ſhort 
« vifit, Wood ſpeaks of his being at Oxford in 1518, or 1519: 
ce but all the confirmation he gives us is from ſome Manuſcript 
« notes upon Bryan Twyne's Book of the Antiquities of Oxford. 
&« All agree, that Cardinal Wolſey founded his Lectures in the 
<« Univerſity about this time; but it is not ſo evident, that Eraſ- 
ce mus read certain Lectures in the public Refefory of Corpus Chriſt: 
« College : Wood advancing nothing to prove this a true account. 
« Till then one Epiſtle be produced to or from Eraſmus, at 

= © Oxford, about this time, the queſtion will ſtill remain, whe- 
c ther he was ever more than once there. It may not how- 
| © ever be improper to inſert here a Memorandum of old Bryan 
TT Tyne, relating to Eraſmus, and to his Iv at Oxford, 
aas I received it from Dr. Tanner: 
1 & Memorandum. Upon the 18 of February, A. D. 1 622 2, Stilo 
x < veteri, (having heretofore received notice b y Mr. Dr. Holt, Pre- 
= < bend of Weſtminſter, how that Mr, Clarencieux [Camden] had 
made of late time much enquiry of him touching me) repairing. 
160 Mr. Clarencieux his lodging at Mr. Dr. Heather's in Weſt- 
. = | © minſter, after ſome conference with him about divers matters, — He 
n oned with me about Eraſmus, and namely where he abode, 
rig aL 1 S bill 
P Hall Chron. : Enight,* p, 187, 192, 
_ 2 Rooper's Life of More, p. 54. | 


! 
Fa 


154 


A. D. 1518. 


THE LIFE 
* whilſt he fludied in Oxford. T told him, I thought in a Religious 
Houſe of the Auguſtinians, commonly called St. Maries College, a 
little hitherward from Bocardo, from whence he «orote his book, De 
Agone Chriſti ; which houſe, after the Suppreſſion, came into the 
hands of one Mr. Dr. Fhid. But he replied, that when he was 
a boy in Oxford, and fludied in Chriſi-Church College, there was 
an old picture of Eraſmus hanging in a certain chamber in Pecwa- 


La) 


La) 


* 


A 


0 


A 


La) 


« ters Inn, which was therefore ſuppoſed to have been — his 


* chamber, to which IJ rephed nothing. 


et What foundation there is for Camden's | conjeQure, I ſhall 


bs © leave the Reader to judge. 


This year was publiſhed, * Quint, Curtius, cum annotationibus 
Eraſmi, curante Beato Rhenano. Argent. See Ep. 276. Allo, 


Eraſmi Epigrammata. Baſil. 


' Livy was publiſhed at Mentz, with a Preface of Eraſmus. In 


this Preface (which is not amongſt the Epiſtles of Eraſmus, and 
which is addreſſed to the learned reader) he ſeems to aſcribe the 
invention of printing to John Fauſt, of Mentz. 


Budzus * informs Eraſmus, that Francis I had called Juſtiniani 


from Italy to France. This Biſhop had paid a viſit at Louvain to 
Eraſmus, and is mentioned by him as a * courteous and candid. 
man. 


s Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. p. 316, 
321, 322. 
t Liber XXXIII (ſed prioribus 17 


fere capitibus truncatus) et pars poſte- 
rior libri XL, a capite 37, primum 


prodiit in editione Livii Moguntina An- 
1518, fol. e codice antiquo Longobar- 


dicis literis ſcripto ædis S. Martini illius 
urbis, ex officina Jo. Scheferi, qui Jo. 


Fauſti nepos fuit, curantibus Nic. Car- 


A. D. 


bachio et Wolfg. Auguſto, cum præ- 
fationibus Hutteni et Eraſmi, et variis 


lectionibus ex eodem codice librorum. 


ſeptem poſteriorum de bello Macedonico. 
Fabricius Bibl. Lat. T. I. p. 196, to. 
u Appendix. 
e 
Bayle Jus rIxIANI. 
z Ep. 285. 


A. D. MDXIX. 


Ep. 378. 


ments from Luther. 


2 Bayle MELANCHTHON. Beza 
Icon. Verheiden Theolog. Effigies, 
p. 29. Melch. Adam. Camerarius Vit. 
Melanch. Burnet III. 111. Baillet II. 
300. III. 57. IV. 406. Du Pin B. E. 
T. XIII. 42. Seckendorf L. I. p. 43, 
44. L. H. p. 158, 181. P. Jovius Hiſt. 


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Continuat. Sleidani, L. II. p. 117. Pope 
Blount, p. 434. Thuanus L. XXVI. 
809. Amcenitates Literariæ, T. XII. 
p. 628. 

The writings of Melanchthon, and 
the Paraphraſes of Eraſmus, were in great 


eſteem in England. King Edward or- 


* dered, that all Bachelors of Divinity 
= | ſhould be obliged to have the Paraphra- 
| ſes, and to ſtudy them, that they might 
preach to their flocks the comfortable 
doctrines therein contained. In the 
reign of Elizabeth they went fill far- 
ther, and commanded that in every 
Church there ſhould be a copy of this 
book, on a deſk, for the uſe of the 
congregation. Heylin. See Bibl. Univ. 
IV. 343, 352. 


anum, 


L. XXXIX. p. 438. Scaligeran. p. 15. 
Colomeſius Theol. Preſb. Icon. p. 4. 


loq. Menſal. p. 510. 


Etat. 1 II. 


Eraſmus accepted of theſe excuſes; but tells him, that he bad 
cenſured, if not the Paraphraſes, yet the New Teſtament of 


Eraſmus; however, that men of letters ought to love each other, 
X REO VVV 


< Helvetii et Germani habuerunt 
magnos viros, Melanchthonem, Glare- 
Camerarium, Geſnerum, ſed 
præcipue Vadigum et Agricolam. Sca- 


Lr. 
| Atque utinam parem vertendis 
andquis ſtyli moderationem, et, ut ita 


dicam, continentiam adhibuiſſet Philip- 
pus Melanchthon: quæ fuit hominis fa- 
cundia, et egregia Latini ſermonis inte- 


gritas, eruditos omnes, excuſſis de ma- 
nibus veterum ſcriptis, ad ſui lectionem 
pellexiſſet. Huetius De Clar. Interpr. 
p. 227. e 

Luther, in the year 15 - 4 wrote up- 
on his table theſe words following: Res 


et verba Philippus; verba ſme rebus Eraſ- 


mus; res ſine verbis Lutherus; nec res 
nec verba Caroloſtadius. Melanchthon 
unawares coming to Luther at that time, 
and reading the ſame, ſmiled, and ſaid, 
Touching Eraſmus and Carloſtad, it is 


well judged and cenſured ; but too much 
is attributed unto me: alſo good words 


ought to be aſcribed to Luther, for he 
ſpeaketh exceeding well, Luther”'s Col- 


I 


155 


It had been reported to Eraſmus, that Melanchthon had cen- A. D. 1519. 
ſured his Paraphraſes: this learned man therefore writes a very 
civil letter to Eraſmus, to juſtify himſelf; and ſends him compli- 


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157 


THE LIFE 


and be united to defend themſelves againſt their common enemies. 
He ſpeaks very kindly to him; and ſays of Luther, All the world 
is agreed amongſt us in commending his moral character; but, as 
touching his doctrines, there are various ſentiments. I have not 
as yet read his works. He hath given us good advice on certain 


points; and God grant that his ſucceſs may be equal to the liberty 


which he hath taken. Ep. 47 I. 
Melanchthon was always mild and moderate, and though 


he had a ſincere affection for Luther, he could not refrain from 


* complaining now and then of his haughty and impetuous tem- 
per, ſo that even his beſt friends hardly knew how to bear with 
him at all times. But Luther, notwithſtanding his Paflionate 
fallies, had a great love and eſteem for Melanchthon. 

From Melanchthon's Epiſtles it may be obſerved, that he was 


a believer in Judicial aſtrology, and a caſter of nativities, and an 
Interpreter of dreams. A ſtrange weakneſs in ſo great a man! 


He foreſaw and feared, that violent diſputes would ſome day 
break out concerning the doctrine of the Trinity. The Scrip- 
tures, 


4 P. Jovius, after having abuſed 6 


ther in a moſt ſcandalous manner, pays 
a ſmall ſort of compliment to Melanch- 
thon; — gui Latine facundiæ deditus, 


nova et ipſe placita mitiore ingenii veneno 


publicarat, 


© Luther Etoit violent, & ſouffletoit 

Melanchthon. Ab iþ/o colaphos accepe- 
rim. Ep. 29 ad Theodorum, Longue- 
ruana, V. I. p. 76. 


Quod agentem (Melanchthonem) 


cum (boni) omnes, tum Lutherus ipſe, 


non modo diligere, ſed ſuſpicere etiam ac 


colere ; neque ſine ejus conſilio quicquam 


inſtituere, quod momenti aliquid habe- 
ret, et ad cuncta informanda, compo- 
nenda, explicanda, opera ipſius uti, Ca- 


 merarius, p. 158, 


He ſays i in one of his Epiſtles : 


De Servers rogas quid ſentiam. Ego 
vero video ſatis acutum et vafrum eſſe in 
diſputando, ſed plane gravitatem ei non 
tribuo. Et habet, ut mihi videtur, con- 


fuſas imaginationes, nec ſatis explicatas 
earum rerum, quas agitat, cogitationes. 
De Juſtificatione manifeſte delirat. Tt:(? 
Tis Terddos, ſcis me ſemper veritum eſſe, 
fore ut hæc aliquando erumperent. Bone 
Deus! quales tragœdias excitabit hæc 


quæſtio ad poſteros, & E ,-, g a 
Adyos, & bSν \aocacs To II. Ego 


me reſero ad illas Scripture voces, quæ 
jubent invocare Chriſtum, quod eſt ei 
honorem divinitatis tribuere, et plenum 
conſolationis eſt : Tas Js 1Stag Tor ver- 
gar4wn #) Sragaets dE,“ s CuTEr 8 Tay 
ovugiea, L. IV. Ep. 140. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


137 


tures, ſays he, direct us to invoke Jeſus Chriſt, which is to aſcribe A. P. 1 519. 


Divinity to him. As to curious inquiries concerning his nature, 
they ſeem not uſeful or neceſſary. 

Cardinal Sadolet wrote a friendly letter to Melanchthon, and 
highly eſteemed both him and Bucer. Seckendorf L. I. p. 43. 


abe hath given us an inſtance of 3 s ſeru- 
pulous honour and diſintereſtedneſs, who refuſed to receive his 


ſalary, as a Reader in Divinity, becauſe he could not beſtow ſuch 
cloſe attendance, as, in his opinion, that office required. 


Petrus Moſellanus, Profeſſor of Greek at Leipſic, wrote to 
' Eraſmus, and told him of a public diſpute, which was to be 


held between Eckius and Caroloſtadius. He ſhews much con- 
tempt of theſe two Divines: but, in a more ſerious Epiſtle to 


Pirckheimerus, he ſpeaks favourably of Caroloſtadius, and con- 


demns Eckius. 


In Seckendorf we have a full account of this diſputation, and 
of an excellent ſpeech made on that occaſion by Moſellanus, and 


of the character of Moſellanus, who was much beloved by Luther 


and by Eraſmus, and died aged only thirty-one, in 1524. The 


b Scripſit Lutherus Electori, Me- 
lanchthonem ex conſcientiæ ſcrupulo 
recuſare florenos ducentos pro ſalario 
Lectionis Theologicæ nuper ab Electore 
conſtitutos, dicere enim, Se lectioni iſti 
non ſatis diligenter, et, ut res poſtula- 
ret, vacare poſſe. Suadet itaque Luthe- 
rus Principi, ut mentem ſuam erga Phi- 


lippum ita declaret, ut is intelligat, non 


requiri aſſiduitatem lectionis, ſed ſuffi- 


cere, ſi vel una vice in hebdomade 


legerit, pro tempore nempe et viribus. 
Addit: Et/; Celſitudo tua ad unum alte- 
rumque annum ſalarium illud prorſus gra- 
tis ei dederit, opitme tamen id fierct, 
quia jam duos annos abſque ſalario, magno 


learned 


cum labore, nec minori fructu, ſacram 
Scripturam explicavit. Vellem utique lec- 


tionem Scripture promoveri, quia ejus in- 


tellectus jam ubique terrarum deſideratur. 
Obſecutus eſt Luthero Elector, taleſ- 


que ad Melanchthonem literas dedit. 


L. II. 64. 


i Joannes Eckius, ö 707 ZeooCeltilor 


d piytsa wit A,; cum Caro- 


loſtadio Archidiacono pro ſua vita, hoc 
eſt, corollariis, in diſputationis arenam 


deſcendet. —Magnis apparatibus pugna 
utrinque adornatur. — Videas commiſſos 


nobile par Scotiſtarum. — Decem De- 
mocriti ſatis quod rideant, habebunt. 


Ep. 379. 
2. 


! 158 THE LIFE 1 
; | A. D. 1510. wheat Julius Pflug, who had been his diſciple, wrote his epitaph. 
| L. I. 71-93: 
Seckendorf hath alſo given us an ample relation of Caroloſta- 
= dius, who was of a turbulent and fanatical diſpoſition. L. I. 

} p. 198—200, 302. L. II. p. 26, 28. 

= k Jacobus Latomus, once a friend of Eraſmus, had publiſhed 
þ = ſomething, in which he had obliquely cenſured Moſellanus and 

Eraſmus. The latter wrote a ſhort“ anſwer to it, as he informs 

Moſellanus, whom he compliments, as 3 both a wit and a 
ſcholar. Ep. 380. 

He adds many inſtances of the ignorance and unfairneſs of the 
Monks, who in a moſt ſpiteful manner attacked his verſion of 
the New Teſtament, as if he had corrupted the Pater nofter, the 
Magnificat, and other parts of Scripture. Thus they railed at 
him, both in their ſermons, and in their converſation. A Do- 
minican, who had ſignalized himſelf this way at Stratſburg, in 
the preſence of Jacobus Sturmius, (whom Eraſmus hath often 
commended) was compelled to own that he had not read one 
line of the book. Theſe men, ſays Eraſmus, firſt hate, and then 
condemn, and then ſeek for paſſages to juſtify their cenſures. If 
any perſon oppoſes them, and calls them calumniators, they call 
him a diſturber of the public peace; which is juſt as if you hit 
a man a blow on the face, and then bid him be quiet, and not 
make a tumult. The delicacy and dignity of theſe men, which 4 
Ws taxes 


* Boiſſard Icon. p. 187. 


Bo 


Du Pin ſelf as ſuffering for righteouſneſs fake; 


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p. 425. Miræi Elog. Belg. p. 27. 
There was a Bartholomæus Lato- 


mus, a friend and correſpondent of 


Eraſmus. Ep. 1283, 1286, Du Pin 
TE 45. * 

mn dce T. IX. c. 79—106. 

2 Thus Feuardentius, a ſeditious and 
perſecuting Cordelier, repreſents him- 


ed, beaten, plundered, and ſhot at by 


wicked heretics ; but not a word of bis 
own unchriitian behaviour, It ſeems, 


this Confeſſor and Miſſionary ſometimes 
met with adverſaries almoſt as impetu- 
ous as himſelf, who rewarded his zeal 
with baſtinadoes, Bayle FEUARDENT. 


XIV. 169. Val. Andrez Bibl. Belg. and complains, that he had been aſſault- 1 


OF ERASMUS, 159 


takes fire at a ſingle word, requires from us a more than Socratic A. D. 1519, 
patience; and they are equally tender of their own reputation, 
and regardleſs how much they wound that of others. 


He alſo tells a ſtory, how the King of England liad mortified 
a Divine, who in his preſence had railed at the ſtudy of the 
Greek language. And yet theſe men had ſome reaſon to act 
thus: they ſaw plainly, that their authority would foon come to 
nothing, if the Originals were conſulted and examined ; and they 
received ſo much advantage from the ignorance of the world, 
that they could not avoid ſuſpecting and hating ſuch learned inno- 
vations. All the rhetoric and the addreſs of Eraſmus could not 
ſoften and pacify them, eſpecially when the Reformation appeared, 
which was the offspring of theſe inquiries, and of this new light. 
For, if chat age had continued under the ſame darkneſs, which 
had overſpread the earth in the foregoing centuries, the deciſions 
of the Scholaſtic Doctors would ſtill have been adored as hea- 
venly truths. 
The 3824 letter is remarkable, and the prettieſt of all the 
_ Epiſtles of Longolius, 
»Chriſtophorus Longolius, of Schoonhove in Holland, was a. 
famous Ciceronian, whom Eraſmus hath often commended, though: 


Ciceronianiſm 


in delivering his judgments, he was apt 
to be partial to his countrymen, and 
here to Longolius, who affected to paſs 
for a Frenchman, though he was really 
a Dutchman, and who is not to be 
compared with Bembus or Sadolet. 


9 Longolius non ſuo ſenſu, ſed Cice- 
ronis loquutus eſt, dum non ſtylum Ci- 
ceronis, fed ipſiſſimas phraſes, adeoque 
ſententias tranſcribit. Scaligeran. p. 247. 
Ne ipſis quidem Bembis et Sado- 
letis inferior factus eſt. Eum tamen, 


ut in ſententiis exilem, et in verbis mi- 


nime luculentum, aſpernantur Itali ho- 

mines, qui parem in hoc laudis genere 

nullum ferre poſſunt. Sammarthanus. 
Sammarthanus was a learned and in- 


— 


genious writer, and a good poet; but, 


? Baillet VI. 56. Du Pin XIV. 181. 
P. Jovius Elog. 127. 


Val. Andreæ Bibl. 
Belg. p. 199. Mirzi Elog. Belg. p. 114. 
SammartK. Elog. L. I. p. 4. Vita 
Longolii per Bateſium, p. 240. 


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p 


160 


THE 


A. D. 1 519. Ciceronianiſm had ſet them a little at variance. In this letter to 


LIFE 


a friend, Longolius draws up a compariſon between Eraſmus and 
Budzus, an upon the WHO, gives the * obliquely to 


4 Chriſtophorus Longolius Jacobo 
Lucæ, Decano Aurelianenſi, S. D. 

Nunquam nobis ſane non deerit ſcri- 
bendi argumentum, niſi, ut te olim 
monui, mutuis id interrogationibus ex- 
citemus : quo nomine ſeripſi ad te haud 
ita pridem, mihi adeo gratum fore, ſi 
plenius ex te intelligerem, cur Princeps 
veſter Eraſmum Budæo prætulerit, Ger- 
manum Gallo, exterum civi, ignotum 
familiari. Nam quod ad eruditionem 


pertinet, non video qua in re Budæus 
Eraſmo cedat: ſive humaniores, ſive 


Chriſtiano dignas homine literas æſti- 
mare libeat. Quod vero ad dicendi fa- 
cultatem pertinet, parem, mea ſenten- 
tia, in tam diverſo dicendi genere lau- 
dem merentur. Beatiſſima in ambobus 


et rerum et verborum copia: ſed ita ut 


alter altius read latius] exſpatietur, alter 
anguſtiore quidem alveo, verum altiore 
ingentem aquarum vim trahat: fluit ille 
plenior, hic fertur rapidior. In Budzo 
videor mihi agnoſcere plus nervorum, 
ſanguinis, ſpiritus: in Eraſmo plus car- 
nis, cutis, coloris. In illo plus dili- 
gentiæ, in hoc plus facilitatis: creber 


ille ſententiis, hic facetiis : ille omnia 


utilitati, hic plurimum delectationi tri- 


buit. Pugnat Budæus cura, ingenio, 
gravitate, dignitate: Eraſmus arte, ſub- 


tilitate, lenitate, jucunditate ad victoriam 
contendit. Hunc amare poſſis, illum 
admirari: huic favere, parere illi. 


Profecto ille me violenter cogit, hic 


the 


ſuaviter allicit. Ducit alter blanditiis, 
alter viribus trahit, verborum delectu 
religioſus, proprietate perſpicuus. Si res 
tralationem expoſtulat, in metaphoris 


felix, ſententiis gravis, figuris varius, 


ſumma orationis ſpecie honeſtus, ſubli- 


mis, ſeverus, grandiloquus. Contra, 


Eraſmus venuſtus, modeſtus, popularis, 
floridus, verborum ſupellectile dives, 
compoſitione ſimul expeditus, ſimul ni- 
tidus, frequens exemplis, denſus argu- 
mentis, gratus ſalibus. IIle in oratione 
ſua totus quidem ſemper eſt, ſed tum 


potiſſimum tonat, tum fulminat, quum 


materia temporum noſtrorum objurgatio- 
nem admittit: hic, etiam cum moribus 
convicium facit, magis inſtituto ſuo ſer- 
vire atque dolere videtur, malagmatis, 
collyriis, cerotis, et cæteris id genus le- 
niorum medicamentorum remediis ſani- 
tati conſulens: ut ille amarulentis qui- 
dem illis, ſed hac tempeſtate neceſſariis 
potionibus, ſectionibus, cauteriis alte 
graſſantem vim morbi inſectatur. Bre- 
viter, ſi Hiſtoriam ſcripturi ſint, Budæus 
Thucydidem magis quam Salluſtium, 
Eraſmus Livium quam Herodotum retu- 


lerit. [Perbaps Longolius intended to 


ſay, Budzus Thucydidem magis quam 
Herodotum, Eraſmus Livium quam Sal- 
luſtium retulerit.] Si poema pangen- 
dum, hic Tragicum et Heroicum quid- 
dam verborum ſententiarumque pondere 
altius intonabit : ille Comœdiam urba- 
nius, Lyricos ſuavius, Elegiam mollius 

inſpirabit, 


8 


3 
N 


OF ERASMUS. 


the latter, though, as he ſays, Francis I had given it to Eraſmus. A. D. 1519. 
This compariſon. turns principally upon the ſtyle of each com- 


petitor ; and in this point ſome of his remarks are not injudicious. 


tn@ireþl Aſſure tamen et hic quoque | 


alieno ingenio, ſuo vero tam difficulter, 
quam ille nunquam, etiamſi velit, ſe 
demittere queat: alioqui ſuperiores illæ 
virtutes ut neutri deſunt, fic in altero 
magis patent, in altero magis latent: 
effectu pares, habitu diſſimiles, ut haud 
prorſus aberret quiſquis hunc concioni, 
illum judiciis natum dixerit: alterum 


Palladis numine afflatum, alterum Gra- 


tiarum choro ſtipatum. Cæterum, ut 


intelligas nihil eſſe, quod ſit ab omni, 


ut ille ait, parte beatum, aut certe quod 


omnium ſtomacho ſatis poſſit facere; audi 


quid in eis hi deſiderant, qui ſe aliquod 
operæ pretium in re literaria feciſſe ar- 
bitrantur. Budæus hoc illis peccare 
videtur, quod nihil peccet; Eraſmus 
quod vitiis ſuis faveat : illum enim, dum 
ſcrupuloſius omnia ad Veterum normam 
exigit, ſæpe oblitum eorum quibus ſeri- 


bit, ſibi tantum et Muſis canere; hunc, 


dum ingenio ſuo nimis indulget, nihil- 
que putat eſſe tam vulgare, quod non 
aliquando in oratione ſuum ſibi locum 
honeſte vindicet, turbidum interim flu- 
ere: illum potius nobis ſignificare quid 
velit quam dicere; hune immodica ſer- 

monis ubertate, veluti læto gramine 
ſata ſtrangulare: illum oratione nunc 
obliqua verticoſum, nune figurata ela- 
tum, ſæpe intumeſcere; hunc recto nu- 
doque ductu humiliorem, plerumque 
humi ſerpere; hunc laſcivia molliorem, 
Mum aukteritate duriorem, | 


177 


2 


Denique 


But 


alterum doctis mirum in modum poſſe 


placere, alterum etiam imperitis, ſi in 


tam ſecunda (ut illorum verbis utar) fa- 


cundia modum tenerent, et ſuo ſemper 


freti ingenio, alieno nonnunquam eſſent 
diſerti, vel judicio vel conſilio. Nam 
cum præſtare poſſint quicquid volunt, par 
eſt, inquiunt, ut optima quzque velint, 


nec ſeſe ambitioſius nobis venditent : eo 


res noſtras recidiſſe, ut mature potius ju- 


vandi quam intempeſtive delectandi ſi- 
mus: pro fuſcepto operis inſtituto fideli- 


ter docendi, non crebris licentioſiſſimiſ- 
que excurſionibus ambagioſe ſuſpendendi: 
digredi quidem Senecam et Plinium, ſed 
alterum parce, alterum raro, nec ſic quo- 
que quæſito, nec nift oblato argumento. 


Hee Critici: quorum ſententiæ quo mi- 


nus ſtatim ſubſcribam, faciunt cum alia 
multa, tum quod non defuere clari ora- 
tores, qui non grammaticos, ſed popu- 
lum eloquentiæ judicem ſtatuerint. Eſto, 


ſit porrigendus doctis modo calculus, ſint 


ſoli literatorum principes hac de re in 


conſilium mittendi, quiſnam amabo hac 
#tate dignus, cui tam ſuperba cenſura 


jure credatur? Tuebuntur ſe uterque 
haud magnis ſolum exemplis, ſed etiam 
validiſſimis argumentis. Dicent ſe non 


perperam ſcribere, ſed illos eorrupte ju- 
dicare: in orationibus ſuis non nafci, ſed 
ab imperitis ſpinas afferri : Eraſmus ſe 


omnium rationem habuiſſe, Budæus pau- 
corum thegtro contentum eſſe. Itaque 
ipſe nihil decerno, vel ne ſutor (ut aiunt) 

LE ſupra 


161 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1519. But certain it is, that if Budæus ſurpaſſed Eraſmus i in Greek 
literature, and in the knowledge of the Civil Law, and wrote 
more learnedly and laboriouſly, the latter had far more taſte and 
fancy than he, a more agreeable ſtyle, and much greater ſkill in 
Divinity and Eccleſiaſtical Antiquities. Eraſmus and Budæus 
continued, after this judgment of Longolius, to correſpond toge- 
ther as before, but they did not become warmer friends for it; 


162 


Ep. 383, 387, 390, &c. 


Eraſmus, having ſeen this hwy of E wrote him an, 


r anſwer of compliments and thanks ; but at ns ſame. time gives: 


ſupra crepidam; vel quod apud me pa- 
ria faciant, hoc eſt, virtutibus, ſi qua 


ſunt, vitia penſent, atque adeo ſuperent. 


Habent enim plus quod laudem, quam 
quod ignoſcam. Illud tantum miror, 
quod ab initio dicebam : Cur Princeps 
veſter in tanta Budæi probitate, doctri- 
na, eloquentia, Germanum Gallo, ex- 
terum civi, ignotum familiari prætulerit. 
Nec hoc dico, quod Eraſmi fortunæ in- 


videam; ſtudeo namque homini, ſi quis 
mortalium alius, tametſi de facie nun- 


quam mihi viſo, idque ob communem 


patriam (ſumus enim ejuſdem, ut noſti, 


et linguæ et ditionis) colo autem ob 
eximias illas animi dotes, quas in eo ita 
ſuſpicio, ut votorum meorum ſumma 
ſit, hinc ad annum etiam alterum ſupra 
viceſimum, quo me ztate ſuperat, fi 
non illum, quem nunc tenet, ſaltem 
proximum eloquentiæ gradum attingere. 
Improbum, inquis, votum: improbum 


ſane, fed quod nec ipſe plane improbet. 


Ego nec exiſtimationi, nec commodis 
tanti viri invideo, cujus eloquentia apud 
me pluris eſt, quam totius Galliæ opes. 
Sed in hoc iſta ſcribo, ut fi quid habes, 


him 


actutum me certiorem facias, cur ſem- 


per neglectis Gallorum, nunc primum 


faſtiditis Italorum ingeniis, Germanica 
tam ambitioſe aſſectemini. Vale. Ex 
Urbe Roma, 29 Jan. Anno 1 319. | 


Eraſmus Roterodamus Chriſtophoro 


Longolio, S. D. 


Cum multis nominibus mihi jucunda 
fuit, eruditiſſime Longoli, epiſtola tua, 


non illa quidem ad me ſcripta, ſed de 


me, tum hoc præcipue, quod mihi re- 
novavit veterem ingenii tut notitiam, ac 


ſpem eloquentiæ nequaquam vulgaris, 


quam ante complures annos concepe- 
ram, ex Oratione panegyrica, qua lau- 


des divi Ludovici, ni fallor, Galliarum 
regis, admodum adhuc juvenis es proſe» 


cutus. Epiſtolam exhibuit Ruzeus urbis 
Lutetiz ſuppræfectus, homo tum erudi- 
tus ipſe, tum eruditionis alienæ mire 
candidus æſtimator. Tantum autem ab- 
eſt, ut ægre feram mihi præferri Budæ: 
um, ut in illum pene parcus, in me pro- 
digus laudator fuiſſe videaris. Abunde 
multum illi tribuit tuus candor, ſed quo- 
ties hominis dotes prope divinas con- 


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ne alterutri fas fit inficiari. 


an omnino meis coloribus, 


OF ERASMUS. 
him ſome hints, that he was not over-pleaſed. Longolius had A.D. 1519. 
faid, amongſt other things, that Eraſmus favoured his own defects, 


templor, videor mihi videre quiddam 


majus omni facundia. Mihi vero tan- 
tum tribuis, quantum nec agnoſco nec 
poſtulo : cui abunde palmarium eſt ac 


triumphale, cum viro modis omnibus 


incomparabili comparari : neque pote- 
ras, mea quidem ſententia, plenius ho- 
neſtare famam Eraſmi, quam ſi illum 
faceres ita poſteriorem Budzo, ut eum 
non longo intervallo ſequeretur. Ma- 
jore tamen Zum voluptate Budzi laudes 


legi quam meas, vel quod illius gloriæ 


ſic faveam, ut nullius æque, vel quod 


quicquid illi poſſeſſionis eſt honeſtæ, id 
meum etiam eſſe ducam: non tantum 
publica illa Pythagoricorum lege, quæ 


vult inter amicos eſſe communia omnia, 
verum etiam peculiari fœdere, quod 
verbis rite conceptis, et ſyngraphis ob- 
ſignatis inter nos jampridem pepigimus, 
Belle tu 
quidem me mihi depingis, ſed haud ſcio 
Et tamen 
ad hanc tabulam ipſe mihi nonnihil 
blandior, non quod illi prorſus credam, 


ſed quod juvet Apellis manu depingi. 


Porro cum indicas, quid in me deſide- 


rent Critici, non minus cepi utilitatis 


quam voluptatis. Quanquam ad quæ- 
dam utcumque tergiverſari poteram, niſi 
tuo judicio tam impenſe faverem. Nam 


quod ſcribis me favere meis vitiis, crede 


mihi non tam favor eſt, quam vel in- 
ſcitia, vel potius pigritia. 


poſſum naturam vincere. Effundo ve- 


Sie ſum, nec 


that is, that he would not give nN the trouble to be more 


accurate, 


rius quam ſcribo omnia, ac moleſtior eſt 
recognoſcendi quam cudendi labor. Jam 
ut in delectu verborum nolim omnino 
videri indiligens, ita non arbitror congru- 


ere ei, qui res ſerias perſuadere cupiat, 
in affectandis dictionis emblematis eſſe 


moroſum aut anxium. Neque vero mi- 
rabitur eloquentiæ noſtræ rivum alicubi 
turbidum fluere ac lutulentum, qui cogi- 


tarit per quos auctores decurrat, nimi- 


rum ſordidos, et impuri ſermonis, ut 


non poſſit hinc non aliquid limi ducere. 


Uſu venit hoc non raro ſummis illis elo- 
quentiæ proceribus, ut in Græcorum 
voluminibus verſantes, frequenter im- 
prudentes Græce loquerentur. IIlud 


haud ſcio an ſcribæ debeat imputari, 


quod mihi tribuis immodicam ſermonis 
ubertatem, quæ dos nimirum Budæo 
peculiaris eſt. Nam rectus ac nudus 
orationis ductus ſimplici naturæ congruit: 
nec mirum eſt humilem eſſe ſermonem 
cujus humilia ſunt omnia, corpus, ani- 
mus, fortuna. Porro nimis crebras et 
immodicas digreſſiones, quas nobis com- 
muniter adſeribunt Critici (nam ſub ho- 
rum, ni fallor, perſona maluiſti tuam in- 
dicare ſententiam) jam mutuis literis 
uterque alteri objecerat. Cum primis 
autem demiror, qu! tibi ſuccurrerit demi- 
rari, cur Galliarum Princeps Franciſcus 
Germanum Gallo, exterum civi, igno- 
tum familiari prætulerit. Neutrum al- 


teri prætulit Rex, ſed vtrumque alteri 
Ruduit conjungere. Neque enim cui- 


quam - 


Y-a--* 


163 


164, 


A. D. 1519. accurate, and to ſeek out words and expreſſions of the Auguſtan 


quam ſuo loco cedendum erat, ſi me in 


THE LIFE 


age. Eraſmus replies, that he wrote ſo, not thro' conceitedneſs 
or ſtubbornneſs, but partly from ignorance, and ſtill more from 
indolence. I am ſo made, ſays he, and I cannot conquer my 
nature. I precipitate rather than compoſe, and it is far more 


irkſome to me to review than to write: and though I would 


not paſs for a ſlovenly and barbarous author, totally negligent of 


words and phraſes, yet neither do I think it becoming a man, 


who writes upon ſerious and important ſubjects, and wants to 


perſuade and inſtruct his reader, to be over-difficult 1 in the choice 


of ſuch ornamental parts of compoſition. 
They, who are acquainted with the works of Eraſmus, will 


eaſily ſee that this was his true character. As the Ciceronians 
were more ſolicitous in their compoſitions about phraſes and 
periods, than about things, and ſlaviſhly confined themſelves to 


words taken from Cicero, or authors who were contemporary 


with him, they either could not mention many things of real 


importance, or they could not expreſs them properly, becauſe 


they could not find words to repreſent their thoughts in the 


above-mentioned writers. There are a multitude of ſubjects 
relatin g to Divinity, Natural ne nn Politics, and 
other 


gadia, ſuo ſplendore 8 Sed 


Galliam contuliſſem. Tantum abeſt ut tamen agnoſcet, opinor, poſteritas, no- 


Budæo fuerim offecturus. Quod ſcribis 


et ditionem et patriam et linguam mihi 


tecum eſſe communem, non tam mihi 
gratulor, quam huic regioni, quam ve- 
hementer gaudeo talibus, hoc eſt, veris 
ſemperque duraturis ornamentis in dies 
magis ac magis illuſtrari. Proinde ni- 
hil optatius mihi poſſit accidere, quam 


multos exoriri tui ſimiles, qui nobis in 


hoc laudis ſtadio non modo ſuccedant, 
ſed etiam antevertant; et quicquid eſt 


hoc nominis, quod mihi mea peperere 


biſque nonnihil debere ſe fatebitur, quod 
parum felici ſeculo, quod his regionibus, 
in quibus prorſus extinctæ fuerant et in- 


viſe bone literæ, longum et invidioſum 


certamen ſuſtinuimus adverſus pertina- 
ciſſimos meliorum ſtudiorum hoſtes. Sed 
utcunque de nobis cenſebit ætas ſecu- 
tura, volupe eſt interim optimas literas 
paſſim feliciter effloreſcere. Bene vale, 


Longoli doctiſſime, et in hæc ſtudia ut 


cœpiſti conſtanter ac feliciter incumbe, 
Lovanio, I April. Anno 15 19. 


SS ·˙¹⸗ A tr; // / A Ornate „:; TT — — a — _ 
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OF ERASMUS. I65 

other ſciences, which the ancient Latins never thought upon, A. D. 1519. 
and therefore had no convenient words to deſcribe them. On 
ſuch occaſions our Ciceronians were ſtopped and diſtreſſed, and 
therefore they could only deal in ancient notions, which might 
be diſcuſſed and deſcribed according to the manner of the 
Ancients; and this rendered their works extremely cold, jejune, 
infipid, and tireſome. Eraſmus, on the contrary, who paid more 
regard to things than to words, and had a fine genius, expreſſed 
his thoughts in a moſt lively manner, accommodating his phraſes 
to his ſubject, with great variety and facility. His invention thus 
unfettered was the more ſpritely and abundant, and he never fails 
to entertain his reader, both in matter and in manner. Ep. 402. 

Longolius afterwards wrote againſt Lutheraniſm, and under- 
took a taſk for which he was not at all qualified, having nothing 
in his head beſides Ciceronianiſm and a little philology. 

We ſhall have occaſion to ſay more hereafter on 2 the Cicero- 
nian controverſy. 
In a letter to Ruzeus, a Frenchman, Eraſmus compliments 
that nation, and is * willing, if they ſhould do him the honour of 
claiming him, to paſs himſelf for a Frenchman. But the Germans 
would not agree to that. Ep. 39%, 

Luther ſent a letter to Eraſmus, very courteous and civil, 
though not over-elegant as to ſtyle. He fancied that Eraſmus 
was on his ſide, becauſe he had declared himſelf againſt the ſuper- 
ſtitious religion of the Monks, and becauſe theſe men hated them 
both almoſt equally. He thought that he could diſcern the 
taſte and temper of Eraſmus from his new Preface to the Enchi- 
ridion Militis Chriſtiani. Ep. 399. 

Eraſmus replied, calling Luther his deareſt brother in Chriſt, 
and informed him what a noiſe had been made againſt his works 

: at 


Gallum eſſe me, nec aſſevero, nec quam apud ſtudiorum cultores minimum 
inficior: fic natus ut Galluſne an Ger- habere momenti per eſt regionum diſ- 
manus ſim, anceps haberi poſſit: quam- crimina, | 


166 THE LIFE: = 
A. D. 1519. at Louvain, As to himſelf, he had, as he fays, declared to the 
Divines of that Univerſity, that he had not read thoſe works, and 
therefore could neither approve nor diſapprove them ; but that it 
would be a better method for them to publiſh anſwers conſiſting | 
of grave and ſolid arguments, than to rail before the populace, © 
eſpecially as the moral character of the Author was irreprenen- 
ſible. Eraſmus however owns, that he had peruſed part of his 
Commentaries upon the Pſalms, that he liked them much, and 
hoped they might be very ſerviceable. He tells him, that many {| 
perſons both in England and in the Low Countries commended 
his writings. He exhorts him alſo to moderation, and to content 
himſelf with attacking, not the perſons of Popes and Kings, but 
thoſe evil Counſellors, who impoſed upon them, and made a bad = 
uſe of their authority. | 
There is, ſays he, a Prior of a Monaſtery at Antwerp, a true _- 
_ Chriſtian, who loves you extremely, and was, as he relates, for= 
merly a diſciple of yours. He is almoſt the only one who |: 
preacheth Jeſus Chriſt, whilſt others preach human fables, and 
ſeek after lucre. The Lord Jeſus grant you from day to day an 
increaſe of his ſpirit, for his glory and for the public gooe. 
From theſe and from other paſſages, it appears, that Eraſmus : : _ 
_ entertained hopes, that the attempts of Luther, and the great L 
notice which had been taken of them, might be ſerviceable to 
true Chriſtianity, Ep. 427. . 8 
He writes to the Biſhop of Rocheſter concerning a book of 
Latomus. Eraſmus, in a treatiſe of true Theology, had ſaid, that 
a great part of it conſiſted in a pious diſpoſition of heart. Lato- 
mus attacked this propoſition with many arguments, and ſaid, 
that to be a good Divine, and to be a good man, was not the 
ſame thing. By and by, fays Eraſmus, I fancy they will come 
to ſay, that* to be a good Divine, and to have common ſenſe, 
uy very different chings. Ep. 403. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


„ The: 39291 is a pretty letter from Huttenus, to which Eraſmus A. D. 159. 


replied in a very friendly manner, and exhorted this impetuous: 
man to moderation in his conduct. 


Hutten having afterwards declared himſelf openly for Luther, 
and Eraſmus, on the contrary, growing more ſhy and cautious on 
that affair, they became enemies. Hutten at this time was with 
the Archbiſhop of Mentz, to whom Eraſmus recommended him 
warmly ; and his commendations were not fruitleſs, as it appears 
from that Prelate's anſwer. Ep. 413, 419, 4 56. 


Hutten was of a bold and daring ſpirit, and a great fighter 


upon occaſion. In ſome place, where he had power, he fined. 


the Carthuſians two thouſand pieces of gold, for having ra — 
with his picture. 


Camerarius, in his life of Melanchthon, makes mention of 


Hutten, and tells us, that he was of an ancient and noble family, 


(upon which he valued himſelf not a little) learned, ingenious, 
and courageous; that he had a daring ſpirit lodged in a weak 
and ſickly body; that he fought with four (he ſhould have ſaid, 


five) Frenchmen at Viterbo, and put them all to flight, though 


wounded, and deferted by his fellow-traveller ; that he was of a 
turbulent and ſeditious temper, paſſionate, impatient of affronts, 
and ſomewhat cruel; that he wrote a violent invective againft 


Eraſmus, | 


Boiſſard Icon. Part. II. p. 33. Beza literis ad Spalatinum, ubi ita {cribit : 


Icon. Camerarius Vit. Melanch. Baillet 


IV. 335. Seckendorf L. I. p. 130. 


Sleidan L. IV. 84. Bayle Hur rEx. 
Burckhard Comment. de Vit. Hutteni. 
Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. 331, 332, 340. 
Act. Erudit. XLIV. 410. XLV. 134. 


Neque violentia Hutteni, quam ca- 
lamo, et aliquando manu cum poterat 
exercebat, religioni profuĩt; nocuit po- 
tius. Improbavit eam etiam Lutherus, 


3 


Quid Huttenus petat, vides, Nollem vi 
et cæde pro Evangelio certari: ita ſcripſi 


ad hominem. Seckendorf L. J. p. 1 31. 


* Eraſmus Ep. 413. 
y Huttenus Carthuſianos, quia ima- 


_ gine ſua pro anitergiis uſi ſunt, in duo-- 


bus millibus aureorum nummùm mutta- - 
vit. Epiſt. Gerbelii, p. 22. In Cen 
tur. Epiſt. ad Schwebelium. 


A.D. 1519. Eraſmus, who repaid him with a Gard anſwer ; and that he died 7 1 
aged thirty-ſix (it ſhould be, thirty-five) P. 905 e 9 
La Monnoye ſays, that he is a poor writer in proſe, and that 
his verſes are even worſe than his proſe. Burckhard hath extolled 
him beyond his deſerts, and hath given an account of him, and 
of his works, in three volumes. Hutten died in miſerable cir- 
cumſtances, overwhelmed with poverty and debts, and eaten up 
with a certain diſeaſe. | 
In one of his Epiſtles, he declares to a fiend, that he was in- 
clined to ſettle, and to take a wife. He wanted a virgin, who was 
young, handſome, good-natured, virtuous, and rich. As to pedi- 
gree, he ſays, that he ſhould be eaſy on that article, having nobi- 
lity enough for himſelf and his lady. It is pleaſant to hear a 
Beggar talk thus, who had nothing to give to his has! beſides a 
coat of arms and the ——, 
We ſhall fay more concerning Hutten hereafter. 4 
This year John Colet died at London; and Eraſmus, in a * letter 
to Jodocus Jonas, makes his Elogium, and along with it the 
Panegyric of a Franciſcan, called Joannes Vitriarius. The cha- 
racers of theſe two eminent men, drawn by ſo great a maſter, 
well deſerve to be carefully peruſed; and if Eraſmus hath not 
given the reins a little to his Imagination, -and embelliſhed his 
ſubject, it is no wonder that he ſo ſincerely loved and admired 
them both. They were two excellent Eccleſiaſtics, and in many 
things bare no ſmall reſemblance to Eraſmus. | ichen Pace 
ſucceeded Colet, as Dean of St. Paul's. Ep. 43757. 
ces It were to be wiſhed, (ſays Knight) ſince en follows 
the example of Plutarch, and gives us a, parallel between two 


very excellent perſons, that he had choſen another of our coun- 


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_ Þ Appendix. 3 amongſt the living, but amonꝑſt the 
Life of Colet, Intr. p. xi. dead? 


- — 
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O F. ERASMUS. 


169 


0 trymen, rather win gone to France for the character of Vittia- A. D. 1519. 


4 rius: vyhO Though it muſt be owned he was à very pious man; 
« yet, coaldering che Bifferent way of life in which he was 

« engaged from that of Dean Colet, the one being a Recluſe, 

« Aid che other às active as any one of his function in n © age he 

 « Jived, by no means is the parallel juſt or proper“. 

I am not indlined to diſpute about this or ing, any peint, 


with: my deceaſed friend; but ſhall only obſerve, that we are 


much obligetl to Eraſmus for giving us a moſt entertaining account 
of two Divines, ſo far reſembling each other, that they had a 


largeneſs of mind, a ſolidity of judgment, and a freedom of 


thinking and ſpeaking, far Sr was me wenden poruetes very few 


+83 +4, 


excepted. 
1 Biſhop Latimer 8 the noiſe chat the proſecution 
«of Colet for hereſy had made; and ſays expreſßly, that he 
e ſhould-have' bern durnt, if God hid not turned the gy heart 
e to the conttaty, .-.- 


Some time after he had been dead and hich he had like 


« to, have: been. ſerved as Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius, who 
* were taken up and burn at Cambridge. 
« Colliet 3 in his Eeccleſiaſtical Hiſtory Eabes cut all the kth 
ing of Colet againſt the, corruptions of the Church of Rome; 
and doth not ſo much as mention = name in ls Hiſtorical 
* Dictionary, &. 24508 . T if 


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2 


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Under Lily 11 Rytwile, the Malters of I rale 8 ſchool, i 


founded by Colet, if there was any fault, it was the practice of 
too much ſeverity, owing a little to the roughneſs of that age, 
and to the eſtabliſhed euſtoms of eruelty. Some what too may 


ebe attributed to the auſtere temper of the founder, Dean Colet, 


% who thought there was a pe harſh diſczpline to humble. 
* the een :of _ 


OED . ö 7 e Halm, 
1 Life of Colet, p. 93, 258, 172; ET = 


A, P. 1519. 


THE LIFE 
«. Eraſmus was of contrary opinion, and imnore for the mer- 
«, ciful and gentle way of education; and: therefore was almoſt 
4 angry with the Dean and his two Maſters, and hath told a 


« ſto 


ory of them, not very much to their reputation; which, 


though he concealed their RON: yuh * a hard taſk to. apply 


« to any other than to them. 


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Eraſmus, as vrell as Colet, was ſuſpected of hereſy. d When 
they were joint ſpectators of ſome ſuperſtitious reliques of 


4 6 z 4 


141 ; ; 74 | n vi 


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Epiſt. Auaſi ſacrilegium commiſiſſet. Theolo- 
1 Novi Theologum quendam, et gus ſemel atque iterum interpellavit, 
quidem donieſtice, maximi nominis, fats 5, ſatis et. At xarnifex ille, ſer- 
cujus animo nulla erudelitas ſatisfaciebat vore ſurdus, peregit ſu am carnificinam 
in diſcipulos, quum Magiſtros haberet pene uſque ad pueri ven. Mox 
ſtrenue plagoſos. Id exiſtimabat unice Theologus verſus ad nos, Nihil comme- 
et ad dejiciendam i ingeniorum ferociam, | ruit, inquit, ſed erat humili andui, nam 
et ad edomandam ætatis luſciviam per- hoe verbo eſt uſus. Quis unquatm ad 
tinere. Nunquam agitabat convivium eum modum erudivit mancipium ; imo 


apud gregem ſuum, niſi quemadmodum 


Comœdiæ exeunt in lætam cataſtrophen, 


ita poſt cibum ſumtum, unus aut alter 


protraheretur virgis lacerandus ; et in- 


terim ſæviebat et in immeritos, nimirum, 
ut aſſueſcerent plagis. Ipſe quondam 


adſtiti proximus, quum a prandio ex 


more puerum evocarat, annos natum, ut 
opinor, decem. Recens autem a matre 
venerat in. eum gregem. Præfatus eſt, 
illi mattem eſſe cum primis piam. foemi- 
nam, ab ea ſibi puerum ſtudioſe com- 
mendatum: mon ut haberet occaſio- 
nem cædendi, ccepit objicere neſcio 


quis aſinum? De Puer. ine c. 505. 

» In Anglia offerunt oſculandum cal- 
ceum Divi Thome, qui forte calceus 
eſt alicujus balatronis; iet ut ſit, quid 
ineptius quam adorare caleeum hominis? 


Vidi ipſe, quum oſtentarent 111 la- 


cera, qulbus ite dicktur 1 muc- 


cum narium, Abbatem et cæteros qui 
adſtabant aperto ſcriniolo;venerabundos; 


procidere ad. genua, ac manibug etiam 


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eratz! videbantur Dat 


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; OF. FTRASMUS, 171 
Mr whereas Eraſmus was more eaſy, waiting til a 4. P. 1519. 
e proper time. ſnou ld coe of reforthing ſuch abuſes, & c. 
It is bbſervable: of Colet; that, with aun ſenſe, and with. al ; 
his learning, he Was not: able to acquire à purity, facility, and 
elegande in. writing! Latin, Eraſmus takes notice of this defect 
in his illuſtrious Friend, and aſſigns the cauſe of it. It will uſually 
be the caſe, more or leſs, of thoſe who have. not laid a ner 
tical foundation betimes. 28 *. ts hr 4 * V 356 * 3 8gttie , 
It is true, that 4 bare knowledge of . will not. enable a 
man to write Latin elegantly; for,: Aliud ęſt Grammatice, aliud 
Latine loqui; and that it is needful to be converſant with good 
authors: but both theſe things ae be Nane togethers, the one 
without, the other, being defectiv ee. 
| Eraſmus wrote to, Canine Canpating 1 cho Was then at 8 
don, and ſent him his ſecond edition of the New Teſtament. 
He excuſeth himſelf for not preſenting it to him in perſon, partly 
on account of his health, and partly as being invited to France 
= by the King's letters, and deſigning to go thither. It is ſtrange, 
3 1 that theſe letters of Franc 18 I, or of his Miniſters, ſhould not be 
found in this collection. But Eraſmus never went his projected 
journey; andi it appears from many of his letters, that he liked 
infinitely better to pay his court to the Great at a diſtance, than in 
perſon. | Ep. 416. "at * 21n3% by JE OTOL SIS DOE vs Wy 
AY Campegius returned him | a polite letter, full of e commen- 
L | dations, and ſent him a preſent of a diamond ring, and gave ten 
I pieces of gold, -detem aureos, to the meſſenger by whom Eraſmus 
3 had. ſent his book to Him. 'He exhorts Eraſmus to defpi iſe the | 
= malice of thoſe W who: trad uced him in fo odious a manner; 
3 Y e ee Ole Ft Gary 2 2 Eu OAvT eta & 2397 10 
| 1 Reste Wunden i-copiam non 8 . et eruditione en ac dicendi 
peti e præceptionibus Grammaticorum, (read dicenti) mira ſuppeteret orationis 
quas aſſeverabat officere ad bene dicen- ubertas, tamen: ſeribens ſubinde labeba- 
dum, nec id contingere niſt evolvendis tur in his, qu ſolent notare Critioi, &c. 


optimis Auctoribus; fed hujus opinionis Ep, 3 3 5. C, 22 | 
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172 


THE HEITF HK 


A. D. 1519. and declares, that their cenſures had not im the leaſt diminiſhed 


the eſteem and the love, which: he had for him. 

Eraſmus failed not to return him the thanks, Which his en- 
deſcenſion and civility fo: juſtly: deſetved; and often. praiſes bitn 
in letters written to other correſpondents-. Epi 443, 445, ut, 


648. In one to Jacobus Baniſius, 1 calls him virum onuu um et 


optimum et doctiſimum. Ep. in LO ee rg Sr 

Campegius acted very peudenüy, as weld — to- 
wards his learned client; and it was ho ſmalt honouvito him to 
appear in the world; and to be mm een AS! _ 
Patron of Eraſmus, 


Henry VIII had adh gane Cancpbs io to "0 alt ho 


e could for him, without loſing be Pope's favour; Campegio 
led at this time {in 1529) c very diſſolute Hife im England, 


8 Bunten and ane ul the 8 uh ind neden whores 
n * all 


1 


, ve x, when he. « ſent, Carlisle, Catdipal 8 ah i ch, Bing 
Cap to Campegius, told him ima Brief, E ale g · Vis Pod where therpepple 


which is comppſed in elegant Latin, made an image o clouts and rags, like 


and preſerved to us by Sigonius, that this a little Cardinal, and ſet it upon * * 
ſame Cap contained, in: it, according to back, which about his! necks had tied the 


the Fathers, ſundry great myſteries, — , ,Pape's letters of -Fardons. Indulgences, 


Dui (Pileus) ut te intelligere confidimus, and Seals: under, the ie. tail they 
ex Patrum Gerüst, magnum ,myſtexj- hung a. ſwine's blac der fille with pale, 
um continet. Deſignat enim, A Vir. and im that ſort they h 


Laur. Campeg. p. 38.  ' through! the ſtreets in Vienna. The 
Nothing is here, wanting, except a. Next day aſter, the Cardinal appointsd 


dozen handſome. 1 from Cyprian, a vhore ff bear him.company that night, 
Auguſtin, Jerom, &c tC +, Longuerugnq Il. II. who ſtole from bim bis Cardinal's Croſs. 


21. This Cardinal, in regard he was rich, 
There was a man, who uſed to take was by the Pope's ſon made away with 

ſingular .care of his. beard: it coſt him: poiſon. . Tauthar' 8. Colloquia - Mepſal. 

three crowns a month. Cardinal Cam- Pa 3H6o;: no 

pegius ſaid, 'By and by the: beard will) 1 Burnet I. (Gow! Fiddes.hatb-affered; 

coſt more than the ee Me. ſome remarks;in vindication iof the ma- 

nagiana I. 208. THO cr * of. rn r 
After the Diet at Augſburg v was s ended, p. 239. | 4. 


OF ERASMUS. 2" —""o 
« all the nights; and brought a baſtard of his on over ts Eng- A. D. 1519, 
« land with him, whom the King knighted: ſo that, if the King 
« ſought. his, pleaſure, it was: no ſtrange thing, ſince. he had 
« ſuch: 4 egpy ſet him by two." Legates4, who repreſenting his 
i Holineſs: fo-livelily, in their manners, it was no _ thing, 
« 15 a King had a flight ſenſa of ſuah diſorders. 
*The Duke. of Suffalk often, aſked. the Ning, How he could 
ce ſo humble; himſelf; as; to-, ſubmit; his; cauſe to. ſuch a. ve, 
ee vitious, ſtranger Prieſt, 26 Campegio was?” ren 

Campegic's, ſon is by Hall, none of his Aatterers, ſaid. to 
«. have been bonn in wedleck, i, e. before he took Orders: 
“ This. is alſo. confirmed: by. Gauricus, Genatur. 24, who! ſays, he 
« had(by his wife three ſons and tuo daughters. 

That miſtrahle Hiſtorian, that deteſtable author,, Sanders; 
e hath had the impudence to ſay, that Henry VIII knighted a 
<. baſtard ſow of Campegius. Either he knew not, or he pre- 
<. tended; not to know, that this Cardinal had been married 
«. fifteen! or twenty: pears, and had had four ons | 

Ep. 417 is to Sir Henry Guildeford, ee whom he 
Knight, p. 208. ien 

In Ep. 438 to ee e ee the piety * 3 
of: Biſhop! Ee who. had ane the amy of Corpus Chriſt 
at Oxford:. 5 
E Wand een 55 full account f De. Claymond, which 
« ſhews that he was very conſiderable; bath. as. to learning and 

722 having ſeveral 3 * 3 

© beſtowed upon him, &. 

At this time Leeibegan to give ahdu anuſcriꝑt copies of his 
Remarks, in which he had attacked the firſt edition of the Anno- 
nen. Tn: r ren Teſtament, Eraſmus, hear- 


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> Bumetd,1926: {1 - 5 Lane dn I NY 
* Fulman, Appendix to Burnet II. * Knight, p. 205« 


174 


THE LIF E 


4. D. 1 519. ing of this, ſent him a letter full of reproaches and menaces 


birth is not certain. By Eraſmus s 


which had no effect upon him to reſtrain him. Ep. 446. 
In the following letter to Hutten, Eraſmus draws the "WY 


of his friend More; deſcribing "even tho ſmalleſt particularities 


relating to his body and mind, not forgetting to mention a trick 
which he had in walking, to ſet his tight ſhoulder higher than 
his left, and that his hands were clumſy, ſxbruftice, He fays 
alſo of him, that, whilft his age permitted it, he had loved the 
girls, though not in à diſſolute ways &c. Few perſons would 
much like to be deſeribed by their friends in ſuch a manner; 


they would hardly thank them even for commendations mixed 


with ſuch ſort of raillery. However, it appears not that the 


union between More and him was ever broken in the leaſt'; and 


it is certain, that Eraſmus had no deſign to offend him. 
| Eraſmus hath made a miſtale in ſaying that Mare was i forty 
years old, \who was bory in the year 1482. Thus Le Clerc 
ee but is probably miſtaken himſelf; for More was born 
* 1480, if we may ie upon the re e u his 18 
e lite 
We have a Life of Sir T "OT More written by this Mr. More, 


who was a narrow-minded- zealot, and a very fanatic. How- 


ever, we will extract a few paſſages from it. Wood, the Anti- 
quary, ſays of this book, that it was incomparably well written: 


and the judgment is: ſuch. as een by ee e 10 man. 


Similes habent labra ladtu cas. of 3s 


„ Cranmer is ſaid to have ſolicited 3 in behalf of ns and 
<« there. is ſtill extant a letter from him to Secretary Cromwell, 


2 nn nl ER = n age Fiſher | Ke be diſpenſed 


_ » , 41 4 WV... +. 4% l Is * N - CC; with 
1. 1 $02.5 380 5 


the Ref. Vol. II. p. 416. 
t The year of Sir Thomas More's a be ; * = More b. Kit, 


* ee it was 1479, if not higher, 
Baillet II. 266. III. 39. I. oa Others ſay it was 1480; and others 


Boiſſard Icon. p. 121. P. Jovius Elog. 1484. Appendix to eren Hiſt. of 
p. 166. . Blount, p. 396. 


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OF ERASMUS. 175 
« with in the preſent caſe, and allowed to take the oath to the A. D. 1319 


« ſucceſſion only, without ſwearing to the n as they had 
both of them freely offered to do, &. 


« « When at Bruges in Flanders an avognnt: follow had ſet up 

a Theſis, that he would anſwer whatſoever queſtion could be 
« propounded to him in any art whatſoever, Sir Thomas made 
« this queſtion to be put up, for him to anſwer thereto, Whether 

« Averia capta in Withernamia ſunt irreplegiabilia; adding, that 

<« there was one of the Engliſh Embaſſador's retinue, that would 
diſpute with him thereof. This Braggadoeio, not ſo much as 

te underſtanding thoſe terms of our Common Law, knew not 
ee what to anſwer to it ; and ſo he Was made a e to 

* the whole city.” = 5 


en reported, that he who conducted Eraſtnus to England; 
60 procured that Sir Thomas More and he ſhould firſt meet toge 
« ther in London at the Lord Mayor's table, neither of them 
« knowing each other. And in the dinner-time they chanced 
« to fall into argument, Eraſmus till endeavouring to defend 
« the worſer part; but he was ſo ſharply fet upon and oppoſed 
© by: More, that, perceiving that he was now to argue with a. 
« readier wit than ever he had before met withal; he broke forth. 
— *f into theſe words, not without ſome choler, Aut tu Morus es, 
aut nullus:- whereto Sir Thomas readily replied, Aut tu es Eraſ-- 
—= * mus, aut Diabolus; becaufe at that time he was ſtrangely diſ- 
„ ouiſed; and had ſought to defend impious! propoſitions: for 
« although he was a ſingular Humaniſt, and one that could utter 
= * his mind in a moſt eloquent phraſe, yet he had- always A: 
d delight to ſcoff at religious matters, and find fault with all forts. 
= © of Clergymen. He took a felicity to ſet out ſundry Com- 
= © mentaries upon the Fathers works, cenſuring them at his plea- 
«- ſure, far whieh- cauſe he1 is termed Errans mus; becauſe he 
| T0 'wandereth: 


* 


2 Hoddeſdon Stapleton More, p. 60, 1 ! Holdekdoh, Stapleton, More, p. 82, 3144. 


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A. D. 1519. 


THE LITE 


wandereth here and there in other mens harveſts; yea, in his 
writings he is ſaid to have hatched many of thoſe eggs of 
hereſy, which the apoſtata Fryer Luther had before laid: not 


that he is to be accounted: an heretick, for he would never be 
te obſtinate in any of his opinions; yet would he irreligiouſſy 


glance at all antiquity, and find many faults with the preſent 


| ſtate of the Church. — Sir Thomas in ſucceſs of time grew leſs 


affectionate unto him, by reaſon he ſaw him Mill fraught with 


« much vanity and inconſtancy in reſpect of religion: as when 
Tindall objecteth unto Sir Thomas, that his darling Eraſmus 
had tranſlated the word Church into Congregation, and Ph 
into Elder, even as himſelf had done; Sir Thomas anſwered 


thereto, F my darling Eraſmus hath tranſlated thoſe places with 


the like wicked intent that Tindall bath done, he ſhall be no more 
my darling, but. the Devil 5 darling. Finally, „long after, having 
found in Eraſmus's works many things neceſſary to be amended, 
he counſelled him, as his friend, in ſome later book of retracta- 
tions to correct in his writing what be had unadviſedly written 


in the heat of youth. But he, that wh far ger Ken 


5,5 HE AS 


El... hes cenſured by the Church for a. bay fellow.: —_ 


of his books are condemned, and his opinions accounted erro- 
neous, though he always lived a Catholic prieſt, and hath 
written moſt ſharply, againſt all thoſe new Goſpellers, who 
now began to appear in the world; and, in a letter to * John 
Fabius Biſhop of Vienna, he faith, that he hated theſe ſeditious 
opinions, with the which at this day the world is miſerably 
ſhaken z neither doth he diſſemble, ſaith he, being ſo addicted 
to piety, that, if he incline to any part of the balance, he will 
bend rather to ſuperſtition than to impiety: by which ſpeech he 
ſeemeth in doubtful words to tax the Church with ſuperſtition, 


and the new Apoſtolical brethren with impiety.” 
. As 
He ſhould have ſald, Jehn Faber. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


Y 


As to the ſtory of the firſt converſation between Eraſmus and A. D. 4619. 


More, Sit fides penes auctores. That More exhorted Eraſmus to 


recant, may poſſibly be true; for he was at laſt bigot enough to 


be capable of giving this ſilly advice. If he did ſo, Eraſmus in 
return ſhould have adviſed him to look at home, and retract his 


own free-thinking Utopia. But there is no relying upon. ſuch 
authors as theſe, unleſs they cite chapter and verſe. 


. Luther, ſays this Wiſeacre, laid the eggs, and Eraſmus hatched 


them. The contrary was the truth, and the common ſaying 
concerning theſe two great men. As to the elegance, politeneſs, 


candour, and judiciouſneſs of his remarks, they may be ſafely 
left to the determination of every Reader of common ſenſe. 
The ſame author gives us ſome account of More's ſecond 


wife, who was homely and niggardly; and of one of his ludi- 
crous actions, which was, to employ a cut-purſe to rob a Juſtice, 


as he fat on the bench, who thought that none 0 caecleſs 
fools could be ſerved ſo. 


Knight obſerves, that More kat n to be very 


cautious, and to reviſe and amend every thing that had given or 


could give offence; and that Eraſmus would not humour his 


friend in this, or write any more againſt Luther: but here Knight 


ſeems to confound different times together; for this letter of More 
was written A. 1516, before Eraſmus had any conteſts with 


Luther: and beſides, he, who ſhall carefully peruſe it, will fee 


that the advice given in it hath the air of banter, rather than of 
ſuperſtition, and that More ſpeaks of theſe cenſurers of Erafmus 


with the utmoſt contempt. In the year 1532, which was only 


three years before his own death, he till correſponded with 


Eraſmus, ſhewing, as it appears, the fame efteem for him, 


which he Had ny entertained. In one of theſe letters, 
| A a go be 


P. 95. 5 mult : P. 337. 
> P. $6. | 4 Ep. 87. C. 1574. 


178 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1519, he © admonitheth Eraſmus very gently, not to recant or retract 


any thing, but only to condeſcend, as far as he could, to the 
infirmities of ſome honeſt and weak brethren. 


« * Sir Thomas More, who was a man celebrated for virtue 
te and learning, undertook anſwering ſome of (the Lutheran 
© books; ) but before he went about it, he would needs have 
ce the Biſhop's licence for keeping and reading them. He wrote, 
& according to the way of the age, with much bitterneſs ; and 


« though he had been no friend to the Monks, and a great 
ec declamer againſt the ignorance of the Clergy, and had been ill 
cc uſed by the Cardinal, yet he was one of the bittereſt enemies of 
the new Preachers, not without great cruelty, when he came 


© into power, _— he was otherwiſe a very Wan 
8 1 man.” 


ee In the year 1 532, More laid down his office of Clan 
ce cellor. He had carried that dignity with great temper, and loſt 


« jt with much joy. He ſaw now how far the King's deſigns 
« went: and though he was for cutting off the illegal juriſ- 


* diction which the Popes exerciſed in England, and therefore 


went chearfully along with the Sute of Præmunire; yet, when 
* he ſaw a total rupture like to follow, he excuſed himſelf, and 


retired from buſineſs with a greatneſs of mind that was equal 


to what the ancient Philoſophers pretended in ſuch caſes, 


* He alſo diſliked Anne Boleyn, and was perſecuted by her 


father, who ſtudied to faſten ſome criminal imputations on him 
& about the — . _ IRE but his integrity had 


© been 


* MaQee.igitur, mi Eraſme, virtuti- alioquin, neglectis malevolorum latra- 


bus iſtis tuis, et tantum, ſi quid inter- tibus, perge placidus juvandis ſtudiis et 
dum boni cujuſquam viri anxiam ſolici- promovendis virtutibus nihil remoratu: 
tudinem, vel abſque ſatis grandi cauſa, inſiſtere. Ep. 1223. c. 1441. 


commoveat, ne te pigeat tamen ad pios f Burnet I. 32. 
eorum affectus quædam. attemperare: 5 Burnet I. 124, 


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OF ERASMUS. 179 
e been ſuch, that nothing could be found to blemiſh his A. D. 1519. 


ec reputation.” 


c * In 1534. More and Fiſher were eminted. — This ſeverity, 
* though it was blamed by many, yet others thought it was 
© neceflary in ſo great a change. — But others obſerved the 
= «© juſtice of God, in retaliating thus upon them their own ſeve- 
e ities to others: for, as Fiſher did grievouſly proſecute the 
« preachers of Luther's doctrine, ſo More's hand had been very 
: « heavy on them, as long as he had power; and he had ſhewed 
* <« them no mercy, but the extremity of the Law, which himſelf 
e pow felt to be very heavy.— 
« The Cardinal was no great perſecutor of heretics, which was 
« generally thought to flow from his hatred of the Clergy, and 
< that he was not ill pleaſed to have them depreſſed. — But, as 
. ſoon as More came into favour, he preſſed the King much to 
= <« put the laws againſt heretics in execution, which was done 
* <« accordin gly.— | 
„There came out a book againſt the Friars, which took 
th © mightily, entitled, The ſupplication of the Beggars, &c, More 
ec was the moſt zealous champion the Clergy had; for I do not 
« find that any of them wrote much, only the Biſhop of Ro- 
ee cheſter wrote for Purgatory. So More anſwered this Suppli- 
ce cation by another, in the name of the ſouls that were in Pur- 
ce gatory; repreſenting the miſeries they were in, and the great 
1 relief they found by the Maſſes of the Friars ſaid for them, and 
brought in every man's anceſtors calling earneſtly upon him to 


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c mies. He confidently aſſerted, it Had been the doctrine of the 
ce Church for many ages, 


John Frith, who was an excellent ſcholar, wrote an anſwer 
ce to More's Supplication, and to the Biſhop of Rocheſter's book. 
“For the places in the New Teſtament, he appealed to More's 
A a 2 great 
" Burnet I. 158. may 


18⁰ 
A. D. 1519. 


THE LIF E 


« great friend Eraſmus, whoſe expoſition of theſe places f differed 


«© much from his gloſſes.— 


« Frith had written againſt the corporal preſence of Chriſt in 
« the Sacrament. — More ſet. himſelf to anſwer it in his ordinary 
« ſtyle, treating Frith with great contempt. Frith, though con- 
« fined in jail, and cruelly uſed there, and lying under all poſſible 
ce diſadvantages, drew up a reply to More, by which it may ap- 
« pear how much truth is ſtronger than error: for, though More 
« wrote with as much wit my eloquence as any man in that 


« 256 did, and Frith wrote plainly without any art; yet there is ſo 


« oreat a difference between their books, that whoſoever compares 

*. them will clearly perceive the one to be an ingenious defender 

« of a bad cauſe, and the other a ſimple aſſertor of truth, _ 
« Frith was burnt in Smithfield, and fuffered with heroic 


* conftancy. 


e James Bainham, a Gentleman of the Temple, was carrie 0 
« the Chancellor's houſe, where much pains was taken to per- 


ſuade him to difcover ſuch as he knew in the Temple, who 


« favoured the new N ; but fair means not. prevailing, 


© More made him be * whipt in his preſence, and after that 


« ſent him to the Tower, where he looked on, and faw him 
put to the rack. — He was burnt in Smithfield, and with him 


„ More's perſecution ended; for ſoon after he laid down' the 


« Great Seal, which ſet the poor Preachers at eaſe.” 
Luther, being aſked, whether Thomas More was executed 


© for the Goſpel's fake? anſwered, No, in no wife; for he was a 


© notable wn He was ö the King's chiefeſt Counſellor, a very 


i The uſe which theſe Reformers 
made of the Theological works of Eraſ- 
mus, might.perhaps contribute to leflen, 
in ſome degree, the affection of More 


towards his old friend ; for he could not 
be well pleaſed to find himſelf preſſed 
by ſuch arguments. 


4 60 learned 


k Sir Thomas More denies the truth 


of ſome accuſations of this kind, and of 


ſome cruelties laid to his charge by the 


Proteſtants. See Pref. to Rooper's Lis 


of More, p. 13. 
} Luther's Colloq. Menſal. p. 464. 


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OF ERASMUS. 181 
learned and a wiſe man. He ſhed the blood of many innocent A. D. 1519, 
Chriſtians that confeſſed the Goſpel; thofe he plagued and 
« tormented with ſtrange inftruments, like an Hangman, &.“ 
« More received the ſentence of condemnation with that 
equal temper'of mind, which he had ſhewed in both conditions 
of life, and then ſet himſelf wholly to prepare for death; which 
was fo little terrible to him, that his ordinary facetiouſneſs 
remained with him even upon the ſcaffold. It was cenſuted 
by many, as light and undecent: but others ſaid, that way 
having been ſo natural to him on all other occaſions, it was not 
at all affected; but ſhewed that death did no way diſcompoſe 
him, and could not ſo much as put him out of his ordinary 
„ humour. Yet his rallying every thing on the ſcaffold was 
c thought to have more of the Stoic than the Chriftian in it. 
1 « In his youth he had freer thoughts of things, as appears by 
„ his Utopia, and his letters to Eraſmus: but afterwards he be- 
e came fuperſtitiouſly devoted to the intereſts and paſſions of the 
e Popiſh Clergy ; and as he ſerved them when he was in autho- 
« rity, even to affift them in all their cruelties, ſo he employed 
his pen in the ſame cauſe. —More was no Divine at all; and it 
e is plain to any that reads his writings, that he knew nothing 
of Antiquity, beyond the quotations he found in the Canon- 
„Law, and in the Maſter of the Sentences: only he had read 
«. ſome of St. Auſtin's treatiſes: for, upon all points of contro- 
«© yerſy, he quotes only what he found in theſe Collections. Nor 
= *© was he at all converſant in the Critical learning upon the Scrip- 
* <* tures; but his peculiar excellency in writing was, that he had 
2 a natural eaſy expreſſion, and preſented all the opinions of 
3 e Popery with their fair fide to the Reader, diſguiſing or con- 
e cealing the black fide of them with great art; and was no leſs 
e dextrous in expoſing all the ill conſequences that would follow 
on the doctrine of the Reformers; and had upon all occaſions 
7 W 8 CG; Ha .- 5 
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THE LIFE 


© great ſtore of pleaſant tales, which he applied wittily to his 


purpoſe. And in this conſiſts the great ſtrength of his wri- 
tings, which were deſigned rather for the rabble, than for 
learned men. But for juſtice, contempt of money, humility, 
and a true generoſity of mind, he was an 2 to the age 
in which he lived.“ 

« * Queen Mary ordered all Sir Thomas More's works to be 
printed. One piece of fraud hath occurred to me. — In the 


manuſcript out of which his letters were printed, there is a 
long one concerning the Nun of Kent. It contains many 


remarkable paſſages concerning her, of the high opinion he at 
firſt had of her ; how he was led into it; and how he was 
afterwards convinced, that ſhe was a moſt falſe diſſembling 
hypocrite, &c. and that he believed ſhe had communication 
with an evil ſpirit. This letter was at that time concealed, 
but not deſtroyed, —It ſeems, it was reſolved to raiſe the credit 
of that ſtory; and ſince the Nun was believed to be both a 


martyr and a propheteſs, it is like ſhe might have been eaſily 


gotten to be canonized; and therefore ſo great a teſtimony 
from ſuch a man was not thought fit to be left i in her way. 
The letter I have put into the Collections. 

<« * Thoſe of the Church of Rome look upon More as one of 
their glories, the champion of their cauſe, and their Martyr. 
»The firſt Edition of his Uropia, that I could ever ſee, was 
at Baſil in 1518: for he wrote it in 1516. He compoſed 
that book probably before he had heard of Luther; the 


Wicklevites and the Lollards being the only heretics then 


known in England. In that ſhort but extraordinary book, he 
gave his mind full ſcope, and conſidered mankind and religion 
with a freedom which became a true Philoſopher. By many 
hints it is very eaſy to collect what his thoughts were of religion, 


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OF ERASMUS. 183 
& of the Conſtitutions of the Church, and of the Clergy at that A. D. 1519, 
« time. And therefore though an obſerving Reader will find 
« theſe in his way, yet having read it with great attention, when 


I tranſlated it into Engliſh, I will lay together ſuch paſſages, 
as give clear indications of the ſenſe he had then of thoſe 


ce matters. 

e Page the 21ſt, when he cenſures the incloſi ing of grounds, 

« he ranks thoſe Holy men t the Abbots amongſt thoſe, who thought 

« if not enough to live at their own eaſe, and to do no good to the 

« public, but ręſolved to do it hurt inflead of good : which ſhews, 

«. that he called them holy men in deriſion. This is yet more 
« fully ſet forth p. 37, where he brings in Cardinal Morton's: 
“ Jeſter's advice, to ſend all the beggars to the Benedictins to be 
« lay- brothers, and all the female beggars to be Nuns, reckoning 

« the Friars as vagabonds, that ought to be taken up and reſtrain- 
« ed: and the diſcourſe that follows for two or three pages gives 
« (ſuch a ridiculous view of the want of breeding, of the folly and 

« j]]-nature of the Friars, that they have taken care to ſtrike it out 
« of the later impreſſions. But as I did à find it in the impreſſion 

which. I tranſlated, fo I have copied it all from the firſt edition, 
„ and have put in the Collection, Ne. 10, that which the In- 
e quiſitors have left out. From thence it is plain, what opinion 
1 he had of thoſe, who were the moſt eminent Divines, 

e and the moſt famed Preachers at that time. This is yet 
ny «© plainer p· 56, in which he taxes the Preachers of that age for 
e corrupting the Chriſtian doctrine, and practiſing upon it: for 
8 they, obſerving that the world did not ſuit their lives to the rules: 
| that Chriſt has given, have fitted his doctrine, as if it had been a- 
= * laden rule, lo tbeir lives, that ſome way or other they might agree 
_ < with one another. And he does not ſoften this ſevere cenſure, 
. 2 “ as if it had been only the fault of a few, but lets it go on 

_ © them all without any diſcrimination or limitation, 

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A. D. 1719. 


looks like reſpect; but he means it all ironically: for he, who 


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THE LIFE 


againſt which he tells us in his laſt chapter bow carefully 
the Utopians had provided: but it appears there what juſt 
eſteem he paid to men of that character, when they anſwered 
the dignity of their profeſſion : for, as he contracts the number 
of the Prieſts in Utopia, p. 186, ſo he exalts their dignity as 


high as ſo noble a function could deſerve. Yet he repreſents 
the Utopians as allowing them to marry, p. 1143 and, p. 130, 


he exalts @ folid virtue much above all rigorous ſeverities, which 
Were the moſt admired expreſſions of piety and devotion in 
that age. He gives a perfect ſcheme of Religious men, fo 


much beyond the Monaſtic Orders, that it ſhews he was no 


admirer of them. 


« P. 152, he commends the Europeans for obſerving their 
leagues and treaties ſo religiouſly ; and aſcribes that to the 
e good examples that Popes ſet other Princes, and to the ſeverity 


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with which they proſecuted ſuch as were perfidious. This 


two falſeft and moſt perfidious perſons of the age, could not 
ſay this, but in the way of ſatyr. So that he ſecretly accuſes 


were induced by Diſpenſations from Rome. P. 192, his put- 


ting images out of the Churches of the Utoprans gives no obſcure 
hint of his opinion in that matter. The opinion, p. 175, 


Priefts amongſt thoſe who inſtructed them) were inclined to 
chuſe Prieſts that ſhould officiate amongſt them, fince they 
not have any that were regularly ordained; adding, that 
they al reſolved to do it; this ſhews that in cafes of 
neceſſity he had a largeneſs of thought far from being engaged 


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firſt converts to Chriſtianity in Utopia, who (there being no 


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OF ERASMUS. 


185 


blindfold into the humours and intereſts of the Prieſts at that A. D. 1519. 


time; to whom this muſt have appeared one of the moſt 
dangerous of all hereſies. And whereas perſecution and cruelty 


ſeem to be the indelible characters of Popery; he, as he gives 


us the character of the religion of the r that bey offered 


not divine honours to any but to God alone, p. 173; ſo he makes 
it one of their maxims, that no man ws fo be puniſhed fer bis 
religion: the utmoſt ſeverity practiſed among them being 
baniſhment; and that, not for diſparaging their religion, but 
for inflaming the people to ſedition : a law being made among 


them, that Every,man might be of what religion he pleaſed, p. 191. 


And though there were many different forms of religion 
among them, yet they all agreed in the main point of wor- 


ſhipping the Divine Eſſence; fo that there was nothing in 


their temples, in which the ſeveral rh among hem 


might not agree. 


The ſeveral ſects performed the rites that were peculiar to 


them in their private houſes ; nor was there any thing in their 


public worſhip, that contradicted the particular ways of the 
ſeveral ſects: by all which he carried not only Toleratien, but 
even Comprehenſion, further than the moſt moderate. of our Di- 
vines have ever pretended to do, It is true, he repreſents all 


this in a Fable of his Utopians: but this was a ſcene dreſſed up 


by himſelf, in which he was fully at liberty to frame every 
thing at pleaſure, So here we find in this a ſcheme of ſome of 


the moſt eſſential parts of- the Reformation, He propoſes no 


ſubjection of their Prieſts to any Head; he makes them to be 


choſen by the people, and conſecrated by the College of 


Prieſts; and he gives them no other authority, but that of ex- 
«, cluding men that were deſperately wicked from joining in their 
worſhip, which was ſhort and ſimple: and though every man 
was ſuffered to bring over others to his perſuaſion, yet he was 
"ms to do it by amicable and modeſt ways, and not to mix 
B b « with 


186 


A. D. 1519. 


He was not governed by intereſt; nor did be aſpire fo to 
preferment, as to ſtick at nothing that might contribute to 
raiſe him; nor was he ſubje& to the vanities of popularity. 


THE LIFE 


with theſe either reproaches or violence; ſuch as did arid 
were to be condemned to baniſhment or flavery.. 


“ Theſe were his firſt and cooleſt thoughts; and probably, if he 
had died at that time, he would have been reckoned amongſt 
* thoſe, who, though they lived in the communion. of the 


Church of Rome, yet ſaw what were the errors and corrup- 


tions of that Body, and only wanted fit opportunities of deela- 
ring themſelves more openly f for a Reformation. Theſe things 


were not written by him in the heat of youth ; he was | 


thirty-four years of age, and was at that time employed together 
with Tonſtall in ſettling ſome matters of ſtate with the then 
Prince Charles; ſo that he was far advanced at that time, and 
knew the world well. It is not eaſy to account for the great 
change, that we find afterwards he was wrought up to. He 
not only ſet himſelf to oppole the Reformation i in many treatiſes, 
that, put together, make a great volume; but, when he was 
raiſed up to the chief poſt in the miniſtry, he became a perſe- 
cutor even to blood, 1 defiled thoſe hands, which were 
neyer polluted with bribes, by acting in his own perſon ſome 
of thoſe oruelties, to which he was, no doubt, puſhed on by 


the bloody Clergy of that Age and Church. 


The integrity of his whole life, and the ſeverity of his morals, 


cover him from all theſe ſuſpicions. If he had been formerly 


corrupted by a ſuperſtitious education, it had been no extra- 
ordinary thing to fee fe good a man grow to be miſled by 


the force of prejudice. But bow a man, who had emancipated 
himſelf, and had got into a ſcheme of free thoughts, could be 
ſo entirely changed, cannot be eaſily apprehended ; nor how 
he came to muffle up his underſtandipg, and deliver himſelf up 

as a Property to the blind and nn fury of the Prieſts. It 


© cannot 
2 


ICS 


OF ERASMUS. 


except Fiſhet's being too much concerned in the buſineſs of 


= Nun of Kent, which was without doubt managed with * 


deſign to raiſe a rebellion in the nation, I do not find any other 
thing that can be laid to his charge; and it does not appear 


that More gave any credit or countenance to that matter. Vet 


I have ſeen that often affirmed. 
« * More was the glory of the age, and his ae way 
the King's honour, more than his own, who was a true 


_ Chriſtian! Philoſopher. He thought the eauſe of the King's 
divorce was juſt, and as long as it was proſecuted: at the Court 
of Rome, ſo long he favoured it: but when he ſaw that a 
breach with. that Court was like to follow, he left the great 


poſt he was in, with a ſuperior greatneſs of mind. It was a 
fall great enough to retire from that into a private ſtate of life ; 
but the carrying matters ſo far againſt him as the King did, 
was one of the juſteſt reproaches of that reign, More's ſuper- 


ſtition ſeems indeed contemptible ; but the conſtaticy of his 


mind was truly wonderful.” 
It is remarked by Atterbury, that More in his anſwer to 


Luther forgot himſelf ſo, as to throw out the greateſt heap of 
naſty. language that perhaps ever was put together; and that 


the book throughout 1 is nothing but downright ribaldry, with- 


out a gran of: reaſon. to * it, and gave the author no 
„ F c other 


Burnet III. 1. Fir Tho, Mone ab always diſapproving 


»Burnet III. 172. | the Divorce. 


: Rooper and More have repreſented u Pref, to Rooper's Life of More, p. 8. 


187 


cannot indeed be accounted for, but by charging it on the in- A. D. 1519. 
toxicating chatms of that religion, that can darken the cleareſt 
underſtandinigs, and corrupt the beſt natures.” And fince they 
wrought this effect upon Sir Thomas More, I cannot but con- 
clude, that i theſe things were _” in the nin * bat er 
be done in the dry? 

There are heavy things OY on More ah Filler: but, 


188 


A.D. 1519. 


«c 


THE LIFE 


other reputation, but that of having the beſt knack of. any 


man in Europe at calling bad names in good Latin, &c. The 


like cenſure do his Engliſh tracts * Tindal, Darn, Kc. 


deſerve.” 


More, in his younger days, had ovrred the diſpleaſure of 


Henry VII, who wanted to ruin him. 


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« * Hereupon it fortuned, that Sir T homas More coming in a 


ſuite to Fox, Biſhop of Wincheſter, the Biſhop called him 
aſide, and pretended great favour towards him, and promiſed, 
that, if he would be ruled by him, he would not fail but bring 
him into the King's favour again; meaning, as it afterward 
appeared, to cauſe him thereby to confeſs his offence againſt 
the King, whereby his Highneſs might with the better colour 
have occaſion to revenge his diſpleaſure againſt him. But, 
when he came from the Biſhop, he fell in communication with 
Whitford, his familiar friend, then Chaplain to that Biſhop, 
and ſhewed him what the Biſhop had faid to him, defiring to 
hear his advice therein, who prayed him in no wiſe to follow 
his counſel : for my Lord, quoth he, to ſerve the King's turn, 


will not ſtick to agree to his own father's death. So Sir Tho- 


mas More returned to the Biſhop no more; and had not the 


| King ſoon after died, he was determined to have gone over 


ſea, thinking that he could not hve in England without great 
danger.” 


« 7 King Henry VIII, on a time, came unlooked for to More's 
houſe at Chelſea, and dined with him, and after dinner walked 
with him 1n his garden by the ſpace of an hour, holding his 


the King had ſo familiarly entertained, as I had never ſeen 
him do to any other, except Cardinal Wolſey. I thank our 
Lord, ſon, quoth he, I find his Grace my very good Lord 


| « indeed, 
Y Rooper, p. 40. 


arm about his neck. As ſoon as he was gone, I, rejoycing 
thereat, ſaid to Sir Thomas More, How happy he was whom 


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OF ERASMUS. 


189 


« indeed, and I believe he doth as ſingularly favour me as any K. D. 1519. 


4e ſubject within this realm. Howbeit, ſon Rooper, J may tell 
« thee, I have no cauſe to be proud thereof; for if my head 
« would win him a caſtle in France, it ſhould not fail to go.“ 


« His jeſts were thought to have in them more levity, than 
c to be taken every where for. current. He might have quitted 


6 his dignity, without uſing ſuch faces; and betaken himſelf 
& to a more retired and quiet life, without Cy his JURY and 


te himſelf contemptible.“ e 
« * The oath for maintaining the ſuceeſſion was, it ſeems, 


c required to be taken by all men and women throughout the 
ce realm. Mr. Juſtice Raſtall obſerves, that Mrs. Margaret Rooper 
& took it with this exception, as far as it would ſtand with the 


« Law of God. And it is ſaid of Harry Patenſon, Sir Thomas 


« More's Fool, that, meeting one day one of Mr. Rooper's ſer- 


« vants, he aſked where Sir Thomas was, and being told that he 
« was ſtill-in the Tower, he grew very angry, and ſaid, Why, what 
ec aileth him that he will not ſwear ?* Wherefore ſhould: he ſtick 
* to ſwear? I have ſworn the oath myſelf.” 


Eraſmus hath * ſaid of More, in one place, that he was rather 


fuperttitious than irreligious; and in another place, that he was 
extremely remote from all ſuperſtition, The truth is, that in 


his youth he was free from that bigotry, which grew upon him in 


proceſs of time. 
He was charitable to the poor; he deſpiſed riches; and though 


he had opportunities, he had no inclination to lay wp for himſelf 


treaſures upon earth. 


His 


> Land Hine.” l pietati, ut ſi in alteru- 


2 More's Engliſh Yorks, Rooper, tram partem aliquantulum inclinet mo- 


p. 80. Not. mentum, ſuperſtitioni quam impietati 


b The contrivers of this Law, ee vicinior eſſe videatur. 
they compelled all the females to {wear to Vere. pietatis non indiligens cultor eſt,. 


| the Succeſſion, ſhould have given them etiamſi ab omni ſuperſtitione alieniſſia- 


leave at the ſame time to exerciſe all mus. Ep. 447. 
offices Civil, Military, Eccleſiaſtical, &c, 


3 


190 THE LITE 1 
A. D. 1519. His ſon, John More, was one of the Hercum fb, who are 
ſeldom equal to their fathers. | The firſt wife of Sir Thomas 
More, having had ſeveral daughters, and no fon, uſed to pray 
moſt earneſtly for a male; and More afterwards told her, Vie, 
you have prayed fo long for a boy, that I feur be' will be a boy as 
bong as he lives. John's hiſtory, like that of an antediluvian Pa- 
triarch, is, that he was ſon of Thomas; and when he was eighteen 
years of age, he married Anne Criſacre, aged fourteen; and he 
begat five ſons; and all the * that John lived were —— RR, 11 
and he died. : 
More entirely forfeited the favour of os Banu abroad, 
| by his ſeverity towards their Engliſh brethren. He even makes = 
his * boaſts, in a kind of Epitaph, that he had been an enemy fe 1 = 
to Heretics, and * juſtifies it afterwards in an Epiſtle to Eraſmus. 
In his Utopia he hath declared himſelf fully and freely againſt 
putting thieves to death. He would have them confined to /hard 
labour, and made ſlaves for a certain number of years, and kindly 
uſed all that time, if they behaved themſelves well. Eraſmus 
was in the ſame charitable and reaſonable way of thinking. 
More had, if ever man had, what is called verſatile ingeninm, 
and was capable of excelling in any way to which he would apply 
himſelf. He was no bad poet; and might have been a better, if 
he had paid more aſſiduous court to the Muſes. bett 
His tranſlation of ſome Dialogues of Lucian is dedicated to 
Ruthal, of whom we have already ſpoken. In this dedication he 
derides the Monkiſh miracles, and the lying Legends of the Saints. 
He, oh Hlis 
Lord Bacon. Knight, p. 344. genus odi, ut illis, niſi reſipiſcant, tam 
Rooper, p. 179. | _  inviſus eſſe velim, quam cui maxime, 
e dleidan L. IX. quippe quos indies magts ac magis ex- 
f furibus, homicidis, hæreticiſ- perior tales, ut mundo ab illis vehemen- 
que 8 Ep. F123 | ter metuam. Ep. 466. c. 1856. 
e Quod in Epitaphio profiteor hære- l L. I. p. 13, &c. Ed. Baſ. 


ticis me fuiſſe moleſtum, hoc ambitioſe * Tom, V. C. ye 
feci, Nam omnino fic illud hominum 


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O F ERASMUS. 
His Utopia is addreſſed by Eraſmus to John Froben. Then 


1 follows a letter of Budæus in commendation of that ingenious 


work, a letter of Petrus Ægidius to Hieron. Buſlidius, and a let- 


ter of Buſlidius to More on the ſame occaſion. 


* His Epigrams are recommended by Beatus Rhenanus to Bili- 
baldus Pirckheimerus; and Rhenanus in this Epiſtle tells a good 
ſtory of ſome profound Critics, who, willing to detract from the 
reputation of More, obſerved, that his Utopia was not of his o. 
making, and that he had only performed the office of a mere 


ſecretary and ſcribe to one Hythlodzus, the principal ſpeaker in the 
Utopia, and to whom eren the ert credit of ao! yore 
formance was due. 

83 compoſed a poem upon the coronation of Henry VII, 


which is a genteel compliment to that Prince and to his Queen, 
and a moft ſevere ſatire upon the reign of his avaricious and 


rapaclous father. He concludes the Dedication of it with theſe 


emphatical words: Yak, Princeps ker of 0 gut novus ac 
rarus regum titulus of ) amatiſſime. 


| Amongſt his poems there is a ludicrous one upon a poor 


Monk, whom he feigns to have been thrown overboard by che | 
ſailors in a tempeſt, and fo to have ſaved the ſhip; there are 


ſome to Hieron. Buftidins, who is alſo mach commended in the 


Epiſtles of Eraſmus ; three in praiſe of the New Teſtament of 
Eraſmus ;' ſeveral againſt Brixius ; and one upon a lady, with 
whom he had been deeply in love in the days of his youth ; 
and this is the moſt pathetic and elegant of his poetical perform- 


ances, The reaſon is obvious: : his hand was b t to his 


F. Mori — BaGl, A. 15869. See a * of lik wy 
in. Rooper, p. 174. 5 


Dicta probant, rapjuntque virum, ſimul in mare torquent, 
Et lintrem levius quam prius iſſe ferunt, 414 


Huetius 


192 


A. D. 1519. 


if 


THE LIFE 
Huetius ® ſpeaks very favourably of his tranſlations. 
Ovid hath two lines which characterize More, and ſuit him as 
ey: were made for him. They are upon Hercules: 


Cepifti meli us, quam definis : : ultima primis . 
Cedunt : di ne hic vir, ef ille 9 1 
e IX. 2 3. 


ce More ſhewed his great Il for aching 4 in a letter which 


- 
* 


be wrote, whilſt he was in the neighbuurhood of Oxford, to 


that Univerſity, in order to perſuade the diſcouragement of a 


certain ſet of giddy; and ignorant young men amongſt them, 
who, that they might better oppoſe what they called the new 


learning, or the Greek tongue, now beginning to be cultivated 
at Oxford, had bandied together in a body, calling themſelves 
Trojans, and ſo were to wage war with theſe Grecians, It 


appears by bis account of the combuſtions raiſed by theſe 


Frantics, that much miſchief was done to learning, and would 
in the conſequence be the ruin of the Univerſity, unleſs timely 


prevented. — His indignation was, raifed by hearing that one of 


this clan had been ſo impudent as to attack the Greeks in the 


| Univerſity pulpit, in; the time of Lent. - He hoped that for their 


own credit they would ſuppreſs theſe illiterate fools and mad- 
men. To raiſe an emulation, he mentions, after he had paſſed 
a high compliment upon Oxford, the different treatment which 


the ſtudy of Greek had, met with in Cambridge: there, ſays 
he, they who could not bring themſelves to take the pains to 


learn 


= Pauca ſane, fed ex quibus de ſingu- Qui utramvis recte norit, * noverit. 
lari ipſius induſtria exiſtimari poſſit, con- De Clar. Interp. p. 234. 
vertit Thomas Morus, plane optimis n See Fiddes's Life of Wolſey, p. 215. 


interpretibus æquiparandus: ad tenue o A copy of this and of o her letters 
limata et nativa oratio, non inflata, non of More hath been communicated to me 


corrupta, quæcumque vult, facile com- by my friend Dr. Green, Dean of Lin- 


plectens, Græcæ vero tam exacta æqui- coln, which will perhaps be Inſerted 1 in 


libritate reſpondens, ut, the Appendix. 


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193 


learn it, did however pay ſomething for the encouragement A. PD. 1519. 


of thoſe who did. There are many other things in this Epiſtle 


that deſerve notice, which may be ſeen at the end of Roper's 


Life of More, publiſhed by Hearne at Oxford 25 now very | 
ſcarce and rare.“ - Knight, p. . 


< More's Utopia was tranſlated into French, or rather para- 


phraſed in a burleſque ſtyle, by one Nag ee A. 7 


Sam. Sorbiere had tranſlated it before, A. 1 643. 

< The Utopia is a moſt uſeful book, and it were Aach to be 
wiſhed that Princes and other great men would read it, and 
meditate upon it, and make a right uſe of the profitable leſſons 
which it contains. Raphael Hythlodæus, who is the traveller, 


and the relater of the laws, manners, and cuſtoms of the Utopian 


or Non-ex:fiing. Republic, is More himſelf, who erecting a 
Kingdom in a new) World, which no man had ſeen or would 


ſee, obliquely cenſures the faults and defects in the old one. In 


the firſt book are ſome beautiful and ſtriking paſſages, ſerving 
to excite the attention of the Reader, and to give him an im- 


patient deſire to know what Hythlodæus had ſeen in his voyages. 


Petrus Ægidius and More, who are his auditors, are ſo pleaſed I 


with his diſcourſes, that they adviſe him to enter into the 
ſervice of ſome King, whom he may greatly aſſiſt by his whole- 
ſome inſtructions. ' But Hythlodæus cannot reliſh the propoſal { 
and obſerves, that, in the councils of Princes, | good e 
proves good for nothing, becauſe the Maſter never conſults his 
ſervants with any other view than to gratify his own paſſions. 
More had experienced enough of this already under Henry VIII, 


and afterwards. experienced it ſtill farther, His refuſal o 
humour the caprice of his Maſter coſt him no leſs than his life. 
There is in this book a remarkable paſſage, wherein he deſcribes 
the views and defigns of France in his days — 


= The ſecond book delineates the Republic of Utopia, in 


| which all is not practicable, or indeed, eligible and com- 


2 a | 
. C Cc. F mendable. 


194 


AD. 9 © 


E 


46 


THE LIF E 


mendable. Yet we may ſay, with More, that in the Utopian 


<« conſtitution there are many things rather to be wiſhed than 
« hoped for in the European States, which, would be happier, 


5 


* 


in their preſent condition. 


men, John Clerk. 


upon the whole, in following the Utopian plan, than they are 
Le Clerc Bibl. A. & M. VII. 210. 
Eraſmus, Ep. 447, mentions, * other learned Engliſh- 


« ? Clerk was of Oxford, and afterwards travelled into foreign 
S countries, and in Italy became acquainted with Richard Pace. 


o 


„ 


0 


aA 


* 


A 


«© good men.“ 


Ep. 439 is to ? Tranquillus Parthenius Dalmata, who is called 
Tranquillus Andronicus by Jovius and others. 


His accompliſhments procured him the favour of the Duke of 

Norfolk, to whom he was made Secretary. He wrote ſome 
books. Wood ſays, that, being clapped up priſoner in the Tower, 
(the cauſe is not mentioned) be did, to avoid public ſhame, hang 
himſelf in his chamber with his girdle, in 1552. Fox ſpeaks of 
him, as of one who had been an enemy to the Goſpel, and to 


Eraſmus dedicated this year to Pucci, who was called, Cardinal 
2yatuor Sanctorum, an edition of Cy prian, the firſt tolerable edition 
of the works of this Father. Ep. 448. 

Afterwards he wrote a long letter to * James Hochſtrat, in 
which, though he keeps within the bounds of civility, he cen- 


v Knight, p. 220. | 

4 Bayle ANDRONICUus (TRAN- 
QUILLUS.) 

Du Pin. XIV. 11. Val. Andrez 


Bibl. Belg. p. 424. Miræi Elog. Belg. 


p. 60. Bayle Hochs rTRAT, and T. IV. 
p. 3106. Rem, Crit. 

Hochſtratus, Halæ Saxonum, Hut- 
teno obviam cum factus eſſet, equo de- 
ſiliens Huttenus improbo homini gladi- 


um intentaſſe dicitur, vindictam ſcelerum 


ſures this Dominican freely enough for the outrageous and un- 


chriſtian 


ab eo petiturus: quo facto Hochſtratum 


in genua proſtratum rogaviſſe eum ferunt, 
ſi quid interceſſerit inimicitiarum, id cala- 
mo potius, quam enſe proſequeretur, ho- 


mini jam imbelli parceret. Sic placa- 
tum Huttenum ac miſertum, non ad- 


flixiſſe quidem eum, ſed gladio tantum 
obliquo aliquoties verberaſſe. Ex Caſp. 
Barthio ſe audiviſſe iſta Jac. Thomaſius 
confirmavit. Burckhard Comm. de Vit. 
Hutten. p. 177. 


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without naming him. 
wiſhed, that divorces, and a liberty of marrying again, could be 


OF ERASMUS. 
chriſtian manner, in which he had written againſt Reuchlin and 
his aſſociates. It ſeems, a Suffragan to the Archbiſhop of Cologn 
had repreſented Hochſtrat to Eraſmus as a man who was capable 


of hearing reaſon, and of ſubmitting to good advice; but in this 


he was much miſtaken : ſuch brutiſh and violent men are only 


the more pertinacious for being told of their faults. Hochſtrat 


had alſo attacked a paſſage in the Annotations of Eraſmus, but 
Eraſmus had ſaid, that it were to be 


granted to perſons, who were moſt unſuitably and unhappily 


coupled together, and who would probably lead a diſſolute life, 


to the ruin of their ſouls, if they were not releaſed from each 


other: but he had not ſaid, that the Church was obliged to grant 


ſuch divorces; and he had declared, that he ſubmitted his own 
judgment to that of the Church. The Dominican had declaimed 


violently againſt this poſition, and had ſet it in the moſt odious 
Almoſt all the enemies of Eraſmus 
took hold on this opinion of his, and abuſed him for it. Ep. 452. 

He alſo poured out his complaints to Leo, of the calumniators 
who were eternally railing at the New Teſtament, which he had 


light, as Eraſmus obſerves, 


dedicated to this Pontiff, and begs of him to interpoſe his autho- 
rity, and to command them to be * quiet, But, whatſoever 


2 Eraſmus 


t Proinde mihi videtur T. S. rem rum ſtudioſos maledicere, ſed ſuam quiſ- 


factura Chriſto longe gratiſſimam, ſi con- 
tentionibus hujuſmodi ſilentium indixerit, 
atque id præſtet in orbe toto Chriſtiano, 


quod Henricus et Franciſcus in ſuis uter- 
que regnis præſtitere. Tua pietas ſum- 


mos reges redigit in concordiam: ſuper- 


eſt, ut per eandem et ſtudiis ſua redda- 


tur tranquillitas. Id fiet, ſi tuo juſſu 
homines, qui loqui non poſſunt, deſinant 
obgannire politioribus literis, et ad bene- 


dicendum elingues, deſinant in lingua- 


que profeſhonem graviter tueatur citra 
contumeliam alienæ. Ita, fiet ut gravi- 
ores illæ, quas vocant, Facultates, Theo- 
logia, Juriſprudentia, Philoſophia, Me- 
dicina, harum literarum acceſſione non 
mediocriter adjuventur. Sine ut hoc 
quoque beneficium debeant bone literæ, 
quæ jam, beatitudini tuæ nihil non de- 
bent, quam in multam ætatem religioni 


ſuæ inſtaurande propagandæque tueatur 


Chriſtus Opt. Max. Ep. 453. 


196 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1519. Eraſmus might think of it, it was really beyond the power of Leo 


to publiſh his * 


opus adverſus Averroem angered 2 


to ſilence ſuch people; and one of the Popes judged not amiſs, 


when he declared, that he thought it ſafer to quarrel with a 


Prince, than with a Frier. This Epiſtle Dedicatory is written 
with great ſpirit and elegance. 


He publiſhed Cicero's Offices, together with his books of Old 


age, of Friendſhip, and of Paradoxes, and dedicated them to Jac. 
Tutor, with whom he had formerly contracted an acquaintance at 
Orleans, and with whom he was very intimate, as it appears from 
ſeveral of his letters. Ep. 457. 

In a letter to Ambroſius Leo, a phyſician, he exhorts him 
book againſt Averroes * : but he had forgotten 
that Leo had already publiſhed that work, and had told him fo. 
He fays of himſelf, ” that he was fifty-two, or at the moſt fifty- 
three years old, and grown grey as a badger ; and makes men- 
tion of his old friend * Aldus Manutius, who died A. 1515. He 
alſo ſpeaks of * Petrus Alcyonius, as of a learned man, whom Leo 


8 Atque utinam prodiſſet i ingens illud | 
aſſequutus, totus ferme canus. Aldus 


Tels KATLEaTI. in familiaribus colloqulis non fine volup- 


fim. Nam ipſe præcurrentem te ſum 


* Bayle AvERRoEs, Not. H. 


Quo minus exſpectatæ venerunt tuæ 


literæ, Ambroſi doctiſſime, hoc mihi 


plus voluptatis attulerunt. Sic enim 


mihi totam illam noſtræ conſuetudinis 
memoriam renovarunt, ut eas legens 


apud Venetos mihi viderer agere, vete- 
res amicos tueri coram et amplecti, 
Aldum, Baptiſtam Egnatium, Hierony- 
mum Aleandrum, M. Muſurum, te cum 
primis amicorum omnium ſuaviſſimum. 
Agnoſco lepidiſſinos mores tuos in 


Epiſtola tua, quæ tota jocis ac ſalibus 


ſcatet. — Fac valetudinem tuam tueare 


diligenter, quo et diu proſis optimis ſtu- 


diis, et multis annis ſenex ſene frui poſ- 


tate ſolitus eſt imitari ſenis decrepiti bal- 


butiem, qua olim putaret futurum, ut 


alter alterum conſalutaremus: Quomodo 
vales, inquit, domine Eraſme? deinde 
voce æque balba, ſed exiliore, me vide- 
licet agens, reſpondebat: 
valeo. 


Si vales, ego 
Hæc jucunde quidem ſomniabat, 
- ſed fidem non præſtitit. Reliquit nos 
ante balbam illam ætatem: etiamſi me 


multo grandior erat Aldus, annis, ni 
nam ipſe 


fallor, plus minus viginti : 
nunc annum ane e ſecundum, 
aut ad ſummum tertium ago. 

z Maittaire II. 37, &c. 

* Bayle ALCYON1Us, P. Jovius Elog. 
p. 205. Maittaire I. 293. 


1 


LAS 


OF ERASMUS. 


had recommended to him for a friend; and he extols Linacer. A. D. 1519. 


Ep. 324, 400. 

Joannes Slechta, a Bohemian, wrote a long letter to Eraſmus, 
wherein he gave him a particular account of three religious ſects, 
or parties, in Bohemia. The firſt conſiſted of thoſe, who ad- 
hered in all things to the Pope: the ſecond adminiſtered the 
Sacrament of the Lord's Supper in both kinds, and performed 
divine ſervice in the vulgar tongue, but in other reſpects followed 
the ſentiments and the ceremonies of the Church of Rome: the 
third was the ſect of the * Pyghards, as they were called, of whom 
Ziſca had been chief, and who abhorred the Prieſts and the 
Monks, and rejected many doctrines of Popery, and nearly reſem- 
bled moſt of the preſent Proteſtants. Slechta inveighs againſt theſe, 
but is much inclined to favour the ſecond ſect. Ep. 463. 
Eraſmus replied, that it were to be wiſhed that this Trinity 
were reduced to an Unity, and paid due reſpect and obedience to 
his Holineſs the Pope. He fays, that the Bohemians were in the 
wrong for affecting ſingularity in the holy Communion, (namely, 
for receiving it in both kinds) and that although their opinion 
were probable, yet he would have adviſed them to conform to 
the common practice. However, ſays he, to ſpeak ingenuouſly, 
I marvel how Chriſtians ever came to change the inſtitution of 
| Jeſus Chriſt himſelf, ſince the reaſons given for ſuch a Change 
ſeem to be of no great weight, 


He cenſures the Pyghards very warmly ; and yet, like them, 
he exclaims againſt the multitude of holy-days, as being an 
heavy impoſition on poor people, who, whilſt they were hindered 
from working upon thoſe days, were in reality hindered from 

carning their bread. Then, ſpeaking of the remedies which 
might be applied to heal theſe ſchiſms, he ſays, that there ſhould 
be 


b Others call them Picard, and LVIII. Sleidan L. III. p. 68. Bayle 
Waldenſes, See Seckendoit Supplem. Picarps, 


re THE /VITE 
; A. D. 1519. be ſome relaxation of ceremonies, and of modern deciſions, and 
proceeds thus: 
One thing, i in my opinion, might reconcile many perſons to 
| the Roman Church, and that is, not to decide ſo dogmatically 
upon ſo many ſpeculative points, and to make them Articles of 
faith, but only to require an aſſent to thoſe doctrines, which are 
manifeſtly laid down in the Holy Scriptures, and which are neceſ- 
ſary to ſalvation. TuRSE ARE FEW ; and it is eaſier to perſuade 
men of a few articles, than of a vaſt number. Now, out of one 
Article we make an hundred; of which ſome are ſuch, that a 
man might either doubt of them, or have no notion about them, 
without endangering his ſoul and his religion. But ſuch is the 
nature of men, that what they have once dogmatically decided, | 
they will obſtinately maintain. 1 
Now Chriſtian Philoſophy, or T theology, may be fairly reduced 
to this ; that we ought to place our whole truſt in Almighty God, 
who graciouſly gives us all things by his Son Jeſus Chriſt ; that 
we are redeemed by the death of this Son of God, to whoſe body 
we are united by baptiſm, that, being dead to worldly luſts, we 
may live conformably to his precepts and example, not only doing 
no harm to any, but doing good to all; that, when adverſity be- 
falls us, we patiently ſubmit to it, in hopes of a future recon- 
pence at the coming of the Lord; that we make a daily progreſs 
in virtue, aſcribing nothing to ourſelves, but all to God. Theſe 
things are to be preſſed and inculcated, till good habits are formed 
in the heart. If there be perſons of a ſpeculative genius, who 
want to ſearch into abſtruſer points concerning the divine nature, 
or the perſon of Jeſus Chriſt, or the Sacraments, with a view to 
improve their underſtanding, and to raiſe their minds and affefti- : 
ons above earthly things, be it permitted to them; provided 
always that their Chriſtian brethren be not compelled to believe 
every thing, that this or that teacher thinks to be true. As 
bonds, deeds, covenants, obligations, indentures, expreſſed in a 
multitude 


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OF ERASMUS. —_ 199 


multitude of words, afford matter for law-ſuits ; ſo, in religion, A. D. 1519. 
a profuſion of determinations, decrees, and deciſions,  begets 


| 4 controverſies. 


For theſe words Eraſmus hath been called F ree-thinker, Lati- 
tudinarian, Arian, Infidel, Heretic, and what not, by the Diſciples 
of Saint Ignatius, and other Prieſts of the Church of Rome; 
and true it is, that this Eraſmic Creed differs not a little Om 
the Creed of Pope Pius. 

If Chriſtianity had been propoſed to the poor Pyghards in this 
honeſt and ſimple manner, and no heavier yoke laid upon their 
ſhoulders, they would never have ſeparated themſelves from the 
Church of Rome; they would have ſubſcribed moſt willingly to 
each of theſe Articles of Faith. But an infinite number of Dog 
mata, and thoſe even as abſolutely neceſſary to ſalvation, were 


obtruded upon them, none of which exiſted in the holy Scrip- 
tures; and they were inhumanly perſecuted, tormented, and. 


murdered, if ever they were caught 1 in places where Eccleſiaſtics 


bare rule. 


If, inſtead of Leo X, Eraſmus I had filled the Papal Chair, he 
might perhaps have converted theſe people, and prevented all the 
fad diſorders which enſued: but then we muſt alſo ſuppoſe, 
that, being raiſed to ſo exalted a ſtation, he had carried along 


with him, and preſerved untainted, all his good ſenſe, and all his 
probity and moderation : 


Rarus enim ferme ſous communis in illa 
Fortuna. 9 


Even that would not have been ſufficient; he muſt alſo have had 
a good number of Cardinals, Biſhops, and Doctors ſettled in 
the ſame way of thinking, endued with courage to maintain 
theſe opinions, and bleſſed with an uncommon meaſure of pru- 
dence to conduct ſo important and fo. difficult an enterprize. 
Then in the Weſtern world there might perhaps have been only 


1 one 


— 1 2 * 
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— => _ 


— ů˖ĩ˙ 


200 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1 519. one religion, called Chriſtianity, and the denominations of Papiſts 
and Proteſtants would not have exiſted. 


Eraſmus thus proceeds: Let no man be aſhamed to reply to 
certain points, God knoweth how it can be; as for me, I am 


content to believe that it is ſo. I know that the body and the 
blood of our Saviour are things pure, to be received by the pure, 
and in a pure manner. He hath appointed this for a ſacred 


ſign and pledge of his love for us, and of the concord which ought 


to ſubſiſt amongſt Chriſtians, I will therefore examine myſelf, 


and ſee if there be any thing in me contrary to the mind of Jeſus 
Chriſt, and if I have any uncharitable diſpoſitions towards my 
neighbour. But to know how the ten Categories are in this 


Sacrament, how the bread is tranſubſtantiated by the myſtical 


words of conſecration, and how an human body can be in fo 
ſmall a compaſs, and at different places at the ſame time; all 
this, in my opinion, ſerves little to advancement in piety. 

Here Eraſmus repreſents contradictions in terms as —_— 3 but 


let that paſs. £4. 
1 know alſo, ſays he, that I ſhall riſe again. Jeſus Chriſt 
hath promiſed it; and to confirm his promiſe, he roſe again him- 
ſelf. But to know what body I ſhall have, and how it will be 


the ſame, after having gone through ſo many changes, theſe are 
not things on which much pains ſhould be beſtowed, with a view 
to make a progreſs in true religion : although I diſapprove not 
inquiries of this kind, purſued at proper times, and with due 
diſcretion and moderation. By theſe and a thouſand ſuch-like 


| ſpeculations, for which men ſet an extravagant value upon 


themſelves, their thoughts are e only diverted from th one thing 
needful. 


This was ſufficient in the opinion of 8 but the mind 


of man is too reſtleſs to fit down thus contented. Such humble 


ſimplicity and reſerve was not to be expected from the Scholaſtic 


Divines of thoſe days, any more than that moderation which he 
requires from Princes, in the following words: : 


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OF ERASMUS. 


201 


It would be moreover of infinite ſervice towards reſtoring con- A. P. 152). 


cord and peace to the world, if Secular Princes, and particularly 
the Pope, were clear from all appearance of tyranny and avarice. 
For men ſoon fly off, when they ſce that you only want to make 
them your ſlaves, and not ſo much to reform them, as to plunder 
them: but they are compliant and tractable, when they arc 
perſuaded that you mean to profit, and not to hurt them. 


Nothing can be more reaſonable than all this : but what could | 


Eraſmus have replied, if any one had aſked him, why he took 


upon him to cenſure and condemn the Pyghards, who wiſhed for 
the very ſame things ; ; and why he both ſubmitted himſelf, and 


exhorted others to ſubmit to an Eccleſiaſtical Power, which acted 


directly contrary to the rules which he preſcribed, and ſeized 


and burned, as ſo many vile heretics, all thoſe who dared to make 
ſuch remonſtrances? 


Diviſions and ſchiſms are doubtleſs a grievous calamity in 
Chriſtendom; and yet it is better upon the whole, that the Church 


ſhould be thus diſunited, and ſplit into five, or into five hundred 
ſets, than that it ſhould be uniformly ſubject to ſo cruel a tyranny, 
and united only in the bond of ignorance or of hypocriſy. Under 


ſuch an head, and ſuch a government, every rational inquiry 


would be checked and ſuppreſſed ; but now Truth and Liberty 
prevail, ſometimes in one place and ſometimes in another, and 
are not entirely driven out of. the Chriſtian world. But we ſhall 
have more occaſions to animadvert upon the timidity, I will not 
ſay the diſingenuity, of Eraſmus. 

Slechta had informed him, that; beſides the 3 Sects 8 
mentioned, they had amongſt them ſome Jews; - ſome Nicolaitans, 
who held the community of wives; and ſome Epicureans. To 


this Eraſmus replies; That you have Jews amongſt you, is no 


wonder ; ſuch there are in Germany, in Italy, and principally in 


Spain. But I am ſurpriſed to hear, that you have men who deny 
the immortality of the ſoul and a future ſtats. We have indeed 
. too 


RIDE 


202 e THE LIFE 
A. P. 1519. too many, who hve as if they thought ſo; but none mad enough 
to be teachers or diſciples of this curſed ſect. We have alſo 
practical Nicolaitans, who lie with their neighbours wives as often 
as they can; but we have no ſpeculative and dogmatizing Nico- 
laitans. | 
This is more than we can ſay i in behalf of our times. 
Eraſmus received (perhaps about this time) a letter from a 
Nobleman of Hungaria or Bohemia, and in it a fort of Confeſſion 
of faith made by the people of that country, who called them- 
ſelves Fratres. He deſires Eraſmus to ſend his opinion about i; 3p 
and informs him; that the Lutheran doctrines prevailed greatly U 
there amongſt men of good ſenſe and piety ; and he ſuppoſeth, 
that Eraſmus himſelf was one of the Reformers. He begs an 


anſwer ; but probably Eraſmus diſſembled the _—_ of the letter, 
and never ſent him one. Ep. 390. c. 1777. 

In an elegant letter to the EleQor of Mentz, he had the courage 
to apologize openly enough for Luther; though, as he ſays, he 
would neither approve nor condemn his ſentiments, nor make 
himſelf a party in the affair. He alſo laſhes moſt ſeverely the 
Mendicant Monks, the Dominicans, and the Scholaſtic Divines. 

| whoſe wretched compoſitions were preferred to the Goſpel. 
Luther's friends, having obtained a copy of this letter, publiſhed 
it immediately, as being favourable to their party: and indeed 
it was ſo, and Eraſmus plainly juſtifies the beginnings of the Z 
Reformation, 3 


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< Redditum eſt mihi Celſitudinis tuæ quam auro cælatis poculis bibere. Quod 3 
munus, materia juxta atque opere vi- fi calix vitreus miſſus ſuiſſet, tamen mib: 
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OF ERASMUS. 


203 


In an epiſtle to Lupſet, Eraſmus ſhews at large, that he had A. D. 1719. 


condeſcended to the utmoſt in endeavouring to pacify or to 
reſtain Lee; but that this vain-glorious and malicious man was 


reſolved to acquire reputation, if he could, by uſing him ill. If, 
as he declares, he had offered Lee to correct any errors, that 
might be ſhewed him in his annotations on the New Teſtament, 


to diſcufs all ſuch points with him in a friendly converſation and 


examination of conteſted paſſages, to agree to ſuch cenſures or 


_ obſervations of his as ſhould appear pertinent and reaſonable, and 


to make honourable mention of him in his next edition, it was a 
fooliſh and a baſe procedure in Lee to pay no regard to ſuch 


remonſtrances. In the ſame epiſtle, he ſcourges the Monks, 


Dd 2 


criter munus per ſe gratiſſimum Hutte- 
nus noſter, qui docuit appellari poculum 
Amoris, ceu Gratiis ſacrum, ob id opi- 
nor, quod quum velut oſculo ſibi com- 


mittuntur, e duobus fiat unum: addit 


eam ineſſe vim, ut qui ex hoc biberint, 
tenaciſſima quadam benevolentia con- 
glutinentur. Hujus rei periculum facere 
volens, Guilhelmo Cardinali Croio, 
cum hiſce diebus inviſeret bibliothecam 
meam, e tuo poculo præbibi, et ille 
mihi viciſſim. Juvenis eſt longe feli- 
citlimus, et cujus indoles non videatur 


indigna tanta felicitate. Sed doleo ſe- 


rius fuiſſe redditum. Nuper enim Theo- 


logi Lovanienſes mecum redierunt in 


gratiam, hac lege, ut et illi compeſce- 
rent obtrectatrices linguas, quas exci- 


= taſlent, ego pergerem cohibere calamos 
meorum, quantum eſſet in me. In eo 


convivio (nam hic nihil ſacrum abſque 
compotatione) produxiſſem tuum pocu- 
lum, ſi mihi fuiſſet, ex quo fi bibiſſent 


ſinguli, fortaſſe felicioribus auſpiciis 


- who 


coliſſet noſtra concordia : nunc ex epiſto- 


la neſcio qua, parum bene intellecta, et 


pejus interpretata, male ſarta gratia ſic 
diffiliit, ut poſt brevem tranquillitatem 
ſævior etiam tempeſtas coorta videretur. 


Ep. 47. Fo 
4 Conſpiratum eſt agminatim ab tis, 


qui ſe devoverunt Diis Manibus, ni fun- 
ditus perdant et bonas literas et veterem 


Theologiam, ut nuſquam non blate- 
rent in Eraſmum, in compotationibus, 
in foris, in conciliabulis, in pharmaco- 
poliis, in curribus, in tonſtrinis, in for- 


nicibus, in privatis ac publicis lectioni- 
bus, in ſcholaſticis diatribis, in ſacris 


concionibus, in arcanis colloquiis, in ſe- 


cretis admiſſorum confeſſionibus, in bib- 
liopoliis, in tabernis pauperum, in aulis 


divitum, in palatiis regum, apud ſuper- 


ſtitioſos ſenes, apud craſſos Midas, apud 


indoctam plebeculam, apud ſtultas mu- 
lierculas, per quas, Serpentis illius exem- 


plo, aditum ſibi parant ad fallendos vi- 
ros, nuſquam non penetrantes, nihil non 


mentientes, 


2 — —— -+ — 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1 519. who repaid him 1 in kind, to the utmoſt of their power. Eraſmus 
was quite fick and weary of ſuch quarrels, and almoſt reſolved 
to hold his peace thenceforward. Let another, ſays he, take my 
place, and enter into the field of battle; as for me, I have fought 
long enough with wild beaſts and monſters. It is beſt thetic: 
to yield to a malice which you cannot reform, and which grows 
more furious by being expoſed and confuted. 
Volume of Apologies ſhews, that he could not conſtantly adhere 


But his large 


to this reſolution, which yet, for the moſt part, is the wiſeſt 


procedure. 
« *Lupſet, when a boy, was taken into the care and protection 


4 of Colet. Caius, the Antiquary, ſays, that he was educated 


« jn Pembroke Hall. He went to Paris, and returning about 
te the year 1519, ſettled in Corpus Chriſti College, and ſucceeded 
John Clement in the Rhetoric Lecture of Cardinal Wolſey.“ 
The Univerſity of Oxford wrote a * letter of thanks and of 
0 flattery to the Cardinal, in 1521, for having given them Lupſet. 


mentientes, quo me videlicet de omni- 
bus bene merentem in publicum odium 
vocent. Ad hoc ſanctum negotium 
alunt ſuos emiſſarios, non minus dili- 
genter inſtructos ad inficiendos animos 
ſimplicium et imperitorum, et conſta- 
biliendum regnum Diaboli, quam Chri- 
ſtus ſuos diſcipulos inſtruxerat ad prædi- 
candum regnum Dei. Ad hoc munus 
Evangelicum, Evangelicis viris potiſſi- 
mum ſunt uſi, quos mundus ſimul et 


Mendicos alit, et tolerat Tyraunas, &c. Horace's Creed : 


Ep. 481. 


e Knight, p. 214, od Wood. 


Enight's Life of Colet, p. 389. Fiddes's 
Lids: of Wolſey, p. 216. 
t Fiddes's Life of Wolley, p. 216. 


8e. He 


accepimus, quod benigniſſima tua bene- 
ficentia in communem rei literariæ uſum 
dignata ſit Lupſetum ad nos remittere, 
quem etſi ſemper habuimus chariſſimum, 
nunc tamen, quia a tua MAIE STATE 
amanter commendatum, multo arctius 
amplectimur, &c. 


> See Fiddes, p. 178, &c. where you 


will find, that our Cantabrigians, in one 


of their fawning addreſſes, called the 
Cardinal, Præſens Numen; according to 


Celo tonantem credidimus Jouem 
Regnare : præſens Divus ne 
Augafius — 


or, Walſeius, or any other Giver of good 
Nam immortalis beneficii loco. 


things. Never was Nero, or Domitian, 


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OF ERASMUS, 


FS 


c 


« the Venetians. He read Latin and Greek Lectures at Oxford.. 


c 


La) 


In Italy he became acquainted with Cardinal Pole, and was 


« much in his favour. He aſſiſted Linacer and More in over-- 
« ſeeing and correcting their works at the preſs; and More. 
ce makes very honourable mention of him. He wrote ſeveral. 


A - 


6 


pieces, and ſome letters in defence of his friend Eraſmus againſt 


« Lee. By the advice of Eraſmus he quitted betimes the ſtudy 


cc. 


7 


of the Scholaſtic writers, and ſold thoſe Praters to buy Greek 


« Claflics. He only obtained a Prebend in the Church of Saliſ- 
« bury; and he died in 1532, aged thirty-ſix,” 

We have an Epiſtle from him to Eraſmus in 1516, in which 
he moſt ſubmiſſively begs his pardon for ſome indiſcretion and 
he was very uncaſy, till he was received into favour again. 

There was a brace of Monks at Louvain, who this year 
began to plague Eraſmus: the one was Nicolas Egmond, (Eg- 
mondanus) a. Dutch Carmelite ; the other Vincentius, a Domi-- 


more flattered by the corrupted Ro- 
mans, than this vain man was by his 
hungry Paraſites: and Fiddes, with no 
ſmall complacency and glee, hath given 


us an account of theſe compliments; 


compliments, which would make a wiſe 
man call for a baſon : Date pelvim. 


Amongft the praiſes: beſtowed. upon- 


Wolſey, let us not forget thoſe of a 
certain Zany, who ſeems to have played 


| his part very well: 
In England was a. Cardinal, the 


« fon of a butcher, (he means Wolſey) 


*« concerning whom. a knaviſh Fool. 
« ſaid, God be praiſed, that we have 
got ſuch a Cardinal: when he com- 
eth to be Pope, we may freely eat. 


« fleſh in Lent, and on forbidden days; 
1 


nican, 


c for St. Peter was a fiſher- man, and 
&« he forbad eating of fleſh, to the end 
« he might ſell his fiſh at a high rate; 
& but this butcher's ſon will hold. over 
„ fleſh, to get money thereby.” Lu- 
ther's Colloqi Menſa). p. 305. 

i Lupſetus exiſtimat ſe noſtra renatum 
opera, planeque ab inferis emerſiſſe. 
Magiſtri moliuntur omnia, quo retra- 


A 


hant adoleſcentem in ſuum piſtrinum. . 


Nam ſtatim eodem die, Sophiſticis libris. 
diſtractis, Græcos emerat. Vide ut 

cum inciderit opportunitas, graviter agas . 
partes tuas. Nihil hujus ingenio gratius, . 


nihil amantius. Ep. 112. This. N. a2 


letter to More. 
Ep. 79. © 1579, 


20 5 


He had been Secretary to Pace, whilſt he was Ambaſſador to A. D. 1 519. 


206 


* N 1519. nican, whom Eraſmus ſometimes calls Obtrefatorem bertinaciſi. 
mun, a moſt conſirmed Detracter, and ſometimes Hucentam, 

Ox-driver, or Plough-man. Theſe men, and other Monks, 

provoked beyond meaſure by Eraſmus, who ridiculed them on all 

occaſions, and ſaid of them, that they were the perſons who had 


THE LIFE 


exaſperated Luther, and cauſed him to write ſo impetuouſly, 


revenged themſelves upon him, by repreſenting him as Luther's 


aſſociate, in all their ſermons to the people. Eraſmus complained 
of this calumny to Roſemundus, Rector of the 2 of Lou- 
vain; but to no purpoſe. Ep. 491. 

In the Amenitates Literariæ there is a lively letter, addreſſed 
to Zuinglius, from an anonymous writer, againſt the Divines of 


Louvain. The perſons ridiculed in it are Joannes Atenſis, Joannes 


Winckel, Jacobus Latomus, Ruardus Encuſanus, and particu- 
larly ” Egmond the Carmelite, whom by way of derifion he calls 


the Camelite. It was printed A. 1520; and to it was added, Vita 


Sancti Nicolai (Egmondani ) five Stultitiæ Exemplar. 


Eraſmus had lately contracted an acquaintance with Joannes 


Ludovicus © Vives, a Spaniard of Valentia, whom he hath often 


commended, and who was much eſteemed by More. He is 


one of thoſe, ſays Eraſmus to More, whoſe glory will eclipſe 


mine. He is a true philoſopher, and a deſpiſer of Fortune; and 
he is fit to beat the Scholaſtics at their own weapons, the uſe of 
which 


1 T. p. 246, 248. 
perfrictæ frontis Nicolaus Eg- de anima compoſuit patri meo valde lau- 
150 dignus, qui ob inſignem datum. Scaligeran. p. 411. 
ſtoliditatem Camelita vocetur. + 
Eraſmus alſo fays, that he common- „ able thing, that when he had been 
ly went by the name of Camelita. T. IX, long without eating, the firft bits that 


c. 112. « he put into his mouth forced him to 


n Boiſlard Icon. p. 183. Baillet II. “ laugh. The ſame marvel may be 
283. Du Pin. P. Jovius Elog. p. 218. * ſeen in School- boys, Clarkes, Pages, 
Pope Blount, p. * 

Vives fallitur, dum in libello quodam Vigneul- Marville, Vola f p. 20g. 

2 


Lucanum Virgilio præfert: ſed librum 


“ Vives hath related, as a remark- 


cc Lackeys, Beggars, and Paraſites.” 


2 


r 


; 9 
een 


Fe 


OF ERASMUS. 207 


which he underſtands perfectly well. And indeed Vives, in his A. P. 1519. 
Preface to his Commentaries upon Auguſtin De Civitate Dei, 
hath given an eflay of his abilities in this way, and ſhewed the 
= fagacity of Eraſmus in forming ſo favourable a judgment of him, ES 
6:1 when he was but twenty-ſix years old. Their friendſhip: con- 
tinued uninterrupted, and many of their letters to each other are 
: preſerved in the enge of the u e of Eraſmus. 1 496, 
357, 433. 
11 « * Vives, whilſt 1 was at Lot in 15 17, Was Kah 
Pellow of Corpus Chriſti College in Oxford, by the Founder. 
« He was invited into England by Wolſey in the year 1523; 
© e and coming to Oxford, he read the Cardinal's Lecture of Hu- 
72 EL e manity, and allo. Lectures of Civil Law. Henry VIII and 
1 «© Queen Catharine did him the honour of aſſiſting as Auditors at 
« his Lectures. Afterwards he went to Bruges in Flanders, and 
ce married; and the year following returned to Oxford, and con- 
 * tinued his Lectures, and was conſtituted Tutor for the Latin 
1 tongue to the Lady Mary, daughter to Henry VIII.. His 
works are printed i in two Tomes, at Baſil, 15 55. He died at 
* Bruges in 1544." . 
_ *<© ” Vives had been Preceptor to the young Cardinal Croius. | 
Henry VIII, who at firſt eſteemed him much, being offended 
XZ *<« at the liberty which he had taken to ſpeak and to write againſt 
7 his divorce, put him in priſon for fix months. Afterwards he 
« went to Bruges. The year of his death is uncertain.” Thus 
Dau Pin; who hath alſo given an account of his Wine and 
concludes it in the following manner: 5 
Some writers, ſpeaking of the Triumvirt of the Republic 
© of Letters in the beginning of the ſixteenth century, aſcribe 
judgment to Vives, genius to Budzus, and eloquence to Eraſ- 
e mus. I cannot approve of this determination, Eraſmus had 
| bo more 


© SET 
ITE 
2 4 


0 Knight, p. 1 65, and Wood. Fiddes | 2 Du pin xv. 90. 
Life of Wolſey, p. 211, 212, 216. RY 


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THE LIFE 


© more fancy and genius, more extent of learning, 'and more 


cc ih of judgment, than Vives. Budzus had more {kill in 


„languages, and more philological erudition, than they. Vives 
« knew more of Grammar, Rhetoric, and Logic. 
logical works of Eraſmus, as they are more numerous, ſo 


The Theo- 


e they are more uſeful and valuable, than thoſe of Vives.” 

1 Frideric of Saxony, one of the moſt virtuous and illuſtrious 
Princes of the ſixteenth century, was a friend to Luther and to 
the Reformation, and the Proteſtants have great reaſon to reve- 


rence and bleſs his memory. 


When he might have been choſen 


Emperor, he declined it, and gave the crown to Charles. V. 
Eraſmus wrote a letter to him in the year 1 519, which is not 
amongſt his Epiſtles; but a conſiderable part of it is * by 


3 1 his character in Seckendorf, 


I, I. p. 122, Ne, L. II. . $3 Ne. 


See alſo Spalatinus in the Amen, vl 

T. IV p. 480. --- 
Dux Saxoniz Fridericus bis ad me 

ſcripſit, eidem meæ reſpondens epiſto- 


læ: hujus unius præſidio ſubſtitit Lu- 


therus. Id ait ſe cauſæ dediſſe verius 
quam perſonæ. Addit, non commiſ- 
ſurum ſeſe, ut in ſua ditione opprimatur 
innocentia, eorum malitia qui ſua quæ- 
runt, non quæ Jeſu Chriſti. Ab om- 
nibus delatum imperium ingenti animo 


recuſavit, idque pridie quam Carolus 
eligeretur, cui nunquam contigiſſet im- 
perii titulus, niſi Fridericus deprecatus 
eſſet, clarior honore contemto, quam 
fuifſet adepto. Mox rogatus quem igi- 


tur cenſeret eligendum, negavit ſihi 
quenquam alium videri tanti nominis 
oneri ſuſtinendo parem, quam Carolum. 


Ob hunc inſignem animum a noſtris 


It is very favourable to Luther. 


In 


oblata triginta florenorum millia con- 
ſtantiſſime rejecit. Quumque urgeretur 
ut ſaltem decem millia pateretur dari fa- 
mulis: Accipiant, inquit, ſi velint; at- 
tamen nemo manebit poſtridie apud me, 
qui vel aureum acceperit: ac poſtridie 
conſcenſis equis ſubduxit ſeſe, ne perge- 
rent eſſe moleſti. Ep. 474. 

5 —— Prodiere nuper lucubrationes 


aliquot Martini Lutheri, ſimulque ru- 


mor allatus eſt hominem ſupra modum 


gravari auctoritate Reverendiſſimi Car- 
dinalis S. Sixti, qui apud Suevos Roma- 
ni Pontificis agit Legatum. Ut his pro- 
tinus exſilierunt? ut geſtierunt? ut ga- 
viſi ſunt occaſionem, ut ipſis viſum eſt, 


maxime opportunam eſſe datam lædendi 


| bonas literas? Nam juxta Græcorum 
proverbium, Improbis præter occaſſonem 


nihil deeſt ; quæ videlicet nocendi facul- 
tatem præbeat iis, quibus adeſt perpetua 


nocendi voluntas. Continuo ſacræ apud 


populum 


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OF ERASMUS. 


209 


In an Epiſtle to Wolſey, Eraſmus makes his uſual complaints A. D. «519. 
of his mee the „ and deſires the Cardinal s coun- 


populum conciones, ſcholæ, concili- 
abula, convivia, nihil aliud crepabant, 
quam hzreſes et antichriſtos. Atque 


huic tam odioſo negotio, præſertim 


apud mulierculas et indoctam plebecu- 
lam, miſcuerunt homines callidi, trium 


linguarum, eloquentiæ, politioriſque li- 


teraturæ mentionem; quaſi aut Luthe- 


rus his præſidiis fideret, aut ex his fon- 


tibus hæreſes naſcerentur. Hæc impu- 
dentia pluſquam ſycophantica, cum op- 
timis quibuſque diſpliceret, tamen ut 
bellum inventum probabatur quibuſdam, 


qui ſe Theologiæ anteſignanos, et Chri- 


ſtianæ religionis columnas exiſtimant. 
Et vide quam ſtudio cæci, noſtris blan- 
dimur vitiis! Atrocem contumeliam, 


imo facinus hæreſi proximum ducimus, 


ſi quis Theologum rabulam, quales ſunt 
non pauci, pro Theologo MaTaianoyor 


nominet. Ipſi nobis ignoſcimus, cum 
apud frequentem populum hereticum et 


antichriſtum vocamus, cuicunque ſuc- 
cenſemus. Lutherus mihi tam ignotus 


quam cui ignotiſſimus, ut ſuſpectus eſſe 


non queam, quaſi fayeam amico. Hu- 


jus lucubrationes nec tueri meum eſt, 
nec improbare, ut quas hactenus non 


legerim niſi raptim. Certe vitam ho- 
minis nemo, qui novit, non probat, quæ 
cum longiſſime abſit ab omni ſuſpicione 


avaritiæ aut ambitionis, et morum in- 
nocentia, [here is ſomething ꝛurong] vel 
apud Ethniccs favorem invenit. Quam 


non congruit manſuetudini Theologicæ, 
protinus, ac ne perlecto quidem libro, 


tenance 


tam immaniter debacchari in nomen ac 
famam probi viri, idque apud imperitam 
plebeculam, quæ prorſus caret judicio ?. 


Præſertim cum ille diſputanda propoſu- 
erit, cum omnium judicio ſeſe ſubmiſe- 
rit, quorum oportuit. Nemo monuit, 
nemo docuit, nemo revicit: tantum vo- 
ciferantur hæreticum, ſeditioſis clamori- 
bus ad lapides provocant. Dicas eos 
ſitire ſanguinem humanum, non ſalutem 
animarum. Quo inviſius eſt hæreſeos 
nomen auribus Chriſtianis, hoc minus 
committendum eſt, ut temere in quen- 
quam impingatur. Non ſtatim quivis 
error hæreſis eſt, neque protinus hæreti- 
cum eſt, quicquid huic aut illi diſplicet. 
Neque ſemper fidei negotium agunt, qui 
prætexunt hujuſmodi ſplendidos titulos. 
Imo plerique ſuum agunt negotium, vel 
quæſtui ſuo conſulentes, vel tyrannidi. 


Quin præcipiti lædendi ſtudio ſæpe cri- 
minantur in alio, quod ipſi domi pro- 


bant. Denique, cum tot ſint veteres ac 
neoterici Scriptores, nec horum quiſ- 
quam adhuc repertus ſit, in cujus libris 
non fateantur ineſſe periculoſos errores ; 
cur reliquos taciti placidique legimus, in 
unum aut alterum tam atrociter ſævi- 
mus ? Si veritati patrocinamur, cur non 
ex quo offendit, ubicumque reperitur, 
quod veritati repugnat? Sanctiſima res 
eſt fidei religioniſque ſinceritatem tueri; 


ed ſceleratiſſima res eſt, prætextu defen- 
dende fidei, noſtris ſervire cupiditatibus. 


Si quicquid in Scholis receptum eſt, ora- 
culum haberi volunt, cur inter ſe Scholz 


be diſſentiunt? 


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THE LIF E 


A. D. 1 519. tenance and protection; and indeed Wolſey himſelf was no friend 


to the Monks at that time, and ſtill leſs afterwards. 
This letter contains a very handſome elogium of Vives, whom 
he wanted to recommend as a proper Preceptor to F erdinand I. 


Ep. 394. 


In a letter to Jacobus. nds he ſays, that he was . 


three years old. Ep. 405. 


He ſent a letter of a and thanks to * Sir Entity 


1 


Guildford, who had declared himſelf his friend. Ep. 417. 


diſſentiunt? 
inter ſeſe pugnant ac digladiantur? Imo, 
cur in eadem Sorbona Theologus a 
Theologo diſſentit? Imo perpaucos re- 
perias, qui conſentiant, niſi conſpira- 
rint. Adhæc, non raro deprehendun— 
tur damnare in recentium libris, quod 


in Auguſtino aut Gerſone non damnant, 


quaſi veritas cum auctore mutetur. Eos 
quibus favent, ſic legunt, ut omnia 
tor quentes nihil non excuſent; quibus 
inſenſi ſunt, fic legunt, ut nihil non 
calumnientur. Optima Chriſtianiſmi 
pars eſt, vita Chriſto digna. Quæ cum 
ſuppetit, non debet eſſe facilis hæreſeos 
ſuſpicio. 
niſcuntur fundamenta, fic enim vocant, 
hoc eſt, novas leges condunt, per quas 
docent, hæreticum eſſe quicquid non 
placet. Quiſquis alterum hæreſeos ac- 
cuſat, ipſe præſtare debet mores Chri- 
ſtiano dignos, charitatem in admonendo, 
lenitatem in concipiendo, (perhaps corri- 
piendo) candorem in judicando, lenitu- 
dinem (perhaps lentitudinem) in pro- 
nunciando. Cum nemo noſtrum ca- 
reat erratis, cur alienos lapſus tam in- 
clementer inſetamur ? 
vincere quam mederi? cur opprimere 


Cur Scholaſtici Doctores 


Nunc quidam nova commi- 


cur malumus 


Lon golius 


quam docere? At Ille, qui ſolus om- 
nium caruit errore, non comminuit ba- 
culum confractum, nec extinguit linum 
fumigans. Auguſtinus de Donatiſtis 


pluſquam hæreticis agens, non vult eos 


cogi, ſed tantum doceri; et ab horum 
cervicibus magiſtratuum gladios depellit, 
quorum ſicis ipſe quotidie impetebatur, 
Nos, quorum proprium munus eſt docere, 
cogere malumus, quia facilius. Hæc, 
illuſtriſſime Dux, eo ſeribo liberius, quo 
minus ad me pertinet cauſa Lutherana. 
Cæterum, ut tuæ Celſitudinis eſt, Chri- 
ſtianam religionem pietate tua protegere, 
ita prudentiæ eſt, non committere ut 
quiſquam innocens te juſtitiæ præſide, 


ſub prætextu pietatis, aliquorum impie- 


tati dedatur. Vult idem Leo Pontifex, 
cui nihil magis eſt cordi, quam ut tuta 
ſit innocentia. Pater vocari gaudet, nec 
amat eos, qui ſuper ipſius membra tyran- 
nidem exercent. Neque quiſquam ma- 
gis paret animo Pontificis, quam is, qui 
quod æquiſſimum eſt, exſequitur. Quid 
iſtic de Luthero fentiant, neſcio. Certe 
hic video libros illius ab optimis quibuſ- 
que cupidiſſime legi. Quanquam mihi 
nondum vacavit evolvere. L. I. p. 96. 
t Knight, p. 205. 


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OF ERASMUS. 
Longolius is gently cenſured for the affectation of defiring to A. D. 1519. 
paſs for a Frenchman, though he be my countryman, noftras, 


{ays Eraſmus. 


Ep. 407. 


He tecommends to Wolſey Antonius Grimbergius, a young 
nobleman of promiſing parts and a good diſpoſition, who went to 


the Engliſh Court. 


ſeveral of his RAGE friends. 


He wrote alſo upon the ſame occaſion to 


Ep. 472. 


He ſpeaks very * favourably of Helius Eobanus Heſſus, Who 
was reckoned amongſt the good poets of that age, and who took 
a journey on purpoſe to have the pleaſure of ſeeing Eraſmus. 


Writing to Sir H. Guildford, he either“ repents, or pretends | 


to repent, that he had not ſettled | in England. 


Vel unus Helius queat Germaniam 


noltram a barbariæ calumnia vindicare. 
Deum immortalem ! quam felix felici- 


tas, quam facilis facilitas in carmine | 


Dicerem in hoc renatum Ovidium, Ne- 


que ſui diſſimilis eft in oratione ſoluta. 


Nam in utroque ſpecimen ſui præbuit, 


idque ex tempore, Tum autem, qui 


morum candor? quæ comitas? quæ 
facilitas? quam nuſquam eſt affinis iis 
vitiis, quibus vulgo ſunt obnoxii, præ- 


ſertim apud Italos, qui Poeticen dea- 


mant? quam pia Muſa caſtaque Chri- 


ſtianas celebrat Heroidas ? Felicem ter 
quaterque Germaniam, ſi plures huic 
ſimillimi vates exorirentur ! et exoriun- 
tur jam aliquot. 
orituros video, fi Principes ac primates 
ingeniis honorem habere cœperint. — 


Unum hoc me male habet, quod Heſſus 


noſter tantum itineris exantlarit fruſtra, 


| Quid enim fructus erat? aut quod ope- 


ræ pretium vel totum Eraſmum vidiſle ? 


Meliorem mei partem, fi quid in me 


15 


Sed longe plures ex- 


Joannes 


boni eſt, jam in lucubrationibus meis 
conſpexerat. Porro, quod ſupereſt, quæ- 
ſo, quid habet viſendum? Ep. 473. 


x Camerarius wrote his Life. 

Hellus Eobanus, if my memory de- 
ceives me not, ſays in one of his poems, 
that when he was a boy, he had, like 
Ovid, ſuch a talent for poetry, 


Ut non precipuus dubitaret ſcribere vates; 


Heſſe puer, ſacri gloria fontis eris. 


Y Atque hic quoque ſentio mihi 


Rhamnuſiam infenſam. Ante complu- 
res annos et Regis benignitas, et Cardi- 


nalis Eboracenſis humanitas, me ad aulz 


conſortium non ſemel invitavit; eodem 
provocavit Guilielmi Montjoii fidele 
ſemper et amicum conſilium. Sed mihi 


lava mens erat, ſurdo canebatur fabula. 


Sciebam haud ullam uſquam aulam iſta 


eſſe incorruptiorem: at quis divinare po- 


terat Principis domum Muſarum domi- 
cilium futurum ? Nunc id confilium fe- 


quar oportet7 quod dant ætas ac vale- 


Ee 2 _ tudo, 


21 


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212 


A. D. 15 19. 


tientia: 


THE LIFE 


Joannes Turzo, Biſhop of Breſlaw, * ſent him a moſt obliging 
letter, and ſome preſents; r which Eraſmus * returned him 


on 


tudo, Vobis interim gratulabor iſtam 
felicitatem, quando meam infelicitatem 
deplorare, nihil attulerit fruus. * 
175 
4 Igitur ut amoris et obſervantiæ meæ 
ſingularis in te ſtudium tibi etiam atque 
etiam magis fiat cognitum, atque inte- 


rim ob oculos obverſetur Turzonis tui 


memoria, munus tibi mitto, non magni 


ſane pretii: quatuor, inquam, horolo- 


gia, vitreis vaſculis, exigua, pulviſcu- 
loque paulatim delabente, horas dime- 
quorum uſus, opinor, clepſy- 
dram noſtro ſeculo æquat. Hæc ſane 
crebro obverſatu atque tractatu te noſtri 
in horas poterunt admonere. Adjunxi 
præterea auri puri nativique quatuor 
particulas, ſive ramenta, e ſubterraneis 
ſpecubus, adeoque ex ipſis terræ viſceri- 
bus, in ditione meæ diceceſeos, qualia 
vides nuper eruta, nempe ut auri vivax 
vis te immortalitate digniſſimum decla- 
ret: ad hæc tegmentum ſacro tuo capiti 
ex murium Ponticorum exuviis, quas 
noſtrates Sabellinas pelles, etiamnum 
uſurpata voce, cognominant. — Verum, 
quicquid eſt hujus, quod mitto, ut Ju- 
bens et grato animo accipias vehementer 


oro. Id quod ſuturum confido, fi ani- 


mi mei benevolentia, atque profuſiſſima 
in te propenſione, non pretio munuſeu- 
lum æſtimaveris. Nam ſi pro tuis me- 
ritis ornandus ſis, vix certe totius orbis 
opes et copiæ, nedum Pynaſtæ cujuſ- 
piam facultates, tuæ dignitati ſatis ſint 
facturæ. Ep. 479. 
Cur ita viſum eſt Superis, ut tanto 


„ tnc la 


t, 


intervallo disjungant montes et flumina, 


quos tanta copulat charitas animorum? 


Ejpiſtola tua poſt ſextum demum menſem 
mihi reddita eſt, una cum munuſculis. 


Quorum nihil non fuiſſet gratiſſimum, 
etiamſi minimi pretii fuiſſet, vel hoc no- 
mine, quod a tali Præſule, ſed multo ma. 
gis quod a tali animo proficiſceretur. 
Nunc et pretii magnitudine, et ipſa no- 
vitate, et auctoris titulo commendaban- 
tur; ſed in his tamen nihil mihi tam 
charum eſt viſum, quod epiſtola tua non 
ſuperaret. — Faxit Deus, ut iſtud pectus 
imitentur complures Epiſcopi Procereſ- 
que, et imaginibus ſuis tam eximium de- 
cus adjungant, et auctoritatem ſuam bo- 
nitatis ac ſapientiæ cumulent acceſſione. 


Quam ardentem virtutis amorem ſpirant 


illæ tuæ literæ, quantam ſitim eruditio- 
nis Chriſtianæ? Ad hæc, quantum can- 
doris, quantum modeſtiæ præ ſe ferunt? 


Quis credat hæc a tanto Præſule, a tanto 


Principe ſeribi? Jam ut in tuis munuſ- 
culis etiam nonnihil philoſopher, gratu- 
lor tuæ ditioni, e cujus venis aurum tam 
elegans ac purum eruitur; ſed tu bea- 
tior, qui e divinorum Voluminum longe 
felicioribus venis tam avide ſcruteris au- 
rum Evangelicæ ſapientiæ, quo locuple- 


tes gregem tuæ fidei concreditum, velut 


opulentus quiſpiam Paterfamilias, e divite 
theſauro proferens nova ac vetera, mul- 
tum diſſidens ab Epiſeopis pleriſque, qui 


pulcherrimam functionis ſuæ partem in 


ſordidos quoſdam relegant, nec probatos, 
nec exploratos. — Duobus horologiis in- 
ſeriptum erat, Feſtina lente, atque hanc 

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tuorum ornamentorum. 
poterit mihi eſſe uſui, niſi domi: nam 
| et magnificentius eſt, quam ut conve- 
niat homini tenui, (niſi forte et hic er- 
ras, ut putes Eraſmum eſſe aliquid) et 


OF ERASMUS. 


tivating a friendſhip with this illuſtrious Prelate, who was a 


favourer * of Lutheraniſm, and highly eſteemed by Luther and 
Melanchthon. 


Eraſmus publiſhed at this time the © Life of Jerom, and ſome 


other books. 


His letters of this year are from Louvain, Mechlin, Antwerp, 


Bruſſels, and Anderlac, 


quidem inſcriptionem audit pulviſculus 
ille per minutiſſimum foramen lente de- 
ſed magna 
celeritate vita noſtra avolat, et advolat 
mors nihilo ſegnius, etiamſi non defluat 
arenula, In altero ſuperne inſcriptum 
erat, Feſtina lente, et inverſum horolo- 
gium oſtendebat Mortis imaginem: quæ 
utinam tibi, mi Turzo, lenta veniat, 


digno profecto qui ſis immortalis, non 


tantum longævus, niſi hæc eſſet fortunæ 
invidia, ut ſi quid extiterit in rebus hu- 
manis eximium, id quam ocyſlime tol- 
lat e medio. Quod omen abs te velim 
quam longiſſime abeſſe, quem et ex tuis 
literis, et ex aliorum prædicatione, tam 
multis ac raris animi dotibus præditum 


eſſe video, ut generis claritudo, ut opes, 


ut pontificia dignitas, minima portio ſit 
Pileum non 


alienius a more hujus regionis: tamen 
ſervabitur, et in hoc potiſſimum, ut 
Turzonis memoriam mihi refricet. Au- 
reum numiſma multos exercuit, aliis 
conje ctantibus eſſe tres Noe filios ex 


ex rure Anderlaco. 


A. D. 


Arca revertentes, et ex altera parte Co- 
lumbam olive ramum deferentem ; aliis 
duces duos, qui medium captum duce- 
rent, et aquilam lauri ramum in coro- 
nam deflexum geſtantem. Subſcriptio- 
nem nullus adhue legere potuit, neque 
Græcus, neque Latinus, Nee Hehn 
us. Ep. 524. | 


I think I have ſeen an account of this 
medal ; but I cannot recolle& where. 


b Joannes Thurzo, illuſtri in 
Pannonia familia natus, renaſcenti Evan- 


gelii doctrinæ admodum favens. Ad 


huncjam lethaliter decumbentem Epiſto- 


lam Lutheri ſcriptam refert Scultetus.— 


Adducit et aliam a Melanchthone ſcrip- 
tam, &c,—Sectendorf, L. I. p. 270. 


Theſe letters of Luther and Melanch- 


thon were written in 1520: but the 
good Prelate died before they could come 
into his hands. See Van der Hard. 
Hiſt. Lit. Reform. P. V. p. 33. 

e Maittaire II. 330, 339. 


Eecleſia Anderlacenſis, haud procul 
a mcenibus Civitatis Bruxellanæ. Eraſa. 
T. V. C. 954. | 


213 


thanks, and, as it appears afterwards, was very defiroue. of cul- A. D. 1519. 


214 THE UIT EB 


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A. D. 1520. Eraſinus dedicated his Paraphraſe of the Epiſtles of St. Paul! MR 
to the Epheſians, &c. to Cardinal Campegius, who was at Lon- = 
don. In this dedication he hath drawn up a very pretty, though | 
a compendious account of the hiſtory of Chriſtian Theology, and 
of the variations which it had undergone ; to which he adds ſome 
reflections upon the ſtate of it at his time, and the controverſies 
which troubled all Chriſtendom, and upon the proper methods 
of putting an end to them. He obſerves, that at firſt the Divines 
applied themſelves only to the ſtudy of Rhetoric, that afterwards 
they mixed the doctrines of Plato with thoſe of Chriſt, and then 
the philoſophy of Ariſtotle; which changed Divinity into a ſci- 
ence full of controverſial ſubtilties, and cauſed the ſtudy of the 
holy Scriptures to be entirely neglected. When things were in 

this ſituation, ſome perſons ( by whom he means Luther, and 15 
his partiſans) endeavoured, with a very good intention, to ſend i 
Chriſtians back to the ancient and true ſources, and to give them ü 
a diſguſt for Scholaſtic Theology : but they proceeded, in his | 

opinion, with too much vehemence. The Monks, on the con- 15 
trary, pertinaciouſly fond of the Scholaſtic ſyſtem, began to abuſe 
the ſtudy of the learned languages, and rejected, as ſo many vile 
hereſies, every thing that they feared and diſliked. Eraſmus ex- 
horts both Campegius, and Wolſey, and the King of England, 
to promote and procure the peace of Chriſtendom. To accom- 
pliſh this deſign, Pope Leo, according to the notions of Eraſ- W | 
mus, ſhould have ordered the Parties to deliver their Confeſſion. = | 
of faith, without attacking, inſulting, and reviling that of others. 
15 they could not agree, (for it will happen i in matters of ſpecu- 
lation, as in matters of taſte) they ſhould. however diſpute with 
| candor and mildneſs. c If the difference 1 were upon capital Points, 1 3 | 
| 7 3 they : 


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OF ERASMUS. 


25 


they were to ſelect able and diſintereſted men, who ſhould diſ- A. D. 1520. 


cuſs thoſe points in a decent manner, with great moderation, 


and without ſeditious clamours. 


The advice was not bad, conſidered in Eff; but ö 15, 
(ould alſo have informed the Cardinal, where he ſhould meet 


With perſons of ſuch abilities and diſcerament, ſo mild, ſo mo- 
derate, and ſo diſintereſted and ſincere lovers of truth. Few 
ſuch were to be found perhaps in either party; and they, who 
then governed the Church, and to whom Eraſmus recommends | 
this Chriſtian procedure, were of all Chriſtians upon earth the 


leaſt qualified for it, either in point of ſacred erudition, or in 
temper of mind, as the event ſufficiently ſhewed. Beſides, if a 
few perſons of this character could have been found, would the 
Chriſtian world have accepted their arbitration, and have ſubmitted 
to their deciſions, without murmuring and reſentment ? The diffi- 
culties and the inconveniences, which ever attend ſuch attempts, 


permit us not even to hope for a general re-union and pacifi- 


cation, unleſs the divine Providence ſhould miraculouſly inter- 
poſe. Therefore it is hardly to be imagined, that Eraſmus ex- 
pected to ſee the accompliſhment of it in thoſe days, any more 


than we expect to ſee it in theſe. However, he tells Cam- 


pegius, that he hoped ſhortly to pay a viſit to the City of Rome : 
but his moderate and pacific counſels would have been coldly 
received there, and the Monks were too powerful at that Court. 
He talks of the fame deſign in another epiſtle. We cannot 
ſuppoſe that he was in good earneſt ; but rather, that he mentioned 
it, to remove a ſuſpicion, which his enemies were ever ſuggeſting, 
that he intended to join himſelf to Luther. Ep. 499, 500. 

In a letter to Aloiſius Marlianus, who was a Biſhop, he 
declares, that he did not approve the conduct of Luther, and 
could as little digeſt that of the Monks; and that, by their indiſ- 
cretions on both ſides, they furniſhed each other with juſt objecti- 
ons. Above all, he was much offended at the violent procedure 


of 


216 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1520. of Aleander in eee which was calculated only to irritate, 
and to make bad worſe. For my part, ſays he, I think that 
any thing is to be endured, rather. than to raiſe pernicious diſturb. 
ances; and that it may be a part of true piety to conceal the 
truth, ſo as neither to utter 1t in every place, nor in every time, 
nor before every perſon, nor freely and without reſerve, and at 
all adventures. 
We will not deny the truth of theſe maxims in general ; but 
the difficulty conſiſts in applying them to particular cafes. Eraſ- 
mus himſelf, with all his caution and prudence, was openly accu- 
ſed by the Monks of having violated all theſe general maxims, 
and of having given occaſion to the? Lutherans to declaim againſt 
the Church of Rome; and thoſe defenders of that Church, who, 
not troubling themſelves much about the truth or falſhcod of 
her doctrines, acted on worldly and political principles, looked 
upon Eraſmus as upon a man who had done them more harm 
than good, by the liberty, or the licentiouſneſs, as they would 
have called it, that reigned in his writings. And indeed the 
preſervation of the Monks was a much more important affair, in 
the eſtimation of the Court of Rome, than the re-eſtabliſhment 
of literature and ſciences, upon which Eraſmus laid fo much 
ftreſs, and from the proſperity of which that Court had more to 
fear than to hope. 
Bilibaldus Pirckheimerus informs Eraſmus of a comical Jifoute, 
which he had with a Mendicant Monk. This good man, being 
in a company where Eraſmus was highly commended, ſhewed 
his diſſatisfaction by his countenance and his geſtures ; and being 
hard puſhed to declare what he had to cenſure in Eraſmus, he 
faid, 


ſ Scio quidvis eſſe ferendum, potius ubique promendam. Ep. go1. 
quam ut publicus orbis ſtatus turbetur in It was faid by ſome of the more fa- 
pejus ; ſciq pietatem eſſe nonnumquam cetious and more learned enemies of 
celare veritatem, neque eam quovis loco» Eraſmus : 
neque quovis tempore, neque apud quof- H Aube *Byarvile, N $'Bracuide AsPnciZ 
vu, neque quovis modo, neque totam Tom. IX. c. 519. 
1 


OF ERASMUS. 


aid, that this man, whom they affected to extol ſo much, was A. D. 1520. 
a notorious eater of fowls; and that he knew it to be true, not 


from the teſtimony of others; but of his own eyes. Did Eraſmus 


buy them, or ſteal them ? faid Pirckheimer, He bought them, 


ſaid the Monk. Why then, quoth Pirckheimer, there is a certain 
fox, who is a much greater knave; for he comes into my yard 
frequently, and takes away a fowl, without paying me. But is 
it then a fin to eat fowls ? Moſt certainly, anſwered the Monk: 
it is the fin of gluttony; and it becomes the more heinous, when 
it is committed and frequently repeated by Church-men. Per- 
haps, ſaid Pirckheimer, hè eats them upon faſt-days. No, ſaid 
the Monk; but we Eccleſiaſtics ought: to abſtain; upon all days 
from ſuch delicacies. Ah, my good F ather, ſaid Pirckheimer, 
it is not by eating dry bread, that you have got that huge paunch 


of yours; and if all the fowls, which have gone into it, could lift 


up their voice at once, and cackle in concert, they would make 
noiſe enough to drown the drums and the trumpets of an army. 

I hear, ſays he, that Occolampadius i 1s turned Monk ; I wiſh 
he had thought better upon it. | 

Eraſmus ' approved this ſtep of Oecolampadius as little as his 


friend Bilibaldus ; 1 and obſerves, that a man's diſcontented and 
reſtleſs 


7 


h Oecolampadius, Eccleſiaſtes Au- 
guſtanus, in Cœnobium Salvatoris, prope 


Auguſtam, concedit, factus ibi Mona- 
chus, cum metueret reipublicæ a Lu- 


theri ſcriptis 3 ſed imprimis ut otium ei 


conſervaretur ad ſtudia ſua Theologica. 


Antequam autem monaſterium ingrede- 
retur, ſtudiis ſuis et fidei kbettatem a 
fratribus ſtipulatus eſt. Subſtitit in eo 
annum integrum, uſque dum libertas 
verbi divini interdici ccœpta. Hoc gra- 
viffime in eo tulit Eraſmus,” et Wolf- 
gangus etiam Fabricius Capito. Scul- 


teti Annales. Publiſhed by Von der 


Hardt. Hiſt. Liter. * . V. 


p. 35. 


i Quod ſetibis ab Oecolampadio fac- 
tum, jam ex illius literis ſubodorabar 


faturum. Id ſive juditio fecit, ſive ani- 
mi morbo, quando mutari non poteſt, 
precandum eſt, ut illi ac nobis quam op- 

time vertat. Video res humanas ſic un- 


dique corruptas, ut nullis unquam ſe- 
culis exiſtimem plus licuiſſe impudentiæ, 
plus licuiſſe ſtoliditati, plus licuiſſe ſce- 


leri. Et nonnunquam libet aliquo pro- 


1 fugere, 


217 


2 _ WS” 
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8 


218 


A.D. 1520, 


THE EIFR ER 


reſtleſs temper will purſue him even into (eas retirement of a 
monaſtery, Ep. 504. 


In a letter to Beatus Rhenanus, Eraſinus DON that the 
publication of his Epiſtles had given him much vexation. As 
he found that very faulty and incorrect collections had been made 
of them, even when he was in Italy, he thought it better to 


give an edition himſelf, than to leave it to others, although he 


proteſts that it never was his deſign to print them. As he had 
ſpoken freely 1 in thoſe letters on many important points, he could 
not avoid giving offence. The Monks eſpecially, as enemies to 
literature, exclaimed violently againſt them: and then, the Lu- 
theran contentions breaking out, theſe epiſtles were ſtill more 
cenfared than before, and accuſed of favouring Lutheraniſm, at 
a time when, as he ſays, it was neither ſafe to ſpeak, nor to keep 
filence. Then he adds, that he would have ſuppreſſed thoſe 
epiſtles, but that Froben would not conſent. He even defires 
Rhenanus to pay Froben his expenſes, and to withdraw the 
copies. But in this he could hardly ſpeak * ſeriouſly, fince Froben 


was too much his friend, and his humble ſervant, to print them 
without his conſent. 


He afterwards treats of the different manner in which different 
Norge ought to be written, and of the danger which a man in- 


CUTS 


fugere, ſed vereor ne quocunque me ver- vel preferri bona ex parte poſſit, — Rez 


tro, ſequatur moleſtia. Proinde tutius exit gravis et docta jucunditate condita. 


arbitror mali remedium ab animo petere, Diſpeream, fi non legere geſtias: legille 
potius quam a loco aut vitæ inſtituto. vero tam gaudeas, ut nunquam magis. 
Bene habet, quod Chriſtus in tanta vitio- Vale. Baſileæ, Anno 1519. - Epift, 
rum caligine nobis Evangelica doctrinæ azonymi amici ad H. C. Agrippam, p. 757. 
ſcintillas reliquit. Ep. 527. } Eutherana tragœdia in tantam ex- 

Excudit Frobenius juſtum Epiſto- arfit contentionem, ut nec loqui tutum 
larum illuſtrium opus: Farrage Epiſto- ſit, nec tacere. Ep. 5. 
larum Eraſmi, titulus erit. Vix dici It is to he de that 0 con- 
queat, quam elegans opus futurum : ſented, neu th 4 |) | 
quod non ſolum Politiano conferri, fed aan, 26. aA 3 ous, 


— 
\ 


OF ERASMUS. 219 
curs by publiſhing them in his life-time. This letter ſtood firſt | in A. D. 1520. 
the Edition of Baſil, 1.540; being a kind of preface to the whole 
collection, in which the Author ſets forth his reaſons for his 
manner of writing. 

He replied to a: letter of Ovcolampadius, who had informed 

him of his change of life. He wiſheth, that this learned man 
1 might find his new ſituation anſwerable to his hopes. If I 
thought, ſays he, that it would prove ſo, I could be content to 
bear you company: but I feat that you will find your expecta- 
tions diſappointedl. He was not deceived in his conjecture. 

In “ ſeveral of his letters he beſtows many commendations on 
Hutten and Eppendorf: but he afterwards. had quarrels with 
them, when their attachment. to Lutheraniſm, joined to out- 
rageous violence, had made them odious; and at laſt he ſaid as 
much againſt them, as he had ever ſaid for them before. It is 
true, that they give him great provocation, and in a manner 
neceſſitated him to act thus: but this is one of the inconveniences, 
which ſometimes attend the Poon of SHO. as he juſtly 
obſerves. 

He frequently Spies, chat * n nals had Ae 
him of ſome learned friends of the Lutheran party, who once 
admired and extolled him, as he fays, more than he deſired or 
deſerved, and afterwards depreciated him as much. 

Warm paſſions and a lively imagination diſpoſe men to pane- 
gyric and to fatire : but, Nimium nec laudare, nec 1edere, that is, 
Neither to Derfy, nor to Duncify, ſeems to be no bad rule for 

thoſe, who would act Oy; and live quietly. 


Ff 40 ö They 


Utinam tibi contingat, = ex- 0 25 $10, 512, 514, 517. 
petis, optime Oecolampadi. Id ſi ſci- Jam et illud eſt incommodi, quod, 
rem, haberes me comitem; fed vereor ut nunc res ſunt mortalium, ex amiciſſi- 
de te ſequatur hoc tædium. Sic eſt mis nonnunquam reddantur inimiciſſimi, 
ita mortalium: ab animo petenda eſt et contra; ut et illos- laudatos, et hos 
'ranguillitas, Ep. 509. doleas attactos. Ep. 50%. 


If. 
* 
} 

| 

| 


j 
— 8 —— — — — 


220 


A. D. 1520, f 


THE LIFE 


England, although he had many friends there, and amongſt 
them even perſons of the firſt quality, and the King himſelf. 
He gives a remarkable inſtance of this in the behaviour of 
* Standiſh, who had been a Monk, and was Biſhop of St. Afaph, 
and whom Eraſmus ſometimes calls, by way of derifion, Epiſco. 


* a Sancro Aſßno, Biſhop of Saint As. Standiſh had railed at 


Eraſmus, in a ſermon preached at St. Paul's, for tranſlating the 
beginning of St. John's Goſpel, In principio erat SERMO, and not 
VEerBuM. He alfo accuſed Eraſmus of hereſy before the King 


and the Queen; but was thoroughly expoſed for it by two learned 


friends * of Eraſmus, who happened to be then preſent. Eraſmus 
adds a long ſtory of a moſt ignorant Profeſſor of Divinity, with 


whom he had a conference. But his enemies in Brabant were 


15 more troubleſome and vexatious. Ep. 516. 


„ * Standiſh was the common hunter of heretics, and twice 
« faſtened upon Eraſmus, &c. Wood, Goodwin, and others, 
<< ſpeak more favourably of him than Eraſmus, He was Guardian 


8 


* 


of the Franciſcan Convent in London, and Provincial of his 


* Order, and in 1519 was made Biſhop of St. Afaph. In 1 526, 


A 


he and Sir John Baker were ſent ambafladors to Denmark. In 


« 3530, he was one of the Biſhops that aſſiſted. and directed 
« Queen Catharine in the affair of the Divorce. He was eſteemed 
% a learned man in his time, and a moſt zealous favourer and 


« aſſertor of the Catholic religion; for which, if he had lived 
« longer, he would have ſuffered much; He wrote ſeveral ſer- 


mons, a treatiſe againſt Eraſmus, &c. He died in 1.54 5;” 


« * Attempts were begun in England to reſtrain Feclefiaſtica 


6 immunities, which were become a nuiſance paſt all bearing, 


„ Wand 


L409: Knight, p· . Ke. See. the More. Knight, p. 273. 


Apology of m T. IX. c. 111, | * Knight, _ „ 
434. Burnet's Hiſt, of the Ref, 1 12. | 
I take them to have by 5 and 


They x now began to exclaim furiouſly againſt Brifmus in 


P * 


r 


OF ERASMUS, 227 


© and to make the Clergy ſubject to the Common laws of che A. D. 1520, 

4 realm. This gave infinite offence to the Clergy, There 3 

« an hearing about it before the King; and Standifh, being 
Counſel for the King, pleaded very Arongly againſt theſe im- 

60 munities. The Convocation then fell upon Standiſh with great. 


5 


« 


4 ESSAY 


| De ** 
15 zie ar Standiſh, apprars-- to better advantage, [Hap in 
hi quarrels with Eraſmus. - ,, if 


More gives Eraſmus a terrible account t of the W fickoek, 


* Ep. 55 is to Bedell, who was Secretary to Warham, and 


e afterwards an Archdeacon, and appointed one of the Com 
« miffioners to viſit Religious Houſes, in order to their diſſolution. 
« In it Eraſmus ſends his compliments to Dr. Wells, who had 
been Fellow of New en 2 Was men Jurte. to 


* 


* 


c 


the Archbiſhop.” 


Beatus Rhbtidnius- having 09 1 an edition of Tertullian, 


di unquam alias, nunc maxi- 
me in mæerore et periculo verſamur, 
multis undique morientibus, omnibus 


fere, qui Oxoniæ, qui Cantabrigiæ, qui 
Londini ſunt, intra paucos dies decum- 


bentibus, amiſſis plurimis, optimis, at- 


que honeſtiſſimis amicis: atque in his, 


quod tibi quoque dolori eſſe doleo, An- 


drea noſtro Ammonio, in quo et literæ, 
et omnes boni magnam fecere jacturam. 

Is valde ſibi videbatur adverſus conta- 
gionem, victus moderatione munitus.: 
qua factum putavit, ut quum. in nullum 


pene incideret, cujus non tota familia 


laboraverat, neminem adhuc e ſuis id. 


rage paſſeth a learned, juſt, and candid judgment upon this 
Father. He proceeds to mention ſome ancient hereſies, which 
ſoon were extinguiſhed on account of their monſtrous abſurdity. 


malum attigerit ; id quod et mihi, et 
multis præterea jactavit non admodum 


multis horis antequam exſtinctus eſt: 


nam hoc ſudore nemo niſi primo die pe- 


rit. Ego, uxorque, ac liberi adhuc in- 
tacti, reliqua familia tota revaluit. Hoc 
tibi affirmo, minus periculi in acie, quam 
in urbe eſſe. Nunc, ut audio, ſævire 
Caleti incipit, quum nos eo extrudimur, 


legatione ſuncturi, tanquam parum ſit in 


contagione vixiſſe, niſi ſequamur etiam. 
Sed quid facias? quod ſors feret, feren- 


dum eſt. Ego animum mihi in omnem 
eventum compoſui. Ep. 522. 


* Knight, p. 231. 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1520, But Arlaniſm, which did not maintain ſuch groſs follies, Which 


was adopted by learned men, and which ſeemed to defend itſelf 
by the teſtimonies of the holy Scriptures, was much longer- lived: 

and, as to Pelagianiſm, Eraſmus thought ar ſome remains of it 
were to be found in the doctrines conce ning Free- will, Which 
were received by many. ; 


A good portion of hereſy, ſays he, ſeems to have. come hs 


the ſentiments of the Philoſophers ; which makes me wonder at 


a common faying, that there is no confuting of heretics without 
the aſſiſtance of the Ariſtotelic philoſophy. Surely, either that 
lame philoſophy muſt be a very holy thing, or they, who can 
make ſo excellent an uſe of it, muſt be men of. an incomparable 
genius“ This ſhews, that he, who ſaid that / it had not been 
er Arijietle's phileſephy, we ſhould have gone without many an Article 
of faith, was not ſingular in his opinion. 


Eraſmus ſays alſo, that there were ſome Scholaſtic. herefics, 
which it were better to connive at, than to raiſe a clamour againſt 
them, becauſe they were not calculated to do any great miſchief. 
> But one hereſy there is, which perhaps deſerves not that. name, 


Sed nulla (hæreſis) majores excita- 
vit in orbe tumultus quam Arianorum, 
quod ea nec portenta palam abſurda pro- 
ferret, et ut erant docti, Scripturarum 
teſtimoniis niti viderentur. Pelagiano- 
rum, quod ad liberum attinet arbitrium, 


etiam hodie licet veſtigia quædam depre- 
hendere. Ep. 525. 


Nimirum aut ea philoſophia mul- 
tum habet ſanctimoniæ, aut præclari 
ſunt artifies, qui illa ſic norunt uti. 

See Bayle ARTS Tor F. 
sed eft hirefis quædam, quit 


quanquam hæreſis vocabulum non me- 
reatur, tamen maximam perniciem ad- 


2 


(He 


fert vitze mortalium, ac plurimum officit 
Eväungelicæ auctoritati, quum ii, qui 
profitentur philofophiam Chriſti, qui ſe 
getufit pro ſummis ducibus ac proceribus 
totius populi Chriffiani, palam tota vita, 
totis ſtudiis, totis conatibus, nihil aliud 
doceant, quam ambitionem pluſquam 
theatricam, avaritiam inſatiabilem, vo- 
luptatum aviditatem inexplebilem, bel- 
lorum furias; cæteraque, quæ ſacræ Li- 
teræ deteſtantur, qui ab Ethnicis etiam 
philoſophis improbantur. Non iſta lo- 
quuntur quidem; ſed efficacius ft ny 
re gem ie 9 IG ben 


imo „ 


3 
8 Ch 
84 


OF ERASMUS, 223 
( He means, that © bad actions are worſe than erroneous opinions) A. D. 1520, 
and yet is very pernicious to men, and greatly weakens the au- 
thority of the Goſpel; and that is, when they, who are Profeſſors 
of Divinity, and pretend to be heads of the Chriſtian people, teach 
" nothing elſe, during their whole lives, and with all their endea- 
* vour, than pompous ambition, inſatiable avarice, an unextinguiſhed 
3 luſt of pleaſure, cruel wars, and other things, which the holy 
BY Scriptures abhor, and which even Pagan Moralifts condemn. It 
is true, they teach not this deteſtable doctrine by words; but they 
teach it by actions, and by their examples, which are ſtill more 
infectious, and more deſtructive. Ep. 525. 

As Leo had publiſhed this year a furious Bull 2vainſt W 
Eraſmus began to be in pain for the Reformer, although John 
Frederic, Elector of Saxony, had taken him under his protection. 

I fear, ſays he to Noviomagus, for the unfortunate Luther: ſo 
violent is the Conſpiracy, and ſo ſtrongly have the Pope and the 

Princes been inſtigated againſt him. Would to God he had 

followed my counſel, and had abſtained from odious and ſeditious 

proceedings he would then have done more good, and have in- 

curred leſs hatred. It would be no great matter that one man 
ſmould periſh; but if theſe people (the Monks) get the better, 
EZ they will never reſt, till they have ruined literature. They begin 
= again to attack Reuchlin, only becauſe they hate Luther, who, 

= contrary to my advice, by meddling in the affair of Reuchlin, 

bath brought an odium upon that learned man, and yet done 

= himſelf no ſer vice. 

But if Luther had followed tio alrite of Eraſmus and con- 
ducted the affair with all. imaginable moderation and reſerve, he 
would have had till lefler ſucceſs; becauſe his ſyſtem paſſed, in 
the opinion of the Divines, for a moſt peſtilent hereſy, tending 


ta 


© Deluded people ! that do not conſi- ſooner forgive a man an hundred defects 
der, that the greateſt hereſy in the world of his underſtanding, than one fault of 
is a wicked life; and that God will his will. Tillotſon, Vol. I. Serm. 34. 


I 
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224 
A. D. 1520. to overſet the authority of the Pope and the Monks, and to 


THE LIFE 


deſtroy the credit of certain opinions and doctrines, from which 
they drew an immenſe profit. If Luther, after he had been 


publicly cenſured at Rome, had yielded and recanted, all the 


benefit that his doctrine was capable of producing would have 


been totally loſt: and if he reſiſted and ſtood his ground, that 


could not be done without ſedition, as it was called, and a ſepa- 
ration from thoſe who had excommunicated him. It was ab- 


ſurd to imagine, that the Court of Rome would have yielded in 
the ſmalleſt point to a little Monk, whom ſhe conſidered as a 


rebel and an innovator ; or would have facrificed her temporal 


intereſts to the cauſe of Truth and Peace. Had ſhe acted fo, it 
would have been for the firſt time. She choſe rather to adhere 
to the Oracular Maxim, WHATEVER 1s, IS RIGHT. 


As to the tyranny of the Monks, it is true enough that it was 
become intolerable, and that it retarded not a little the progreſs of 


polite and uſeful learning. But in the religious diviſions which 
enſued, ſocieties were formed, where letters flouriſhed in an 


eminent manner; and, in ſubſequent times, the Monks alſo in 


ſeveral places began to apply themſelves cloſely to ſtudy, through 
ſhame and emulation, and for their own honour and intereſt, and 


many excellent ſcholars aroſe amongſt them. Yet Eraſmus was 
excuſable for his fears, that literature would be depreſſed and 
expelled, as he could not peu, foreſee what Time would 
bring forth. | 

He was earneſtly ſolicitous to have the cauſe of literature, 
2 the Monks oppoſed ſo violently, ſeparated from the cauſe 
of Lutheraniſm; and therefore he often obſerves, that they had 
no kind of connection. But, if we may ſay the truth, the ſtudy 
of the Belles lettres is a poor occupation, if they are to be con- 
fined to a knowledge of languages and of antiquities, and not 


employed to the ſervice of religion, and of other ſciences. To 


what purpoſe doth a man fill his head with Latin and Greek 


| words, 


8 


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34 


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——— 
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OF ERASMUS. 225 


weeks: with proſe and verſe, with hiſtories, opinions, and A. D. 1520. 
cuſtoms, if it doth not contribute to make him more rational, 
more, prudent, more. civil, more virtuous and religious? Such 
occupations are to be conſidered as introductory, and ornamental, 
and ſerviceable to ſtudies of higher importance, ſuch as Philoſo- 
1 phy, Law, Ethics, Politics, and Divinity. To abandon theſe 
4 ſciences, in order to ſupport Philology, is like burning a city, to 

4 ſave the gates. Be this obſerved once for all, becauſe Eraſmus 

often returns to the ſubject, and dearly loves to dwell upon it. 

If he would have employed his learned abilities to palliate the 
defects of the Church of Rome, and to plead the cauſe of the 

Popes and of the Monks, and to ſupport their pretenſions, as his 

friend More did afterwards, he might have regained their eſteem. 

But although he affected from this time forwards, to cenſure 
the proceedings of Luther, he did not therefore approve the con- 
duct of Luther's adverſaries, as he teſtified frequently and openly 
LY enough; and yet he would not ſeparate himſelf from their, com- 
munion, in which he thought he might live, without applauding 
LE their behaviour, and adopting all their ſentiments, 

© They have cauſed to be printed, ſays he, a moſt Pe WY 
EZ Bull; but the Pope hath not yet permitted the publication of it. 
2 1 am afraid that ſome terrible tumult will enſue. They, who 

exhort the Pope to proceed thus, give him, in my opinion, an 
advice, concerning the piety of which I know not what may be 
ſaid; but the danger of it is evident. This whole affair ſprings 
from bad cauſes, and hath been puſhed on by as bad methods. 
The Tragedy aroſe firſt from the ſtupidity of the Monks, and 
their hatred for literature. By violent provocations and malicious 
conſpiracies they have raiſed it to that height of fury, which 
they aimed at. After having ſuppreſſed the learning which they 
abhor, they hope to reign triumphant, they and their Barbarity. 
I make not myſelf a party, and will be no actor in the tragedy : 
elle a Biſhoprick would be at my ſervice, if I would but write 
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224 THE LIFE 


A. D. 1520. to FEET: the authority of the. Pope and the Monks, and to 
deſtroy the credit of certain opinions and doctrines, from which 
they drew an immenſe profit. If Luther, after he had been 
ö publicly cenſured at Rome, had yielded and recanted, all the 
| | benefit that his doctrine was capable of producing would have 
| been totally loſt: and if he reſiſted and ſtood his ground, that 
could not be done without ſedition, as it was called, and a ſepa- 
ration from thoſe who had excommunicated him. It was ab 
furd to imagine, that the Court of Rome would have yielded in 
the ſmalleſt point to a little Monk, whom ſhe conſidered as a 
rebel and an innovator; or would have facrificed her temporal 
intereſts to the cauſe of Truth and Peace. Had ſhe ated fo, it 
would have been for the firſt time. She choſe rather to adhere 
to the Oracular Maxim, WHATEVER 1s, 1s RIGHT. 
As to the tyranny of the Monks, it is true enough that it was 
become intolerable, and that it retarded not a little the progreſs of 
polite and uſeful learning. But in the religious diviſions which 
enſued, ſocieties were formed, where letters flouriſhed in an 
eminent manner; and, in ſubſequent times, the Monks alſo in 
ſeveral places began to apply themſelves cloſely to ſtudy, through 
ſhame and emulation, and for their own honour and intereſt, and 
many excellent ſcholars aroſe amongſt them. Yet Eraſmus was 
excuſable for his fears, that literature would be depreſſed and 
expelled, as he could not peſſibiy foreſee what Time would 
bring forth. 
He was earneſtly ſolicitous to have the cond of literature, 
which the Monks oppoſed fo violently, ſeparated from the cauſe 
of Lutheraniſm ; and therefore he often obſerves, that they had 
no kind of connection. But, if we may ſay the truth, the ſtudy 
of the Belles lettres is a poor occupation, if they are to be con- 
fined to a knowledge of languages and of antiquities, and not 
employed to the ſervice of religion, and of other ſciences. To 
what pres doth a man fill his head with Latin and Greek 


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I am afraid that ſome terrible tumult will enſue. 


OF. ERASMUS. 


ate with proſe pay verſe, with hiſtories, opinions, and A. D. 1520, 


cuſtoms, if it doth, not contribute to make him more rational, 


more. prudent, more civil, more virtuous and religious? Such 


occupations are to be coblidered as introductory, and ornamental, 


and ſerviceable to ſtudies of higher importance, ſuch as Philoſo- 


phy, Law, Ethics, Politics, and Divinity. To abandon theſe 


ſciences, in order to ſupport Philology, is like burning a city, to 
ſave the gates. 
often returns to the ſubject, and dearly loves to dwell upon it. 


Be this obſerved once, for. all, becauſe Eraſmus 


If he would have employed his learned abilities to palliate the 
defects of the Church of Rome, and to plead the cauſe of the 
Popes and of the Monks, and;to ſupport their pretenſions, as his 
friend More did afterwards, he might have regained their eſteem. 

But although | he affected from this time forwards to cenſure 
the proceedings of Luther, he did not therefore approve the-con- 


duct of Luther's adverſaries, as he teſtified frequently and openly 
enough and yet he would not ſeparate himſelf from their, com- 


munion, in which he thought he might live, without applauding 
their behaviour, and adopting all their ſentiments. 


They have cauſed to be printed, ſays he, a moſt formidable 


Bull; but the Pope hath not yet permitted the publication of it. 


1 They, who 
exhort the Pope to proceed thus, give him, in my opinidn, an 


advice, concerning the piety of which I know not what may be 


ſaid; but the danger of it is evident. This whole affair ſprings 


from bad cauſes, and hath been puſhed on by as bad methods. 


The Tragedy aroſe firſt from the ſtupidity of the Monks, and 
their hatred for literature. By violent provocations and malicious 
conſpiracies they have raiſed it to that heiglit of fury, which 
they aimed at. After having ſuppreſſed the learning which they 
abhor, they hope to reign triumphant, they and their Barbarity. 
I make not myſelf a party, and will be no actor in the tragedy : 


elſe a Biſhoprick would be at my ſervice, if I would but write 


0 9 againſt 


225 


my 


226 THE. LIFE 


A. P. 1520, againſt Luther. I am grieved to ſee the Evangelical doctrine 
thus oppreſſed, to ſee that we are to be compelled, and not 
taught, or elſe taught things contrary to the holy Scriptures, and g 
to common ſenſe. 

Thus he opened himſelf in confidence to a friend. 

He wrote alſo to the Pope upon the following occaſion : He 
had ſent a letter to Luther the year before, exhorting him to 
moderation, and commending him at the fame time. This letter 
had been ſhewed to the Pope ; and Eraſmus had been cenſured 
for not exhorting Luther to recant, and for not declaring round ly 
that he would break with him, if he did not comply with the 
Pope. In anſwer to this accuſation, Erafmus pretends, that he | 
had only commended in Luther what was commendable, ang 
had treated him civilly with a view to reclaim him the more | 
eaſily. He proteſts, that he had only read a few pages of his 
books, (which, by the way, ſeems hardly credible) and that he 
had hindered Froben from printing them. One paſlage was par- 
ticularly cenſured in. his letter, wherein, after having exhorted 
Luther to moderation, he adds, I write this to admoniſh you, 
not what you ought to do, but that you would continue to act 
as you do. Eraſmus ſays, that he ſpake thus, only upon the 
ſuppoſition that Luther did of his own accord what he could with | | 
him to do. This was ſurely a cold defence, and not calculated ST 
to ſatisfy perſons ſo thoroughly heated, as the partiſans of te 
Romiſh Court were at that time. Theſe men were undoubtedly Þ| 1 
inferior beyond meaſure to Eraſmus, either in ſolid erudition, o r {| 

in a love of truth, or in a defire to have vices and errors cor- [EF \ 

rected ; but as to worldly intereſts, they underſtood them far 
better than he, and were not to be fo duped in ſuch matters. 
85 5205 He 
Miki dolet fic obrui doctrinam Ep. 528. VCC |; 
Evangelicam, noſque cogi tantum, non © Hae ſeribo, non ut te admoneam 7 
doceri, et doceri ea a quibus abhorrent quid facias, ſed ut _ facis ren 1 | 
et Sacre Literæ, et ſenſus communis. facias. 4 ht 


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OF ERASMUS. 


227 


He had declined the taſk of refuting Luther, becauſe, ſaid he, A. D. 1320. 


1. They who would undertake it ought to read his writings with 
attention, and more than once; for which I have no leiſure, 


being rag en in other ſtudies: 2. Becauſe it is a work above 


my abilities: 3. Becauſe I will not deprive the Univerfaties, 
which have undertaken to confute him, of their honour and 
glory: 4. Becauſe I have no mind to draw upon myſelf the 
reſentment of many powerful Pens, eſpecially as L am not 
appointed to this office. 

He proteſts, however, that he was very far from oppoſing him- 


ſelf to the ſupreme Vicar of Jeſus Chriſt ; only he wiſhed, that 


Luther had been ſolidly confuted, before they had burnt his 
books. He adds, that he had reſolved with himſelf to paſs the 
winter at Rome, for the ſake of conſulting the Pope's library ; 
but that the Aſſemblies of the Princes had retarded his journey. 


Charles V, it ſeems, returning from Spain, had been crowned at 


Aix La Chapelle, and had been at Cologn, where he had called 
together the Electors. * Some Lutheran writers have ſaid, that 
Eraſmus was preſent there, and gave a favourable teſtimony to 


Luther; and he ſays himſelf, that at Cologn he had given an 
advice to the Princes, who were there aſſembled, * by which the 


Pope might have been extolled for his clemency, and Luther for 
his obedience. But his advice, whatſoever it was, came to no- 
thing, and his ſojourning at Cologn was quite uſeleſs, as to any 


 pacification, However, it is not probable that he felt even the 


ſmalleſt temptation to repair to Rome, and to the Pope 8 library, 
whatever he might ſay about it. Ep. 529. 


In a letter to Franciſcus Chiregatus, he complains again of the 
malice of the Monks, who in their Theological Lectures, and 
in their Sermons, affected to couple him with Luther. He ſays, 


"© os . that 


Chytræus, apud 8. chats, ad Ut et Pontifex auferret laudem ele- 


hunc annum. f mentieæ, et Lutherus obedientiæ. Ep. 570. 


228 


THE LIFE 


A:D. 1720. that a certain Monk, who was no leſs than Coadjutor to the 


Biſhop of Tournay, had declaimed at Bruges againſt Luther and 


him ; and that being aſked by a Magiſtrate, what hereſies there 
were in the books of Eraſmus, he replied, I have not read them, 
once I attempted to read his Paraphraſes, but I found the Latinity 
too exalted. I am afraid that he may have fallen into ſome 


hereſy, becauſe of his exalted Latinity. Ep. 530. 


Eraſmus teſtifies his ſincere attachment to the See of Rome, 
and adviſes that Court to be as ſincerely favourable to the cauſe of 


Jeſus Chriſt, and to feek no other ornaments than thoſe wherein 
Chriſt himſelf excelled. 


At the ſame time he ſent to Henry VIII bis * reply to Edward 


Lee, who had attacked him at the inſtigation of the Monks, and 


of his own vanity. Writing to Albertus, Cardinal of Mentz, he 
declares how much he was vexed, that a letter, which he had 


ſent to this Prelate, and which contained ſome favourable expreſ- 
ſions concerning Luther, had been intercepted and printed, even 


before it had reached the Cardinal's hands. Ep. 536. 


Eraſmus did not believe, as he tells a Carthuſian Monk, that 


fince the days of Jeſus Chrift there had been an age ſo abound- 


ing in malice, as that wherein he had the misfortune to live. 


Therefore, ſays he, repent not of having embraced that retired 
ſtate of yours. As for me, my hard Deſtiny hath thrown me into 
a tempeſtuous world. I can neither hold my peace, nor ſpeak 
the things which become the Goſpel of Jeſus Chriſt, His con- 
{ience would not permit him to be a deſerter from that whole- 


ſome doctrine, of which he had ſowed the good ſeed through- 
out his works, or to retra& it, as the Monks required of him: 


and yet theſe men were ſo formidable, and ſo ſupported by the 


Eccleſiaſtical Powers, that he dared not to ſpeak. his whole mind, 
and 


any date. Chriſto loqui. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


Jeſus Chriſt, ſays he, cries out, Be of good courage, I have over- 
come the world. But the World will ſoon cry out, Be of good 


courage, I have overcome Jeſus Chriſt. And indeed, inſtead of 


Evangelical gifts and graces, ambition, voluptuouſneſs, avarice, 


audaciouſneſs, vanity, impudence, envy and malice reign trium- 


phant, even amongſt thoſe who pretend to be the light and the 
falt of the world. Ep. 531, 539. 
He makes heavy complaints to Roſemund, Moderator of the 


Univerſity of Louvain, as he had before, that Egmond the Car- 


melite had railed at him, not like a Divine, but like a Drunkard 


from a dung-cart, and had accuſed him from the Pulpit of 


favouring Luther. Eraſmus ſays, that having curſorily run over 
ſome pages of Luther, he had loved the talents which he had 
obſerved in him ; and had collected thence, that the man might 


do no ſmall ſervice to the cauſe of Religion, if he employed 


his abilities to the glory of his Saviour. As many atrocious crimes. 
were charged upon him, and ſome of them manifeſt lies, I 


wiſhed, ſays he, that, if he were in ſome meaſure faulty, he 


might rather be amended than deſtroyed. , If this is favouring 
Luther, I frankly own that I favour him ; and fo doth the Pope, 
and ſo you do all, if you be true Divines, and indeed if you be 
Chriſtians. - | 

This was ſpeaking like an honeſt man; 3 no friend to the 


Church of Rome, who pretended to any ſhare of equity, could 


condemn this language. But it was not the language of the In- 
quiſition; it was not the language of the Monks, who breathed 


nothing beſides revenge, and the deſtruction of heretics: and 


therefore, after all his complaints againſt Egmond, he could pro- 


cure no ſatisfaction. He ought to have cried out, that Luther 
deſerved to be hanged for what he had already done, whether 


he ſubmitted or not; he ought to have inſulted and abuſed him 
upon. all occaſions, if he hoped to pleas the men, who accounted: 
moderation 


and utter all that he judged to be conformable to the Goſpel. A. D. 1520. 


229 


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THE LIFE 


A.D. 1520. moderation and equity to be capital crimes, when extended to 2 
man accounted by them the Leader of the heretical armies, 


Ep. 539. 
In an epiſtle to Reuchlin, after mentioning the Lutheran Tra- 
gedy, as he calls it, he adds, that he choſe rather to be a ſpecta- 


tor than an actor; not that he would refuſe to run ſome riſque 


for an affair that regarded Chriſtianity, but becauſe it was aboye 


his weakneſs. He alſo enn of the Monks, ſworn foes to 
learning, who always joined * Erudition and Lutheraniſm toge- 
ther, which he deſired might always be ſeparated ; and of the 
Germans, who embraced Luther's fide with too much vehemence. 
But how could ſome vehemence be avoided ? and how could the 
Lutherans pay compliments and ſhew reverence to perſons, who 


required nothing leſs than a blind and unlimited obedience, under 


pain of excommunication, impriſonment, fire and fagot ? In vain 


honeſt Eraſmus acted the Pacifier, and exhorted on one hand 


the Court of Rome to proceed with more mildneſs, and the Lu- 
therans on the other to behave with more ſubmiſſion and modeſty. 


The pretenſions of the former were ſo exorbitant, that nothing 
beſides capital puniſhments could ſupport them; and the Re- 


formers were ſo ſhocked and provoked, and ſo convinced that no 
compliance would be made to any of their requeſts, that they 
accounted it a betraying the cauſe of Truth to ſpeak humbly and 
ſubmiſſively to ſuch incorrigible rulers. It was, as they thought, 
like exhorting a Caligula and a Nero to clemency, and adviſing 
the poor ſubjects to compliment ſuch tyrants, to remind them 
gently of their defects, and humbly to intreat them, that they 
would be ſo good and gracious as to condeſcend to alter ther 
conduct. BP: 541. 

Oecolampadius 
Lovanii quidam non ſemel publici- reſeòn, et ob id earum Profeſſores fuſti- 


tus dixit apud populum, Linguas ac po- bus ejiciendos ex Academia. T. IX. 
litiores Iiteras eſſe fontem omnium hæ- c. 5317. 


OF ERASMUS 231 


Oecolampadius ſuſpected, that Eraſmus diſapproved his enter- A.D. 1520, 
ing into a Monaſtic life. Eraſmus tells him, that it was not ſo; and 
that when he treated the Monks as Phariſees, he only meant his 
own perſecutors, and thoſe who under a pretence of religion were 
real foes to it. He was willing to ſuppoſe, that Oecolampadius 

had choſen a ſociety leſs infected than fome others. Ep. 544. 
| He addreſſed a long and a very accurate and elaborate letter to 
his friend Campegius, wherein he ſets himſelf principally to 
defend thoſe which he had written to Luther, and to the Car- 
dinal of Mentz, becauſe they had been printed and tranſmitted 
to the Pope, to ſet him againſt Eraſmus. He begins with decla- 
ring, that he would have gone to Rome, to paſs the winter 
there, if he had not been hindered by a Congreſs of the Princes 
of the Empire about that time, at which he had reaſons to be 
_ preſent; and that therefore he had deferred his intended journey 
to the next year. He had a mind, as he ſays, to paſs the remainder 
of his days at Rome, where learned ſtudies might be purſued, 
not only with leiſure and tranquillity, but with reputation and 
> honour. This was true enough : but ſuch conditions were to be 
b complied with, as Eraſmus could never have endured; namely, 
tduat theſe learned ſtudies ſhould give no ſhadow of offence to 
E the Theology which was taught there; that men of letters ſhould 
appear zealous friends to that Court, and implacable enemies to 
its adverſaries; and, laſtly, that they and their writings ſhould be 
entirely ſubmitted to the Eccleſiaſtical Cenſors and Examiners of 
books. "Theſe politicians, or bigots, who in fact have only per- 
mitted the reading of Eraſmus, with a Donec corrigatur, that 
= is to fay, When the beſt things that he had compoſed were 
eraſed, would never have ſuffered him to print at Rome what 
be ſet forth at Baſil. So that, as one of the Kings of Mace- 
donia got the nick-name of Au/owy, or, He who is to give, becauſe he 
always promiſed, but never performed; in like manner Eraſmus 
ſhould have been called at Rome, (as the expected Meſſias of the 


Jews) 


De ns * E ²˙ w U ndd 


—— — 


— . . 


— — 


232 


THE LIF E 


A. D. 1520. Jews) “ 'Exwooueys, He that is to come; becauſe he always 


talked of ſetting forth on his journey to Rome, but never accom- 


pliſhed it. 


He complains, that the Profeſſors of Lites e e were 


too violent in their invectives againſt their illiterate foes; and that, 
on the other ſide, the Monks, headed by ſome Dominicans and 
Carmelites, ſtirred heaven and earth to ruin the former, railing 


againſt them, and blackening them in their Sermons to the popu- 
lace, as deteſtable heretics. As for himſelf, he would gladly 
have been a mediator of peace between both; and if he cenſured 


the latter, he meant only the vitious part of them, and had taken 
no greater liberties of that kind than St. Jerom had taken before 


him, who yet was a Monk himſelf. But the worſt of it was, 
that the number of thoſe, to whom the cenſures of Eraſmus might 


be applicable, was exceeding great, and that whole bodies of Re- 
ligious Orders acted according to all the principles which he con- 
demned. It is no wonder then that they were ſo incenſed againſt 


him, and againſt all thoſe who derided their groſs ignorance, 


and their ſtubborn attachment to Scholaſtic barbarity. 


As to his letter to Luther, he had treated him as one Divine 
ought to treat another, and had given him ſuch advice as he 
ſeemed to ſtand in need of. Here, as in many other letters, he 


begins to ſpeak of Luther with the equity and forbearance of an 


honeſt man ; but in a manner by no means agreeable at Rome, 
where a zeal was required, which nothing could fatisfy, except 


the deſtruction of heretics. 


Of all Luther's writings, ſays he, 1 have watdly read twelve 
pages, here and there, in a curſory manner; and yet by this little, 
which I have rather run over than examined, I thought that 1 
could diſcern in him natural talents, and a genius very proper to 


explain the holy Scriptures according to the manner of the 


Fathers, and to kindle thoſe ſparks of Evangelical doctrine, from 
which common cuſtom, and the doctrines of the Schools upon 


ſ] peculations 


OF ERASMUS. 233 
ſpeculations more ſubtil than uſeful, had departed too far. I A. D. 1 520. 
heard men of great merit, equally reſpectable for learning and 
piety, congratulate themſelves for having been acquainted with 
his books, I ſaw that the more unblameable their behaviour 
was, and 'the more approaching to Evangelical purity, the leſs 
= they were irritated againſt him. His moral character was recom- 
* mended even by ſome, who could not endure his doctrine. As 
do the ſpirit with which he was animated, and of which God 
= | alone can judge with certainty, I-choſe rather, as it became me, 
do think too favourably, than too hardly of it. And, to ſay the 
plwKhẽin truth, the Chriſtian world hath been long weary of thoſe 
teachers, who inſiſt too rigidly upon trifling inventions and human 
1 conſtitutions, and begins to thirſt after the pure and living water 
drawn from the ſources of the Evangeliſts and Apoſtles. For 
this undertaking Luther ſeemed to me fitted by nature, and in- 
flamed with an active zeal to proſecute it. Thus it is that J have 
favoured Luther; I have favoured the good which I ſaw, or 
imagined that I ſaw, in him, 

It is plain enough, that theſe expreſſions ſet Luther 3 in no 
diſadvantageous light; and that Eraſmus ſpake thus, to ſhew 
that they did not do juſtice at Rome to this Reformer, and that 
it would become them to give him at leaſt a fair hearing. Then 
he mentions the good advice which he had offered alſo to 
Luther, and this he ſets off and exaggerates as much as ever he 
can ; though in reality this advice amounted to no more, than 

to warn him that he ſhould act with more caution and mode- 
ration; and was not an exhortation to recant, as Leo's Bull com- 
manded him. 
As for his letter to the bien of Mentz, the only purpoſe 
of it was, as he ſays, to ſhew, that Luther ought to be confuted 
by reaſoning, and not overborne by violence. It is the duty of 
Divines to perſuade, as it is the practice of tyrants to compel. 
Then he ſhews what pains he had taken to induce the Divines 
H h to 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1520. to refute Luther by ſolid arguments, and to employ methods 


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proper to gain him, and not to harden him and ruin him. 

All the world, ſays he, have accounted Leo's Bull too ſevere, 
and not reconcileable with the mild temper of that Pontif, and 
have obſerved, that they who were commiſſioned to put it in 
execution have made it ſtill more rigorous. He hath in view 
Hieronymus Aleander, who went about committing Luther's 
books to the flames, before a proper anſwer to them had been 
publiſhed. Now Eraſmus thought that this was a prepoſterous 
method, and that they ſhould have been firſt refuted, and then 
burned, if they were ſo fond of burning. Silveſter Prieras had 
indeed written an anſwer to Luther; but ſo poor an anſwer, that 
even Luther's warmeſt enemies did not like it. A Minor Frier, 
called Auguſtin, had ſucceeded ſtill worſe. Some other antago- 
niſt had alſo entered the liſts to as little purpoſe: but Joannes 
Turenholt had diſputed publicly at Louvain againſt Luthers 
ſentiments, avoiding all perſonal ſcurrilities; and Eraſmus com- 
mends him as a man of temper, and of abilities. 

He declares, that he was determined to adhere to the See of h 
Rome. What connections, fays he, have I with Luther, or 
what recompence have I to expect from him, that I ſhould join 
with him to oppoſe the Church of Rome, which I take to be a 
true part of the Church Catholic; or to oppoſe: the Roman Pon- 
tif, who is the Head of the Catholic Church; I, who ſhould 
be loth to reſiſt the Biſhop of my Dioceſe ?' I am not ſo im- 
pious as to diſſent from the Church, or ſo ungrateful as to diſſent 
from Leo, of whom I have received uncommon favour and in- 
dulgence. Thus Eraſmus endeavoured to ſoften the Romiih 
Court, and to diſpoſe it to receive with patience the good advice, 
which he obliquely and "my offered. To this he adds, 

with 


) 


His name was Driedo, under which p. 1 abs mentions, with appra- 
he ſtands in Bayle's Dit. Val. Andreæ bation. ſume work of his upon the Scrip- 
Bibl. Belg. p. 479. Miræi Elog. Belg. tures, T. V. c. 1054, 


OF ERASMUS. 


of that Court call for a powerful and for a ſpeedy cure, it is not 
for me, or one like me, to adminiſter the harſh remedy. I had 


rather content myſelf with the preſent ſtate of human affairs, 


ſuch as it is, than to ſee new tumults and commotions excited, 
which often produce other effects than we can foreſee, 
Eraſmus was afraid that Luther's attempted reformation would 
have ill ſucceſs, and thought it not proper to engage himſelf in 
it: and yet, though he had ſome reſpect for the Romiſh party, 
he could not diſſemble his ſentiments, that the Church ſtood 


much in need of amendment. If he had lived long enough to 


ſee a Reformation eſtabliſhed in Germany, France, England, 


Scotland, and the United Provinces, he would not have talked in 
that deſponding way. 


I never taught any erroneous doctrines, ſays he, that I know 
of, and 1 will. Nor will J be an aſſociate or a leader in any 


tumults. Let others affect martyrdom ; for my part, I hold 
myſelf unworthy of that honour. 


He concludes with diſapproving the vehemence of the German 
Reformers, and the exceſſive rigour of Leo X; and in the whole 
letter he talks rather like a neutral man, than like a friend to the 
Court of Rome, though he was reſolved to hold communion 


with it. By this conduct and theſe reflections he afterwards 
gave great offence to the Lutherans : and though his ſentiments 


were as little approved of at Rome as theirs, yet, of the two, the 
Rulers of that Church choſe rather that he ſhould cenſure their 


proceedings as he thought fit, than that he ſhould throw himſelf 
into the arms of the Lutherans; and they uſed him the more 


tenderly, for fear leſt he ſhould take up ſuch a reſolution. = 
As for the Monks, they would have been glad at heart to 


have ſeen him a Deſerter, and lodged in the Enemy s Quarters, 
H h 2 becauſe 


Affectent alii martyrium; ego me non arbitror hoc honore dignum. 


235 
with ſimplicity and ſincerity enough, If the corrupted manners A. D. 1520. 


230 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1520. becauſe he would have leſs incommoded them as a Lutheran, 


than as a Catholic. I know, ſays he, that ſome perſons hate me, 
not becauſe they take me for a Lutheran, but becauſe they are 


vexed that I am not one: but theſe men are acceptable only to 
filly women, to bigots, and to blockheads. Eraſmus is abhorred 


by none, thoſe excepted who abhor uſeful learning and true 


religion, and who are pampered and enriched by the ſtupidity of 


the populace, It is not needful to ſay, who theſe men were; 


but whoſoever they were, they did more ſervice to the Court of : 
Rome, than all the Scholars of Europe put together, and there- 
fore were far more dear to that Court. 


They in their turn exclaimed againſt Eraſmus i in all times and 


places, and particularly in their Sermons. They required of 


him to write againſt Luther, and declared, that till then they 
would hold him for a Lutheran : but he thanked them, and 


transferred the taſk over to them; it being highly reaſonable, 


that they, who were eternally talking againſt Luther, ſhould alſo 
ſometimes write againſt him. But they only wanted to plague 
Eraſmus, whom they could not endure for his invectives and 


railleries againſt their ſuperſtitious devotions. If he had encoun- 


tered Luther, that would not have ſatisfied them, unleſs at the 
ſame time he had retracted every thing that he had ſaid, which 
gave offence to the Monks: and when at laſt he attacked Luther, 
not one of them ever thanked him, or thought the better of him 


for it. Ep. $47» $50. 
Eraſmus gives More a ludicrous and burleſque deſcription of 


a diſpute, which he had with Nicolas Egmond, at the houſe of 


* Roſemundus, the Rector of Louvain. The iflue of the confe- 
rence was, that they parted as ill friends as they met; and the 


Monk remained under a ſettled perſuaſion, that Eraſmus was a 
fad fellow, and a favourer of Luther. Ep. 554. | 
Afterwards 


» Angie, To | 
Val. Andrea Bibl. Belg. p. 330. Mirzi Elog. Belg. p. 26, 
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OF ERASMUS. 237 


Aſterwards he publiſhed a long letter addreſſed to bis mot in- A. D. 1520. 
veterate Detractor. This man was, it ſeems, a Dominican, one 
Vincentius. 
In it he defends bpimſelf extremely well againſt their little 
cavils, and banters them agreeably, and cenſures with much 
vivacity and vehemence their bad conduct, and their frantic zeal. 
By way of inſult and contempt, they called Eraſmus Poet and 
3 Orator, I deſerve not that honour, ſays he; but they, who know 
| the true merit of a Poet, and of an Orator, look upon you as 
upon ſwine rather than men, for raving at this ſtupid rate. Deſpiſe 
poetry as much as you pleaſe, which is ſo little known to you, 
that you cannot even ſpell its name; but let me tell you, that 
out of a log of wood it would be eaſier to cut two excellent Tho- 
miſts, than one tolerable Poet or Orator. But, after having pub- 
liſhed this ſmart and witty letter, Eraſmus could no more hope to 
reconcile himſelf to the Monks, than Luther to Pope Leo, after 
having called him Whore of Babylon, and . and pub- 
lickly burned his Bull. Ep. 562. 


Eraſmus ſent a very good letter to Germanus Brixius, one of 
bis French friends, who had written an abuſive thing againſt 
More, called * Anti-Morus, and who was a very child compared 
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tate the barbarous Latin of the Monks, paſſim in Italia florebant, neuter adhuc 
who called it ſo. | ſatis accederet, Sammarthanus. 

1 Baillet HI. 42. Rooper's Life of It is very true, that neither More nor 

More, p. 175, 176. P. Jovius Elog. Brixius were to be compared with the 

p. 215. Sammarthan, Elog. L. I. p. 7. Italian poets of that age. The reſt of 


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r Brixius a Thoma Moro Britanno- 
rum doctiſſimo, in deſcribenda unius 
navis Gallic cum duabus Anglicis pug- 
na, verſibus virulentis atrociter et im- 
probe laceſſitus, ex illo certamine doc- 


torum omnium judicio facile victor eva- 


ſit. Non illuſtri quidem triumpho, cum 


his remark is partial to the laſt degree. 
The ſtate and merits of this contro- 


verſy may be ſeen in an elegant and ſpi- 
rited Epiſtle of More to Eraſmus, which, 
as it is not in the Edition of Leyden, 
we will inſert in the Appendix. 


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THE LIFE 


A. D. 1520. to More, as Eraſmus civilly, though freely, inſinuates to him, 
and launches out into the praiſes of his Engliſh friend. 


e Baillet * confeſſes, that he knew nothing concerning the Anti. 


Morus of Brixius, except what he had learned from Scævola 
Sammarthanus, who, in his Elogium of Brixius, ſays, that he 


had manifeſtly the advantage over More, who in ſome ſpiteful 


verſes had cruelly and maliciouſly attacked his Deſcription of a 


_ naval fight between the French and the Engliſh. 


« This is a very ſuperficial account: the fact ſtands thus; 
Brixius, in 1513, compoſed a poem called Chordigera, where, 
in three hundred hexameter verſes, he deſcribed a battle fought 
that year, on the day of St. Laurence, by a French ſhip called 
La Cordeliere, and an Engliſh ſhip called The Regent. More, 


who at that time was not in the high ſtation to which he 
aſcended afterwards, compoſed ſeveral Epigrams in derifion of 
this poem. Brixius, piqued at this affront, revenged himſelf by 
the Anti-Morus, an Elegy of about 400 verſes, in which he 


ſeverely cenſured all the faults which he thought he had found in 
the poems of More. 


60 for 


Vet he kept this piece of Satire by him 


AIngeniĩum eſt prorſus incomparabile, 
memoria feliciſſima, dicendi facultas 
promptiſſima. A puero feliciter imhi- 


bit Latinas literas, Grecas juvenis, id- 


que ſub doctiſſimis præceptoribus, cum 
aliis, tum præcipue Thoma Linacro, et 
Gulielmo Grocino. In ſacris Literis eo 


progreſſus eſt, ut nec magnis Theologis 
Liberales diſciplinas 
In Philoſophia 
ultra mediocritatem progreſſus eſt. Ne 
quid interim dicam de profeſſione Juris, 


ſit contemnendus. 
non infeliciter attigit. 


præſertim Britannici, in qua ille vix ulli 
cedit. Prudentia rara et inaudita: ob 
quas res Rex cordatiſſimus non conqui- 
evit, donec hominem ad penitiſſima ſua 


conſilia pertraxerit. Itaque, mi Brixi, 
plane friget cavillum illud tuum, quod 
ſubinde repetis, in Mærus. Nullus eſt 
illi tam inimicus, quin prudentiæ lau- 
dem affatim tribuat. Nam quod ubique 
videri vis Morum ex alto deſpicere, ac 
velut pro delectamento habere, vercor 
ne parum probaturi fint graves et eruditi 
viri. Nam ut te numero inter eximios, 
ita non video qua parte Morus fit tibi 
contemnendus, ſive fortunam ſpectes, 


ſive nature dotes, five ingenium, five | 
mores, ſive quodcunque doctrinæ genus, 


&c. Ep. $I. 
' La Wa Menagian n 11 5. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


for a good while, declaring, that if he ſhould conſent to the A. D. 1520. 


publication, it would be purely to comply with his friends, 
who remonſtrated to him, that compoſitions of this kind loſt 
much of their bloom by coming out too late. There are three 
Editions of the Anti-Morus, The two firſt are of Paris; one 
publiſhed by the Author himſelf in 1520; the other in 1.560, 
in the ſecond Tome of the Flores Epigrammatum, collected by 
Leodegarius a Quercu, in French, Leger du Chi#ne. The third 
is of Francfort, in the Corpus of Latin Poems compoſed by 


Frenchmen, and collected by Ranutius Gerus, the anagram of 


Janus Gruterus. To theſe might be added a fourth, if the 


report had been true, which is mentioned by Eraſmus, that 
More deſpiſed this poem ſo exceſſively, that he intended to 
print it himſelf. I fancy that he did not proceed ſo far, though. 
in a long and moſt ſevere letter againſt Brixius, he tells Eraſ- 


mus that he had ſuch a deſign. Claude du Verdier, in his 


Cenſio in Auctores, ſpeaks largely of this quarrel of More and 
Brixius. The latter, all things conſidered, was certainly the 


* aggreſſor, as More manifeſtly ſhewed in a long and. a ſmart 


letter which he wrote to him. 


The name of Brixius, in French, was neither Briſe nor 
Brice, but de Brie. So Rabelais, his contemporary, and his. 
familiar acquaintance, calls him. They, who date his death. 
in 1550, or 1540, or 1546, are all miſtaken, He died, to 


put it at the lateſt, in 1538, &c.” 
dee More's. letter to Eraſmus, Ep. 555. 


He was ſo; for he gave a falſe ac- quum ex accumulato multo auro dimi- 
count of this ſea fight, and inſulted and diam fere partem furto fibi ſubtractam 


calumniated the whole Engliſh nation. miſer ſenſiſſet, ut credi par eſt; a da- 


® deneſcentem, ſed adhuc plane ro- meſticis, quibus nec vitam quidem poſtea 
buſtum; invaſit atræ bilis morbus, ob credidit, fic ut in itinere. -juxta Ligerim . 


:d paulatim ſævior atque letalior effectus, apud Carnutes expirarit, : Jovius. 1 


I. 


— 


Bilibaldus 


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240 
A. D. 1520. 


THE LIF E 


Bilibaldus Pirckheimerus exhorts Eraſmus never to write any 


more anſwers to Lee, and to ſuch inſignificant ſcribblers as Lee, 


who only wanted to vent their malice, or get a name, by contend- | 
ing with him. The advice was good, and I would always both 


give it and. follow it, upon the like occaſions. Pirckheimerys 


1 peaks of the Monks with diſdain, and of Luther with civility. 


It appears, that moſt of the German Literati ſided with 
their Countryman Eraſmus, and abhorred Lee, and made it in 
ſome ſort a national — and a party affair. Ep. 504, 518, 
521, 561. | 

In an Epiſtle to Georgius Spalstinus, Eraſmus commends George 
Duke of Saxony, who preſented him with two medals; and 
wiſhes, according to cuſtom, that Luther had ſhewed more mo- 
deration. He alſo wrote a letter of thanks to this Prince, who 
had ſent him a piece of filver, as it was taken out of the mine, 
Ep. 512, 517. 

The 526th Ep. of Eniſiins 1 is to his good friend Burbank. 

« * William Burbank was of Cambridge, and Secretary to 


% Cardinal Wolley, and promoted to the Prebend of South 


«© Grantham, in the Church of Sarum. Eraſmus knew him at 


« Rome, and gratefully owns that he had received many favours 
&« from him.“ 


Ep. 552 is to Cnoph, an Eccleſiaſtic, who lived in the neigh- 


bourhood of Ruſſia, and is inſcribed Anaree ” Cnopha, Sacerdoi 
— 


In 
* Knight, p. 46. | ex illis poſſet de confilio ejus, quod tan- 

Y Eraſmus laudat in eo mentem piam topere Eraſmus probavit. Certum tamen 
et avidum Chriſtianæ doctrinæ ſtudi- eft, Cnophium, Anno 1521, cum Lu- 
um. Subjungit acrem in Clerum thero conſenſiſſe; unde colligi poſſet, 
cenfaram, his verbis: Atque adeo demi- factionem quam Eraſmus profitetur, 


ror, &c. Noftri mores partim in cauſa eandem fuiſſe. Sed is duplicem habe- 
ſunt, quo minus multi ſe conferant ad bat, prout commodum erat profitendam, 


. Jactionem noſtram, &c. Si tres Cnophii ut alibi notatum cl, Seckendarf, L. I. 
literæ, quarum Eraſmus in ſuis mentio- p. 183. 


nem fecit, extarent, conſtare liquidius 


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OF ERASMUS. 


In a letter to More he earneſtly recommends Goclenius to his A. D. 1520. 


favour and HH hn as one of the moſt aeg ee in the 
world. Ep. 556. a a e - | 


In the year 1 520% eee dad. tha Pope 8 Nuncio 


« ſolicited the Emperor, and Frederic Elector of Saxony, to 
ce puniſh Luther. Frederic was then at Cologn, and Eraſmus 
« came there, and was conſulted by Frederic upon this occaſion. 


He replied to the Elector in a ludicrous manner: Luther, 


ſaid he, hath committed two unpardonable crimes; he hath 
« touched the Pope upon the crown, and the Monks upon the 
« belly. He then added, in a ſerious manner, that the doctrine 
e of Luther was unexceptionable. He cenſured the Pope's Bull 
eas cruel and tyrannical, and accuſed *-Aleander of having forged 
te it, and of going beyond his commiſſion in executing it; upon 
« which Aleander renounced all friendſhip with him, and held 


« him in abhorrence. He ſolicited the Miniſters of the Em- 


cc peror to fayour the cauſe of Luther, and to perſuade him not 
« to begin the exerciſe of his Imperial Dignity with an act of 


violence. To Frederic he preſented, the following * rens 


« for his conſideration: 

« That the ſource of all theſe ifenfons was . the . 
e which ſome perſons entertained for the Belles Lettres: 

« That only two Univerfities had kae to condemn 
«© Luther: 36732 e a 


That Luther made very reaſonable demands, * offering to 
iy Peru 1 once more: | 


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= Val. fo Bibl. Belg p. 203. forgery, depends upon the report of Ale- 
Miræi Elog. Belg. p. 123. ander; and Eraſmus ſays of him, that 


| * Seckendorf Hiſt. Luth. Palfav. L. I. he was homo, ut nihil aliud dicam, non 


c. 23. Melanchthon Vit. Luth. Li- ſuperflitioſe verax. Ep. 971. 
teræ Aleand, ad Card. Med. 


* That Eraſmus accuſed Aleander of 
2 8 


* Axiomata Eraſmi inter Opera Luth, 


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242 
A. D. 1520. 


That they, who condemned kim; ae to by condemned 
themſelves, for advancing propoſitions offenſive to pious ears: 


That the Pope's unmerciful Bull was diſapproved: by all 
honeſt men. 


THE LIFE 


ce That being a man void of atabKion, * was * = to be 
ſuſpected of hereſy : : 


The Pope's agents, Ending Bulma fo obſtinately bunt to 


And yet at the ſame time he wrote very reſpeCtful letters to 


defend Luther, endeavoured to win him over by the offer 
of Abbeys, or Biſhopricks : but he anſwered them; Luther 


is a man of too great abilities, for me to encounter; and I learn 


more from one page of his, than from all che works of Tho- 
mas Aquinas. 


« The Diet of Worms afſembled A. D. 24227 und Abende 
made an eloquent harangue of three hours, in behalf of the 
Pope, and againſt Luther. The reſolution of the aſſembly 


was, that the books of Luther ſhould be burnt, and himſelf 


diflatisfied, and publiſhed his complaints to all the world. 


the Pope, and received from. him very obliging anſwers. 
Aleander, who accounted him an inveterate foe to the Sce of 
Rome, was amazed at this epiſtolary correſpondence, and 
teſtified his ſurpriſe to the Pope; who thanked him for his in- 
formations, and told him, that he was well appriſed of the 


infincerity of Eraſmus, but thought it beſt to diſſemble with 
him, and comply with the times. | 


The Lutherans acknowledged their 8 to Eraſmus 
for theſe favours, by a picture, in which Luther and Hutten 


were repreſented carrying the Ark of God, and Eraſmus, like 
another David, dancing before them with all his might. Alean- 
der was hung up by the heels, and the Pope and his Cardinals 


were ſpectators of the ſhew.” Critique de / Apol, d Eraſme. 


This argument of Lutheran gratitude towards Eraſmus is 4. D. 1520. 
none of the ſtrongeſt: for who knows not that ſuch ſort of 
Prints are often made and publiſhed, not ſo much aut of affection 
or hatred, as to get drink, and turn the peny? 
: Seckendorf | hath given us a more exact and erenmitaricial 
acct of this remarkable tranſaction, from * Spalatinus, who 
vas preſent there, nd; from other authors, and of the behaviour 
of Eraſmus on that important occaſion ; which was indeed a be- 
haviour very — to Luther, and to his cauſe. 
« Pallavicini (ſays Seckendorf) highly extols the induſtry anid 
60 activity of Hieronymus Aleander, the Pope's Nuncio to the 
„Emperor, by which he cauſed the edifying ſpectacle of burn- 
« ing the books of Luther to be exhibited to the public, and 
% with abundance' of arguments defends this wholſome ſeverity. 
« He treats Eraſmus in particular, and in general all thoſe who 
ec cenſured ſuch proceedings, and ſaid, that falſe doctrines could 
not be ſuppreſſed that way, as favourers of Luther, that is to 
ce ſay, as heretics. Sleidan hath given us a good account of 
© theſe tranſactions in his ſecond book. The two Nuncios were 
Marinus Caracciolus, and er e Aleander; the firſt a 
© N eapolitan, the other a native of Carnia, according to Palla- 
« vieini; but Eraſmus calls him * Mottanum. They were both 
« afterwards made Cardinals, and are exceſſively praiſed by Palla- 
« yicint. Aleander had belonged to the Court of Alexander VI, 
« and had been Secretary to the famous Cæſar Borgia; a ſervant 
mY *© fit for ſuch a maſter: afterwards he became Chancellor of 
—_ _ Luther hath thus deſcribed him : 


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ki Tia | | « At 
b : Melchior Adam. See above, p. 199. tenſem, preceptorem meum, Maittaire II. 
"Mi Carni are a people of Italy, belong- 118, Aldus Manutius alſa calls him 
= ing to the Republic of Venice. Bau- Motenſem. Ib. 163. Natus eſt Alean- 
: drand. der Mottz, in Carnia, Melb. Adam. 
= _* Nachtgallus, of Stradſburg, calls Vit. Sabini, 


bim , clariſſimum virum, Aleandrum {Mats 
—— | 


A. D. 1520. | At this time came Aleander, the greateſt man upon earth, 
1 ee in his own opinion; not only for his Mill in languages, (for 
fe | | the Hebrew is his native tongue, the Greek he acquired be- 
times, and the Latin he hath taught as a Profeſſor) but for the 
ee antiquity of his race. He is born a Jew; and the Jews, We 
« know, boaſt immoderately of deſtending from old father Abra- 
«© ham. Whether he is baptized; is uncertain: but aſſuredly he 
« js not a Phariſee, for he believeth' not the reſurrection, and 
lives like one, who is perſuaded that ſoul and body periſh to- 
e gether, indulging himſelf in every looſe inclination. He is 
« ſoon provoked, and paſſionate even to frenzy; inſatiably covetous, 
and equally luſtful; arrogant to the laſt degree, and eaten up 
« with pride and vanity; yet too effeminate to acquire reputation 
« by any accurate and laboured compoſition, and too wicked to 
e chuſe an honeſt and uſeful ſubject to write upon. His pre- 
d tended: profeſſion of Chriſtianity hath been, ſucceſsful. to him, 
and gives him an opportunity to try if he can ſet up his Moſes, We 
and obſcure the glory of Jeſus Chriſt, which in this age be. 
(l  * gins to ſhine forth again, whilſt ſuperſtition droops, and the ME 
| ( ſenſcleſs and peſtilent traditions of men grow in . diſgrace, 
af „ Armed with the Pope's Inſtructions, this wretch is now lately Met 
1 come forth, to deſtroy, if he can, every thing that is good. 5 
1 « Hutten alſo attacked Aleander with fierce invectives. | 
lj « Pallavicini, paſſing over, I know not why, theſe cenſures of 
| Luther, takes notice of ſome other reproaches which were caſt 
„ on Aleander. | | 


« Aleander then, whatſoever character be due to him, was 
« ſingled out to carry on the proſecution againſt Luther, and 
0 * Joined 


1 This may ferve as a ſpecimen of k Hutten trentened PIE that 
1 Luther's polemic ſtyle. | he would cut his throat, if he. ever had 
1 . | 3 That reproach was often caſt in his a fair opportunity ; and would probably 
14 | | | teeth by his enemies; but it feems not have been as good © as: 5 his word, if he 
1 N to have been true. See Bayle. | had met with him. Nas 


« joined for that; purpoſe. to Marinus ee and at an A. D. 1520. 
Aſſembly held in the Church of the Minorites at Cologn, in 


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OF ERASMUS, 


November, addreſſed himſelf to Frideric Elector of Saxony, 
and exhibited the Pope's Letters; and in a long ſpeech, con- 
firming the things which had been ſaid by his Collegue, in- 
ſiſted, that the books of Luther ſhould be burned, and himſelf 


either put to death, or ſeized and ſent to the Pope. The 


Elector, by the mouth of Bernard, Biſhop of Trent, who was 
preſent, deſired a delay for a few days; and then by his Coun- 
ſellors gave an anſwer, the ſum of which is: 

« That the Elector, and his, brother John of 3 5 


all due reverence to the Papal dignity; that he had nothing to 
do with the cauſe of Luther ; that he had ſent Luther to Augſ⸗ 


burg, to Cardinal Cajetan ; that he had afterwards given 2 
reply to the Cardinal, in which nothing could be cenſured; 


that he once was about to diſmiſs Luther from his Academy 


at Wittenberg, if Miltitius, the Pope's Nuncio, had not oppo- 
ſed it himſelf; that when the Pope had committed the cauſe 
to the EleQor of Treves, Luther was ready to preſent himſelf 


« before him, but could not obtain a ſafe conduct; that many 


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virtuous and learned men judged favourably of Luther; and 


that he, the Elector, was not convinced that his books deſerved 
to be burned ; that therefore he deſired there might be a pre- 


vious hearing, and the cauſe committed to equitable, learned, 


pious, and We judges; that Luther, if he taught falſe 


doctrines, ought to be confuted by ſolid arguments taken 


from the holy Scriptures; and that then the Elector would act 
as it became an obedient ſon to our moſt holy err the 


10 Church. 
To this the Nuncios faid many things i in Ig "and 2 * 


der particularly obſerved, that the Commiſſion, given to the 
Elector of Treves, expired as ſoon as the Pontif had taken the 


| 5 1 affair 
Melchior Adam. Vit. Luth. p. 54. 


\ 


245 


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A. P. 1 52⁰. ec affair into his own hands, who was now the ſole judge and 


THE EITE 


ec decider; that it would be as unreaſonable to defire the Pope to 
ec * give up the cauſe, and transfer it to others, as it would be to 


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deſire of the Elector of Saxony, that he ſhould ſuffer a cauſe 


te between himſelf, and one of his own n to be referred 


to the King of France. 


ce But the Elector till perſiſting 1 in his Py che Nincic 
ſaid at laſt, that they would proceed, according to their In- 
ſtructions, to burn Luther's works: and Aleander, finding that 
he could not carry his point, choſe to eat his words, and to 
contradict what he had declared before; and putting on the 
Fox, that he might not ſeem to have received a repulſe, he 


ſaid, that the Pope had no deſign to attack 158 Perſon wy Luther, 


and to ſtain his hands with Luther's blood. 
ce Spalatinus, who'was preſent, hath related many things c con- 


cerning this conference, and alſo concerning Eraſmus, who at 


that time was at Cologn. He ſays; 


When Charles V had been juſt made Emperor, and was at 
Cologn, Frideric Elector of Saxony, who was there alſo, ſent 
to Eraſmus, deſiring that he would come to his lodgings. 
Eraſmus accordingly waited upon him. It was in December; 
and he, and the Prince, and Spalatinus, converſed together, 
ſtanding by the fire-fide, The Elector propoſed to Eraſmus, 
that he ſhould ſpeak in the Dutch, which was his native lan- 
guage; but Eraſmus choſe rather to ſpeak Latin: and the 
Elector underſtood Latin, though he anſwered him by Spala- 
tinus. The Elector then defired Eraſmus freely to give him 
his opinion concerning Luther. Eraſmus, ſays Spalatinus, 
preſſing his lips cloſe together, ſtood muling, and delaying to 
give an anſwer ; whilſt Frideric, as it was his way when he 
was diſcourſing earneſtly with any one, fixed his eyes ſteddily 


upon him, and ſtared him full 1 in the face, At laſt Eraſmus 


18 2 * brake 


OF ERASMUS. 247 


« brake out into theſe, words: Luther hath. been guilty of two 5. D. 152%. 
« crimes; he hath touched the Pope upon the crown, and the 

« Monks. upon the belly.. Spalatinus adds, in- another place, 

« that the Elector ſmiled at the expreſſion, and that he called it 

« afterwards to remembrance, a little before his death. He ſays, 

« that Eraſmus at that time judged ſo favourably of Luther's 


| « doctrine, that when he had taken leave of the Elector, and 


« Spalatinus had conducted him back to the houſe where he 
« then lodged, he immediately fat down, and wrote ſome Axioms, 
« as he called them, and gave them to Spalatinus. But. ſoon. 
« after he ſent a letter to Spalatinus, intreating him earneſtly to- 
„ return him the manuſcript, leſt Aleander ſhould get a ſight of 
it, and do him an ill office. The ſubſtance of theſe Axioms 
mw © was: 

MW e That good men, and N of the Goſpel, were thoſe who. 
had taken the leaſt offence at Luther; that they were much 
«. diſpleaſed at the cruelty of the Bull, ſo unworthy of the mild 
e and merciful Vicar of Jeſus Chriſt; that two Univerſities had. 
indeed condemned Luther, but had not confuted him; that his 
« requeſt was very reaſonable, to be tried by unſuſpected Judges; 
that he could not be ſuſpected of evil deſigns, ſince he ſought 
for no profit and advantage to himſelf; that the Pope was more 
e ſolicitous about his own glory, than about the honour of Jeſus. 
*« Chriſt; that the treatiſes hitherto written againſt Luther were 
« diſapproved even by thoſe. who diſſented from Luther; that 
the world was now- inflamed with a vehement love and long- 
ing for Evangelical Truth; and that ſuch a general diſpoſition. 
© was not to be odiouſly. checked and oppreſſed ; and, laſtly, that 
it was very improper for Charles to begin the exerciſe. of his 
© Imperial power with inauſpicious . acts of ſeyerity and violence. 


« Ihe 


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248 
A. D. 1520, 


THE LIFE 


d teinachg of Melanchthon upon theſe tranſaQions, and 


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upon the conduct of Frideric, are judicious-and important. 
. far, ſays he, was Luther from being ſuborned and inſti- 


gated by the Courtiers and Princes, as the Duke of Brunſwick 


© affirmed, that, on the contrary, that moſt excellent Prince, 


the Elector of Saxony, was much concerned at the foreſight 
of the conteſts and diſorders which would enſue, though the 
firſt attacks made by Luther were upon very plauſible grounds 
By his own ſagacity and judiciouſneſs,” and' by long experience 


in theart of reigning, he knew well how dangerous all changes 
were to the government. But, being truly religious, and one 


who feared God, he conſulted. not the dictates of mere worldly 


and political wiſdom, and was determined to prefer the Glory 
of God to all other conſiderations, and at the hazard of any 


public or private detriment. He knew that it was a moſt hor- 
rible profaneneſs to oppoſe the Truth plainly ſeen and known, 


He had ſtudiouſly examined Luther's works, and accurately 
weighed his proofs and teſtimonies, and would not ſuffer 


doctrines to be ſmothered and oppreſſed, which he thought 


to be the word of God; and the holy Spirit of God ſupported 


and aſſiſted him in theſe noble reſolutions, ſo that though the 


Emperors Maximilian and Charles, and the Roman Pontifs, 


urged him, not without menaces, to hinder Luther from 
preaching and writing in his dominions, he was not in the 
leaſt ſhaken and intimidated. Yet he preſumed not to rely 


entirely upon his own judgment concerning an affair of ſo 


great importance, but took the advice of other Princes, and 


of men venerable for age, experience, learning, and probity. 


Amongſt others, he conſulted / Eraſmus, at the congreſo of 


Cologh,- which Charles had appointed after his coronation. 


He ſent for Eraſmus, and converſed with him very affably and 


familiarly. I had rather, ſaid he to Eraſmus, that the earth 


ſhould open and ſwallow me UP, than be' found to have been 


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| b; « the favourer and the patron of hereſies: bo if Luther hath A. D. 1520. 
| 10 pointed out to us groſs and dangerous errors, which ought to 
_ i be corrected, and hath ſhewed us the true doctrine of Jeſus 
( Chriſt, I will not be an oppoſer of the truth, whatſoever miſ- 
4 « chief my conduct may draw upon me or mine. I am not 
wWuo.illing to truſt entirely to my own judgment in points of ſuch 
F| « moment, but deſirous to hear the opinion of the ſkilful and 
4 « the learned. Therefore I intreat and adjure you, that you 
« would freely and impartially communicate to me your ſenti- 
3 % ments upon the whole affair. Eraſmus, beginning his reply 
1 « in an ironical way, flung out a jeſt upon the Pope's crown, 
1 <«< and the Monks bellies; and then told the Elector ſeriouſly, 
| <« that Luther had juſtly cenſured many abuſes and errors, and 
; « that the welfare of the Church required a reformation of them 
? « that Luther's doctrine was right in the main; but that it had 
gd not been delivered by him with a proper temper, and with due 
1 moderation. Laurentius, Biſhop of Wurtſburg, wrote a letter 
« to the Elector containing the ſame ſentiments with thoſe of 
« Eraſmus; and the Biſhop added, that ſuch was the opinion of 
6: many learned men, whom he had conſulted upon this occaſion, 
Alt is ſaid, in the Relations of Spalatinus, that the Pope's Agents 
made an offer to Eraſmus of one of the beſt Biſhopricks, if he 
« would write againſt Luther; and that he replied, Luther is ſo 
profound a Divine, that I do not pretend even to comprehend 
« him thoroughly ; and ſo great a man, that I learn more from 
* one page in his books, than from all Thomas Aquinas, — 
But it ſhould be obſerved, that Eraſmus in none of his 
* writings hath ſaid thus much. He only ſaid, that he might 
e have obtained a Biſhoprick, if he would have encountered Lu- 
ther. In a letter to his friend Bombaſius, who lived at Rome, 
he afligns other cauſes for which he declined the controverſy. 
As to his ſayings at Cologn, he kept them ſecret, or never 
acknowledged chem: and it appears from one of Luther's 
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THE LIFE 


letters, that both Luther and Eraſmus were diſpleaſed, when 
theſe ſentiments of the latter were made public at Leipſic, 
with a deſign to render them both odious. 

« What Pallavicini hath related concerning Eraſmus is worthy 


of notice, namely, that he held the Pope's Bull to be a forgery, 
and would not be convinced of the contrary, till Aleander gave 


him the Bull to look at and examine ; and that he went about, 
like a Nicodemus, by night to the Princes, and to their friends, 
to alienate their affections from the Pope and from Aleander, 


telling them that the Bull had been extorted, contrary to the 


Pope's inclinations, by the artifices of malevolent perſons; and 


that, in a converſation with Aleander, he was very preſſing 


that the reſolution to burn Luther's books might be dropped, 
or at leaſt retarded. It is probable, that theſe accounts vere 
collected from the reports given out by Aleander. In the letters 


of Eraſmus, it only appears that he thought that Leo had been 


induced by others to publiſh his Bull with too much precipi- 
tation. We have a letter of his to Conrad Peutinger, the Em- 


peror's Counſellor, written at this very time from Cologn, in 


which he recommends to him Joannes Faber, the Dominican, 


and applauds his ſcheme : and from this Epiſtle we can judge 


of his ſentiments with more certainty, than from his obliging 
converſation with the Elector of Saxony, or from the jealous 
ſurmiſes of Aleander. 


« The truth is, that Eraſmus ſought a middle way to put ſome 


end to. theſe conteſts, as he declares.in the above-mentioned 


<« letter, 


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ſit Marcus Tullius, Pacem vel iniquam ne malum ad tempus ſuppreſſum, poſt 
bello æquiſſimo potiorem eſſe. Ac jam majore cum diſcrimine recrudeſcat : quod 


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OF ERASMUS 


ee letter. He exclaims againſt thoſe, who, in his opinion, at- 


« tacked Luther principally with a view to deſtroy all literature 
He complains, that Luther wrote with too 


cc along with him. 


© much aſperity and acrimony; and expreſſeth his feats, that 


ce truth will ſuffer by being defended in fo indecent a manner. 


« He adds, that the Roman Court was held in execration in 
% many countries; and that no good was to be expected, if this 


affair were put into the hands of men, who had nothing leſs 


e in view, and at heart, than the glory of our Saviour. Then 
«© he breaks out into words, which look like a prophecy, and 
« declares, that the Counſel of God ſhould ſtand faſt for ever, 
and that the Goſpel of Chriſt ſhould proſper, and prevail over 


K k 2 


venis, unde febris ſcatet; aut qui cica- 
trice obducunt vulnus, nondum fatis 
educto pure. Quibuſdam videtur opti- 
mum factu, ut res omnis ſævitia coër- 
ceatur, a quibus nec Faber admodum 
diſſentit, niſi metueret ne parum feliciter 
cedat auſteritas. Ait, non ſatis eſſe for- 


titer huc tendere, quo vocat animi vo- 


luntas; plurima circumſpicienda ſunt. 
Primum ut fic conſulatur dignitati et 
auctoritati Romani Pontificis, cui me- 
rito favent omnes, ut Chriſti Vicario 
ſummo, qui Chriſtum ex animo dili- 
cunt, ne quid jacturæ patiatur Evange- 
lica veritas. Neque dubito, quin hoc 
animo fit Leo noſter, ut tum demum ſe 
glorioſum eſſe putet, ft doctrinam Prin- 
cipis ſui viderit ubique florere. Negat 


hoc tantum eſſe ſpectandum, quid me- 


reatur Lutherus, aut ſi qui Luthero fa- 
vent, ſed quid conducat publicæ orbis 
tranquillitati. Magni refert, qui ma- 
num admoveant huic malo, et quibus 
remediis curetur. 


* Saxum illud hinc atque hine tundi 


15 all 


poteſt, loco moveri non poteſt, cui in- 
ſcriptum eſt illud myſticum elogium : 
Novir DouiNus, Qui SUN'T IPSIUS. 
Quicquid a ſpiritu Chriſti proficiſcitur, 


non poteſt humanis præſidiis opprimi, 
quicquid huma- 


quantumvis prematur : 
nis conſiliis tentatur, temporarium eſt, 
quantumvis ardentibus ſtudiis agatur, 


quantumvis operoſo molimine ad perpe- 


tuitatem communiatur. Mei ſimilium 
non eſt, de Pontificum diplomatis judi- 
care, Erant tamen, qui in Bulla, quam 
attulit Nuncius Pontificius, manſuetudi- 
nem iſtam deſiderarent, dignam eo qui 
mitiſſimi Chriſti vices primarias gerit in 
terris, dignam hujus Leonis ingenio, 
multo hactenus placidiſſimo; quod tamen 
ipſi non imputant, ſed inſtigatoribus. 
Jam ut hac, inquit, ſævitia maxime 
aboleantur libri Lutherani, ut ipſe etiam 
tollatur e medio; metuendum eſt, ne 
malum exaſperetur magis, quam finiatur, 
et pro uno ſublato exoriantur plures, do- 
nec res ad certamen et ſchiſma dedu- 


catur. 


251 
A. D. 1520. 


262 
A. D. 1520. 


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« Laſtly, 


' ſhe. They replied, He is an illiterate Monk. 


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THE LIFE 
all human devices, and all the efforts of its wor ldly-wiſe 


enemies. 


He gives an ? account of the ſcheme for a pacifi- 
cation projected by Faber. 


In the Acta Lovanien/ium, there are many paſſages concern. 


ing Aleander, Eraſmus, Leo's Bull, and the Divines of Loy- 
vain, which agree in the main with the things eantgined. 1 in 
the Epiſtles of Eraſmus. 


At the time of the Diet of Worms was publiſhed a ſmall 


Treatiſe, now very ſcarce, in which are the following parti. 
cularities : 

« The Count of Naſſau, Governor of Fa dert Brabant, and 
Holland, faid to the Divines at the Hague, Go, and preach 
the Goſpel in ſincerity and truth, like Luther. — The Acade- 
mics of Louvain complained to Margaret, the Emperor's 


ſiſter, Governeſs of the Netherlands, that Luther by his wri- 


tings was ſubverting Chriſtianity, Who is this Luther ? faid 
Is he ſo? faid 
ſhe: Then you, who are very learned and numerous, write 
againſt this illiterate Monk ; and ſurely the world will pay more 
regard to many tcholars, than to one blockhead.—At the Em- 
peror's table, mention being made of Luther, Ravenſtein ſaid, 
Here is one Chriftian ariſen amongſt us, at laſt, after four 
hundred years; and the Pope wants to kill him, Our teachers 
at Louvain by dint of money obtained the burning of Luther's 
books. The pile was kindled, and great was the concourſe 
round about it, and the Students and others came, bringing 

e their 


o Cenſet igitur Faber noſter rei * 
mam arbitris doctis, integris, et ab om- 


ni ſuſpicione alienis delegandam, non 
quod Romanus Pontifex ſit cogendus in 
ordinem, et alieno ſubjiciendus arbitrio, 
fed quod exiſtimet illius pietatem hoc 
ſponte volentemque facturum, fi cog- 


tranquillitatem conducere. 


norit ad publicam Chriſtianæ religionis 
Sed hujus 


conſilii viam ipſe tibi copioſius exponet 
coram: quæ ſi probabitur, adjunges tuæ 
prudentiæ conſilium, ut in Wormatiæ 
Conventu ſtatuatur aliquid, quod omni- 
bus bonis approbetur. Ep. 542. 


Py 
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OF ERASMUS. 


their books to be burned. And what books, think ye? Not A. D. 1520. 


thoſe of Martin, but Sermones Diſcipuli, Tartaretus, Dorm: 
Secure, and ſuch ſort of Monkiſh traſh : ſo that more of their 
own good friends, and fewer of Martin's works were committed 
to the flames, than they iinagined.— Julius Pflug, writing from 
Italy to Moſellanus, told him, that the diſciples of Martin, 
even in Rome and Bononia, were more numerous, than thoſe- 
of Scotus and of the School-men. | | 

« Spalatinus, in the above-mentioned relation, informs us, that 
one of the Eccleſiaſtic Electors ſaid to him at Cologn, Would 
to God that Luther had written in Latin, and not in German! he 


Seckendorf L. I. p. 125—128. 
The Lutherans ſeem not to have been fafficientl grateful to- 
| Eraſmus. The conſiderable ſervice which they received from 


him, at this critical juncture, ſhould have reſtrained them from 
inſulting him afterwards. Certain it is, that the zealous Roma- 
niſts never forgave him his behaviour at Cologn. 


q Joannes Faber, the Dominican, who at this time agreed with 


Eraſmus in the lame N ſcheme, and in ie Luther, 


» Confundendus hic Joannes Faber, 


Monachus Dominicanus, non eſt cum 
Joanne Fabro, Leutkirchenſi Canonico, 
et Suffraganeo Conſtantienſi, poſtea 
Epiſcopo Viennenſi. Hic acerrimus 
Lutheri et Lutheranorum inſeRator et 
hoſtis ſemper fuit, manſitque: at ille ad 
concordiam, ſi non ſemper, aliquamdiu 
tamen inclinavit. De eo loquitur Eraſ- 
mus, ejuſque moderatum judicium re- 
fert. Huttenus mutatum eum eſſe ſcrip- 


fit, et Eraſmo propterea inſultavit, quod 


eum laudaverit. Sed bis in Spongia ſua, 
de mutatione illa nihil fibi compertum 


eſſe ſcribit Erazmus, neque fe præſtare 


Was 


potuiſſe ut non mutaretur. © Is, ait, 


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qualis nunc fit, neſcio. Certe mihi. 
Lovanii perſuaſit, quod inſtituerit Au- 
guſtæ Collegium tradendis linguis et 
bonis literis. Oſtendit diploma Cæ- 


* faris Maximiliani. De capitalibus 


quibuſdam Lutheri hoſtibus atque de 
ipſa Romana Curia pluſquam hoſtili- 
ter loquebatur. Arridebat morum 
commoditas, et in ſua Theologia vi- 
debatur non vulgariter cruditus. His 
rebus extorſit a me commendationes 
aliquot. Quin et Coloniæ, cum illic 


© eflet Cæſar, et colebat nos. De Lu- 


there reliquit equiſlimun . judicium 
_ ſua 


254 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1520. was a different perſon from Faber Biſhop of Vienna, who was a 
| great enemy to the Reformation, Melanchthon hath related a 
ſtory concerning this Biſhop, from which it appears that he was 
no ſmall knave. In a religious conference, in private, with Simon 
Grynzus, the Prelate behaved himſelf with great affability and 
complaiſance, and propoſed a ſecond meeting; and in the mean 
time ſent officers to ſeize upon him at Melanchthon's houſe, and 
to carry him to jail, But Grynæus eſcaped their hands, being 
warned of his danger by a venerable old man. Melanchthon, 
who had never ſeen this old man before, and never ſaw him after. JW 
— wards, ſuſpected that he was an Angel. Seckendorf Supplem. | 
xxiv. Camerarius Vit. Melanch. p. 114. Melch. Adam ſays of 
this ſtory, Aliis fitum, aliis etiam nugatorium videtur. Vit 
Grynæi. ö 
Luther, being cenſured by the Divines of Louvain, com- 9 
forted himſelf with the conſideration, that the moſt learned add x 
eminent men had been uſed in the ſame manner, amongſt Whom 
he placeth Eraſmus. ; 4 ti 
Ep. 542 is to Conrad * Peutinger, Counſellor to the Emperor, S + 
In Ep. 543 Eraſmus ſends his compliments to his friend Draco, 
with whom he correſponded. He is the ſame perſon, I think, 5 
who is called Joanne? Draconites. by Melch. Adam Vi it. Dra- 10 
conitæ. | I te 
This year died * Sebaſtian Band, a man eſteemed by Eraſmus p 
who had written a copy of verſes in praiſe of him, n 
Eraſmus 


e Oat wm 


© manu deſcriptum, tum apud Cardi- filio damnati, poſtmodum magni habit We 
e natem Moguntinum, tum apud me.” fuerint, inter quos laudat Occamum, ve 
31 Hæc Eraſmus, Meminit ibidem Picum, Vallam, dein etiam Weſſelum, 1 L, 
1 | Jo. Fabri Canonici Conſtantienſis, et Fabrum Stapulenſem, ipſumque Era 1 fit 
"1-20 libri ejus contra Lutherum editi. Sec- mum. Seckendorf L. I. p. 102. Us lic 
kendorf L. J. p. 145. t Melchior Adam. = 

* Solatium quoddam ſumit a com- u See above, p. 138. 00 
muni cum aliis viris doctiſſimis ſorte, * Melch. Adam Vit, Brandi. co 
quorum recentes libri præeipitanti con- | 


4 


OF ERASMUS. 


Eraſmus was often at Louvain. He and Vives once dwelt 
together there, and promoted literature as much as they could, 
though not without great oppoſition from ſome of-the Divines. 
The letters of this year are from Louvain, Antwerp, Bruges, 
Anderlac, Cologn, and Bafil. 3 N 


A. D. Mpxx1. Ktat. LIV. 


This year Eraſmus wrote an elegant letter to a Bohemian noble- 


man, who had, as it ſeems, embraced the Lutheran party, and 


who exhorted Eraſmus to do the ſame. Eraſmus inveighs againſt 
the Monks, according to cuſtom, and accuſes them of having. 
attacked Luther moſt injudiciouſly, and of being the true authors 
of all the diſorders which enſued. But, to unite the Bohemian 
Separatiſts to the Church of Rome, he judged it expedient that 


the Pope ſhould appoint able and moderate men, to bring them 


back by gentle methods, and by no means employ Monks, who 
would ſurely make bad worſe, who ſought only their own in- 
tereſts, and who had no idea of moderation. He alſo blames 
thoſe, who condemned the Pope, ſince his dignity ought to have 


commanded more reſpect: and then he adds; Who have given 


him this authority, I inquire not at preſent : but, to ſay the 
leaſt, as they formerly choſe from amongſt many cotqual Preſby- 
ters one ſingle Biſhop, to guard againſt ſchiſms ; ſo it is uſeful at 
preſent from the whole Body of Biſhops to chuſe one Pope, 


not only to prevent private diſſenſions, but to moderate the ty- 


ranny 


7 Celebrabantur ibi (Lovanii) duo excitabat. Horum in notitiam commen- 
velut principes ſtudiorum, Eraſmus, et datione indolis ſuæ celeriter pervenit Ga- 
Ludovicus Vives, Hiſpanus, qui Inqui- briel Mudzus, uſus etiam convictu et 


ſitionis rabiem fugiens, voluntario exſi- familiaritate Eraſmi interiore, in Collegio 
lio ſolum verterat, et cum Eraſmo, fre- quod vocant Lilianum, ubi rationes ille 


mente Sophiſtarum turba, probiorem vitæ, quoties in Belgico verſaretur, ha- 
doctrinarum culturam, magno juventutis bebat pridem conſtitutas.. Meleh. Adam 
concurſu et cunctorum ordinum gratia Vit. Mudzi. 


255 
A. D. 1520. 


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256 


1 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1521. ranny of other Biſhops, and of ſecular Princes, when they attempt 
to oppreſs their ſubjects. I am not ignorant of the complaints, 
which are commonly made of the See of Rome; but it is raſh. 


neſs to credit all ſuch popular rumours, and it is injuſtice to attri. 


bute to the Pope all that is done at Rome. Many things are there 
tranſacted without his knowledge, and many things againſt his 
advice and his inclination : and I believe that, in the preſent Rate 


of human affairs, if St. Peter himſelf preſided at Rome, he would 
be conſtrained to connive at ſeveral things which he could not 


approve. 


Thus Eraſmus excuſeth the Pope upon political principles; 
but the worſt of it is, that he takes for granted what was not 


true, and that the ſame counſel might be given under the moſt 


vexatious and abominable tyranny. Is it not excellent advice, 
to ſay that, for fear of religious altercations, the deciſion of all 
Theological diſputes ought to be referred to one man; and to 


a man who uſually is leſs {killed in thoſe things than ten thouſand 


other perſons, who hath a temporal and a moſt conſiderable 
intereſt to biaſs him, and who, with his predeceſſors, hath for a 
long ſeries of ages laboured inceſſantly to deceive the world, 
and to eſtabliſh his own ſecular and carnal empire! Were theſe 
contentions only about worldly advantages, or even about private 


property, one might be content to refer it to ſuch an arbitration, 


and to fit down with Chriſtian patience under an unfair determi- 
nation : but to ſacrifice Chriſtian knowledge and Chriſtian liberty 
to a man, ſuch as we have deſcribed, is a ſubmiſſion to which 
no one can ſtoop with a good conſcience, unleſs he be ſtrangely 
and ſtrongly prejudiced. Were it only an act of injuſtice done 
to one, or to a few particulars, that might perhaps be borne : but 
here are doctrines propoſed, concerning which the Pope decides; 
whoſe deciſions no one can admit, who is perſuaded that they 
are falſe and dangerous. It is a ſtory fit only to be told to chil- 
dren and to ſavages, that ſuch tranſactions, as the Reformers 

| cenſured, 

2 


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OF ERASMUS. 


or in oppoſition to his will ; or that the Pope is more enlightened, 
and better diſpoſed, than the Doctors and the Courtiers, whom 
he conſults, and out of whom he himſelf is choſen, and raiſed 
to the Pontifical throne, where he certainly doth not increaſe in 
virtue, in learning, and in religious knowledge. If St. Peter 


were to return to us again, and to go to Rome, he would ſoon 


retire thence, when he ſhould find that he could change and mend 
nothing there; and that it would be expected from him, that he 
ſhould diveſt himſelf of his Apoſtolical character, and act the 
part of the Politician and the temporal Prince. Theſe things were 
ſo extremely viſible, that one can hardly conceive how Eraſmus 
could tell the Lutherans, that they ought to be contented with 


making moſt humble remonſtrances and ſupplications. 
He ſays to this Bohemian Lord, who exhorted him to join 


with Luther, that he would with all his heart, if he ſaw that 


Luther was with the Catholic Church. Not that I mean, ſays 


he, to pronounce him excluded from it; for it is no buſineſs of 


mine to condemn any one. To our Saviour it belongs to con- 
demn him, or to acquit him. If things come to extremities, and 
the Church totters on both ſides, I will fix myſelf upon the ſolid 
rock, until a calm ſucceeds, and it be apparent which 1s the 
Church. Whereſoever Evangelical peace ſhall be found, there 
ſhall Erafmus be found likewiſe. The meaning of all this ſeems 


to be, that he intended to wait for the event, before he declared 


himſelf, and that he much feared that the event would not be 
favourable to Luther. This inclined him to pay his court a 
little to the defenders of the See of Rome, as it appears from ſome 
following letters. Ep. 563, 568, 569, 570. 

0 OR Dp VO TOR,3 The 


* Amlingus ſzpe dixit, Idem de me nimium fecerim ; verum conſcientia mea 
. ih, licet dicere, quod Eraſmus de Mo- me accuſat, quod minus fecerim, quod- 
nachis conquerentibus, quaſi nimis ri- que lentior fuerim. Melcb. Adam Vit. 
Lide ageret, dixit, Accuſant me, quod Amlingi. 


237 


cenſured, were often carried on without the Pope's knowledge, A. D. 152 . 


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258 
A. D. 1521. 


THE LIFE 


The lebeaied Diet of Worms was held this year, Wh 
Luther, who had as much courage as Alexander and Julius Cæſar 
put together, made his appearance, and maintained his opinions, 


in the preſence of Charles V, and of other Princes. After this, 


his friend the Elector of Saxony carried him off ſecretly, and 


Tuth. p. 56, 57. 
Molſey; who cenſures Luther for not the Empire, and excite the Germans to 


CONFEFED him to the fortreſs of Wartburg, where he remained 
© concealed far © ſome time, being * proſcribed by the Emperor, 
and excommunicated by the Pope. Hereupon Eraſmus wrote a 2 
long letter to his friend Jodocus Jonas, a Lutheran, in which he 
deplores the fate of Luther, and of thoſe who had declared them- 
ſelves his aſſociates; and blames them much for want of mode. 
ration, as if this had brought their diſtreſſes upon them. Mode- 
ration, doubtleſs, is a virtue: but ſo far was the oppoſite party 


from allowing Luther to be in the right, as to the main points, 
that it was his doctrine which gave the chief offence to the Court 


of Rome; and he would have gained as little upon them by 
propoſing 


= Sleidan L. III. Seckendorf L. I. 4 About ten months. Sculteti Anna, 
p. 156 — 158. Melch. Adam Vit. © Aleander was in hopes, that, at leaſt, 
Fiddes's Life of this procedure would cauſe a civil war in 


ſubmitting himſelf and his cauſe to the cut one another's throats : but he was 

Pope and his Deputies, p. 240. miſtaken, and his pious wiſhes were diſ- 
o Being told, that if he put himſelf appointed at that time. 

into the hands of his enemies, he would Falſus fuit Hieronymus Aleander, qui 

have the ſame fate with John Huſs, he ad Marinum Caracciolam, Legatum 

anſwered, that, ſince the Emperor had in- Pontificium, fertur dixiſſe: Eia, mi Ca- 


vited him to Worms, he would go thither, racciola; fi nihil adeo præclari his Co- 


if there were as many Devils combined 
againſt him in that city, as tiles upon 


the houſes. 


„ All the magicians of Italy, being: 
conſulted by the Pope, (if we may be- 
lieve ſome Divines of the Confeſſion of 
Augiburg) could not diſcover the place 
where Luther was concealed, Bibl. 
Univ. VII. 347. | 


mitiis effecimus; tamen certum eſt, nos 
magram hoc Edicto in Germania lani- 
enam concitare, qua Alemanni ipſi in vit- 
cera ſua ſævientes, propediem in proprio 
ſanguine ſuffocabuntur. See Von der 
Hardt. Hit. Liter. Reform. P. V. 
p-: 37. 
Beza Icon. Melch. Adam. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


gained by maintaining it in his rough way. Eraſmus hiniſelf 


experienced the truth of this; and the Monks were not induced 


to change any thing that was reprehenſible in their notions and 


In their manners, by his gentler and more artful remonſtrances, 
and abhorred his ironies no leſs than the bold invectives of Lu- 


ther. However, Eraſmus may ſtand excuſed in ſome meaſure in 
the ſight of candid and favourable judges, becauſe he ta ked thus, 


partly out of timidity, and partly out of love and friendſhip to- 
wards him to whom he addrefieth himſelf. You will tell me, 


ſays he, my dear Jonas, To what purpoſe theſe complaints, eſpe- 


cially when it is too late? Why, in the firſt place, that (although 


things have been carried almoſt to extremities) one may till try, 


whether ſome method can be found to compoſe theſe terrible diſ- 


ſenſions. We have a Pope, who in his temper is much diſpoſed 
to clemency ; and an Emperor, who is alſo mild and placable. 


| Honeſt Eraſmus judged very wrong of both theſe perſons. Leo 
was a vain, a voluptuous and debauched man, who had no 


religion, and no compaſſion for thoſe, who would not ſubmit 
entirely to his pleaſure, as he ſhewed by the haughty manner in 


which he treated Luther, without admitting the leaſt relaxation 


in any of the diſputed points. Such is the character which 


Hiſtory hath beſtowed upon him: and as to Charles V, he was 
a a moſt ambitious and reſtleſs Prince, who made a conſcience of 


nothing, to accompliſh any of his projets, as it appears from the 
bloody wars which he waged under religious pretences, and 
. indeed 


* At this time he was little more 
than a boy, being born in 1500, 

* He ſaid ſo of himſelf; and we may 
take his word for it. See Bayle CI- 
PIERRE, Not. D. 

In Belgio Carolus Cæſar, A. 1521, 
dira edicta contra ſeas, quas fic vo- 
"Cant, omnes et ſingulas edit, et quotan- 


nis fere renovat, quorum vi, imperante 
Carolo, in ſolo Belgio capite truncata, 


ſubmerſa, ſuſpenſa, defoſſa, exuſta, aliiſ- 


que mortis generibus exſtincta ultra 


quinquaginta hominum millia ſcribuntur. 


Meteranus. See Von der Hardt. P. V. 
P. 39. 


259 


propoſing it in the moſt ſubmiſſive and ſofteſt manner, as he A. D. 152 1. 


260 
A, D. 1521. 


THE LIFE 


indeed from his whole conduct. The Lutherans would have 
been fools and mad, to have truſted themſelves and their cauſe to 


ſuch a Pontif, and to ſuch an Emperor. 


If this cannot be accompliſhed, continues Eraſmus, I would 
not have you interfere in theſe affairs any longer. I always loved 
in you thoſe excellent gifts, which Jeſus Chriſt hath beſtowed 
upon you; and I beg you would preſerve yourſelf, that you may 
hereafter labour for the cauſe of the Goſpel. The more I haye 
loved the genius and the talents of Hutten, the more concerned 
I am to loſe him by theſe troubles ; and what a deplorable thing 
would it be, that Philip Melanchthon, an amiable youth of ſuch 
extraordinary abilities, ſhould be loſt to the learned world upon 
the ſame account! If the behaviour of thoſe, who govern human 
affairs, ſhocks us and grieves us, I believe we muſt leave them 


to the Lord. If they command things reaſonable, it is juſt to 


obey them; if they require things unreaſonable, it is an act of 
piety to ſuffer it, leſt ſomething worſe enſue. If the preſent age 
is not capable of receiving the whole Goſpel of Jeſus Chriſt, 
yet it is ſomething to preach it in part, and as far as we can,— 
Above all things we ſhould avoid a ſchiſm, which is of pernicious 
conſequence to all good men. There is a certain pious craft, 
and an innocent time-ſerving, which however we muſt fo uſe, 


as not to betray the cauſe of religion, &c. 


Such is the Goſpel which Eraſmus preached up to the Lu- 
therans, imagining that they and their cauſe would go to ruin, 
and that a worſe condition of things would enſue. But, if they 
had complied with his propoſal, we ſhould have been at this 


day involved in all the darkneſs, which had overſpread the 


Chriſtian world in the fifteenth century, and for many ages be- 
fore it. So far would the Popes and the Eccleſiaſtics have 


been from abandoning their beloved intereſts, founded upon igno- 
rance 


Ita ſana quadam vafricie tempori ſaurus Evangelicæ Veritatis, unde cor- 
ſerviendum, ne tamen prodatur The- rupti mores publici poſſint reſtitui. 


OF ERASMUS. 


rance and ſuperſtition, that a bloody Inquiſition would have been A. D. 1521. 


eſtabliſhed, not only in Italy and Spain, but in all Chriſtian coun- 
tries, which would have ſmothered and extinguiſhed for ever thoſe 
lights which then began to ſparkle. Lutheraniſm, gaining more 
ſtrength and ſtability than Eraſmus expected, prevented the tyranny 
of an Inquiſition in Germany, and the Reformation of Calvin 
ſecured the liberty of other countries. If all Germany had yielded 
and ſubmitted to Leo and to Charles, in compliance with the 
timorous counſels of Eraſmus, he himſelf would undoubtedly 
have been one of the firſt ſufferers ; and the Court of Rome, no 
longer apprehenſive leſt he ſhould join himſelf to the heretics, 
would have offered him up a facrifice of a ſweet-ſmelling favour 
to the Monks, who did a thouſand times more ſervice to that 
Court than a thouſand ſuch Scholars as Eraſmus. Ep. 572. 
If Eraſmus had lived to the year 15 52, he would have ſeen an 
amazing. change in the affairs of Charles, and in the religious 
ſtate of Germany. 
« * Maurice of Saxony took Augſburg with many othar Impe- 
« rial cities — and marched on to Inſpruch, where the Emperor 
« lay; and ſurpriſed a paſs to which he had truſted, ſo that he 
« was within two miles of him, before he was aware of it. 
«© Upon this the Emperor roſe from ſupper in great haſte, and 


te by torch-light fled away, to make his eſcape into Italy. Thus 
© all that deſign, which the Emperor had been laying ſo many 
« years, was now broken off on a ſudden : he loſt all the advan- 
© tages he had of his former victories, and was forced to ſet the 


« priſoners at liberty, and to call in the Proſcriptions; and in 
* concluſion the Edict of Paſſaw was made, by which the ſeve- 
© ral Princes and Towns were ſecured in the free exerciſe of 
_ © their religion. I thought it not improper to give account of the 
* extreme danger 1 in which religion was in Germany, and how 

« {ſtrangely 


+ Burnet II. 21 3, 330. See alſo QUINT. Continuat, Sleidani L. I. p. 52. 
Sleidan L. 23, 243 and Bayle CHARLES- Thuanus L. X. & L. XXI. p. 642. 


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THE LIFE 


ſtrangely it was recovered ; in which he, who had been the 
chief Inſtrument of the miſeries it had groaned under, was 
now become its unlooked-for deliverer. —The Emperor's miſ- 
fortunes redoubled upon him — and he began to reflect on the 


vanity of the world. It was one of the notableſt turns of for- 
tune that had been in many ages; and gave a great demon. 


ſtration both of an overruling Providence, that diſpoſes of all 


human affairs at pleaſure, and of a particular care that God 


had of the Reformation, in thus recovering it, when it ſeemed 
gone without hope in Germany. 


were believed to have firſt poſſeſſed him with the deſign, which 


not long after he put in execution, of laying down his crowns, | 


and retiring to a private courſe of life. In his retirement, 
having time to conſider things more impartially, he was ſo 
much changed in his opinion of the Proteſtant Religion, that 


he, who hitherto had been a moſt violent oppoſer of it, was 


ſuſpected of being turned to it before he died. —He at firſt 
gave himſelf much to mechanical curioſities ; ; but could never 
bring his clocks to ſtrike in the ſame minute; and he uſed upon 


that to ſay, he ſaw the folly of endeavouring to bring all men 


to be of the ſame mind in religion, ſince he could not bring 
machines to agree exactly.“ 


= According to the account given by Dr. Geddes, there is 
great reaſon to believe, that Charles applied himſelf to ſerious 


reflections on religion. No Prince knew better than he did 


both the corruptions and the practices of the Court of Rome, 
and the artifices and methods by which two Seſſions of the 
Council of Trent had been conducted, He muſt likewiſe 
have underſtood the grounds upon which both the Lutherans 
and the Reformed in Germany built their perſuaſions. He 
had heard them often ſet out : but the hurry of buſineſs, the 


Burnet III, 253. 


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OF ERASMUS, 


263 


« prepoſſeſſion of education, and the views of intereſt, had pre- A. D. 1523, 


judiced him ſo far againſt them, that he continued in a moſt 
violent enmity to them. But now that he was at full leiſure 
to bring all his obſervations together, and that paſſion and in- 


tereſt had no more power over him, there are great preſump- 


tions to believe, that he died perſuaded of the doctrines of 
the Reformed Religion. Auguſtin Caſal, a Canon of the Church 
of Salamanca, was his preacher, and was eſteemed the moſt 
eloquent preacher that Spain ever produced. He was taken up 


in the year 1558, and with thirteen more was publicly burned 
at Vallidolid, in the year 1559; the unfortunate Prince Charles, 


and his aunt Donna Juana, then Governeſs, looking on that bar- 
barous ® execution. Conſtantine Pontius, a Canon of Sevil, 


who was his Confeſſor, eſteemed a man of great learning and 


piety, was likewiſe taken up by the Inquiſition. for being a 
Proteſtant ; he died in priſon, probably enough by the torture 
the Inquiſitors put him to: but his bones, with his effigies, 
were burnt at Sevil. So were the bones of the learned Egidius, 
whom the Emperor had named to the Biſhoprick of Tortoſa, 
one of the richeſt in Spain. At the ſame time eighteen were 
burnt alive for being Proteſtants ; of which the Hiſtory of the 
Inquiſition gives this Account, that had not the holy Tribunal 
put a ſtop to thoſe Reformers, the Proteſtant religion had run 


through Spain like wild-fire ; people of all degrees, and of 
both ſexes, being wonderfully diſpoſed at that time to have 


embraced it: and the writer of the Pontifical Hiſtory, who was 
preſent at ſome of thoſe executions, ſays, that had thoſe 
learned men been let alone but three months longer, all Spain 
would have been put into a flame by them. 


The moſt eminent of them all was Bartholomew de Caranza, 


(e 


8 


a Dominican, who had been Confeſſor to King Philip and to 


Queen Marys and had been by her recommended to the Arch- 
e biſhoprick 


. Continuat, Sleidani L. I. p. 77. See Bayle Poxcz. 


8 


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c minutes of his life. 


4 
„ 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1521. © biſhoprick of Toledo. He had aſſiſted Charles in the laſt 
He was within a few months after his 


ce death, upon ſuſpicion of his being a Proteſtant, firſt confined 


by the Inquiſition to his own Palace at Tordelaguna: and after 
e he had been for ſeven years kept within that confinement, 


© he was carried to Rome, and kept ten years a priſoner in the 
“ Caſtle of St. Angelo; and was at laſt condemned as one 


*© ſuſpected of hereſy. 


That great man had been ſent by Charles 
as one of his Divines to the Council of Trent, where he 
_ ©. preached, and wrote a treatiſe of the perſonal reſidence of 


« Biſhops. Theſe things put together make it highly probable, 


C 


* 


that Charles himſelf was poſſeſſed with that doctrine, that was 


© ſo much ſpread amongſt thoſe who were then moſt about him, 


* 


A 


©« at Sevil, 


Mezeray tells us, that, at Philip's arrival in Spain, he cauſed a 
& great many to be burned for heretics in his own preſence, both 
and at Vallidolid, both Seculars and Eccleſiaſtics, 


«© men and women, and in particular the effigies of his father's 


* Confeflor : and, if reports may be believed, he intended to 


« have made his father's proceſs, and to have had his bones 


* burnt for hereſy; being only hindered from doing it by this 


& conſideration, that if his father was an heretic, he had for- 
e feited all his dominions, and by conſequence he had no right 


e to reſign them to his ſon *.” 


© Creditur autem a quibuſdam Ca- 


rolus in extremis rectius de Proteſtanti- 


um doctrina ſenſiſſe. Hoc certum, 
quod. vix integro anno poſt, cum Phi- 


lippus in Hiſpaniam tantum quod redi- 


iſſet, et multi hæreſeos damnati, atque 
ignis ſupplicio afficiendi, in ejus adven- 
tum fuiſſent reſervati, ut ſua præſentia 
variis in locis illam ſupplicii diritatem 


quaſi comprobaret, quod, inquam, in- 
ter hos miſeros damnati quoque fuerint, 


fuerat. 


Bayle 


et quia prius animam efflaverant, often- 
tati et cremati in effigie ſua, non modo 
Joannes Zgidius, a Carolo ob eximiam 


pietatis et eruditionis laudem Epiſcopus 


D roſſenſis deſignatus, ſed et Conſtanti- 


nus Pontius, qui illius ſacras confeſſiones 
acceperat, atque ei in ſolitudine ſua ad- 
Animam tamen agenti etiam- 
dum inſerviiſſe, quod Thuanus quoque 


et Sarpius affirmant, negat Pallavicinus, 


qui vivo Carolo jam in carcerem Hiſpali 
conjectum, 


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OF ERASMUS. 
chat chers is no ſatisfactory evidence for the diſpoſitions of Charles 


point. See his Dit. CaxRANZ A, and CHARLES-QUINT. = 


„ the) Monks of St. Juſtus, told them, that he repented of 
ec having fulfilled the promiſe of ſafe- conduct which he gave to 


<« idolatrous Gibeonites; and of Saul, whom God puniſhed for 
ce doing the 3 might have enn his royal conſcience ; 3 


be plighting bis faith to a 23 and not for keeping. it.” La 
Motthe Le Vayer Diſc. de  hiſtoire, Tom. II. Ed..12mo. . 
Sandoval wrote'the hiſtory, or rather the romance of Charles V : 
and La Motthe, f in the treatiſe above- mentioned, hath fully con- 
futed this wretched Scribbler, who . like ene. defended 

| the wicked conqueſts of Peru, ce. 
The Edict of Worms againſt Laber Was n up with all 
poſſible * rancour and malice, being penned by Aleander. How- 


enn With Ta Wr and Fn N that ene aſſem- 
bly. 


G neque vero a 1 confelionibus vocari * anne tot regnorum et 
illi, ſed a concionibus fuiſſe, ait. Verum civitatum ab hæretico patre in ſe facta. 
in hac circumſtantiarum diſcrepantia non Sed tamen vix putem Carolum ulla hæ- 
multum ſane eſt ſitum ad invidiam rei reſi, ſeu damnata ab Romanis doctrina, 


Galli, de ipſo patre deliberaſſe Philip- p. 625. "= 

pum comburendo poſt ſuam mortem, ut * Seckendorf L. I. p. 1 58. 
qui hæreſin extremo vitæ tempore fuiſſet 4 Quicquid autem malevoli de geſtis 
ſecutus: ſed cohibitum una hac ratione, Wormatiæ, a Luthero et cum eo, mu- 
quod, ſi id feciſſet, in controverſiam ginentur, illuſtre in omne ævum exem- 
9 | | M m plum, 


towards Proteſtantiſm,” and that it muſt remain an ambiguous 


« This Emperor, diſcourſing of paſt events with the Prior and 


« Luther. Sandoval aſcribes this regret to his pious zeal for the 
i cauſe. of God: but the examples of Gregory the Great, who 


« kept. his faith given to heretics; of Joſhua, who kept it-to the 


ever, whilſt Luther attended there, and pleaded his cauſe, he was 


vel minuendam vel augendam. Quin jam ante illam tranſlationem, fuiſſe im- 
immo aſſeverant nonnulli, ſed maxime butum aut ſuſpectum. Perixonius, 


265 


Bayle hath called ſome of theſe things in queſtion, and thinks A. D. 1521. 


264. RS LIFE 
A. D. 1521, © biſhoprick of Toledo. He had afliſted Charles in the lag 


«© minutes of his life. He was within a few months after his 
ce death, upon ſuſpicion of his being a Proteſtant, firſt confined 
* by the Inquiſition to his own Palace at Tordelaguna: and after 
* he had been for ſeven years kept within that confinement, 
« he was carried to Rome, and kept ten years a priſoner in the 
“% Caſtle of St. Angelo; and was at laſt condemned as one I 
© ſuſpected of hereſy. That great man had been ſent by Charles 
“ as one of his Divines to the Council of Trent, where he FR 
« preached, and wrote a treatiſe of the perſonal reſidence of I Y 
% Biſhops. Theſe things put together make it highly probable, MR 
« that Charles himſelf was poſſeſſed with that doctrine, that was 
c ſo much ſpread amongſt thoſe who were then moſt about him, 
«© Mezeray tells us, that, at Philip's arrival in Spain, he cauſed a 
“great many to be burned for heretics in his own preſence, both 
„ at Sevil, and at Vallidolid, both Seculars and Eccleſiaſtics, 
«© men and women, and in particular the effigies of his fathers M7 
= Confeſſor: and, if reports may be believed, he intended to 1 
« have made his father's proceſs, and to have had his bones 
* burnt for hereſy; being only hindered from doing it by this 
ce conſideration, that if his father was an heretic, he had for- i 1 
“ feited all his dominions, and by conſequence he had no right ; 
*© to reſign them to his fon *. x 


Bayle 


o Creditur autem a quibuſdam Ca- 


rolus in extremis rectius de Proteſtanti- 
um doctrina ſenſiſſe. Hoc certum, 
quod vix integro anno poſt, cum Phi- 
lippus in Hiſpaniam tantum quod redi- 
iſſet, et multi hæreſeos damnati, atque 
ignis ſupplicio afficiendi, in ejus adven- 
tum fuiſſent reſervati, ut ſua præſentia 
variis in locis illam ſupplicii diritatem 
quaſi comprobaret, quod, inquam, in- 
ter hos miſeros damnati quoque fuerint, 


et quia prius animam efflaverant, oſten- 


tati et cremati in effigie ſua, non modo 


Joannes Ægidius, a Carolo ob eximiam 
pietatis et eruditionis laudem Epiſcopus 
Droſſenſis deſignatus, ſed et Conſtanti- 
nus Pontius, qui illius ſacras confeſſiones 
acceperat, atque ei in ſolitudine ſua ad- 
fuerat. Animam tamen agenti etiam- 
dum inſerviiſſe, quod Thuanus quoque 
et Sarpius affirmant, negat Pallavicinus, 


qui vivo Carolo jam in carcerem Hiſpal 
| conjectum, 


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ee e e A BR 2 3 A OY I EN het 
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26 8 

2 Bayle hath called ſome of theſe things in e and thinks A. D. 1521. 
that there is no ſatisfactory evidence for the diſpoſitions of Charles 

JT towards Proteſtantiſm, and that it muſt remain an ambiguous 

2 point. See his Dict. CARRANZA, and CHARLES-QUINT. 


- vp « This Emperor, diſcourſing of paſt events with the Prior and 
c the Monks of St. Juſtus, told them, that he repented of 
* « having fulfilled the promiſe of ſafe- conduct which he gave to 
'® <© Luther, Sandoval aſcribes this regret to his pious zeal for the 
( cauſe of God: but the examples of Gregory the Great, who 
c cgept his faith given to heretics; of Joſhua, who kept it to the 
<« jdolatrous. Gibeonites; and of Saul, whom God puniſhed for | 
doing the contrary, might have quieted his royal conſcience ; | 
« and if he had any cauſe to repent, it ſhould have been for 
« plighting his faith to a heretic, and not for keeping it.” La 
Motthe Le Vayer Diſc. de I hiſtoire, Tom. II. Ed. 12mo. 
Sandoval wrote'the hiſtory, or rather the romance of Charles V : 
and La Motthe, ia the treatiſe above-mentioned, hath fully con- 
futed this wretched Scribbler, who alſo, like Sepulveda, defended 
the wicked conqueſts of Peru, ke. 
Fi The Edict of Worms againſt Luther was THEN up with all 
poſſible v rancour and malice, being penned by Aleander. How- 
ever, whilſt Luther attended there, and pleaded his cauſe, he was 
treated with much affability and civility by that illuſtrious aſſem- 
cCofnjectum, neque vero a confeſſionibus 


illi, ſed a concionibus fuiſſe, ait. Verum 
in hac circumſtantiarum diſcrepantia non 


y 15 i 7 nn 
* Rt D wat ee er n 832 9 n Nr deR S n Wo 2 
e r. * 5 5 : Gn > « 3 FR 3 9 M0 "IP 3: 6 Pe MAE 
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WIE AERIE Eo i pets Dn. ett OY ith FAITE e . M6 g ö 
SON 7 27 + 6 42 RIP * : ö > * , 
6 n * * 4 4 ys * 5 7 . * 


vocari poſſet tranſlatio tot regnorum et 
civitatum ab hæretico patre in ſe facta. 
Sed tamen vix putem Carolum ulla hæ- 


multum ſane eſt ſitum ad invidiam rei 
vel minuendam vel augendam. 
immo aſſeverant nonnulli, ſed maxime 


Galli, de ipſo patre deliberaſſe Philip- 


pum comburendo poſt ſuam mortem, ut 


qui hæreſin extremo vitæ tempore fuiſſet 


ſecutus: ſed cohibitum una hac ratione, 
quod, ſi id feciſſet, in controverſiam 


Quin 


butum aut W 


reſi, ſeu damnata ab Romanis doctrina, 
jam ante illam tranſlationem, fuiſſe im- 


p. 625. 
v Seckendorf L. I. p. I 3 
3 Quicquid autem malevoli de geſtis 
Wormatiæ, a Luthero et cum eo, mu- 
ginentur, illuſtre in omne ævum exem- 
Mm plum, 


Peri xonius, 


266 


A. D. 1521. bly. 


in colloquiis tractaverint. 
rimus Eques, Georgius Fronſbergius, 


THE 


LIFE 


| He ſhewed a ſufficient preſence of mind, and a noble in. 


trepidity, in the opinion of every one beſides himſelf; for he after. 


God. 


In the ebove-tnentionad epiſtle to Jodocus Jonas, 1 


wards lamented, that he had not been ſtill bolder in the cauſe of 


talks more coldly Hint Monaſtic vows than he had been ac- 


plum, cui par nullum memorari poteſt, 


Imperator, Principes, Procereſque, et 
Lutherus utrinque ediderunt: illi quidem, 


quod privatum et Monachum, tum, 


quod maximum erat, damnatum jam 
ſolenniter a Pontifice, in conſeſſum ſuum 
ſplendidiſſimum admiſſum benigne et 
patienter audiverint, ſecuritatem pro- 
miſſam, ſpretis multorum, qui tollen- 
dum homuncionem dicerent, ſuggeſtio- 
nibus ſervaverint, amice et humaniter 
Celeber- 


Lutheri euntis in conſeſſum humerum 


manu feriens dixiſſe fertur; O Frater- 


cule, tu gradum nunc facts, qualem ego 
multique belli duces in periculgſiſſima acie 
dix fecimus. Si tamen recte ſentis, et tuæ 
cauſæ certus es, pergas in nomine Domini, 
et confidas, non deſeret te Deus. 
propter admiranda merito eſt, nec hu- 
manis viribus, ſed ardentiſſimis precibus 
Lutheri tribui debet, que in eo eminuit 
præſentia animi et invincibilis in veritate 
profitenda conſtantia, ad conſpectum et 


minas tremendarum Poteſtatum ſervata, 


nec non dexteritas in refutandis adver- 
ſarlis, quam negare tandem poſt tot ex- 


tenuationes non plane auſus Palavicinus, 


lateribus, id eſt clamori et corporis ro- 
bori Lutheri tribuit. 


mirandus, ut mos eſt optimo cuique, ſibi 


Qua- 


Ipſe vero vir ad- 


cuſtomed: 
non ſatisfecit, et hoc anno, quanquam 
deſperatis pene rebus ſuis, exſul et ſemi- 


captivus, tum corpore peſſime valens, i in 
literis ad Spalatinum datis conqueritur : 


Ego times valde et vexor conſcientia, quod 


tuo et amicorum conſilio cedens, Morma- 
tie remiſi ſpiritum meum, et Idolis non 
exhibuerim Eliam quendam : alia audirent, 
i denus ſiſterer coram eis, &c. 
palatinus Luthero ait tantum, imo 
majorem honorem habitum fuiſſe, quam 


ulli Principi, quotidie ad eum magnam 


copiam concurriſſe, &c, Fridericum 
Electorem Spalatino dixiſſe, O uam bent 
Pater Martinus Germanice et Latine co- 
ram Ceſare et Ordinibus locutus eft ! ſa 
tis, aut nimum animoſus fuit. 

Eraſmus libertatem votorum, ſive 
jus ex Monaſteriis diſcedendi, et conju- 
gia Clericorum, laudat, aut non impro- 
bat pluribus locis, ita ut in longa illa, 
qua ſuæ juventutis caſus ſub nomine 
Florentii deſcripſit, Epiſtola, notanter 
dicat z Si vere piorum et ſpiritualium ſen- 
tentia plus valeret, quam crafſorum judicia, 
nullum peſthac effet votum inſolubile, præter 
vota baptiſmi, prefertim ut nunc hab: 


anortalium vel malitia vel imbecillitas. 


Quia tamen invidia Lutheraniſmi (ut 


queritur in literis ad Jod. Jonam) ob 


hanc quoque ſententiam gravabatur, op- 
poſitionem fecit ſuæ et Lutheri ſententiz. 
Aaneo, ait, juvenes non effe pelliciendss 
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OF ERASMUS. 267 
cuſtomed : but he was frightened at the then preſent ſituation of A. D. 1521. 
affairs. "7g 

Oecolampadius now began to go over to the Reformers. 

Eraſmus expreſſeth his fears to his beſt-beloved patron War- 

ham. Luther, ſays he, hath excited great troubles, of which I 
| ſee no end, unleſs Jeſus Chriſt ſhould proſper our raſhneſs, as it 

uſed to be ſaid that Minerva turned all the fooliſh counſels of the 
Athenians to their good. I wiſh that Luther had held his peace 

upon ſome points, or had diſcuſſed them with a different ſpirit. 

At preſent 1 fear that we ſhall eſcape Scylla by falling into a 

more dangerous Charybdis. If the men who facrifice all things 


— 


<> 
«. * a — TE 
245 ater 
> HIS as 


ad vincula religionis, priuſquam ſibi noti 


ſunt, et norint quid fit religio. Lutherus, 


ut aiunt, in totum damnat omnia vota. 
Sed falſus eft Eraſmus, illud, ut arunt, 


aliter pronunciaturus, ſi tractatum Lu- 


theri de votis Monaſticis legere voluiſſet. 


Anno 1531, purgans ſe apud Georgium 


Saxoniæ Ducem, in literis ad Simonem 
Piſtoris, hæc habet de conjugio Sacer- 
dotum: 
conjugium, nec Maonachis relaxo vota, ni 
id fiat ex auftoritate Pontiſicum, et ad 
edificatiinem Eccleſiæ, non ad deſtructio- 
nem. Do perpellere pueros ac puellas in- 


humanum arbitror; et pium, exrmere. 
. Imprimis optandum efſet 


ſacerdotes caſtitatem et cœleſtem vitam am- 


fraude captos. 


lei, Nunc rebus adeo contaminatis, 
fartaſſe levius malum eſſet eligendum. Hæc 
opinio ft non placet Ecileſie præfectis, pro 
ſomnio ducatur. Ita attemperare dicta 
ſua ad genium eorum, quibus ſcribebat, 
noverat Eraſmus. Sectendorf L. I. p. 173. 
See Scultet. Annal. in Von der Hardt, 
P. V. p. 40. 


Ego nec Sacerdotibus Permitto | 


to 


'5 Occolampadius quid in Ccenobio 
deliteſcens de Luthero ſenſerit, judicium 
ejus ad amicum loquitur : Jam de Mar- 
tino libere loguor, ut ſepe antehac ; quod 
Evangelice veritati propius accedat, quam 
adverſarii ſui, Sc. Plerague ab eo dicta 
tam certa ſunt apud me, ut ſi etiam cœ- 
leſtes Angeli contradicant, non mie int a 


ſententia mea depulſurt. dem Oeco- 


lampadius ſcripſit etiam de Confeſſione 
librum, quo magis pium, hoc minus 
ceremoniarum nundinatoribus ferendum, 
Hujus enim occaſione Glapio Franciſca- 


nus, qui tum Cæſari Carolo a Concioni- 


bus, ingens viro periculum creavit. Qua 
de cauſa ſollicitantibus amicis, et con- 
ſentientibus fratribus in Coœnobio, tuto 
diſceſſit. Capito in Vita Oecolamp. Sec 
Von der Hardt, P. V. p. 39. 

t Si iſtis, qui ventris et tyrannidis 
ſux cauſa nihil non audent, res ſuccedit, 
nihil ſupereſt, niſi ut ſcribam Epitaphi- 
um Chriſto nunquam revicturo. Actum 
eſt de ſcintilla charitatis Evangelicæ, 
actum eſt de ſtellula lucis Evangelicæ, 

Mme actum 


— 


268 


THE LIFE 


A.D. 1521. to > their belly and to their inſolence, ſhould prevail, what remains 


but to write the Epitaph of Jeſus Chriſt, who is dead and buried 
to riſe no more? There is an end of all that is good and true, 
whilſt theſe wretches baſely flatter the Great and the Powerful, at 
the expenſe of Chriſtianity, Thus it hath happened in Italy, and 
Spain, and Portugal, and in all places where Monks and Inqui- 
ſitors bear rule, | 


Amongſt theſe ſerious and affecting reflections, we find allo 
complaints of a more private nature, that the money remitted 


to him from England had been truſted to the hands of a knayiſh 


Italian, who had defrauded him of no ſmall part of it. Eraſ. 
mus begged the Archbiſhop to take heed for the future what 
agents he employed in this affair. The good Prelate had been in 
pain leſt Eraſmus ſhould want money, and promiſed to procure 


him another Prebend. How uncommon is it for perſons in high 
» ſtations to have any regard at all for the Learned! and much 


more, to preſerve ſo conſtant an affection for a man of merit, 


eſpecially when he is at a diſtance, and not able to make his 
court to them in perſon ! Eraſmus was not inſenſible of theſe 


ſingular favours, and thanks the Archbiſhop. moſt affectionately, 
and upon all occaſions extols his friendly liberality ; particularly 
in his Preface to St. Jerom. He tells his Patron however, that, 


as he was contented with a little, ſo at that time he wanted for 


nothing. At preſent, ſays he, I think myſelf a ſort of Noble- 


man; for F maintain two horſes, who are better fed, and two 
ſervants, who are better clad, than their Maſter. Living in this 


manner, it was impolüble at he Would lay, up much: for he 


Wanted 


\ 4 8 
w 3 >: 


actum de vena coleſtis doctrinæ. Adeo ment nullam -pecuniam Ne ende 


turpiter iſti adulantur Principibus et iis quam quæ in tales uſus conſumitur; ne: 


unde ſpes eſt commodi, cum ſumma que quicquam omnino placet illis, unde 


injuria Chriſtianæ veritatis, | non vectigal aliquod tollitur. Eran 
u Magnates autem adeo non adjuvant Adag. c. 405. 01 * 
fua benignitate rem literariam, ut exiſti- 


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wanted amanuenſes to tranſcribe his works, and horſes to travel A. D. 1521. 
himſelf, and to fend meſſengers to collect his penſions, ſince at 


that time ſtage-coaches and * horſes were not to be found. 
Ep. 574, 590. 

This year he quitted Louvain, and took up his abode at An- 
derlac, a country village, for the fake of his health, and to be rid 


of thoſe whom he calls Toy l ugel nes, Mendicant - tyrants, who: 


were not ſo numerous and: ſo troubleſome there as at Louvain.. 
There he occupied himſelf in reviſing his New Teſtament for a 
third Edition, and in correcting the works of St. Auguſtin, whom 


he intended to publiſh. Ep. 577, 578. 


Here he received the book which * Jacobus Lopes Stunica, a 


Spaniard, had written againſt his firſt edition of the New Teſta- 


ment. In a letter to'a friend, he ſpeaks with ſome eſteem of 
Stunica's erudition, and profeſſes his joy to ſee the Belles Lettres 


reviving in Spain: but he complains much of the infolence and 


diſingenuity of his antagoniſt, who put the worſt conſtruction 


upon every thing, and even imputed to him the faults of the preſs, 


and of the CorreQor, (Oecolampadius) and loaded him with in- 
ſults and injuries. Eraſmus wrote an“ anſwer : and the Editors. 
of the Critici Sacri have inſerted Stunica's book in their eighth 
volume, and prefixed it to the Apology of Eraſmus. Stunica en- 
deavours principally to defend the Vulgate, and even every blun- 


der and barbariſm that was to be found in it. Sometimes indeed. 
be cenſures Eraſmus not without cauſe : but he ſeaſons his remarks 


with ſo much vanity, ſo much fcurrility, ſo much malignity, ſo. 
much calumny, and ſo much groſs flattery to thoſe from whom 


he hoped to get preferment, that it muſt raiſe the indignation of 


every honeſt man. Such a manner of writing gives too much. 


cauſe to ſuſpect, that ſuch perſons. wave at the battom no religion. 
at all. Ep. 582. 1 1 


Ballet I. 27. Ecafang T. Ix. 1 Tom. IX. c. 283. 
c 283. Maittaire II, 129. | | 


60 Stunica 


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THE LIFE 


« Stunica began to write againſt Eraſmus, whilſt Cardinal 


Ximenes (who died in 1517) was living. The Cardinal ad. 
viſed him to ſend his remarks firſt in manuſcript to Eraſmus, 
that he might ſuppreſs them, if Eraſmus gave him ſatisfactory 
anſwers. But Stunica was too vain and prejudiced, to act in 


this manner ; and * happening one day to find ſome perſon 


reading the New Teſtament of Eraſmus, he ſaid to him, in the 
preſence of the Cardinal, that he wondered how he could 
throw away his time upon ſuch traſh, and that the book was 
full of monſtrous faults. The Cardinal immediately replied; 
Would to God that all authors wrote ſuch traſh! Either produce 


* ſomething better of your own, or give over prating againſt the 


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labours of others. This rough anſwer made Stunica ſuppreſs 
his work till the Cardinal was dead ; and then he publiſhed a 
book againſt the Annotations of Eraſmus, who replied to it, 


him to publiſh any thing defamatory and ſcurrilous againſt his 
antagoniſt ; and, after the death of Leo, the Cardinals, and 
Adrian VI, laid the fame commands upon him. Yet the book 
was ſecretly printed, and then publiſhed ; and this alſo was 
anſwered by Eraſmus. Some time after, Stunica attacked him 
again; and Eraſmus replied in 1 529; and in 1530, Stunica 
died. Du Pin XIV. . 

Alciat, in his Epiſtles publiſhed by Menn hath given his 


judgment of Stunica, and allows him to be a man of erudition, 


G bun | but 


z Gallzi Imagines. Cave Hift, . 11 u e r IX. e. . 3875 38 


Append. V. II. p. 243. Maittaire Il. '< Quz de Jacobo Lopis Stunica ſeri- 
128. Fiddes Life of Wolſey, p. 110. bis, accepi omnia. Ejus librum non- 
Pope Blount, p. 369. Plechier, and dum vidi, ſed ſuſpicor Pſeudo- Chriſti- 
Marſollier's Hiſtoire de Ximenes. anum eſſe: ejus enim familiæ plures 


»Efaſmus relates this ſtory in his Avenione Judæi erant, quorum dliqu 


nog againſt Stunica, Pc 284. ſacro ſe lavacro abluerunt: et ex eis qui- 


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OF ERASMUS 


but ſuſpects him to be a Jew, who wore the maſk of a Chriſtian. 
Eraſmus throws out ' ſuſpicions of the ſame kind, in his anſwers 


to Stunica. 


gam medicus, mediocriter doctus, fami- 


liaris meus eft, Ejus librum libenter 
legerem; ſi ad Andream fratrem tuum 


venalem miſeris, forte comparabo; nam 
ſi malus erit, mittam, ut una cum Al- 


corano veneat. Dos. 8 Epiſt. 


p. 90. 
Legi Stunicæ annotationes: vir eſt 


doctus, ingenioſus, cautus; punctim fe- 
rit; ſeſe colligit; a ſignis non aberrat, 
Facile Hiſpanum hominem agnoſcas, 


qui ut ab Eraſmo flumine illo et uber- 
tate dicendi ſuperatur, ita ipſe in He- 
braicarum literarum cognitione viciſſim 


eum ſuperat. Nam quæ ad Græca at- 
tinent, meræ videntur minutiæ, et quod 
dicitur A:77oaoynuerd ſunt, Ibid. p. 94. 


« Neſcio quid ſuſpicionis mihi parit, 


quod Stunica tam impenſe favet Hebræ- 
is, ut his omnia velit deberi, cum res 
nihil tale poſtulet. Tom. IX. c. 297. 
Debebat e Jureconſultorum veterum 
literis, atque e probatis linguæ Latinæ 
auctoribus exemplum adducere potius 


quam e Ruffino Joſephi interprete. 


Quod tamen arbitror ignoſcendum ho- 
mini, qui videtur in nullis Romanæ lin- 
guæ ſcriptoribus fuiſſe verſatus, ſed Hz- 
bræorum voluminibus magis fuiſſe de- 
lectatus, c. 307. | 

Aliis Judeorum amicis excutiendum 
relinquo. c. 309. 


Verecundius vertimus, — ne adſciſcat 


preputium, Stunica in hoc rerum ge- 
nere me peritior, docet nos, &c. c. 330. 


2 


As 


Porro ſi ceremoniæ Judaicæ placent 
Stunicæ, per me quidem fruatur licebit. 
„ 0 | 


Primum a ads eſt bees 


in dicendo prudentia. Primo loco ponit 
inpia, deinde llaſpbema, mox inſana, 

deinde temerar: a, poſtremo loco, nom ca 
reverentia dicta qua oportuit. Sic ſolet 


Rhetoribus increſcere per gradus oratio, 
niſi forte Stunica ſervat ordinem Hebræ- 
orum, qui ſcribunt præpoſtere. c. 372. 

Poſſet in literis Hebraicis, quas a te- 
neris unguiculis imbibit, non pœniten- 
dam operam locare — c. 340. 


nift ſcripſerit accuratiſſimos commenta- 


rios in Epiſtolam ad Hebræos. c. 380. 


Nobis perſuaſum eſt (Chriſtum eſſe 


Deum.) Utinam æque perſuaſum eſſet 


Judzis omnibus! c. 413. 

Stunica et Sanctius adoriantur diver- 
ſum hereticorum genus, quod jam ſe ni- 
mium miſcuit ſegeti Dominice. Magis 
enim ac magis invaleſcunt Judzi qui- 
dam, ſeſqui-Judæi, et ſemi-Judzi, qui 


mixti nobis, titulum habent Chriſti, cum 


Moſem totum habeant in pectore. 


Mutemus (inquiunt) chess, Danaumęie 
inſignia nobis 


Apternus, 


Hac via gravius lædunt rem Chriſti- 
anam, et plus eſt quæſtus ex calumnia 


quam ex uſuris. Hos nemo melius pro- 
fligabit, quam Lopis et SanQius, 8. 424. 
Nes 


nec Stunica mihi erit Chriſtianus, 


27T 
A. D. 1521. 


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A. D. 1521. 


his own. 


nes hujus fabulæ. 


| THE LIFE 
As to Luther, Alciat there declares, that he did not concern 
himſelf at all about him and his cauſe ; but he intimates, that 
the Court of Rome well deſerved to be roughly handled by him, 
As he was an Italian, he blames Froben for inſulting the Ita. 


of Eraſmus. 


In a letter to the Biſhop of Tournay, Eraſmus commends 5 Jo- : 
docus Clichthovzus. Ep. 578. 


ans with a ſymbolical frontiſpiece prefixed t to the New Teſtament 


We have, in this year, a cached letter of Eraſmus, addref. 
ſed to his friend Pace, Dean of St. Paul's, which had not appear. 


ed in the preceding Editions of the Epiſtles of Eraſmus, Van 


Meel firſt publiſhed it at the end of the Epiſtles of the Hotoman- 
ni: but in the Leyden Edition of Eraſmus, it is printed more 
correctly, and from a better copy. Here Eraſmus, complains 
equally of the violence of Luther, and of the rage of the Domi- 
nicans, as alſo of the baſe malice of Aleander, who aſcribed to 
him ſome writings of Luther, of which he had not even heard, 


It was affirmed, that Eraſmus had written a treatiſe called The 


captivity of Babylon, although Luther openly acknowledged it for 


his ſentiments from Eraſmus. 


Others would have it, that Luther had taken many of 
I fee now, ſays Eraſmus, that the 


Germans (the German Lutherans) are reſolved, at all adventures 


Nec me latet, qui ſubornent hiſtrio- 
Phariſaicum genus 
eſt, et Ebionitarum reliquiæ. Satis fit 
Judæis, quod ſemel occiderint Chriſtum. 
MP © * OP 

© Quid toties mihi Lutherium incul- 
cas? quem ego bene vel male faciat, 
nihil zſtimo: et quoniam id ad me non 


pertinet, ſuſque deque fero. Et forte 


publice intereſt eſſe aliquem, qui tantam 
licentiam coërceat, et qui etiam injuſta 
defendat, ut ſaltem juſta obtineantur. 


Arminii mentionem feci, ut Frobe- 


to 


nii temeritati obviam irem, qui in ſecun- 
da Eraſmi Editione in Teſtamentum No- 
vum, liminarem pagellam pictura inſig- 
nivit, qua Quintilium Varum Arminius 
ſuperat, victoque inſultat hoc dicterio; 
Tandem Vipera ſibilare deſiſte + ut minime 


dubitem vera eſſe quæ ſeribis de Ger- 
Sed hoc morbo laborant omnes 


manis. 


Barbari. Quid mirum ? cum et inter 


nos Italos forte gravius agatur, — Di 


invidos omnes perdant, 
s Val. Andrez Bibl. Belg. p. 455. 
Miræi Elog. Belg. p. 38. 


P 
3. Y 


3 
1 


1 
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3 


OF ERASMUS. 


to engage me in the affair of Luther, whether I will or not. In A D. 1521, 


this they have acted fooliſhly, and have taken the ſureſt method 
to alienate me from them and their party. Wherein could I 


have afliſted Luther, if I had declared myſelf for him, and ſhared 


the danger along with him ? Only thus far, that, inſtead of one 
man, two would have periſhed. I cannot conceive what he 
means by writing with ſuch a ſpirit : one thing I know too well, 

that he hath brought a great odium upon the lovers of literature. 
It is true, that he hath given us many a wholeſome doctrine, and 
many a good counſel ; and I wiſh he had not defeated the effect 


of them by his intolerable faults. * Bur F he had written every 


thing in the moſt unexceptionable manner, I had no inchnation to die 


for the ſake of Truth. Every man hath not the courage requiſite to 


make a Martyr ; and I am afraid, that if I were put to the trial, T 


ſhould imitate St. Peter. 


It was proper to give theſe extraordinary words at length, 
becauſe though he hath elſewhere dropped ſome expreſſions 
amounting nearly to the ſame thing, yet perhaps he hath no- 
where ſo frankly opened his mind, and ſo ingenuouſly owned 
his timidity. The apprehenſion of loſing his revenues, the repu- 


tation which he ſtill enjoyed in the Court of Rome, and was 
loth to give up entirely, and poſſibly the fear of being excom- 


municated and proſcribed, and perhaps poiſoned or aſſaſſinated, 


might work geber upon him, and reſtrain him from ſpeaking 


8 freely 


" Nunc demum ſentio hoc conſilium gravat invidia. Multa quidem præclare 
fuiſſe Germanorum, ut me volentem no- et docuit et monuit. Atque utinam 
lentem pertraherent in Lutheri nego- ſua bona malis intolerabilibus non viti- 
tum, Inconſultum mehercule confili- aſſet. Quop ſi omnia pie ſcripſiſſet, non 


um: qua re me potius abalienaſſent. tamen erat animus ob veritatem capite 
Aut quid ego potuiſſem opitulari Luthe- periclitari, Non omnes ad martyrium 
ro, fi me periculi comitem feciſſem, niſi ſatis habent roboris : vereor autem, ne, 
ut pro uno perirent duo? Quo ſpiritu fi quid inciderit tumultus, Petrum ſim 


ile ſcripſerit non queo fatis demirari, imitaturus. 
gerte bonarum literarum cultores ingenti 


273 


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274 


A. D. 1 1521, freely concerning the controverſies then agitated. However, 


4 


Catholic. He talks much of ſubmitting his own opinions and 


THE LIF E 


to do him juſtice, he ſtill maintained the truth, though cautiouſly 
and obliquely. Although he frequently cenſured Luther, 
yet he heartily wiſhed that he might carry his point, and 


extort from his enemies ſome reformation both of doctrines and 


manners; but, as he could not imagine that Luther would ſuc- 
ceed, he choſe to adhere outwardly to the ſtronger party. *] 
follow, ſays he, the deciſions of the Pope and the Emperor when 
they are right, which is aCting religiouſly ; I ſubmit to them when 


they are wrong, which is acting prudently : and I think that it is 


lawful for good men to behave themſelves thus, when there is no 
hope of obtaining any more. 

After this, whed Eraſmus teſtifies his diſapprobation of the 
Lutheran meaſures, it 1s needleſs to ſeek other reaſons for it than 
thoſe which have been here mentioned. Ep. 583. 


Le Clerc often cenſures Eraſmus for his luke-warmneſs, timi- 


dity, and unfairneſs, in the matter of the Reformation; and I, 


as a tranſlator, have adopted theſe cenſures, only ſoftening them 


a little here and there: for I am, in the main, of the ſame opinion 


with Le Clerc as to this point. As Proteſtants, we are certainly 


much obliged to Eraſmus ; yet we are more obliged to the au- 
thors of the Reformation, to Luther, Melanchthon, Zuinglius, 


Oecolampadius, Cranmer, Bucer, &c. But here I would obſerve, 


ONCE FOR ALL, that many arguments may be plauſibly urged on 
the other ſide, either to excuſe, or at leaſt to extenuate very 
much that conduct of Eraſmus, which oftended the Proteſtant 
party. Eraſmus, as you may ſee in this account of his Life, was 


not entirely free from prejudices of education, and had ſome in- 


diſtinct and confuſed notions about the authority of the Church 


his 


i Pontificis ac Cæſaris bene decer- Id opinor etiam bonis viris licere, h 
nentis ſequor (decreta) quod pium eft ; nulla ſpes fit profectus. 


male ſtatuentis fero, quod tutum eſt. 


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OF ERASMUS. 275 


| his own judgment to her, by an act of implicit faith and un- A. D. 1527. 

T limited obedience. He thought it not lawful to depart from 5 
the Church of Rome, corrupted as ſhe was. He was afterwards 

ſhocked alſo at the violent * quarrels, which aroſe about the 

Lord's Supper amongſt the Reformers, the Zuinglians and the 

Lutherans; for, in thoſe days, Zuinglius and his adherents were 

the only men, who talked reaſonably upon that ſubject. He 

was no leſs ſhocked at the peſtilent tumults and rebellions of 

the Ruſtics, the Fanatics, and Anabaptiſts. I cannot believe, 

> that the fear of loſing his penſions, and of coming to want, 

| made him ſay and do things which he thought to be unlawful : but 

EE it may be fairly ſuppoſed, that he was afraid of diſobliging ſeve- 


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ral of his oldeſt and beſt friends, who were againſt the Lutheran 
Reformation; of offending not only Henry VIII, and Charles V, 
and the Popes, and George of Saxony, and Wolſey, &c. but 
even his Patron Warham, Montjoy, More, Tonſtal, Fiſher, Cam- 
pegius, Bembus, Sadolet, and many others, whom he loved 
entirely, and to ſome of whom he was much obliged. Theſe 
things might influence his Judgment, though he himſelf was not 
at all aware of it. There is no neceſſity to ſuppoſe, that he 
acted againſt his conſcience in adhering to the Church of Rome. 
No: he perſuaded himſelf that he did as much as piety and pru- 
dence required from him, in freely cenſuring her defects. In 
his conduct there might be ſome weakneſs, pes” ſome paſſion 
againſt the perſons of the Reformers ; but which of us can be 
ſure, that he might not have acted nearly the ſame part under the 
fame circumſtances? Judge not, that ye be not judged. This 
worthy man ſpent a long and laborious life in an uniform pur- 
ſuit of two points; in oppoſing barbarous ignorance, and blind 
Nun 2 ſuperſtition; 


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* Concerning the faults of the Re- Preſb. Icon. 
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Voſlii Epiſt. XXIII. ad Grotium, Bibl. Beneffcium accipere, e/t libertatem venere. 
Univ. XVI. 324, and Colomeſius Theol. 


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A. D. 152 1. ſuperſtition; and in promoting uſeful literature, and true piety. 

Theſe glorious projects he endeavoured to accompliſh in à mild T 
and gentle manner, never attacking the perſons of men, but onyx 

the faults of the age, till hard neceſſity conſtrained him to reply | 
to thoſe, who afſfaulted him with the utmoſt diſingenuity and | 
malice. How could a learned man of a peaceable diſpoſition | F 
be better employed? He knew his own temper and talents, and 
conſcious that he was not fitted for the rough and bold work of _ * 
Reformation, he would not attempt what was beyond his ſtrength, A « 
But, in one fenſe, he was a Reformer, and the moſt eminent of | # © 
all the Reformers. Le Clerc himſelf hath drawn up an hand. 
ſome apology for this conduct of Eraſmus, in a Preface prefixed | ! a 
to the Edition of Leyden, which we ſhall inſert in the net! 
Volume. | Thus, if on ſome occaſions we bear a little hard N 3 


8 8 - 
ue A ee FLY 


upon Eraſmus, at other times we are willing to- make him amends, 3 
Our cenfures are, Amantium ire, 5 
Calvin, Beza, and many others perſuaded themſthe, 4 y 
< that all thoſe, who at the firſt had favoured the Reformation, 4 
« either by endeavouring to ſoften the ſpirit of Perſecutors, or 3 K 
cc by teſtifying an extreme deſire to have ſome end put to the 1 IL 
e calamities of the Church, were fo many apoſtates, and be- 
« trayers of their own conſcience, if they remained in the Ro- 8 
e miſh Communion, or altered their behaviour towards the Pro- h 
« teſtants. I ſay, that this is judging too haſtily. To believe J 


* that the Church ſtands in need of a reformation, and to ap- Þ Þ 
prove this or that manner. of reforming it, are two very diffe- P 


« rent things. Again; To blame the conduct of thoſe who i of 
N e oppoſe all reformation, and to diſapprove the: ſteps of the | 
= « who undertake to reform the Church, are things quite com- : 
| © patible, A man may act as Eraſmus did, without being 2 * 
| | i« perfidious perſon, and an Apoſtate, without ſinning againſt te © 
; | Holy Ghoſt, and doing violence to his conſcience; and this is th 
3 < What 
w Bayle CAS TELL Ax, Not. Q. N 1 
| g 


OF ERASMUS. 277 


ee: what: Beza ſeems never to have comprehended. He fancied, A. P. 152. 
« that all they, who, agreed | that Luther. and Calvin aid right i in 
« .many things, were. therefore, fully convinced that they onght 
« to break with the Church of Rome, to erect altar a galaſt 
« altar, to deſtroy images, and not to heſitate at the 1 of 3 
« thoſe torrents of blood, which. would infallibly be. ſhed. This 8 
&. is à mere illuſion. There were doubtleſs many perſons, who 
« thought that, ſince the Reformation met with ſuch violent 
« obſtacles, as threw all Europe into the. utmoſt miſery, it was a 
„Divine indication, that the happy. time for a reformation was 
« not yet come. Many perſons. will adhere to this axiom, that 
« it is a leſſer evil to bear with abuſes.in Church and State, than 
to cure them by remedies, which will overturn the Conftitution 
« and the Government: and all unprejudiced judges will allow 
thus much, that a man ſhould be extremely reſerved in accu- 
« ſing and. condemning others, as acting againſt che dictates of ; 
their own conſcience.” 
Eraſmus ſhews at large, that whatſoever pains he had taken to 
4 keep upon good terms with the Divines of Louvain, it had been 
2} impoſſible to gain their friendſhip; and that ſome of them had 
cruelly deceived him, particularly Joannes Atenſis, who was one. 
of the moſt able and conſiderable perſons amongſt them. Then 
he makes a tranſition to Luther, and cenſures his violent proceed- 
ings; as if Luther could have brought the Chriſtian world to 
meaſures of Reformation, in ſpite of the Romiſh Court, without 
 plain-dealing and animated expreſſions | He. declares his hatred 
bl diſcord to be ſuch, that he diſliked, even truth itſelf, if it was 
ſeditious. But Luther, who was. of another humour, would 
| > have replied, that ſuch was his hatred for falſhood and oppreſſion 
| 3 of conſcience, that he thought it better to ſuffer perſecution, if it 
aroſe, and to break looſe from ſuch a tyranny at all adventures, 
chan to ſtoop down, and live and die under it, and hear a thouſand 
5 Mihi adeo eſt inviſa diſcordia, wt veritas etiam diſpliceat ſeditioſa. 2 


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THE LIFE 


A. D. 1521. lies vente and obtruded under the venerable name of Chriſtian 


doctrines. They who are bold and reſolute will approve theſe 


maxims of Luther, and they who are cautious and diſpirited wil 


cloſe in with thoſe of Eraſmus. It muſt be acknowledged, that 
in this Luther acted rather more like an Apoſtle, or a Primitive 
Chriſtian, than Eraſmus. If the firſt Chriſtians had been afraid 
of raiſing diſturbances, they would have choſen to comply with 
the Sanhedrim, and to live at peace with their countrymen, rather 
than to draw upon themſelves ſo much hatred. Some of the 
Great, ſays Eraſmus, meaning the King of Denmark, are of an 
opinion, to which I cannot aſſent, that the malady is too invete- 


rate to be cured by gentle methods, and that the whole body 


muſt be violently ſhaken, before it can recover its health. If i 
be true, I had rather that others ſhould adminiſter this ſtrong 
phyſic, than myſelf. Very well: but then, at leaſt, we' ought 
to reſpe& and commend, and not to cenſure thoſe, who have the 
courage and the conſtancy to ire what we dare not n 
Ep. 587, 590. ; 

From the ſame political principles, Eraſmus extols the book 
of Henry V III againſt Luther, even before he had ſeen it : and 
he began now to throw out- intimations, that he alſo would one 
day enter the liſts, and take Luther to taſk ; which ben an 
offence to the Lutherans. Ep. 589, 590. S070 

He imagined, that at length, by training up youth i in learning 
and uſeful knowledge, thoſe religious improvements would gra- 
dually be brought about, which the Princes, the Prelates, and 
the Divines of his days could not be perſuaded to admit, or tole- 


rate. But they made it their buſineſs to ſuppreſs ſuch liberal 


education: and ſoon afterwards a Religious Order aroſe, founded 
by a. Fanatic, and confiſting of men, who mortally ? hated the 
name 


* Fiddes's Life of Wolſey, p. 246, » Diximus nonnulla de Jeſuitarum in 
2:0, Maittaire II. 609, cremandis hæreticorum, quos nuncupant, 
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office of inſtructing youth, and did indeed take laudable pains to 
teach them Claſſical learning; but, as to religion, were ſtill more 
careful to train them them up in ſuch, principles and ſentiments, 
as beſt ſerved the views and purpoſes of the Teachers. Ep. 592. 


Afterwards, being importuned to write againſt Luther, he 
applied to Aleander, the Pope's Nuncio, for a permiſſion to read 
the books of this peſtilent Diſturber of the public peace. But 
Aleander flatly refuſed, pretending that he could not do it with- 
out expreſs licence from the Pope. How ſtupid and ridiculous 


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was this, to refuſe a permiſſion of this kind to ſuch a man as 
| Eraſmus ; and above all, whilſt they were ſoliciting him to enter 
g into the controverſy! He therefore prayed his friend Bombaſio to 
obtain a Brief from the Pope for this important purpoſe ; and it 
z is a very ſtrange thing, that they did not take him directly at his 
word, and engage him in point of honour to enter without 


delay into the battle. Ep. 594. 


Although Eraſmus was not now at Louvain, yet he did not 
neglect to do all the ſervice in his power to that Univerſity, and 
to commend the Profeſſors to the Public, thoſe particularly who 
taught polite literature. Ep. 595. 


E He received a letter from Capito, which is full . 3 
| becauſe ſome Prince was mentioned in it, whom it was not ſafe 
to offend. Capito inveighs againſt the violence and the ſatirical 
libels of the 3 which then flew about, though 1 in his. 
heart 


libris induſtria: nunc quædam ejus e odia, ut ea non modo in illos, ſed in cori ne. 
literis illorum annuis documenta exhi- guegque libros effundant. Quotguot enin 

bebimus. Ita autem ad ſui Ordinis Ge- hujus generis nacti ſunt libros, eos ad nos 
- neralem, A. 1584, Colonienſe Collegi- afferunt exurendos. Adoleſcens complura: 
aum, cum alia de ſuis proſelytis predi- Lutheri Eraſmique volumina, que poſtca 
3 ” dcaflet: Multo major laus videri debet, nobis traderet concremanda, ab hercticc- 

*n es, qui in tanta hereſium colluvione ſunt rum Miniſtra cobmit, &c. Amen. Li- 

alti, contra hæreticos tamen tanta concipere ter. 5 p. 760. 


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THE LIFE 


A. D. 7527. heart, like Eraſmus, he longed for a er N= and BIG 


wards he openly embraced it. Ep. 596. 323 


From Baſil, Eraſmus wrote to the Biſhop of Olmutz, and 
deplores the death of that” Prelate 8 Abeener . Biſhop of 


Breſlaw. 


Tn his letter to Polydore * Virgil, he demonſerüteb to that 
learned Italian, how much he was miſtaken in faneying that he 
had publiſhed his Book of Proverbs before Eraſmus: Though 
he had juſt cauſe to be offended at Polydore, who falſely accuſed 


him of plagiariſm, yet he perſuaded Froben to print his Book 


for him, and expoſtulates with great candour and good-nature ; 


ſo remote was he from the peeviſhneſs of thoſe perſons, who fly 


into indecencies for much ſmaller matters, for a bare difference 
of opinion, and are incapable of being taught DO manners, 
Ep. boz, a og | 

« 5 Eraſmus was not willing to quarrel with Polydore Virgil; 
ce and I wich we had no. cauſe neither to be offended at him, 


« for deſtroying the many manuſcripts out of which he compiled 


« his Hiſtory ; a charge which, 1 fear, = lies heavy upon his 
memory. 

« Eraſmus reſpecled him, as a man of merit and abilities. As 
Polydore abounded in money, being Collector of the Pope's 
« Annates, ſo we find him generous to Eraſmus, and ſending 
% him money to purchaſe an horſe. After he had lived forty 
« years.in England, he was diſmiſſed with a gift of three hun- 


e dred'crowns' from the King, and with liberty of enjoying the 
« Archdeaconry of Wells, and the Prebend of Nunnington in 


ry 
* 


* the Church of Hereford, He INGO the Church of Wells 
« with 


P. Jovius Elog. p. 213. Bayle * Maittaire II. 1 

VIRC ILIE (POLY DORE) which is an * Knight, p. 169. 
Article well drawn up. Pope Blount, Dediſti quo paretur equus ; - utinam 
8X 4 | 8258 dare poſſis quo reparetur eques. 


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« with Hangings for the Quire, upon which were wrought. a A. D. 1821. 
Laurel-tree, and theſe words, 


e Sunt Polydori Munera 1 er gilii.“ 

5 In other letters of this year, Eraſmus makes his uſual com- 
plaints of the Monks and of Luther, and declares that he had 
no hand in his books. His patron Montjoy having exhorted him 
to write againſt Luther, he replies, with a frankneſs which muſt 
pleaſe every reader; Nothing is more eaſy than to call Luther 4 
blockhead : nothi ng is leſs eaſy than to | prove him one; at leaſt, fo it 


fees to me. 

Bi Ludovicus Vives, who had been in France, ſends Eraſmus a 

| pretty letter, full of commendations of the Learned at Paris, and 
eſpecially of Budæus. Eraſmus, in his reply, lets him know, that 
literary matters went on much worſe at Louvain, where the 
Monks oppoſed the progreſs of erudition, and the eſtabliſhment 

of the Collegium Trilingue, with all their might and malice. 
He alſo juſtly cenſures the Paganiſm of the Italian Poets and 
Philologers, and gives us a remarkable account, how learning 
ſtood at that time in various parts, and ſpeaks favourably of Ox- 


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Ann. Typ. II. 63. ac ſanas inter Theologos diſputationes 
% —— Neque enim ſolis bonis literis agitari, unde diſcedunt non ſolum docti- 
„ vacandum, quod quidam apud Italos ores, verum etiam meliores. Oxonien- 
5 nimis Ethnice faciunt, qui poſteaquam ſis Academia, Monachorum quorundam 
Jovem, Bacchum, Neptunum, Cyn- opera, nonnihil obluctata eſt initio; ſed 
thium, Cyllenium, verſibus aliquot in- Cardinalis ac Regis auctoritate coerciti 
fulſerunt, abſolute doi ſibi videntur, ſunt, qui tantum bonum clariſſimæ ac 
—Narravit mihi ante annos tres Joan- vetuſtiſſimæ ſcholæ invidebant. De 
nes Epiſcopus Roffenſis, vir unus vere Italia quid attinet commemorare, in 
Epiſcopus, vere Theologus, in Acade- qua ſemper regnarunt hæc ſtudia, ſed 
mia Cantabrigienſi, cui Cancellarius eft pene ſola, ſi medicinam et juris peritiam 
perpetuus (fic enim illi vocant ſummum excipias ? Academia Complutenſis non 
ac perpetuum ſcholæ antiſtitem) pro aliunde celebritatem nominis auſpicata 

| , | Oo eſt, 


= ford, and of Cambridge {till more . 3 
mY | : Rutgerus 
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282 
A. D. 1521. 


illic, ut audio, regnant examina Do- 


THE 


* Rutgerus Reſcius, a friend of Eraſmus, was the firſt Greel: 


LIFE 


Profeſſor in the above-mentioned College of Buſlidius ; and after. 


wards ſet up a Preſs at Louvain. 


He was ill uſed by the Aca- 


demics of that place, and ſoon involved in quarrels: upon which 


Eraſmus ? comforts him, and banters him at the fame time. 
He returns his thanks to Livinus, an Abbot, whom he calls 


Preſulem egregium, and who had ſent him ſome handſome and 
valuable preſent. It is proper, as we proceed, to take ſome notice 
of the favours, which were formerly beſtowed upon men of 


letters. Ep. 580. 


eſt, quam a complectendo linguas, ac 


bonas literas. Cujus præcipuum orna— 
mentum eſt egregius ille ſenex, plane- 


que dignus qui multos vincat Neſtoras, 
Antonius Nebriſſenſis. In Germania tot 


fere ſunt Academiæ, quot oppida. Ha- 
rum nulla pene eſt, quæ non magnis 


ſalariis accerſat linguarum Profeſſores. 


Coloniæ, neſcio quo fato, nunquam in 
pretio fuerunt manſuetiora ſtudia, quod 


minicalium ac Franciſcanorum. Certe 
ſemper liberum fuit cui liberet profiteri, 
vel mercede. Lovanii quibus tumul- 
tibus obſtitere Proceres, ne quis quam- 
libet honeſtam diſciplinam profiteretur, 


vel gratis? — &c. Lutetiæ licuit Fau- 


{to profiteri quoſlibet Poetas, uſque ad 
nænias Priapeas, idque more, ne quid 
aliud dicam, Fauſtino. Lovani non 
licuit Neſeno enarrare Geographiam 
Pomponii Melæ. Roma ipſa, Medio- 
lanum, ut de cæteris taceam gymna- 


His, ingentibus premiis ambit et evocat 


cos qui linguas doceant. Nos trilingue 


Collegium — fic machinis omnibus op- 


pugnavimus, ut majore ſtudio fieri non 
potuerit, Et tamen haud ſcio an uſ- 


To 


quam gentium magis invaleſcant literæ 
politiores quam hic; ut plane mihi vi- 
dere videar illud Horatianum, 

| Duris ut ilex, &c. 
Fo Git. | 

In his anſwer to Stunica, he hath 
greatly commended this Antonius Ne- 
briſſenſis. 

_ * Maittaire Ann. Typ. II. 63. 

Ni tam atrox eflet contumelia, mi 
Reſci doctiſſime, prorſus auctor tibi 
futurus ſim, ut vel iniquis conditionibus 
pacem admitteres. - Mira vero tyrannis | 
ipſi quum ne voculæ quidem ullius in- 
juriam ferant, poſtulant ut tu tam in- 


ſignem contumeliam muſſes, ac prope- 


modum etiam ultro veniam poſtules, ne 


quid ſcilicet illorum decedat dignitati.— 
Fac ita litiges, quemadmodum hactenus. 


eſt a vobis litigatum. Nam quum 
proxime eſſem Lovanii, ſic obeſulus, ru- 
bicundulus, et alacer eras, ut mihi lite non 
macerari, fed ſaginari videaris. Et ha- 
bes te dignum adverſarium Joannem Ca- 


labrum, qui te pallore macieque refert; 


excepta ætate, adeo tui non diſſimilis, u: 
periculum ſit, ne cui videaris litigare 
cum patre. Ep. 607. 


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learned Alciat. Ep. 600. 


OF ERASMUS. 

To his friend Barbirius he accuſes himſelf * of indiſcretion, A. D. 152-F, 
and ſpeaks of his open, and jocoſe, and unreſerved temper. 

He obſerves, that none exclaim louder againſt Luther's errors, 


than a ſet of * Epicurean Atheiſts. He means, I ſuppoſe, ſome 
Cardinals, and Italian Eccleſiaſtics of high rank. This Farce 


hath been often acted: complaints have been made of the licen- 


tiouſneſs of this or that age, and of the increaſe of hereſy, ſchiſm, 
Socinianiſm, by ſome perſons, who had a much ſhorter Creed 


than any of thoſe whom they reviled and oppreſſed. 


— — — Felicia tempora, gue Vos 


 Moribus oppoſuere ! 


The Engliſh, ſays Eraſmus, are "ently thought to be 
heretical : but they are not ſo in point of friendſhip, and I have 
the greateſt reaſon to love them. 


He ſends his compliments to Staniſlaus Turzo, Biſhop | of 


Ep. 587. 


Olmutz, and thanks for a preſent. Ep. 595.. 
At this time he ſeems to have contracted a friendſhip with the 


2 Et ut ingenue, quod verum eſt, fa- 
tear, ſum natura propenſior ad jocos, 
quam fortaſſe deceat, et linguæ liberi- 
oris, quam nonnunquam, expediat, Me- 
tior enim aliorum animos ex meo. 
Nee toties falſus, poſſum ab ingenio 


meo recedere, — 


Sed vereor, ne complures ſint, qui 
magnis conviciis inſectantur in Luthe- 
ranis Jevia quædam: cum ipſt non 
credant, id quod eſt totius fidei noſtræ 


baſis, videlicet animum ſupereſſe a morte 


corporis. — 


Quos nos vocamus Turcas, magna 
ex parte ſemichriſtiani ſunt, et fortaſſis 


propiores vero Chriſtianiſmo, quam ple- 


3 


O 0 2 ah, NM « Alciat 


rique noſtrum ſunt. Quot enim ſunt 
apud nos, qui nec reſurrectionem corpo- 


rum credunt, nec animam credunt cor- 
pori ſuperſtitem? Et interim per iftos 
ſævitur in hereticulos, qui dubitant an 
Romanus Pontifex habeat jus in animas 


igne purgatorio cruciatas. Adag. c. 967. 
b Britannia vulgo male audit, quoties 


de fide agitur. At illic tales amicos, 
tam fidos, tam conſtantes, tam pruden- 
ter faventes reperi, ut meliores ne op- 
tare quidem potuiſſem. 

Boiſſard Icon. p. 135. Baillet IV. 
388. VI. 69, Bayle Arciar, Sca- 
ligeran, p. 13. Pope Blount, p. 414. 


283 


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his ſenſes, and to his duty towards God and man. 


THE LIFE 

4 Alciat had, the ſame notions with Eraſmus, concerning the 
Religious Orders in the Church; and of this he gave a * remark. 
able inſtance in a long and laboured letter, which he ſent to a 
particular friend, deſiring him to keep it ſecret. 

This friend was a learned, modeſt, ingenious, and virtuous 
man ; but all on a ſudden, forſaking his domeſtics, his friends, 
and his aged mother, who ſtood in need of his aſſiſtance, he 
turned Monk in his fortieth year, to the infinite grief of Alciat, 


who drew up an excellent dehortation from entering into that 


ſtate, omitting no argument that could be urged to ſhew the folly 
and the danger of making ſuch a choice, and of mixing with ſuch. 
aſſociates. He concludes with exhorting his friend moſt earneſtly, 
ſince the time of his probation was not yet elapſed, to return to 
Whether 
A ſucceeded in this attempt or not, 25 cannot tell. 

The 605th Epiſtle to Budzus is very entertaining, ad con- 
tains an account of More, and of his manner of living, and 
managing his family, and of the excellent diſpoſition and uncom- 
mon erudition of his daughters. 

In a familiar letter to Nicolas Everard, Preſident of Holland, 
he * opens his heart, and cenſures the Pope's proceedings againſt 


the 


i Alciat a eſte le premier, qui a fait 
imprimer Notitia Imperii, & il y a fait 
une belle preface. Scaligeran. 

Alciatus primus purioris literature et 
antiquitatis cognitionem ad juris ſcien- 
tiam attulit. Thuanus L. VIII. p. 264. 

© Andrez Alciati contra vitam Mo- 


naſticam ad Bernardum en Epi- 


ſtole, &c. 

See Act. Erudit. XVII. 250. 
Appendix. 

1 Quin et illud demiror, Pontificem 
tale negotium. per tales bemines gere, 


partim indoctos, certe impotentis ar- 
rogantiæ omnes. Quid Cajetano Car- 
dinale ſuperbius aut furioſius? quid Ca- 
rolo a Milticis? quid Marino? quid 
Aleandro ? —Aleander plane maniacus 


eſt. — Res, ut audio, nunc agitur ve- 


nenis. Parifiis ſublati ſunt aliquot, qui 
Lutherum manifeſte defendebant. For- 
taſſis hoc in mandatis eſt, ut quoniam 
aliter vinci non poſſunt hoſtes Sedis Ro- 


manæ (ſic enim illi vocant, qui harpyis 
illis non per omnia obſequantur) veneno 


tollantur, eum benedictione Pontificis. 
Hae 


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—” Fawn, Yyweliam twews om x 


Law 


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ſiam humeris ſuis fulciunt. 


OF ERASMUS. 
the Lutherans, and gives Aleander a moſt deteſtable character, A. D. 152 T,, 
repreſenting him, and other Eccleſiaſtical Tools of the Roman 
Court, as the vileſt of mankind, as capable of the fouleſt crimes, 


even of aſſaſſinating or poiſoning any perſons whom they did not 
like. For that reafon he thought it not ſafe to eat and drink with 
Aleander. As to Cardinal Cajetan, Eraſmus deſcribes him as a 


furious, 


imperious, and inſolent Eccleſiaſtic. 


See Seckendorf 


concerning this Cardinal, and concerning Miltitius, another of 


the Pope's agents. 


L. I. 45, &c. 60, &c. 


Pope Leo died, of poiſon, as it was commonly ſuppoſed. As. 
he had remarkably favoured literature, and ſhewed ſome kindneſs 


Hac arte valet Aleander. Is me Colo- 
niæ impenſiſſime rogabat ad prandium ; 
ego, quo magis ille inſtabat, hoc perti- 
nacius excuſavi, — Hzc liberius apud te 
effudi, Cavebis ne hæc epiſtola aberret 
in manus multorum. 

Succeſſit Aleander, et ante Lutheri 
nomen hoc faciens Eraſmo, quod figulus 
figulo, natura excelſus, ferox, irritabi- 
lis, cui nihil neque lucri, neque gloriæ 


ſatis eſt. Hunc quidam implerunt fal- 
ſiſſimis mendaciis, et ſic inſtigarunt ho- 


minem, ut nihil haberet penſi, quid de 
me prædicaret, etiam apud ſummos vi- 
ros, modo perderet. Et tamen apud 
me dejerabat, non vivere quenquam 
amiciorem Eraſmo, quam. eſſet ipſe. 
Ep. 618. 

Cum datum eſt venenum, aut inten- 


tata calumnia capitalis, allegatur zelus, 
et hoſtis Eecleſtæ proſcribitur, quiſquis 


parum favet his, qui nutantem Eccle- 
Et habent 
(Monachi) arcana dogmata, quæ non 
communicant niſt myſteriis iiſdem initi- 


Ep. 317. c. 1697. 


to 


atis. In his eſt, ut aiunt, fas piumque 


eſſe veneno clam dato tollere, qui peſtem 


moliatur Eccleſiæ: certiſſimam autem 


eſſe peſtem Eccleſiz, fi quid decidatur 


ipſorum commodis vel auctoritati. Lin- 
gua,. c. 720. 


Quam non Nſctumt (Apoſtolorum) 


exemplum quidam, qui non virgam tan 


tum Apoſtolicam, ſed carceres habent, 


catenas habent, confiſcationes bonorum 


habent, et brachium ſeculare, denique 


bombardas habent, et armatum ſatelliti- 


um, imo et venena habent, aliiſque mille 


terroribus armati ſunt.— T. V. c. 226. F. 

De hoc hominum genere ſeripſit Pſal- 
mographus; Venenum aſpidum ſub lingua 
eorum : non dixit, in pixidibus eorum, 


quanquam nec eo carent quidam ; ſed: 


ſub lingua eorum, ubi tutiſſime occuli-. 


tur, et facillime depromitur.. Tom, IX. 


c. 442. | 
b Multa ad Leonis mores pertinentia 
Varillaſius nuper in Arcana hiſtoria Flo- 


rentina prodidit, ex quibus, et ex ſilen- 
tio Pallavicini, judicium Pauli Veneti 


da 


285 


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A. D. 


1522; 


THE: LIFE; 
A. D. 1521, to Eraſmus, this learned man hath ſpoken favourably of him in 


ſome of his writings, and was willing to ſpare his character as 
much as he could. His encouraging arts and ſciences, his 


boundleſs liberality to the poor, to wits, and poets, and artiſts, 


and men of letters, is what his Apologiſts have to oppoſe to abun- 
dance of ſcandalous defects and grievous faults in his character. 
Wolſey at this time thought it expedient to be very active in 
ſuppreſſing the books and the doctrines of Luther. 
Ip he letters of this year are written from Louvain, Baſil, Ant- 
wr Anderlac, Bruſſels, and Bruges. 


A. D. MDXxxII. 


Etat. Lv. 


This year Eraſmus publiſhed the works of st. Hilary, and dedi. 


"cated them to Joannes Carondeletus, Biſhop of Palermo, This 


bo Dedication 18 an excellent compoſition; and the BenediQtins of 


de Pontifice hoc confirmatur, quod duo- 
bus maximis vitiis laboraverit, ignoran- 
tia religionis, et impietate five atheiſmo. 
Ut adeo mitem nimis appareat fuiſſe 
Lutherum, qui talia ei non objecerit; 
neque compenſari illa poterunt liberali- 
tatis et magnificentiæ, aliarumque, quæ 
nec Chriſtianum, nedum Chriſti vica- 
rium faciunt, dotium Jaude, qua illum 
Literati ejus ætatis vehementer extolle- 
bant, interque eos omnium copioſiſſime 
Eraſmus, &c. 
OFT. 
Homo literarum amans, ſed ſplendi- 
dus, ſumptuoſus, muſice, ſcurris, et 


voluptatibus deditus ſupra modum. Pe- 


onͥaus, P. 1 


Sic Leonem decimum, quum omnia 


perſtreperent triumphis et gratulationi- 
bus, ſubito mors exemit rebus humanis, 


quo tranſtulerit incertum: et in terris 


er 1 J. P> bd os 


Paris, 


quidem a nemine poterat reprehendi, 
ſed ipſe novit quam bonam cauſam ha- 
buerit apud tribunal Chriſti. ek 


Tom. V. c. 230. 


Leo X bellando conſumſit auatuce- 
decies centena millia aureorum, relida 
ingenti vi zris alieni, Spalatinus in the 
Aman. Literar. T. IV. p. 396. 

Paul Jovius Vit. Leonis. Remarques 


de Joli ſur le Dict. de Bayle, Art. Leo X. 
Cave Hf, Lit. Vol. II. p. 247. 


Fiddes, p. 253. 

* Erafmus, ſays Du Pin, when he 
publiſned his editions of the Fathers, 
joined to them Prefaces and Notes full 
of critical diſcernment: and though he 


may be ſometimes too bold in rejecting 


ſome of their works as ſpurious; yet 
muſt it be confeſſed, that he hath opened 
and ſhewed the way to all thoſe who 
have followed him. B. E. 


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OF ERASMUS. 287 


Paris, who have refuted ſome parts of it in their Preface to Hi- K. D. 1522. 
lary, would have done much better, if they had inſerted it at full 
length in their Edition. It is true, they ſpeak of it with con- 
tempt, becauſe it ſtood condemned by the holy Inquiſition, an 
by the Faculty of Theology at Paris; but theſe condemnations 
are a ſingular: recommendation of it to all thoſe, who know upon 
what grounds ſuch cenſures are founded. Theſe Monks call the 
* Preface of Eraſmus 4 Declamation, and quarrel with him, becauſe 

hae had not always interpreted the diſcourſes and the actions of 
k Hilary in a way to do him credit. But if they had ſhewed one 
| half of the candour and good- will to Eraſmus, which they have 
beſtowed upon Father Hilary, they would have ſeen that he was 
much in the right, and would have heartily wiſhed that their Fra- 
| ternity had been ſtocked with ſuch Declaimers as he. But, all 
| things conſidered, it is no wonder, that this Declamatory Preface 
| had the misfortune not to pleaſe them: for, 

p 1. Eraſmus ſhews, that the Monks, who had formerly tran- 

> {ſcribed the works of Hilary, had curtailed and interpolated divers 


places, becauſe they thought them not conformable to the doctrines. 
received | in their days. | 


Hilary ſeems to have fancied, that the body and the ſoul 
of jeſus Chriſt never ſuffered any ching, and were of their own 
nature impaſſible, which doubtleſs is no ſmall error. But the 
Copiſts had cauſed this error to diſappear, by falſifying the text in 
many places. I know that the Benedictins endeavour to excuſe. 
Hilary; and his ſtyle, which is very nearly allied to jargon, 
gives ſome room for ſuch favourable conſtructions. But the 
ancient Copiſts underſtood him as Eraſmus did, and therefore 
had recourſe to forgery. Of this proceeding Eraſmus juſtly 
complains, and ſays, that, inſtead of preſuming to change the 
words of Hilary, they ought either to have put a favourable ſenſe 
upon his expreſſions, if they could, or to have honeſtly owned 
that he was in an error. If, ſays Ns you will needs make 
alterations 


ENT II WD PIT GRE LT POS ERTIES 
a te SA Ee OR CS . 


288 


A.D. 1522. alterations and interpolations, to ſave an author's reputation, you 
ſhould practiſe theſe charitable tricks upon the works of the 


THE LIFE 


Moderns, upon your own contemporaries, as they have not the 


ſanction of Antiquity to ſecure them from cenſure, and as Death 
| hath not removed them beyond the attacks of malice and envy, 


Inſtead of acting thus, we exerciſe a ſuperſtitious ſort of indul- 
gence towards the Fathers, whilſt in modern Divines we miſre. 


preſent and cenſure even their juſt and reaſonable remarks, and 


put the worſt conſtruction upon all that they write: as if by ſuch 


unfair and diſingenuous criticiſms we could not diſcover even in 
the Epiſtles of St. Paul ſome propoſitions, which might be repre. | 


ſented as erroneous, ſcandalous, oftenfive to pious cars, irreverend, 
and ſmelling of hereſy! 

2. After having obſerved, that the abe ie of Hilary is 
his Treatiſe on the Trinity, he takes notice, that this Father com- 
plains of being under a neceſſity of ſpeaking concerning things 
incomprehenſible, and moſt difficult to be expreſſed in proper 
language. Thus the Ancients, ſays Eraſmus, beſpeak our favour 


and our candour, and it is fit that we ſhould comply with their 
| modeſt requeſt. But with what forehead can we make the ſame 


petition, we who, upon points far remote from our nature and 


our conceptions, ſtart ſo many curious, not to ſay impious 
_ queſtions? we who decide ſo dogmatically concerning things, of 


which a man may be either ignorant or doubtful, without 
riſquing his ſalvation ? Shall a Chriſtian be excluded from com- 


munion with the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghoſt, becauſe 


he cannot explain metaphyſically what diſtinguiſheth the Father 
from the Son, and what the Holy Ghoſt from them both ; what 


difference there is between the generation of the Son, and the 


proceſſion of the Spirit? If I believe what is taught me, that 


| there are Three of one nature, what occaſion have J for farther 


diſputes? and if I believe it not, human authority will never per- 


ſuade me of it. This dangerous and impertinent curioſity was 
:ntroduced by the ſtudy of philoſophy. — And 


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OF ERASMUS. 


289 


And yet, ſays he, I do not entirely condemn the ſtudy of phi- A. D. 1522. 


loſophy, in any of its branches, nor inquiries concerning things 
ultra-mundane, if a man have a peculiar genius for it, if he 
decides nothing raſhly, if he is free from ſtubbornneſs, and from 


a pertinacious luſt of victory, which is the peſt of religious union. 


Peace and unanimity are the main of religion; and theſe bleſſings 


cannot be preſerved, unleſs we abſtain from multiplying deciſions 
and definitions, and leave a freedom for private judgment. Many 


controverted points are in themſelves extremely difficult and 
obſcure; and it is a diſtemper incident to the human mind, that 


when it hath once diſputed and determined, it hath no incli- 
nation to yield upon any account. Then every one, thoroughly 


heated with altercation, imagines that to be true and evident, 
which he hath raſhly undertaken to maintain. Some have ſo 
little kept within bounds, that, after having firſt made definitions 
upon every Theological article, they have proceeded to invent I 


know not what divine attributes, and have beſtowed them upon 


men, who are no more than men; and this hath cauſed more 
diſſenſions, and more violent tumults in the world, than ever 
were excited by the raſhneſs of the Arians. But there are certain 
Rabbins, who would think it a diſgrace not to have a ſolution 
ready for every queſtion that can be ſtarted. And yet, on the 


_ contrary, a good Divine ſhould eſtabliſh only what is taught in 


the Scriptures, and be a faithful diſpenſer of God's holy word. 
We talk at preſent of referring many points of doubtful diſpu- 
tation to the next general Council, Would it not be better to 
refer them to the bleſſed time, when we ſhall ſee God face to 
face ? 


p Theſe 


He ſeems to mean the doctrine of Loquor illic de iis, qui Romano Pon- 
the infallibility and extravagant autho- tifici tribuunt plus ſatis, quorum adula- 


rity of the Pope, or of Councils; and tionem ſcio nec Theologis probari. Id 


he thus explains himſelf in Tom, IX, fatis arguebat libellus, quo nent 
c. 920. _ Cardinali Cajetano. 


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290 
A. D. 1522. 


THE LIF E 


Theſe were good leſſons, but not ſuitable to the taſte of thoſe 
with whom Eraſmus had to do, and who had no diſpoſition to 
liſten to the pacific voice of Reaſon. 


3. After having taken notice of the perplexed and obſcure ſtyle 
of Hilary, proceeding either from his own phraſeology, or from 
the ſubject matter, he paſſeth on to his Book of Synods, and 
ſays; Although this Father delivers the ſentiments decreed by the 
Synods, he begs that none would engage him in the perilous 


adventure of defending them ; not, as I ſuppoſe, becauſe he did 


not approve the doctrines, or becauſe he diſtruſted the favour of 


thoſe to whom he addreſſed himſelf, but by a certain ſcrupulous 


fear of ſpeaking in a ſtrain too dogmatical ; a fear which we have 
now ſo far forgotten, that in this reſpe& we have loſt all ſhame. 


Thus men ſet out with ſome caution and diffidence, and at laſt 


grow bold and deciſive to the utmoſt degree. Hilary dares not 
pronounce any thing concerning the holy Spirit, only that he is 
the Spirit of God; and even this he would not adventure to fay, 


if he had not read it in St. Paul. Nor dares he call the Spirit a 


creature, becauſe he finds it not ſo written in the Scriptures. 


| Such a confeſſion of faith would not ſuffice in our days; for the 
Fathers, being drawn to it by controverſy, have decided more 


than this, and have taught us more. But we proceed even farther 
than they, and that without any neceſſity compelling us. For- 
merly faith conſiſted more in a good life, than in the profeſſion 
of * articles of religion. Neceſſity engaged Chriſtians to draw up 


articles, but yet few in number, and with an Apoſtolical mode- 


ration and reſerve. Then the perverſeneſs and malice of here- 
= tics 


* Utinam noſtra credulitas (Symbolo Quid multis? Dum colligendi arti- 


Apoſtolorum) fuiſſet contenta ! ubi coe- culos nullus eſt neque modus neque finis, 


pit eſſe minus fidei inter Chriſtianos, res plane tandem exit in morbum articu- 
mox increvit Symbolorum et modus et larem. Atqui iſthue non eſt hæreſes ex- 
numerus. Rat. Vere Theol. Tom. V. cludere, ſed hæreticos facere. Sic cœpit 
. — Arianum incendium, &c. Ep. 740. 


3 


OF ERASMUS, 291 


tics cauſed: the holy Scriptures to be more diligently diſcuſſed, A. D. 1522, 
and points of doctrine to be determined by Synodal authority. 
Then Creeds began to be found in mens writings, more than in 
their hearts; and there were almoſt as many Confeſſions of faith, 
as there were perſons capable of framing and drawing them up. 
Articles were multiplied, and ſincerity diminiſhed diſputes grew 
hot, and charity grew cold. The doctrine of Jeſus Chriſt, which 
once had nothing to do with verbal wranglings, began to ſtand in 
ths need of Philoſophical props; and this was the firſt commencement 
3 of the depravation of the Church. Riches flowed in, and aug- 
| mented the corruption, and then violence began to be employed. 
The authority of Emperors added much to the power of the 
Church, and very little to the purity of Chriſtian faith. At laſt 
Scholaſtic Sophiſtry aroſe, and begat ten thouſand articles of 
faith; and theſe were ſupported by terror and menaces. Thus, 
though deſtitute of morality, and of the knowledge of the holy 
Scriptures, and having our faith in our mouths, and not in our 
hearts, we, forſooth, compel men by boiſterous violence to 
believe what they believe not, to love what they love not, and to 
underſtand what they underſtand not. Nothing that is compelled 
is ſincere and nothing is agreeable to Jeſus Chriſt that is not 
voluntary. 

To theſe he adds many excellent remarks upon arbitrary 
deciſions; upon the violent temper of Hilary, and his railing in- 
vectives againſt the Arians, whom he treats as ſo many blaſphe- 
mers and Devils; upon his ſingular opinions, which ſtand in need 
of no ſmall Mmdulgence ; upon his injudicious expreſſions, which 
muſt be very candidly interpreted, or elſe he muſt ſtand con- 
demned ; upon the errors of the Fathers, &c. The Benedictins 
have endeavoured to defend Hilary, and it may be that they have 
pointed out ſome miſtakes of Eraſmus; which is no wonder, 

conſidering the abundant leiſure, and conveniences, and aſſiſt- 
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292 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1522, ances, which they enjoyed, and of which this great man waz 


deſtitute. Let it ſuffice here to obſerve, that the very beſt thingy 
faid by Eraſmus in this Dedication, were thoſe which moſt of. 


fended theſe Fathers. Ep. 613. 


Du Pin hath given us an account of this Hilary of Poitiers, 


a Father of the fourth century. He judges, as Eraſmus did, 
concerning his ſtyle, and concerning ſome of his errors. His 
periods, ſays he, are uſually long and embarraſſed, fo that he is 
always obſcure, and ſometimes unintelligible. Often he uſeth 
barbarous terms, and now and then hath paſſages which can be 
reduced to no conſtruction. He abounds with antitheſes, and 


ſuch-like figures of ſpeech. He hath ſome errors, and ſome 


expreſſions not conformable to the doctrine of the Church, &c. 


B. E. T. II. 96. 


Cave alſo hath made much the ſame rene upon Hi- 
lary, and agrees in the main with Eraſmus, whom he treats with 
the reſpect due to him. H. L. T. I. 214. 

The Monks, who lived in the days of Eraſmus, had as little 


eſteem for him as many of their ſucceſſors have now. The 
wiſe and learned and moderate amongſt the Lutherans had more 
cauſe to be pleaſed with him; but the violent men of that party 
could not bear to ſee him advance half- way towards them, and 


then ſtop ſhort. They began therefore now to threaten him that 


they would write againſt him, as he informs Pirckheimerus, 
deſcribing the ſituation in which he found himſelf. He would 
have willingly died in his labours, and have worn himſelf out in 
writing books of piety, if he could by thoſe efforis have pro- 
duced any fruits for his Lord and Maſter: but, ſays he, we ſee 
our weakneſs, or rather our miſery; we ſee an age abounding in 
? monſters and prodigies, ſo that I know not what party to take: 


only 


»The Sorboniſts alſo, in their Cen- ut nulli fint uſui, tantum in publicam 


ſures, attacked this poor Dedication utilitatem aliquid molientibus faceſſant 
with great fury, negotium, nec alia re celebres. T. IX. 


Eſt genus hominum in hoc natum, c. 1047. 


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OF ERASMUS, 


only this I know, that my conſcience hath confidence before the A. PD. 1522, 


Lord Jeſus, who is my judge. They, who are the Pope's agents 
and tools in I know not what affairs, draw the chains of the 


ancient tyranny ſo tight and cloſe, that they ſeem more diſpoſed 
to add than to diminiſh, On the other hand, they, who under 
the name of Luther profeſs the defence of Evangelical liberty, act 
with a ſpirit which I underſtand not: at leaſt many perſons. 
mix themſelves with them, whom I ſhould not like for coadjutors, 
if I were concerned in the affair. In the mean time, Chriſtian 
charity is mortally wounded by theſe cruel diviſions, and the 


conſciences of men are in uneaſineſs and ſuſpenſe. They who are 


of a licentious temper, find occaſions to indulge it from the Lu- 


theran writings : they who are more reſerved, find themſelves 


between the hammer and the anvil; on the one ſide they ſee 


probable arguments, and the ſentiments of nature; on the other, 


the authority of the Great, and an innumerable multitude. How 


this will end, the Lord knoweth ; but I ſet a ſmall value upon 


an extorted faith, The authority of Bulls is weighty, the ordi- 
nances of the Emperor ſtill more; and theſe things may perhaps 


ſtop the tongues of men for a time; but will they alter their 
hearts? 


Afterwards, he thus deſcribes his own times: One conſults hi; 


private intereſts, another fears to loſe his poſſeſſions, another hates 


broils and tumults, and lies ſtill. In the mean time the dangerous 
ſtate of things grows. worſe. The malice of ſome people hath 


brought ſuch an odium upon me, that if I ſhould. attempt to 
ſerve the public, it would be in vain, Certain Divines, having 
obſerved that the progreſs of literature, wherein I have been in- 
ſtrumental, had diminiſhed their authority, did me all the miſ- 
chief that they could, even before the world had heard the name 


of Luther. Luther now hath put a ſword into their hands, to 
lay me: and yet I have kept myſelf clear from that controverſy ; 


only I exhorted Luther moſt earneſtly to write in another manner, 
| 14 | 


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294 
A. D. 1522. 


T HE LIF E | 
if he hoped to do any good. Then came Aleander, who, before 


Luther was known, looked upon Eraſmus as one * artificer looks 
upon another of the ſame occupation ; a man by nature haughty, 


fierce, eaſily provoked, inſatiable of glory and of lucre. Some 


perſons filled his head with ſo many lies, and fo inſtigated him, 


that he cared not what evil he ſaid of me, ſo he could but ruin 
me. At the fame time this honeſt man uſed to ſwear to me, 
that he loved me beyond meaſure, and was the warmeſt friend] 
had in the world. Departing from the Low Countries, he left 


two of his Tools behind him, well trained and inſtructed for his 


purpoſe, twoTheologers of Louvain, and Caracciola Biſhop of Liege, 


an eternal prater, and a Spaniard whom I know not, at the Em- 


peror's Court, and whom I ſuſpect to be a Biſhop. At Rome he 
employs Stunica, whom all the world accounts to be a Lunatic, 
and who was born with a flandering conſtitution. Stunica had 
preſented a libel to Leo, containing only fixty thouſand hereſies, 
extracted from my writings; and I was in no ſmall peril, if 


death had not removed that Pope, who elſe had no bad will to 


Eraſmus. The Lutherans openly threaten to aſſault me with 


Übels; and the Emperor is almoſt perſuaded that I am the ſource 
of the Lutheran tumults. Thus I ſtand, deſerving well of all 


and ill uſed by both parties. Ep. 618. 


He pours forth the ſame complaints to his good friend Vives, 


who returned him an elegant letter of conſolation. Ep. 619. 
Staniſlaus Turzo ſent him a friendly letter, and a preſent of 
four ancient gold medals. Ep. 620. 
Eraſmus returns his thanks to ſome Biſhop, who had taken his 


part, and done him good offices with the Emperor, and proteſts 


that he neither is, nor ever will be a Lutheran. Our new Pontif, 


ſays he, and the Emperor, might redreſs theſe diſorders, without 


any 
1 Alluding to Heſiod ; 

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OF ERASMUS. 

any tumult, by only cutting two evils up by the roots: the one 
is an hatred for the Court of Rome occaſioned by her intolerable 
avarice and tyranny; the other is the yoke of human Conſtitu- 
tions, debarring the people of their Chriſtian liberty. Let the 
Emperor ſecure to me my ſalary, and defend my reputation from 
the malice of certain people, and he ſhall never repent of taking 
Eraſmus for a counſellor. Eraſmus, it ſeems, was in ſome appre- 
henſion of having his ſtipend withdrawn. Ep. 621. 

To the Preſident of the Court at Mechlin he preſents his com- 
plaints againſt his old enemy Egmond, who called him a Luthe- 
ran, in his ſermons, and over his cups at all public carouſals. I 
have hindered many perſons, ſays he, both in Germany and in- 
the Low Countries, from liſting themſelves in the Lutheran: 
faction; nor hath any thing more damped the courage of that 
party, than my public declarations, that I diſapproved their pro- 


ceedings, and was determined to adhere to the Pope. If I had. 


favoured Luther, as my enemies pretend, I ſhould not have 
wanted Princes to protect me. This ſpirit, however, is not ſo 
far diminiſhed as they imagine, and as we wiſh : there are here 


more than an hundred thouſand, who abhor the See of Rome, 


and approve of Luther's opinions, at leaſt in a great meaſure. 
Eraſmus was not miſtaken in this, as the Reformation in Swit- 
zerland ſhewed ſoon afterwards. 

He had lately publiſhed at Baſil his celebrated Colloquies, 
dedicated to John Eraſmius Froben, his god- ſon, and ſon to John 
Froben. He compoſed this work, partly that young perſons 
might have a book to teach them the Latin language, and 


religious 

r He ſays, two hundred thouſand, in men vix credas in quot exemplario- 
Ep. 644. rum millia propagatum, nondum expleat 
* dee Bayle ERASME, Not. Q. empturientium aviditatem, Hoc anno 


Quoniam autem Colloquiorum | me- (1524) rurſus prodit aliqua coronide 


miniſti, ſubit animo mirari, quam om- dilatatum. Sic in amicorum gratiam 


nibus in rebus dominetur fortuna. ineptio. Eraſm, Ep, ad Viandalum,. 
Quid hoc argumento nugacius ? Et ta- T. V. c. 234. 


A. D. 1522. 


296 DE LIFE 
A. D. 1 522. religious and moral ſentiments at the ſame time; and partly, with. 
out queſtion, to cure the bigotted world, if he could, of that 
_ ſuperſtitious devotion, which the Monks inculcated more edu. 
louſly than true Chriſtian piety. The beſt paſſages and the lire. 
| lieſt ſtrokes in theſe Dialogues have the Monks and their religion 
in view; and truly Eraſmus lay under no temptations to honour 
them, or to ſpare them. Scarcely did this Book make its appear. 
ance, when a clamour was raiſed againſt it, as he obſerves in this 
letter. He was accuſed of laughing at Indulgences, of lighting WE 
auricular confeſſion, of deriding the eating of fiſh upon faſt-day, WT 
| &c. And it is true enough, that he did not talk of theſe thing We 
in a av" ſtyle, and that he held them at a low rate. 3 
He deſires the Preſident to conſider, how the Monks did all 
that lay in their power to drive him headlong into the Lutheran 
party: but he declares, that they never ſhould ſucceed in it; 
though, if he were ſo diſpoſed, he could raiſe as many commotion 
in the world as Luther. He intreats him to reſtrain this fury; 
and he ſpeaks of ſome ſchool-maſters, who had been ſeized and 
arreſted at Antwerp on account of religion, and greatly com- 
mends their learning and their morals. Ep. 629. 
« The Colloquies of Eraſmus are too free, and yet they well 
deſerve to be read, for the ſake of the many good things which 
ce they contain. In them Eraſmus hath ſhewed the whole extent 
c of a genius the moſt beautiful and amiable that ever filled the 
©« head of a Grammarian. Varillas ſays, that, of all his Dialogues, 
<« the moiſt curious is the Ciceronianus: but I can affirm, that 
there is not one of them, which hath not ſomething ſingular 
< and ftriking, together with abundance of wit and of critical dif 
„ cernment, 
Gregorio Leti, in his Life of the Duke of Oſſuna, relates, 
<« that this Nobleman was ſpoiled in his youth, by reading the 
« Colloquies of Eraſmus, which his tutor had put into his 


© hands, both to teach him Latin, and 4 to enliven his temper, 
« © which 


A 
A 


OF ERASMUS, 297 
ee which ſeemed then to be gloomy and melancholy,” Vigneul- A. D. 1522. 
Mar ville. Melanges, Vol. II. p. 135. 
« Although many notes have been written by many perſons 
e upon the Colloquies of Eraſmus, yet there remain ſome paſ- 
« ſages, which have not been cleared up. For example; when 
« Eraſmus, towards the end of the Dialogue Abbatis et Eruditæ, 
« mentions ſome learned ladies of England and Germany, whom 
c he calls Moricas, Bilibaldicas, and Blaurericas, his Commen- 
* < tators have not told us very diſtinctly who they were. Be it 


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1 9 „ known then, that Moricæ are the daughters of Sir Thomas [fi 
More, Margaret, Elizabeth, and Cicely. Margaret had a happy 1 
4 talent at correcting ancient authors; and John Coſterius, in his i 
g notes on Vincentius Lirinenſis, gives us an emendation of hers 1 
d on a paſſage of Cyprian, not inferior, in my opinion, to thoſe 9 
d of the ableſt Critics, of Scaliger, Turnebus, or Salmaſius. Bili- "i 
 <« Baldice are the ſiſters of Bilibaldus Pirckheimerus, Counſellor "i 
cd co the Emperor, one of whom was named Charity, and the 1 
bd other Clare, both of them Nuns, Pirckheimerus, whoſe life ll 
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« works of Fulgentius ; and to his ſiſter Clare a tranſlation of the ſt 
= © Sentences of Nilus, Biſhop and Martyr. He thus ſpeaks of "ſt 
bis ſiſters in a letter to Eraſmus written from Nuremberg, | 
« A, 1516. Salutant te gemine mee ſorores, Abatiſſa S. Clare 4 
« una: (namely, Charity who was the eldeſt) altera  ejuſdent 1 
KHRegulæ ſedtatrix; que afſidue tua ſcripta manibus retinent; maxi me "i 
dero jam novo oblectantur Teſtamento: quo mire afficiuntur muli- "ot 
&« eres, multis viris, qui ſibi ſcioli videntur, doctiores. Scriberent an 
ce ad te Latine, niſi indignas ſuas exiſtimarent literas. al 
There are many letters of Charity, amongſt the works of 1 

« Pirckheimerus, collected and publiſhed by Goldaſt. As for | 


A HBlaurericæ, 


t This learned Lady made a moſt She gave him the Hebrew Pentateuch, 
acceptable preſent to Pellicanus, who with the Chaldean verſion, 
Was too poor to purchaſe the book, 


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298 
A. D. 1522, 


LC 


T H F LIFE 


Blaurerice, I am of opinion that Eraſmus means Margare; 
Blaurer, whoſe elogy Bullinger hath drawn up in p. 339 of 


his Commentaries upon the Epiſtles. Rodolphus Gualterus, 


a Divine of Zurich, hath compoſed Latin verſes upon her 


death, addreſſed to Ambroſe and to Thomas Blaurer, her 
brethren. 


« Nor hath any c one inforcied us, who was that Cephalus, « diy 
trium linguarum gnarus, whom Eraſmus mentions in the Dia- 


logue De Piſcium Eſu. He was Wolphgangus Fabricius Ca- 


pito, a Divine of Stratſburg, who died in the year 1541, and 


was the author of many books. 

The Dialogues of Eraſmus have been very well tranſlated into 
Italian by Pietro Lauro of Modena, who alſo tranſlated Joſe- 
phus: but the F rench verſion by Chapuzeau is poorly 
performed. 


« Concerning theſe Colloquies, ſee what Clenard oh to a 


Biſhop, called John Petit, of Fez, A. 1540. Scripſit modo ad 


me Dominus Marchio Granatenſis, Colloquia Eraſimi ignibus deli. 


nata eſſe : periclitari etiam Vivem. Quid me futurum cenſes, ub 
nomen Alcorani audiverint ? 

« Let us end this Section with a pretty diſtich made by Ludo- 
vicus Maſius upon the death of Eraſmus: 


« Fatalis ſeries nobis invidit Eraſmum : . 


« Sed Defiderium zollere non potuit. 


Colomefrus. Bibl. Choiſie, p. 46 55 or 146. 


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e The Faculty of Theology at Paris paſſed a _ cenſure, 
in 1526, upon the Colloquies of Eraſmus, as upon a work, in 
which the Faſts and abſtinences of the Church are flighted, 
the Suffrages of the holy Virgin and' of the Saints are derided, 


Virginity is fet below matrimony, Chriſtians are diſcouraged 
from Manbery: and Grammatical is preferred to Theological 


<<. erudition, 


[ 


* Du Pin: XIII. 220. Eraſmus, T. IX. 


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OF ERASMUS. 209 
« ęrudition. Pierefore it is decreed, that the peruſal of this A. D. 1522. 
« wicked book be forbidden to all, more eſpecially to young 
« folks; and that it be entirely ſuppreſſed, if it be poſſible.“ | 
Hence it may be judged with what comfort Eraſmus would 
have lived at Paris, if he had accepted the) invitation of Francis I, 
> who either could not or would not have protected him from ſuch 
£ BY: perſecutors. 
3 « A Provincial Council alſo held at Cologn, in 1549, con- 
« demned the Colloquies, as not fit to be read in ſchools.” 
In the year 1537, Paul III choſe a ſelect number of learned 
Cardinals and Prelates, to conſider about reforming the Church, 
| They gave him their anſwer, containing ſome propoſals which 
were honeſt and reaſonable enough ; but they fell upon the Collo- 
quies of poor Eraſmus, and adviſed that young people ſhould not 
be permitted to learn them at ſchool. So fays Sleidan *, who 
juſtifies this witty and uſeful book againſt their pitiful cenſures, 
75 YN S => And 


x Clement Marot, the father of acciderit Æſopico Cani. Eraſmus, 
French poetry, was tormented about Ep. 897. 1 

the ſame time, by the ſame Inquiſitors; 2 Du Pin XIII. 204. 

and laſhes their ignorance, and their Porro de Colloquiis Eraſmi quod 
malice, in ſome of his poems. See dicunt, ſic habet. Inter alias complures 
Bayle MaroT, Not. E, who obſerves, lucubrationes, quibus literarum ſtudia 


that the behaviour of the Sorbonne, in mirifice promovit Eraſmus, libellum 
the former part of the ſixteenth century, 


P was moſt ſcandalous and infamous. in 
+ like manner they perſecuted Robert 
: 7 Stephen, becauſe he printed good editi- 
-M ons of the Bible, till they compelled 
him to fly for his life to Geneva, ſet- 
ting themſelves againſt every under- 


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quoque juventuti confecit ex: Dialogis, 
eumque ſubinde locupletavit, cum avi- 
diſſime legeretur. Et ut erat ingenii 
præſtantis, ſummæque vir eloquentiæ, 
variis in eo luſit argumentis, ex media 
rerum natura deſumtis, hominumque 
vita, et mirabili quadam dexteritate, 


5 taking that was learned and uſeful. See ſuaviſſimoque dicendi genere, morum ac 
2 Maittaire II. 452, &c. and Thuanus pietatis præcepta tradit, et ſimul errores 
BH L. XXIII. p. 708. inveteratos atque vitia per occaſionem 


Quod ampliſſimis promiſſis invitaris demonſtrat. Hinc illa de ipſo querimo- 
in Galliam, ſcis qualia vulgo ferantur nia. L. XII. 


Gellorum promifſa; nec ignoras, quid | gs [1 


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300 THE LIFE 9 
A. D. 1522. FEE yet they had a reaſon for acting a8 they did#the reaſon oo Bi | 
Demetrius, the ſilver-ſmith; Sirs, ye know that by this craft ur = 

have our wealth, &c. L 
« The Mori@ Encomium, and eſpecially the Familiar Coll. 1 

« quies, contain a treaſure of wit and good ſenſe, and can never | 
be enough admired; and though the latter lies under the pre. 
« judice of being a ſchool-book, yet it is not unworthy the pery. J 
* ſal of the moſt advanced in knowledge. The Romiſh Church 11 

« would never have forgiven him, if he had left behind him } 
« only thoſe two above-mentioned books. It was very artful in SS 

« a bookſeller at Paris, who, upon giving out that his Colloquics 7 

« were prohibited, fold above chum Hmm thouſand of one i- 

<« preſſion.” ; : 
This great ſale of the Dialogues 3 is mentioned by the writer of | 7 ö 


the Abrege de ] hiſtoire des Sgavans; who ſays the ſame alſo of 
the Encomium Moria, He hath added two other remarks con- 
cerning Eraſmus; firſt, that he had a Cardinal's Hat offered to d 
him; and, ſecondly, that, in his books againſt Luther, he ſhewed MT ” 


Himſelf little ſkilled in Theology, This man means, I ſuppoſe, 
Artificial or Scholaſtic Theology. See Act. Erudit. XXXVII. 75, q 
At this time the works of Auguſtin were printing at Baſil, © 
and Ludovicus Vives ſent the remainder of his remarks on the l 
book De Civitate Dei: but a complete edition of this Father did 
not come forth till long afterwards. Froben printed apart ſome 0 
copies of the book De Civitate Dei, which was the moſt valuable c 
of all the works of Auguſtin, and was illuſtrated by a good com- c 
mentary of Vives ; and yet Eraſmus informs us, that it did not 
fell. Ep. 630, 721. 3 - 
In a letter to Bilibaldus, Eraſmus commends Albert Du- W 
ber 2 
d. Knight, p. 2032. Alberto Durero quam gratiam referre 1 
© Durero noftro gratulor ex animo. queam, cogito : dignus eſt æterna me- ty : 
Dięnus eſt artifex, qui nunquam mori- moria. Si minus reſpondet effigies, mi- ? 
atur. Cceperat me pingere Bruxclle; rum non eſt: non enim ſum is, qui fui Ss 
utinam perfeciſſet.— Ep. 631, ante annos quinque, Ep, 827, A. 1520, 5 


— — 
— . / * 


OF ERASMUS. 


rer *, who at Bruſſels began to draw his picture, and finiſhed it A. D. 1 522. 


five years afterwards, The print, which Durer gave from this 


picture, is a fine one; and the countenance of Eraſmus looks 
like that of a man broken and ſtricken in years. 


Pirckheimerus highly eſteemed his friend Durer, both for his 


{kill, and for his good qualities; and ſo did * Melanchthon. It 


ſhould be obſerved, to his honour, that he never once proſtituted 
his art, by employing it upon obſcene ſubjects. 


Eraſmus, in the ſame letter *, complains of Hutten 8 libel, of 


which we ſhall ſay more hereafter. 


« Bayle DuR ER. Maittaire II. 417, 
432. Melchior Adam. Burchard Com. 
de Vit, Hutten. p. 183. 

Nullius inter pictores clarius nomen, 


quam Dureri noſtri, qui, quod Bilibal- 


dus Pirckheimerus in vita ejus comme- 
morat, Italorum invidiam compeſcens, 


ipſos adegit et ad veritatis confeſſionem, 


et ad falſi commentum, cum Durero 
quidem herbam porrigerent, ſed, ut 


opera ſua facerent vendibiliora, fraudu- 


lenta Dureriani nominis inſcriptione ea 
proponerent. Quin imo conſtat, Mi- 
chatlem Angelum Bonarotam Dureri 
five pictas five æri inciſas imagines, 
quotquot nanciſci poterat, cremaſle, aut 
comminuiſle in fruſta, Wagenſeil. See 
the Amænitates Literarie, Tom, * 
P. 770. 

The famous painter, Albert Durer, 
uſed to ſay, he took no delight in ſuch 
pictures as were painted with many co- 
lours, but in thoſe that were made moſt 
plain. Even fo I likewiſe take delight 
in thoſe ſermons, that enter fine and 


imply, fo that they may well be un- 


ganctius 


derſtood of the common man. Luther” 8 
Colloq. Menſ. p. 5 10. 

* De Durero Melanchthon dicere ſo- 
lebat, Pictoriam, qua antecelluit citra 
controverſiam omnibus ſuæ ætatis arti- 
ficibus, fuiſſe in eo minimam. Tanti 
fecit prudentiam ejus, et judicii gravita- 
tem in aliis rebus. Melch, Adam, Vit, 


Milichii. 


Inter Bilibaldum rin et 
Albertum Durerum ortus eſt ſermo de 
Euchariſtia, Adſidebat Melanchthon 


auditor, quædam interdum adſpergens: 


cum Pirckheimerus, altero argumentis 
ſuperante, ſarcaſtice, O Alberte, erum- 


pit, hec pingi ita non poſſunt.. Nec ita, 


mox ille, ut dignitas veſtra putat, poſſunt 


fingi. Ex his initiis Camerarius amare 


cœpit Durerum, &c. Melch. Adam. 

Vit. Camerarii. | 
f Emoriar, mi Bilibalde, ſi creditu- 
rus eram in univerſis Germanis efle tan- 
tum inhumanitatis, impudentiæ, vani- 
tatis, virulentiæ, quantum habet unus 
libellus Hutteni. Tot teſtimoniis orna- 
tus eſt a me. Toties per me ſuo Car- 
| dinali 


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302 THE LIFE 


A. D. 1522. Sanctius Caranza, a Spaniſh Divine, wrote againſt Eraſmus, 
in defence of part of Stunica's book: and Eraſmus gave him a 


ſmart and ſpirited * reply. 2 they were reconciled, 
and good friends. 


Adrian VI having ſucceeded to Leo, Eraſmus dedicated to him 
an edition of a Commentary of one Arnobius upon the Pſalms, 
which he was then publiſhing ; and added to it an Epiſtle, wherein 
he congratulates this new Pope, and intreats him not to pay any 


regard to the calumnies ſpread againſt his humble Servant, with- 
out firſt giving him an hearing. 


In this Dedication he makes remarks upon the uncouth and 
barbarous ſtyle of his Author, whom by miſtake he confound; 
with that more ancient and more learned Arnobius, who wrote 
againſt the Gentiles. It is now known and acknowledged, that 
they were different perſons; and they who ſhall peruſe firſt the 

| Dedication of Eraſmus, and then the Commentary of this Arno- 
| bius, will ſoon ſee that Eraſmus hath beſtowed more commen- 
dations upon him than he deſerves. Ep. 632, 633. 


In 


dinali ac cæteris Principibus commen- hominis omnibus dotibus ornatiflimi ami- 
datus eſt, De nullo candidius ſen- citiam, næ tu plane, quod aiunt. 7 
tiebam et loquebar. Nunquam a me i7mToy eie 1d medior, Sit igitur hæc epi- 
verbo læſus eſt. Imo cum hic eſſet, ſtola, manu mea deſcripta, pignus ac 
obtuli colloquium, fi quid eſſet rei fe= monumentum foederis, auſpicio Grati- 
rie : detuli ei officium, ſi quod a me arum ac Muſarum inter nos initi, quod 
preſtari vellet. Nihil minus exſpecta- nullus unquam genius malus, aut hoc 
bam, quam hune aſſultum ab Hutteno. etiam nocentior mala lingua, poterit 
Multis conjecturis adducor ut credam dirimere. — Caranzam meo nomine ſa- 
Henricum Epphendorpium hujus fabulæ lutabis et amanter et reverenter, blande- 
artificem, &c. Ep. 631. que monebis hominem, amet quam vo- 

 Dolct quod Stunicam dignatus ſim let effuſe, ſed prædicet parcius, ob lin- 
unquam reſponſo. Et huic ſucceſſit Ca- guas faſcinatrices. In hoc certamine 
ranza non edentulus. Ep. 628. non cedam. Ep. 812. 

h Tom. IX. c. 402. This was written A. 1526. 


i Sanctius Caranza mihi copioſe præ- Arnobius Junior. See Du Pin XIV. 
dicatus eſt ab Alphonſo Ulmetano : pro- 51. Cave H. L. I. p. 449. 


inde quum me tam diligenter invitas ad 


OF ERASMUS. 


In a letter to George, Duke of Saxony, he ſpeaks of the Re- A. D. 1522. 


formers and the Papiſts after his uſual manner. I ſhall only 
obſerve, that he acted here like a man of honour, and ventured 
to commend in Luther what he thought to be truly commend- 
able, though he was writing to a Prince, who mortally hated 


Luther and all his partiſans, He ſays, that Henry VIII was cer- 


tainly author of the book publiſhed under his own name againſt 
Luther, and was very capable of writing it. It appears from 
this letter, that Eraſmus ' did not underſtand the German lan- 
guage, which is a wonder. Though he had been no ſmall traveller, 


he ſeems to have known very little of modern languages. Ep. 63 5. 
Ep. 636 is to Conradus © Hereſbachius, who had given him 


2 kind invitation to his houſe. 

He was this year at Conſtance in the ſummer, and commends 
his friends who there entertained him. | 

He could have liked Switzerland very well, if it had not been 
for their ſtoves, and their wine. The former ſuffocated him.; 


and the wine, being too new, diſagreed with him, as he was 


ſubject to the ſtone and gravel, He was therefore obliged to 
procure wine from Burgundy, which ſuited his conſtitution 
better than that which grew near Baſil and Friburg, i in which two 
cities he paſſed the reſt of his days. He thought, as he ſays, to 

go to France, for the ſake of his health; and he received a paſſ- 
port from the King for that purpoſe, of which he ſpeaks in a 
letter to a French Archbiſhop. He tells him that he had been at 


Conſtance, with a deſign to proceed thence to Rome, to pay his 


reſpects to the New Pontif ; but that he had fallen ſick at Con- 
{tance, 


Duos Lutheri libellos ad me ſane cioſque ipfos poſt ſe reliquit ; longe fe- 
fruſtra miſit tua Celſitudo, rudem <jus licior hac in parte Eraſmo amico ſuo ; 
linguæ qua ſcripti ſunt. | 

m Fuit vir dignitate preftans ; 3 omni Ni et literarum gloriam invenerit, tamen 
literarum. genere abſolutus- et quan- neutri parti ſatisfecit. Melb. Adam. 
quam in Pontificatu vixerit — æqua- Vit. Hereſbachii, 
tam. laudem apud Evangelicos Pontifi- e 


qui tametſi ſummam in ſcribendo inge- 


323 


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304 THE LIFE 


A. D. 1522, ſtance, and that the rumours of war had put off his intended 
journey. He probably had no ſerious defign to repair to Rome 

for good reaſons already mentioned; and perhaps he as little in. 

| tended to go to France. He complains, that his penſion from 

the Emperor had not been paid to him that year. Ep. 636 


Vet he had lately dedicated to the Emperor his Paraphraſe a = {| 


St. Matthew; and, in a letter to the Emperor's brother Ferdinand 
he promiſed to dedicate to this Prince his Paraphraſe of St. John, 
The Emperor received his Dedication very courteouſly, and gay 
him thanks, but nothing elſe, as Eraſmus informs us in a letter 
to Botzem, prefixed to the firſt Tome. I do not find that Chatl 
had any taſte for literature, or any remarkable diſpoſition 
patronize arts and ſciences. His head was full of political ani 
military ſchemes. Ep. 638. | 
» Guindano, an Italian, compoſed an Heroic Poem on the 
atchievements of Charles V, and offered the manuſcript to thi 
Prince, who would not give the poor man one ſtiver for his 2 i 1 Y 
and his pains. So he went away in deſpair, and flung, not my | 
ſelf indeed, but his poem into the fire. | 3 
The Pope, having received Arnobins, ſent Eraſmus a vn 
elegant and artful letter of thanks, exhorting him ftrongly » 
write againſt Luther, and inviting him to Rome. Eraſmus wit FRY 
a ſecond time, and ſent a ſecond copy of his book, for fear 11 
the firſt had miſcarried. He alſo offered to communicate t 1 ] 
Adrian his opinion concerning the propereſt methods of ſuppr 
ſing Lutheraniſm, in a letter which none ſhould ſee befides th: FR 
Pope, and which the Pope might ſuppreſs and deſtroy, if «| 
| thought proper. Ep. 639, 641. = | 
Jacobus Landavus, a Bavarian, wrote a piece againſt Stunic, 
and ſent it to Eraſmus, who acknowledgeth himſelf much obligi FRE 
to him, Eraſmus tells his friend Barbirius, that the 1 = | 
8 ba 


"ew 0 _ ou wc 


» Bayle GUINDANO, 


Kr 
Wow 

Iu vt 
AY 


OF ERASMUS. 305 
had forbidden the printing of Stunica's book, entitled, The blaſ- A. D. 1522. 
phemies of Eraſmus ; and that Stunica having printed it in defiance 

of their prohibition, they had forbidden the fale of it, although 

Stunica was a domeſtic of the Cardinal 4 Sancta Cruce, He tells 
Landavus, that there were three Furies which raged in the Low 
Countries, Hochſtrat the Dominican, Alcmar of the ſame Order, 

and Egmond the Carmelite. To theſe he adds an anonymous 

fourth, who employed the former as his drudges and agents. He 

alſo tells him, that he was unhappily furniſhed with unanſwer- 

able reaſons againſt taking a journey to Rome, namely, old age, 
ill health, and the ſtone in his kidneys. 


By the anonymous fourth he probably means Alvandee, who 
was now exalted to high ſtations, and had Mranglers under him, 
whom he could ſet at Eraſmus ; though the Laws of the Church 
forbid Eccleſiaſtics alere canes venaticos, He promiſes Landavus 
to ſend him the * apotheoſis of his friend Reuchlin, who died this 
year, Ep. 642, 644. | 

Ulricus Huttenus, whom Eraſmus had often culebrated before 
the Lutheran conteſts had ſet them at variance, being come to 
Baſil, was deſirous to ſee Eraſmus, and ſent him word of it by 
Eppendorf, their common friend. But, as Hutten had openly 
declared himſelf for Luther, and had publiſhed ſeveral libels 
againſt the Court of Rome, for which the Pope had endeavoured 
to apprehend him, Eraſmus feared that a viſit from ſuch a man 
would confirm all the ſuſpicions, that he ſecretly favoured the 
Lutheran cauſe, and draw a hatred upon him. Therefore he 
ſet him word by Eppendorf, that if Hutten only intended a viſit 
of Oo he begged to be excuſed, on account of bad conſe- 

SY quences, 


2 
K 


o Reverſus Pellicanus Baſileam, Eraſ- hardino luſit, ſua facundia illuſtrans 
mo narravit de obitu, et ſuo colloquio, hiſtoriam veram quidem, ſed humili- 


occaſionemque præbuit dialogo illi de orem, quam quæ legatur. Aab. Adam. 
apotheoſi Reuchlini. Sicut et eidem, Vit, Pellic. 


quod de Franciſcano Conrado et Bern- 


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306 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1522. quences. Hutten at firſt ſeemed fatisfied with the excuſe; but 


before he had quitted Baſil, Eraſmus aſked Eppendorf, whether 
Hutten had taken offence at this denial ; and the other replieq, 
that Hutten perhaps wiſhed that he could have converſed with 


him. Eraſmus anſwered, that although what he had done waz 


purely to avoid obloquy, yet he would deſpiſe that danger, if 
Hutten had any thing of importance to ſay to him; that, if it 


were deſired, he would go himſelf to Hutten, if he could hex 


the ſmell of the ſtoves, which Hutten, being out of order, wa 
obliged to uſe; and that, if Hutten could bear the cooler air af 
the hall of Eraſmus, he would receive him there by the fire-fide, 
and converſe with him as long as he thought fit. Eppendorf 
faid, that Hutten was too ill to come abroad. Thus Eraſmus 
hath related it, in his apology againſt Hutten, who, ſoon after 


this, left Baſil without __ Eraſmus. This was the beginning 


of a very warm conteſt. 


There was at this time a certain Preacher at Conſtance, who 


conſulted Eraſmus by Botzem, how the Reformation might bel 
be advanced. Eraſmus anſwered, that they who imagined them- 
ſelves to have as great abilities for ſettling thoſe Chriſtian traths 
which concern all men and all times, as they had for a Theo- 
logical compotation, or a little Scholaſtic diſpute, were infinitely 
miſtaken, Truth, ſays he, 1s efficacious and invincible, but it 
muſt be diſpenſed with Evangelical prudence. For myſelf, I © 
abhor diviſions, and ſo love concord, that I fear, if an occaſion 


preſented itſelf, I ſhould ſooner give up a part of Truth, tha 


diſturb the public peace. 


But the miſchief is, that a man cannot thus give up truth, 


without running into falſhood, and aſſenting to things which he 
doth not believe. For a man cannot judge that to be right, which 


his own reaſon pronounces to be falſe, only becauſe overbearing 
_ perſons attack the truth with more vehemence than he chuſcth 


to employ : in defence of it, and are the majority and the ſtronge! 
2 l | | a Part). 


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OF ERASMUS. 


307 


party. Beſides, when ſuch enemies to Reaſon and to Religion A. D. 1522. 


perceive that a man will not have the caurage to defend his 


opinions at all extremities, which Eraſraus confeſſed to be his 
own diſpoſition, they never fail to take advantage of him, to 
oppreſs him, and to run him down, well knowing that nothing 


is neceſſary to accompliſh their purpoſes beſides ſtubbornneſs, 
clamour, impudence, and violence. And ſo ſpiritual Tyranny 
being once erected, would endure for ever, and gain ſtrength 
and ſtability. Concord and peace are unqueſtionably valuable 


bleſſings; but yet not to be purchaſed at the expenſe of truth 


and liberty, which are infinitely more eſtimable than a ſordid 


tranquillity beneath the yoke of falſhood and arbitrary dominion. 


FF Beneath this yoke the Chriſtian republic becomes a mere faction 


of poltroons, ſolicitous about enjoying the preſent, and neglecting 
every thing that is laudable, under the pretext of preſerving the 


peace. Such would have been the preſent ſtate of Chriſtianity, 


if the pacific ſcheme of Eraſmus had been received and purſued. 
Diviſions, it muſt be owned, do much harm; yet they have at 


leaſt produced this good, that the truth of the Goſpel, and a Chri- | 
ſtian liberty, which acquieſceth only in the deciſions of Jeſus 


Chriſt, are not entirely baniſhed from the face of the earth, as 
they would have been without thoſe ſtruggles of our anceſtors. 
They have produced no ſmall ſervice to the memory of Eraſmus 
himſelf, who, having his works condemned by Theological 
Cabals, and mangled by Inquiſitions, which ſtruck out the moſt 
valuable part of his writings, would have been ſtigmatized and 


proſcribed through all ages, if a Party had not riſen up in Europe, 
and alſo amongſt his own countrymen, which willingly forgives 
him his weakneſſes and his irreſolution, for the ſake of his uſeful 


labours Philological and Theological ; and hath reſtored to him a 


ſecond life, and recommended him to the Chriſtian world, by an 


elegant and a faithful edition of all his works, 


Rr 2 But 


dd 


al 
A. D. 1522. 


THE LIFE 


But let us hear ſome more of his advice. This preacher, favs 
he, who certainly is a worthy man, will do more ſervice to the 
Goſpel, the honour of which we all have at heart, if he takes 

care to join the prudence of the Evangelical ſerpent to the ſim. 


plicity of the Evangelical dove, 


moſt obſtinate. 


Eraſmus entertained ſome hopes, that his old friend and ſchodl. 
fellow, Adrian VI, would do ſome good, as he teſtifies in this 
letter: but, ſays he, if I ſhould be miſtaken in this, I will not be 
factious. As to the Preacher's laſt queſtion, Are we to abandon 
and give up the whole Goſpel? I reply; They may be ſaid to 
abandon the Goſpel, who defend it in an improper manner, Be- 
fides; with what reſerve and flow caution did our Lord himſelf 


diſcover his doctrine ? © 


All this in ſome ſenſe may be * but then our Saviour never 
| faid any thing contrary to the truth; and when the time was 
come for it, he laid down his life in confirmation of it ; which 
1s more than Eraſmus was inclined to do, as he himſelf frankly 
confefleth. It cannot be called defending the Goſpel, to refer 
it to the arbitration of a ſet of Eccleſiaſtics, whom all the world 
knew to be either ill- inſtructed, or ill-diſpoſed, or both. 


In a dedicatory Epiſtle to Beraldus, he ſpeaks with ” grief and 
deteſtation of the wars between France and the Empire; and 


? Video, diſcruciorque animo, bellum 
hoc inter Germanos et Gallos indies 
magis ac magis incrudeſcere. Quanta 
totius rei Chriſtianæ calamitas, duos 


n y 
© YL RE d 
r 
"a 


Let him eſſay it; and then let 


him condem my counſel, if he finds it not to be ſalutary. 7 
Alas! experience hath taught the Chriſtian world, that this 
fame ſerpentine prudence ſerved to make Falſhood triumphant, 
It was even eaſy to foreſee it, fince this wiſdom conſiſted only in 
ſubmitting to that faction, which was the moſt powerful and the 


wiſhes, 


potentiſſimos orbis Monarchas fi fer jo 
libus diſſidiis inter ſe conflictari? Tole- | 
rabilius eſſet malum, ſi res eorum quo- 
rum intereſt, monomachiis iniretur, W 
quid 

2 


OF ERASMUS. 309 


wiſhes, that ambitious Princes could terminate their quarrels by A. D. 1522. 


duels, and not involve their innocent and unhappy ſubjects in ſuch 


miſery. 
This year's letters are from Baſil, where Eraſmus alt the 


remainder of his life, except ſome part of it at F riburg. Baſil 

== was a place which he dearly loved, though he ſometimes com- 
P plained of it, where his beſt friends dwelt, and where he was 
treated with much reſpect, and made Rector of the Univerſity ; 

a ſtation which was there, as it often is in other Univerſities, not 

leſs troubleſome than honourable : for amongſt the plagues which 
be met with in the courſe of his life, we may reckon the diſor- 
XZ derly and impudent behaviour of the young ſtudents, which ſo 
2 provoked him, that, like another Moſes, he brake their Tables, 
(as ſome have ſaid) and deſtroyed the privileges which they 
enjoyed by their ſtatutes, to humble them and to tame them. 
9 Bayle ſeems to doubt of the truth of this ſtory. ER ASME, 

Not. B. 8B. 

Under this year we will pate, 6 at a ne a comical miſtake 


= of Eraſmus, who, having received a letter and a meſſage from a 
I learned 


his irritatum 


ee, 


quid commeruere cives et agricolæ, qui 
ſpoliantur fortunis, exiguntur ſedibus, 
trahuntur captivi, trucidantur ac lanian- 
tur? O ferreos Principum animos, fi 
hec perpendunt, ac ferunt! O craſſos, 
ſi non intelligunt : ſupinos, fi non ex- 
pendunt! T. I. c. 343. 

4 Urgente jam ſenio, Baſileam Rau- 
racorum urbem ſe recepit, ad Rhenum 
ſitam, loci amcenitate captus, et ſoda- 


litio multorum doctiſſimorum hominum, 
quibus ea civitas ſemper ornata eſt. 


Academiæ illius Rector factus, cum 
ſcholaſticorum inordinatam licentiam 
et petulantiam refrænare tentaret, ab 1is 


male exceptum ferunt : 
contumeliis fama eſt diſcerpſiſſe et cre- 
maſſe privilegiorum partem illius Aca-- 
demiæ (que cum Magontina totius 
Germaniz creditur antiquiſſima) ut his 


deperditis ſtudioſæ juventutis protervia 


retunderetur: quod aliquando me audi- 
viſſe recordor a piæ memoriæ præcep- 
tore meo Hugone Babelo, qui tunc tem- 
poris Baſileæ Eraſmo vivebat amicus et 
familiaris. Boiſſard Icon. p. 223. 


Cum Primus Comes, M. Antonii 
Majoragii conſobrinus, in Germaniam 
ea de cauſa profectus fuiſſet, ut Eraſmi 
conſuetudine per aliquod tempus fruere- 

tur; 


| 310 | ＋ HE L 1F E 4 
| A.D. 1522, learned man, one Primus Comes, who wanted to wait upon hin, 
| took him for a Prince, and went forth to meet and receive hin | : 
as ſuch, &c. 3 
| The time when this e is of no e e the for = 
| is all. = | 
| Ep. 54 5 is a friendly letter to Joannes Glapio. This Glapio = | 
| | was a Franciſcan, a ſubtle fox, who endeavoured to ruin Luther, 1 
| whilſt he pretended to have a value and regard for him. Hutten 3 
. _ afterwards reproached Eraſmus for having beſtowed ſo many = i 
| praiſes on this man, though he knew him to be a raſcal. r 
Luther this year wrote a rough anſwer to Henry VIII, in Latn, : 
and afterwards tranſlated it into German. On this account * 11 
hath been inſulted and cenſured by many writers, and is defended W « 
by Seckendorf, who ſhews, that thoſe very writers have treated 
Princes, whom they hated, with more malice and ſcurrility, than F 
they can pretend to faſten upon Luther, It is a good argument 1 
ad hominem. L. I. p. 186— 190. 1 
Fridericus Canirmius, Rector of the School at Delft, ſ peil. 7 
ing of the perſecution of the Reformed party in Holland, nt 1 : 
| 5 the J b 
tur; priuſquam Eraſmum conveniret, tamen eum ſibi multo gratiorem adve- nm 
ad eum literas dedit, quibus adventus niſſe, quam fi magnus Princeps fuiſkt, 14 
ſui cauſam declarabat, quarum in extre- multis audientibus, teſtatus eſt. Hæc 1 
ma parte nomen ſuum, ut fit, ita ſub- Majoragius in quadam Oratione, Co- = n 
ſcripſerat, Tui fludiaſiſſimus Primus Co- lomeſius Kana. c. 37. = L 
mes Mediolanenſis, Hanc cum Eraſmus See Bayle MajoRacivs, 1 
ſubſcriptionem vidiſſet, credidit ſtatim s Seckendorf L. I. p. 143—145. 9 d 
magnum adeſſe aliquem Principem ſui t Eraſmum Huttenus taxavit, quod 18 
viſendi gratia. Quare licet admodum Glapionem laudibus ornaſſet, cujus ma- 3 Ii 
ſenex et infirmus eſſet, tamen quo ſtu- litiam alias execrari ſolitus fuiſſet. Sed 3 I 
dio quoque apparatu potuit, obviam Eraſmus utrumque, in Spongia, negavit: = + 
Majoragii conſobrino longe proceſſit. ingenue tamen fateri ſe dicit, fe nun- A A 
Sed poſtquam homunculum unum, nullo quam auſum fuiſſe homini toto pectore 1 N 
comitatu, nullo ſervorum grege ſtipa- fidere, ejuſque ingenium tam occultum = S 
tum, et bene quidem literatum, ſed nullo efle ait, ut dubitet an Huttenus decem = © 
elegantiori cultu veſtitum reperit, erro- annorum converſatione illud pernoſcere 1 k 


rem ſuum jucundiſſune ridere cœpit, et 


potuiſſet. Sectendorf, 


OF ERASMUS. 


he ſays, by too many. 
Henry VIII had been informed, by ſome ſycophant, that Eraſ- 


mus had aſſiſted Luther in writing a book which was lately pub- 


liſhed, probably, Luther's reply to the King : but Eraſmus * cleared 
himſelf, as he tells Pirckheimerus, in a letter, which nn 
was written in 1523. 

Wolfgangus Rychardus, a German phyſician and a Lankan, 
in a letter to a friend, written about the year 1522, informs us, 
that Eraſmus was apprehenſive of being attacked by Melanchthon, 


and very unwilling to have any diſpute with him. I wiſh, fays 
he, that Melanchthon may be perſuaded to let him alone; for 1 


dare ſay that he will return by and by to his firſt —_ and be a 


good Lutheran. 


Eraſmus gave a * third edition of bis New 'T eſtament. He 


ſeems not to have ſeen at this 


u Eraſmum in dies magis frigeſcere, 
et quantum ego judicare poſſum, re- 
tractare latenter, quæ videatur olim li- 
berius vel dixiſſe, vel ſcripſiſſe, ægerri- 
me fero, et agnoſco puerilem metum, 
qui plus ve: etur hominum gloriam quam 
Dei. Cæterum tales Nicodemi apud 
nos in magno ſunt numero. Seckendorf 
L. I. p. 241. 

Neſcio an tibi ſeripſerim de tiges 
dia exorta in Anglia. Injecta erat Re- 
gi ſuſpicio me adfuiſſe Lutl ero in novo 
ludicro libello. Ea de cauſa miſi famu- 
lum. Is rediit omnibus feliciſſime geſtis. 
Rex excuſat ſe, et item Cardinalis. 
Amicis veteribus accrevit et amor et 
numerus. Donarunt famulo ſupra tri- 
ginta florenos. Principes omnes hor- 
tantur in Lutherum. Ego autem non 
ſeribam, aut ita ſcribam, ut qui pugnant 


time the 2 Bible, 


which 


pro regno Phariſaico malint me ſiluiſſe. 
Ep. 471. c. 1860. | 8 

Eſt apud nos Braſſicanus, perendie 
Ingolſtadium petiturus, ubi Græcas pro- 


fitebitur literas. Oſtendit mini hodie 


Epiſtolam Eraſmi, in qua conqueritur 


de fama ſuper Philippo, quod ille neſcio 
quid dentatis libellis moliatur : multum 


deprecatur Philippi odia. Velim, mi 
Joannes, ſi aliquando Philippum a bello 
Eraſmico dehortari poſſis, ne differas: 


redibit olim cum fœnore Eraſmus, et 


priſtini amoris memor, totus in Lutheri, 
imo Chriſti partem palam manibus pedi- 


buſque ibit. Amænitates Literariæ, T. J. 
p-. 306. 


2 See Maittaire II. 621. 

2 Il ſemble qu'il ſurvint encore quel- 
qu'autr: empechement qui en retarda la 
publication; car il eſt hors de doute, 


5 : que | 


311 


the » coldneſs and timidity of Eraſmus, W was imitated, as A. D. 1522. 


— 2 — - 


— r ˙rL—n—. 7. 
"_ 3 ͤ — — * 
\ 
„ 


tee 2 
— 2 —— 


— 
9 


S - * 4 25 — 8 
. 22 S * "So" - 
_ — os —— we gs Ae gs re — — nom ects. — 


312 
A. D. 1522. 


A. D. 1523. 


qui parut en 1527, ou il cite tres-ſou- 


THE LIFE 


which was then printed off, but probably not made public. 
Maittaire II. 2. ſpeaks of four editions of the New Teſtament 
of Eraſmus printed at Froben's preſs: but there were five, during 
the life of Eraſmus, of which the laſt was in the year 1 1533. 
Maittaire afterwards makes mention of it, II. 816, 

Whilſt Eraſmus dwelt at Baſil, he ſeems, on account of his 
bad ſtate of health, to have conſulted the famous phyſician Theo- 
phraſtus Paracelſus, who was for ſome time a Profeſſor in that 
city. Melchior Adam hath given us a letter of advice from 
this Doctor to Eraſmus, which contains a ſtrange 3 Jargon ; ; and a 
reply of Eraſmus to it, 


A. D. MDXXIiI.. Etat. Lvl. 


Adrian having received a ſecond copy of Arnobius, with a 
letter from Eraſmus, returned him an anſwer, telling him, that 
he ſhould be glad to hear his opinion concerning the method of 
quieting the Lutheran controverſy, and inviting him again to 
come to Rome. 

Eraſmus, in his reply, excuſed himſelf from the journey on 


account of his bad health, and of other impediments : but he 


certainly did not repoſe ſuch confidence in Adrian, as to throw 
himſelf into his hands. He added, that he had neither the 


talents nor the authority requiſite for anſwering Luther with any 


proſpect of ſucceſs. He complains equally of the Monks and of 
the Lutherans, and proteſts, that he had no inclination to join 
with the latter, to whom he could have done no imall ſervices, if 
he had been ſo diſpoſed. 1 5 . 


que fi Eraſme avoit eu connoiſſance de vent la Bible d' Alcala. Long. Matt 
cette edition en 1522, il s'en ſeroit ſer- taire II. 2, &e. 133, 816. 
vi dans la troiſieme edition du Nouveau See above, p. 49. 
Teſtament Grec, qu'il publia cette an- b Melchior Adam, 
nce, comme il le fit dans la quatrieme, e Appendix, 


- g 


$a J 

eb 1 

* x wo WY 

2 

* — 5 24 
a) 


I 


2 & 


: = = out fearing reptiſals. But the poor man had been pelted and in- 


OF E RAS MU 8. 


373 


He ſays elſewhere, that Adrian had offered | him a good A. D. 1523. 


3 but he refuſed it, not caring to lie under ſuch 
tions to the See of Rome, and perhaps caring as little to be in- 


volved in chapter- affairs, and connected with Ecclefiaſtics; 


Then he proceeds to the advice vhich he had'promiſed, 


1. He very honeſtly diſapproves all violent and cruel . 


and wiſhes that ſome condeſcenſion were ſhewed to the Lutherans. 
2. He thinks that the cauſes of the evil ſhould be inveſtigated, 
and ſuitable remedies applied; that then an amneſty ſhould enfue, 


and a general pardon for all that was paſt; and then the Princes 


and Magiſtrates ſhould take care to en innoua⁰¼ö oe: the 
future. 

3. He thinks it aut. to \ceftrgiia the libecty of the Kei | 
A ſtrange advice, indeed, from one who had made ſo much 


uſe of it himſelf! He would have been the very firſt to feel the 
ill effects of ſuch prohibitions, and the Ecclefiaftics woutd have 


abuſed him in their writings, ten times more than ever, with- 


ſulted with impudent Libels, and expected more of che dame 
kind; and this made him inconſiderately call for a 
which would have proved worſe than mer and he himelf 
afterwards was © ſenſible of it. 

Eraſmus, however, propoſeth his wound wih difidenes, and 
in a general way; and we nd obſerve the fame ſerve” wn 


caution upon this ſubject. l Þ; 


Certain it is, that the liberty of the bas in * country; hath 
been carried to the utmoſt degree of effrontery and licentiouſ- 
neſs by every vile unn, hips One * arrows: in the dark, 


2 8 N Wraps 


4 a Lagen quæ coercet la. im- Reendidme Aabsscts kaut in quoſlibet. 


probitatem, vehementer approbo: ve- Si quid reſpondiſſes, e, excudi. 


rum illud interim cavendum, ne lex Ep. 8 59. 


optima vertatur in exemplum peſſimum; e Optarim, /i fieri * t, etiam libel- 
id quod Lutetiæ fieri cœptum erat. Ali- lorum e Meute Lobi 
quot conjurati, calumniis ac mendaclis i. bat bn oh d n e 


| I 
f 
1 
| 
N 
i: 
| 


LEE = WE — 


py I . es at 


xy 
th 
N 
bi 
att 
bh 
4 
it 

4 
(| 


312 
A. D. 1522, 


THE Ur 


which was then printed off, but probably not made public 
Maittaire II. 2. ſpeaks of four editions of the New Teſtament 
of Eraſmus printed at Froben's preſs: but there were five, during 
the life of Eraſmus, of which the laſt was in the year 1535. 
Maittaire afterwards makes mention of it, II. 816. 

Whilſt Eraſmus dwelt at Baſil, he ſeems, on account of his 


bad ſtate of health, to have conſulted the famous phyſician Theo. 


phraſtus * Paracelſus, who was for ſome time a Profeſſor in that 


city. Melchior Adam hath given us a letter of advice from 


A. D. 1523. 


this Doctor to Eraſmus, which contains a ſtrange jargon; and a 
reply of Eraſmus to it. 


A. D. Mpxx111. Etat. Lv1, 


Adrian having received a ſecond copy of Arnobius, with a 
letter from Eraſmus, returned him an anſwer, telling him, that 
he ſhould be glad to hear his opinion concerning the method of 
quieting the Lutheran controverſy, and inviting him again to 
come to Rome. „„ 5 

Eraſmus, in his reply, excuſed himſelf from the journey on 


account of his bad health, and of other impediments : but he 


certainly did not repoſe ſuch confidence in Adrian, as to throw 
himſelf into his hands. He added, that he had neither the 
talents nor the authority requiſite for anſwering Luther with any 


proſpect of ſucceſs. He complains equally of the Monks and of 


the Lutherans, and proteſts, that he had no inclination to join 
with the latter, to whom he could have done no ſmall ſervices, it 
he had been ſo diſpoſed. Ee 4 

| | e 


que ſi Eraſme avoit eu connoiſſance de vent la Bible d'Alcala. Long. Mat- 


cette edition en 1522, il gen ſeroit ſer- taire II. 2, &e. 133, 816. 


vi dans la troiſieme edition du Nouveau See above, p. 49. 
Teſtament Grec, qu'il publia cette an- b Melchior Adam, 
nce, comme il le fit dans la quatrieme, Appendix. 


gui parut en 1527, ou il cite tres-ſou- 


1 


2 


OF ERASMUS. 


He fays allawhere, that Adrian had offered | him a ꝑodd A. D. 1523. 


Deanery; but he refuſed it, not caring to lie under ſuch obliga- 
tions to the See of Rome, and perhaps caring as little to be in- 
volved in chapter- affairs, and connected with Ecclefiaſtics, _ 
Then he proceeds to the advice which he had promiſed, 
1. He very honeſtly diſapproves all violent and cruel methods, 
and wiſhes that ſome condeſcenſion were ſhewed to the Lutherans. 
2. He thinks that the cauſes of the evil ſhould be inveſtigated, 
and ſuitable remedies applied; that then an amneſty ſhould enſue, 


and a general pardon for all that was paſt; and then the Princes 
and Magiſtrates ſhould take care to en eee ot the 


future. 5 
3. He chiols it 3 to \ceftrgin the liberty os the pres. 


A ſtrange advice, indeed, from one who had made ſo much 
uſe of it himſelf! He would have been the very firſt to feel the 


ill effects of ſuch prohibitions, and the Ecclefiaftics would have 
abuſed him in their writings, ten times more than ever, with- 
out fearing reptiſals. But the poor man had been pelted and in- 
ſulted with impudent Libels, and expected more of che fame 
kind; and this made him inconſiderately call for a 
which would have proved worſe than the beak, and he himſelf 
afterwards was * ſenſible of it. 

Eraſmus, however, propoſeth his un! with* difidenice, * 
in a general way; and we will n che fame eve” and 
caution upon this ſubj ect. 

Certain it is, that the liberty of + ys in hh country; bath 
been carried to the utmoſt degree of effrontery and licentiouſ- 
neſs by _ vile wh, ho! Do * arrows in che dark, 


81 D 18. 0 POS 


a: Legem, quæ coercet er im- eentidime: debacchabantut'in quoſhbet. 


probitatem, vehementer approbo: ve- Si quid e! en n. 
rum illud interim cavendum, ne lex Ep. 859. 

optima vertatur in exemplum peflimum; e Optarim, i feri po t, etiam libel- 
id quod Lutetize fieri ccptum erat. Ali- lorum cacti e Cohiy 
quot conjurati, calumniis ac mendagiis -beri. ii. 1 98 


373 


3 4 ——ͤ— ͤ 2 — 


314 | „ TRE LIF E ; 
A. D. 1523. Wraps: himſelf up in his obſcurity, and puts on what Homer call; | 
"Aides xu, and what you may call in Engliſh The Devil's Hel. | 
met. | Suppoſe an author were obliged to ſet his name to his 
works: Would not this be an eaſy and an effectual remedy.? It 
would indeed ſilence ſome, whoſe names are only fit to appear in 
the works of the Ordinary of Newgate, or who would have ſome 
regard left for their own reputation, or who would fear repriſals 
or wholeſome. correction. But then it might prevent ſome good 
advice, and ſome ingenious and uſeful works. The Provincial 
| Letters would probably never have appeared in France, nor the 
Difficulties and Diſcouragements in England, if the Authors had 
been obliged to make themſelves known. Beſides; we have ſome 
writers ſo exceſſively baſhful, that they cannot bear to ſee their 
own names in print, or to be tortured with the applauſe which 
the Public would beſtow upon them; and ſurely fach perſons 
deſerve to be humoured and indulged in this amiable infirmity, . 
4. Eraſmus adviſeth the Pope to give the world hopes that 
ſane faults ſhould be amended, which could no longer be juſti- 
fied: - At the ſweet name of Reformation, and of Liberty, men 
would begin to breathe more freely, and to expect better times. 
5. He would have him call nn Pais of integrity and 
abilities, and of all nations y 
Here Eraſmus breaks off in this middle of a fangs. n 
tending to ſay more at another time, if the Pope were willing 
to hear it. But he had already ſaid too much: Adrian utter! 
5 diſliked his advice, and his enemies at the Court of Rome ſeizce t“ 
upon this occaſion to try to ruin him. The Pope died ſon 
after, and this project was dropped, and Eraſmus eſcaped his —_ 
indignation. Ep. 649, 703, and 321. c. 1700, = | 
Fay He wrote a very long letter to Marc Laurin, Dean of St. Do- | 
natian, at Bruges, in which he ſpeaks of the calumnies which 
f In this letter he mentions Herman- thy friend. See his life in Med. 
nus Buſchius, as his learned and wor- Adam. r 


A > 


: ; | 1 
8 — ; ee F ww 
a e Q ” q 8 2 AT AS þ Iot FV res" 
2 N e . 
E 8 N 5 8 OO I dn OE Le TL RELLES 
- LE 


* 


O F ERASMUS. 


Louvain ; of his j journey to Baſil, which he undertook principally 


that he might attend in perſon upon another Edition of his New 


Teſtament ; and of the reaſons which he had to abide there. 
Although he knew that the Emperor had received moſt cour- 
teouſly his Paraphraſe on St. Matthew, and had ſpoken advan- 
tageouſly of him to the King of England at Calais, and that he 
had honours and preferments to expect, if he would attend upon 


Charles; yet he did not chuſe to come away from Baſil, not only 


on account of his bodily infirmities, but for fear leſt the Emperor 
ſhould order him to undertake a work , which he did not like. 


They call me, ſays he, to great honours, - as Glapio hath often 


aſſured me; and I know that the Emperor hath an affection for 
me; and yet it hath been ſaid, that I did not dare to ſhew myſelf 


| to him. If the mortified Saints, who thus belie me, had been 
in no greater fear and danger than I was of being ill received, 


they would have flown thither for preferment, like birds of prey. 
I had only one thing to fear, leſt He, to whom I could not with 
decency refuſe any thing, ſhould have laid his commands upon 
me to refute Luther. Not that I am a favourer of ſedition ; I, 


who by a kind of natural inſtinct do ſo abhor all ſorts -of quarrels, 


that, if I had a large eſtate to defend at law, I would ſooner 
loſe it than litigate. 


He adds, that he had alot a 4 of going to Rome, 


whither he was invited by many good friends. The Cardinal of 
Sion had offered, very courteouſly, both to defray the charges 


of the journey, and to ſettle upon him five hundred ducats a year. 


For this purpoſe he had proceeded as far as to Conſtance, and 


there fell ill of the gravel. He deſcribes the manner in which he 
paſſed his time there, and his return to Baſil. He ſpeaks jocoſely 
of the wine of Burgundy, without which he could not live; and 


then enters upon the old ſtory of Lutheraniſm, and of the endea- 
vours which had been employed to draw him into chat party. 
r e e 


4 
« 


315 


had been circulated at Brabant againſt him, ſince he had quitted A. D. 1 523· 


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e THE LIFE 
| | A. D. 1523. But of this enough hath been ſaid already. He blames * Luther 
| OW principally for his arrogant and cenſorious temper. But Luther, 


| enemies were-not one jot more humble and gentle than he; and 
1 repaid his inſults with uſury. The difference between their 
| 
5 


Es 


behaviour and his was, that they had been of old accuſtomed to 
invectives, and were in long poſſeſſion of them; and Luther wa 
| a novice, who was learning the exercife of the fame weapons. 
| And yet Eraſmus (as we may collect from many paſſages in his 
writings) did not in reality think Luther to be fach a railer, and 
ſuck an evil-ſpeaker, as he here repreſents him. He did indeed 
diſapprove his doctrines upon Free- uiii; "mt the Lutherans them. 
4 ſelves have rejected them. E | 
Ferdinand, brother of Charles V, prev the deſign of Eral. » 
mus to dedicate. to him his Paraphraſe of St. John, and wrote! 
him a moſt obliging letter upon the occaſion, Having receive! 
the book from Eraſmus, he returned him thanks, and ſent hin Ju 
a a preſent of an hundred ftorins of gold. Ep. 650, 651. : K 1 
EFraſmus commends Coricius, an Italian. Ep. 650. Bayle | 2 | Po 
hath collected a remarkable account of this learned and unfor- | 3 | i 
tunate man. Dict. Coxicrus. TH 
In the mean time Hutten, who had left Baſil, highly offended . 
at Eraſmus, was meditating horrible revenge, and preparing a¾ 
wrathful book. The friends of Eraſmus hearing of this, advi- 
1 ſed him to ſend Hutten a letter, and to diſſuade him from his FR pr 
| | purpoſe. Eraſmus therefore wrote to him, giving him an account au 
of the reaſons for which he had declined the interview, and telling 0 
him, that by attacking his old friend, he would both diſgrace Fi 
| himſelf, and rejoice all thoſe who were ſworn enemies to them — 
|; tt both. It was a very complaiſant and friendly letter: but Hutten, Se 
5 who was of a violent temper, would not yield to his advice,, ** 
and cenſured Eraſmus, wage 4 ner" things, for ſhewing i = | 
4 | much dic: 


pr. _— * F Co 
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way 


EE EE En. 


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28 


— _ 
WENT ns. = 


4 Eraſmus fepe dixit de Luthero: Een magnitudinem acrem medicun. 
Deus dedit huic paſtremæ atati proper Melch, Adam Vit. Luth. p. 78. 


3 


we ia £43 oe tHe EEE CL 14 od. 


OF ERASMUS. 


much regard to the Court of Rome. This highly provoked 


Eraſmus, and he anſwered the Invective of Hutten in a Tract 
intitled * Spongia, &c. But Hutten died much about the fame 


time at Zurich. 


"The moderate Lutherans greatly diſapproved Hutten's furious 


libel. Gerbelius, who was of the more violent ones, abhorred 
| | Eraſmus, 


h Spongiam meam nunquam ita mihi 


prædicabis, quin oſurus ſim, indignans 
his, qui miſerum huc perpulerunt. 


Eraſin. Ep. ad Viand. F. V. c. 234. 
i Subito ac præter omnem ſpem ex- 
ortus Ulricus Huttenus, ex amico re- 


pente verſus in hoſtem. — Hoc nemo 
ſeripſit in Eraſmum. hoſtilius—nam om 
nino res ipfa loquitur, Huttenum non 
alio conſilio ſcripſiſſe ſic in me, quam 


ut calamo jugularet quem gladio non 
poterat; et ut ſibi videbatur vir fortis, 
ſic cogitabat: Senieulus eſt, valetudi- 
narius eſt, meticuloſus et imbecillis eſt, 
mox efflabit animum, ubi legerit hæc 
tam atrocia, Hoc illum cogitaſſe, voces 
etiam, quas jactabat, arguebant, — Ego 
Hutteni Manibus, ubi mihi mors ho- 
minis eſt nunciata, animo Chriftiano 
precatus ſum Dei miſericordiam : et 
audio hominem ſub mortem deploraſſe, 
quod deceptus quorundam verſutia, la- 
ceſſiſſet amicum. Catal. Lucubr. 

« Spongiam Eraſmi legiſſe te arbitror. 


= —Hefftenus ſeripſit Scoto noſtro (This 


Scotus was Hutten's Bookſeller) expoſtu- 
lationem Hutteni ſupra modum diſ- 


= plicere Luthero et Philippo (namely, Me- 
laanchthoni) eſſeque nonnullos qui me 
dlcant ejus rei auctorem eſſe; ſed teſtis 
mini Scotus erit, me ne verbum quidem 


unquam ſuper hoc negotio cum Scoto 


contuliſſe; quanquam quid eſſet tandem 
flagitii, ſi diſſimulantem tamdiu impieta- 
tem quoquo modo evocaſſem? — Non 


credis (it ſhould be credas) item quam 


amarulenter Philippus cum Scoto ex- 


poſtulet ob excuſum ejus in Eraſmum 


judicium. Ita vel verentur eloquentiam 


hominis, vel diffidunt probæ cauſæ 81 
non ſatis damnavit Spongia doctrinam. 
Chriſti prædicatam a Luthero, quærant 


quæſo alios qui acrius inceſſent. Sed 
de his te audire volo. Epiſt. Gerbelii 
ad Schwebelium,. p. 55. 

De Eraſmo nihil aliud ſeio, quam 
quod infeſtus eſt Luthero. Idem, p. 60. 

In the ſame Collection of Epiſtles, 
Melanchthon, who loved both Eraſmus. 
and Luther, declares how ſorry he was 


that the contention between them con- 


tinued : 
Doleo Lutherum renovare certamen cum. 


Eraſino : ſed video hœc eſſe plane d yet y αν,p. 


K4&%4, p. 202. 


Eraſmus was well pleaſed to find, 
that both Luther and Melanchthon 
were offended at Hutten's behaviour: 


Damnat Lutherus fuctum; ſed Me- 


lanchthon mire odit Huttenum. Epiſt. 


ad Goclen, 


In. 


317 
A. D. 1523; 


— 
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LEY 2 ———— — — 2 ma — * 


— 


— . AAR oo penny ACIEE Er EESI 


318 


THE UrTY” 


A. P. 1523. Eraſmus, and was vexed to find, that not only Melanchthon, but 


Luther himſelf, blamed Hutten's inſolence and ferocity. 


Eraſmus, in his Spongia, propoſeth his ſcheme about pacify- 


In his letter to Botzem, he ſhews 
how favourably he had treated Hutten 
in his reply, called Spongia, and had 
paſſed over in ſilence his ſcandalous 
courſe of life; for he had been a ſpend- 
thriſt, a gameſter, and a fornicator, 
and had extorted money from the Car- 
thuſians, attacked ſome Eccleſiaſtics, 


and killed ſome Monks. 


Eraſmus edita paulo poſt hoc anno 
Spongia ſua, more ſuo tecte et caute 
oſtendit, quid conſilii fuiſſet capiendum, 
et quid optari potuerit pro bono Eccle- 
fix, Cum enim indicaſſet, quid in Lu- 


theri, ut vocat, paradoxis et vehemen- 
tia deſideret, et Lutheranos, qui ſibi 
ſpiritualem cognitionem vindicabant, 


commonuiſſet, ut cogitarent ſe quoque 
homines eſſe, 1iſdem malis obnoxios, 
quibus Pontifices et Principes, utque 
publicam non ſpernerent authoritatem; 


hac paræneſi ad Principes, Eccleſiaſti- 


cos nempe et Politicos, utitur : 


_« Rurſum Principes quamlibet po- 
ce tentes ac magni, ne averſentur veri- 


„ tatem Chriſti, a quamlibet humili 
& propoſitam : humiles erant et Apo- 
« ſtoli : pharmacum corpori profuturum 
<« accipimus ab obſcuriſſimo idiota, aut 
n muliercula, et animi medicinam 
„ reſpuimus ab humilioribus oblatam? 
« Submoveantur utrinque privatæ cupi- 
„e ditates, et communibus votis implo- 
<« retur Spiritus ille pacificus, ne mu- 
A tuis diſſidiis Chriſtiana res jam nunc 


* 


Ing 
ce in arctum contracta, penitus conci- 
c dat, ne ferarum ac piſcium ritu mu- 


ce tuis morſibus nos invicem lacerantes 
„ jucundum ſpectaculum præbeamus et 


e Satanæ, et Chriſtiani nominis hoſti. 
© bus. In omnibus articulis a priſcis 


c proditæ fidei conſenſus eſt. Cur ob 
< paradoxa neſcio quæ, quorum aliquot 
% ejuſmodi ſunt, ut ad plenum non poſ. 


“ ſint intelligi, quædam ejus generis, 


ut in utramque partem diſputari que- 
ant, nonnulla talia, ut non ita mul- 
tum momenti adferant ad mores emen- 
ce dandos, ſic tumultuetur orbis ? Tota 
c vita Chriſtianorum undique differta 
ce eſt bellis inſaniſſimis, tumultibus, la- 
< trociniis, jurgiis, odiis, obtrectationi- 
ce bus, fraudibus, dolis, luxu, libidini- 


ee bus, nihil uſquam fanum eſt, et omiſ- 


c {is omnibus digladiamur, an principa- 
c tus Romani Pontificis fit profectus ab 
c auctore Chriſto, Utraque pars alteri 
e ſe obtemperet. Obſequium parabit 
„ amicitiam, pervicacia tumultum gig- 
© net. Quis autem finis erit, ſi altera 


< pars nihil habeat niſi tumultus, rixas, 


et convicia, altera nihil niſi cenſuras, 
ce bullas, articulos, et incendia ? Quid 
* magni eſt homunculum alioqui mori- 
« turum in ignem conjicere? Docere 
c ac perſuadere magnum eſt, Ne pali- 
% nodiz quidem illæ magnopere movent 
% quenquam. Quis enim non fic inter- 
ce pretatur, Maluit pudefieri, quam ex- 
uri? Quam vero non plauſibile, quum 

« FEpilcopus 


[ RP" 


28 8 


© btw — — ——— | ek a 


OF ERASMUS. 


ing the religious differences ; and he had an intention to treat A. D. 1 523 


the ſame ſubject more * in the form of Dialogue. 


« Epiſcopus qui debebat docere Philoſo- 
« phiam Evangelicam, in his que ſunt 
« hujus mundi, pluſquam ſatrapes eſt; 
<« in his que ſunt fidei, nihil habet niſi 
ec articulos, carceres, carnifices, et in- 


«© cendium ? Non pudeat Epiſcopos ſer- 
ce vire charitati Chriſtiane, quod facere 


© non puduit Apoſtolos; non pigeat 
ce eruditos, Epiſcopis ſuum honorem 
ce reddere. Hoc interim conſilium de- 
ce derim utrique parti, ut neutri ad- 
dictus, ita utrique bene cupiens.“ 

Ne vero hæc ſolius Eraſmi conſilia 
fuiſſe exiſtimentur, teſtatur ipſe, in 
Epiſtola ad Jo. Bozemum ſcripta, ſe 


Marini Caraccioli, Hieronymi Alean- 
dri, (quem trilinguis eruditionis hoc 


tempore principem vocat) et Joannis 
Glapionis, imo et Georgii Saxoniæ Du— 


cis, et Montjoii ex Angliæ Proceribus 


hortatu, Diſputationem, ſive collatio- 
nem, tribus Dialogis, de negotio . Lu- 
theri, ſed ſuppreſſis ſive mutatis nomi- 
nibus, ſcribere cœpiſſe. 


In his (ait) Thraſymachus Lutheri 


<« partes agit, Eubulus diverſas. Primus 
« dialogus inquirit, an expedierit hac 
„via rem tractari, etiamſi Lutherus 
omnia vera ſcripſiſſet. Secundus ex- 
s cutit aliquot ejus dogmata. Tertius 
s oftendit viam, qua tumultus hic ita 
poſſit ſopiri, ut in poſterum non facile 
< repullulaſcat, Res peragitur inter 
| « duos, abſque convitiis, nulla conten- 
* tione, nullo fuco, tantum nude ſim- 
plex et ruſticana veritas proponitur; 


I 


Petrus 


c tanta æquitate, tantaque moderatione, 
ce ut majus periculum videatur ne mihi 
&« ſuccenſeat pars diverſa, videlicet leni- 
cc tatem meam interpretans colluſionem, 
quam Lutherus ipfe, ſi modo micam 
<« ullam habet ejus mentis, quam multi 


de illo pradicant : et ego certe gra- 


c tulor, ſi habet: opto, ſi non habet. 


« Video quibuſdam magis placere ſævi- 


„ tiam, ac per me quidem licebit ut 
e ſuum cuique judicium blandiatur, 
« Sxvire facilius eſt, ſed hoc mihi vi- 
« ſum eſt conducibilius. Si corporis 


<« affectio in uno quopiam membro ver- 


5 ſetur, fortaſſe profuerit cauterium aut 


c ſectio. Cæterum ubi malum per 


ce omne corpus fuſum eſt, ubi per inti- 
© mas venas ac fibras ſparſum eſt, for- 
cc taſſis aliquo Mercurio fit opus; qui 
* quemadmodum lethalem ſoporem ex- 
«emit ex omnibus membris Pſyches, 
„ ita paulatim ex intimis educat id quod 


s eſt noxium. 


Acddit poſtea: 


« Multa tamen intercurrerunt, quæ 
eme non patiebantur longius in opere 


© ccepto progredi, quam ad unam aut 


<< alteram pagellam, ut opus conceptum 
* fit magis quam cœptum: quanquam 


et alias ab hoc ſeripti genere natura 


& ſatis abhorreo. Odi cruenta diſſidia, 
“ Juſibus innoxiis magis capior, velut 


. © huc natus. Tum probe mihi con- 


& ſcius ſum, quantum Herculem hæc 
< res poſtulet, et quantulus ego ſim 
« Pygmæus. * prorſus nondum mihi 

ſatis 


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320 


THE LIFE 

Petrus Barbirius, Chaplain to Adrian VI, and one of the old 
friends of Eraſmus, commended this Pontif highly to him; 
which made Eraſmus hope, that Adrian might ſucceed in em- 
ing the religious conteſts, if he ſhould appear diſpoſed to ſhey 
clemency to Luther, and if the Germans ſhould find him in- 
clined to mend ſome things, which were offenſive to good men, 
ahd -enſnared the conſciences of Chriſtians, only to ſecure the 
profit of a few perſons : for would to God, ſays he, that Luthers 


repreſentations of the tyranny, avarice, and turpitude of the 


Roman Court were falſe | 
Io ſpeak in this ſtrain cannot be called flattering the Romiſh 


party: but he ſpares the Lutherans as little, I am greatly afraid, 


ſays he, that this will end in tumults. Evangelical liberty is the 
cry and the pretence ; but all have not the ſame point in view, 
There are, who under this plauſible plea want an unbounded 
licence to ſatisfy the luſts of the fleſh. There are, who envy the 


_ riches of the Eccleſiaſtics, and who conſuming their own patr- 


mony in drinking, whoring, and gaming, want to lay hands on 
the 0d of other people. There are, whoſe ſituation and con- 
dition 


« ſatis decretum eſt, an velim quod in- © cederet veritati et gloriæ Chriſti, Ha 
e ſtitutum eſt abſolvere. Quicquid fiet, © de re obtuli ſecretum conſilium meun 


non fiet temere : nee exibit omnino, 


4 niſi privatim lectum ac probatum ab 


his, quos maxime decet favere gloriæ 


« Chriſti; nam in hoc certe cudetur, 


« ft tamen cudetur unquam. Siquidem 
video partem utramque fic eſſe accen- 


* ſam, ut tota velit vincere, aut tota 
< perire. Porro altera devicta magnam 
_< Evangelicz veritatis ac libertatis rui- 


„nam ſecum trahet: altera non op- 
* primetur, niſi pernicioſiſſimo orbis 
tumultu, qui multos etiam innoxios 


„ involvet.” Ego malim rem ita com- 


** pom, ut utraque pars victoriam con- 


% Monarchis, fi jubeant exhiberi.” 
An Eraſmus perfecerit et ediderit que 

ccepifle ſe dicit, fateor me neſcire. 8 

exſtaret, luculentius forte quam ex om- 


nibus aliis ejus ſcriptis judicium ejus ha- 


beremus. Seckendorf L. I. p. 262. 
m He ſeems to allude to the com- 


plaints of grievances, which the Princes 


of Germany had ſet forth. 

» Nam quæ Lutherus ſcribit de ty- 
rannide, avaritia, et turpitudine Roma. 
næ fe, utinam, mi Barbiri, eſſent 


falſa! 


3 


— 1 


OF ERASMUS. 


are likewiſe ſome, who wiſh that the uſeleſs innovations, which 
are crept into the Church, might be corrected gradually, gently, 


and peaceably. When all is thrown into confuſion, each will 


ſeize what ſuits him beſt, as when a city is on fire. 


Some of theſe evils, which he prognoſticates, came to paſs 


accordingly in ſome places: but, in general, things did not go ſo 
ill as he apprehended ; as it may be feen in the Hiſtories of 
Sleidan, Seckendorf, Thuanus, Brandt, and Burnet. The Chri- 


ſtian ſocieties, which aroſe from theſe tumults, have been greatly 


preferable to the Chriſtian world, and to the ſtate of i it, for many 
ages before the Reformation. Ep. 653. 

Eraſmus republiſhed his book, De ratione vere Theohgie, which 
he had formerly dedicated to the Cardinal Archbiſhop of Mentz. 
But to this new edition he prefixed a new dedication to the Car- 
dinal. In the former he had greatly commended Hutten, who 
in thoſe days was in the ſervice of that Prelate ; and he had ſaid, 
that the Lives of the Saints, which the Cardinal deſired him to 


draw up, were ſo full of fables, that he begged to be excuſed 
from ſuch an undertaking, This ſecond addreſs is to be found 


Ep. 655; and the former in the fifth Volume of the works of 


Eraſmus. 
As the Monks ini ſpread the report in all places, 


that Eraſmus was a Lutheran, he takes as much pains in his let- 


ters to undeceive the public, and to fatisfy his friends, With 
this view he wrote to Henry VIII, and to the Pope's Legate in 


England. Cuthbert Tonſtd ſent him a letter, and exhorted him 


to anſwer Luther, againſt whom this Biſhop inveighs with won- 


derful violence. So Eraſmus could no longer withſtand the im- 


portunate ſolicitations of the Roman party, and'ſent word to the 
King of England, that he was drawing up a work againſt Luther 


but he adds, that he ſhould be obliged to depart from Germany 


before his work were . publiſhed, leſt he ſhould be killed by the 
— L Lutheran 


321 


dition is ſuch, that the public welfare muſt be their ruin. There A. D. 1523. 


322 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1523. Lutheran faction. Soon after, he ſent to the King, by a mel. 
ſenger, the beginning of the work. He ſaid, that it would not 
be poſſible to find an operator in all Germany, who would under. 
take the printing it, and that he muſt needs ſend it elſewhere 
Perhaps he had a mind to engage the King to be at the expence;̃ 
and perhaps he made it a kind of merit in himſelf to dare to 
dwell at Baſil, where he was ſo much expoſed to danger. Yet le 
certainly had nothing of that kind to fear in a city, where he 
had ſo many friends and admirers, and where the ſentiments of 
Luther did not ſo entirely, or ſo boiſterouſly prevail. On other 
occaſions he claims ſome merit from having the courage to attack 
Luther in his own head-quarters, in the middle of Germany, 

= 656, 657, 660. 

He wrote a letter to Silveſter * Prieras, one of Luther's antago- 4 
niſts, and a man for whom he had very little eſteem. He ſpeaks WM - 
in it with the utmoſt contempt of Stunica. He boaſts, that not 7 
only he was no Lutheran, but that he had done the party more : 
harm than even Aleander, who was their perſecutor. He had 

however the frankneſs and the ſpirit to tell Prieras, that Luther 4 
had taught many neceſſary things; but chat, as for himſelf, he 
hated ſchiſms. Ep. 664. 1 

At Chriſtmaſs he had ſo violent a fit of the gravel and cholic, 
that he was very near dying. He ſpeaks of it to his friend Pirck- 
heimerus, ſaying, that he wiſhed not for life, but for an eaſier 
departure from it, if it pleaſed God. Clemens VII had invited 

him to Rome; but at Rome, ſays he, there are many who want 
to deſtroy me, and they had almoſt accompliſhed their purpoſe 
before the death of Adrian. After having, at his own requeſt, 7 
communicated to him my ſecret opinion, I found that things BB 
were altered, and that I was no longer in favour. ; ; | 


The 


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OF FRASMUS. 


323 


The cauſe was manifeſt : Eraſmus had hinted at the neceſſity A. D. 1 523: 


of reformation ; and ſuch language was highly diſguſting at the 
Court of Rome. If Luther did not like Eraſmus, becauſe Eraſ- 
mus approved not in all things either his doctrine or his con- 
duct, the Court of Rome liked him as little, becauſe he did not 
condemn Luther in all things : but this Court thought it proper 
to give him good words and fair promiſes, and to try to entice 
him to Rome, where he would have been quite under her ſub- 


jection, and, at the beſt, a kind of priſoner at large. Ep. 668, 


646, 665, 703. | 
? This year the foreigners, hs had Eccleſiaſtical preferments 


in England, being double-taxed, Eraſmus, Polydore Virgil, and 


a very few others were excepted. _ 

« Wolſey publiſhed Pope Leo's Bull againſt Lather, and 
« ordered it to be every where publiſhed. He alſo required all 
« perſons, under pain of excommunication, to bring in all Lu- 


« ther's books that were in their hands. He enumerated forty- 


« two of Luther's errors. 

This ſhews the apprehenſions they were under of the ſpread- 
« ing of Luther's books and doctrine. All people were at this 
time ſo ſenſible of the corruptions — that every motion to- 
« wards a reformation was readily hearkened to every where. 
« Corruption was the common ſubject of complaint: and in 
the commiſſion given to thoſe whom the King ſent to repreſent 


„ himſelf and his Church in the Council of Lateran, the Refor- 
« mation of the Head and Members is mentioned as that which was 


expected from that Council. 

This was ſo much, at that time, in all men's mouths, that 
one of the beſt men in that age, Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, 
« 2 to = the Convocation with a ſermon, made that the 


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324 


A. D. 1523. 


THE LIFE 


Polydore Virgil wrote a very friendly letter to Eraſmus, offering 
him not only his good offices, but his money alſo, if he would 


pleaſe to accept of it. Ep. 326. c. 1703. 
Acdrian VI dying this year, Clemens, who was of the houſe 


of Medicis, ſucceeded him, and ſent to Eraſmus an honourable 


Diploma, accompanied with two hundred florins. 


« * Adrian being choſen Pope, came on foot to Rome. Before 
« he entered into the city, putting off his hoſe and ſhoes, bare. 
ce foot and bare-legged he paſſed through the ſtreets towards his 
« palace, with ſuch humility and devotion, that all the people 
„had him in great reverence and admiration.” 

This Pope was a learned man, and very deſirous of reforming 
the Church, not indeed in doctrine, but in manners and diſci- 
pline. He ſhewed no favour to men of polite literature ; he hated 
the poets; and they revenged themſelves by ſetting him in the 
worſt light, and ridiculing and reviling him upon all occaſions, 
On account of his religious zeal, and his deſire to correct ſome 


_ abuſes, * Pallavicini treats him as a Poor filly creature, not fit to 


be at the head of the Church. 

Adrian (ſays Jovius) gave me a Biſhoprick, becauſs he was in- 
formed that I was a learned man, a writer of hiſtory, and no 
poet. 
Spalatinus drew up a very curious s inventory of the ſacred Re- 
liques, which were preſerved in the Church of Wittenberg, in 
the year 1 523. They amounted in number to no leſs than 
19374. Frideric of Saxony, before Luther had opened his eyes, 


had been at the Nn to collect this elegant aſſemblage of Rari- 
ties. 


s Sleidan L. IV. Du Pin XIII. 71, | * Val. Andree Bibl. Belg. p. 116. 
87. Bayle HADRIEN, which is a very Mirzi Elog. Belg. p. 1. Bibl. Univ. 


good article, Seckendorf I. 285. Bur- XVI. 256. Scultet. Annal. ap. Von der 


manni Analecta Hiſtorica de Hadriano Hardt. Hiſt. Lit. Ref. P. V. p. 61. 
ſexto. Durand Hiſt, du XVI Siecle, t More's Life of More, p. 114+ 
T. III. p. 109. P. Jovius Vit. Hadri- u Seckendorf L. I. p. 252. 


c 


— . aa. 


' OF ERASMUS. =_ 


ties. See Seckendorf L. I. p. 221—223. But the Reliques and A. D. 1523. 

Indulgences lodged in the Churches of Hall were, if it be poſſible, * N 
fill more curious, and more ridiculous. Seckendorf pres a 

handſome ſample of them, L. III. p. 372. 

This year Aleander, aſſiſted by Egmond and Hochſtrat, at 
two Auguſtinian Monks to be burnt at Bruſſels for Lutheraniſm. 
They ſuffered with heroic conſtancy, and Luther compoſed a 
Hymn in their praiſe, which was ſung in the Reformed Churches, 
The charitable Catholics rejoiced at their death, and called them 
the Devil's Martyrs. Eraſmus had the courage to declare his 
diſlike of ſuch barbarous and unchriſtian proceedings; and obſerves, 

that the ſufferin gs of theſe men had A? over multitudes to 
Lutheraniſm. 
Jo give ſome check to the "RIAL? A ongſt other ſtra- 
tagems which were employed, one was the canonization of Benno 
by Pope Adrian. Benno was Biſhop of Miſna, in the eleventh 
century. His principal merit was, that he had been a rebel 
and a traytor, who ſided with Pope Gregory the ſeventh, called 
Hildebrand, and excommunicated his own lawful Prince, the 
Emperor Henry IV. His miracles were as follows: He ſhut 
the Emperor out of the Church, and flung the keys of the 
Church into the Elbe; but they were found in the belly of a fiſh, 
and reſtored again to the Prelate : he croſſed the river, walking 
upon it as upon dry ground: he turned water into wine: he 
cauſed a fountain to ſpring up, by ſtriking the ground with his 
foot: he ſaid Maſs in two places at once: he foretold to a Mar- 
quis, who had given him a blow on the face, that he ſhould die 
in a year's time, and it came to paſs accordingly : after his death 
he appeared in a dream to a Marquis, and ſtruck out one of his 
70 ; and wrought many other miracles, Luther wrote againſt 
this 


* Seckendorf L. I. p. 279, 281. Melch. Adam Vit. Luth. p. 60. | 
Spalatinus, in the Aman, Literar. T. IV. „ Seckendorf L. I. p. 28 55 286, 
p. 412. Von der — P. V. p. bo. Bayle BENNON, | 

1 


+ THE LIFE 


A. D. 523. this canonization, and treated Benno's miracles, as either human 
frauds, or Diabolical operations. Emſer, like a true champion, 
who ſticks at nothing, defended the cauſe of Benno againſt Lu- 
ther. He had written the life of this precious Saint ſome years 
e and had dedicated it to George of Saxony. 


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A. D. MDXXIV. 2 Atat. LVII. 


A. D. 1524, The Emperor, and his aunt Margaret of Auſtria, Governeſs of 
the Low Countries, invited Eraſmus to return to Brabant, and 
did not pay him his penſion. But in Brabant his capital enemies 
Hochſtrat and Egmond bare rule, and were Inquiſitors, and had 
already burned ſome perſons for Lutheraniſm, and longed to do 
him the ſame good office. The King of France invited him alfo 
to his dominions ; ; but that Prince was then at variance with the 

Emperor. 

Eraſmus wrote to Rome to the Cardinal of Sion, to give him 
hopes, that, though his indiſpoſitions had prevented his journey to 
Rome on the preceding year, yet he now would undertake it, as 
ſoon as the fine weather ſhould ſet in. He complains grievouſſy 
of Stunica, who, having been a little reſtrained by Adrian, had 
attacked him again, during the interregnum. He alſo defends 
ſome paſſages in his writings cenſured by Stunica ; but he hath done 
this more fully in an Anſwer to him. He adds, moreover, that 

he had ever ſubmitted his works to the judgment of the Catholic 

Church; and that if, before Luther had made his appearance, he 
had ſaid any thing capable of being miſinterpreted, he had cor- 
rected it in later editions. But, ſays he *, in both parties I ſee 
what diſpleaſeth me; in the one (the Romaniſts) much of the 


worldly ſpirit; in the other (the Lutherans) much of the ſeditious 
ſpirit. 


Who 


* In utraque parte video quod mihi ſpiritus, in altera multum ſeditioſi 
diſpliceat; in altera multum mundani | 


> 


H OF ERASMUS. 327 

Who doth not ſee that ſuch remarks as theſe muſt have given A. D. 1524. 
offence to the Court of Rome? And thus Eraſmus, whilſt he 
took ſo much pains to keep fair with the Pope, could not fail to 
loſe his favour; for the letters which he wrote to eminent and 
learned correſpondents could be no ſecrets. He was incapable 

either of diſſembling thoroughly, or of ſpeaking the truth fully, 
when and where it was dangerous. Ep. 667. | 

The ſame lamentations he pours out to his friend Bombaſio, 
repreſenting it as a hard and a cruel caſe, that at Rome he ſhould 
paſs for a Lutheran, he who in Germany Was accounted Anti- 
lutheraniſſimus. 

4 Although he was ſubject, and Counſellar to Charles V, he 
= could by no means approve the war, which this Emperor was 
preparing to wage with France, upon ſuch ſort of pretexts as 
E would furniſh occaſion for everlaſting wars. He was alſo much 
offended that the Pope ſhould make himſelf a party in it, he whoſe 
office it was to be the common father of all Chriſtians : and here 
and elſewhere he ſhews his equitable and pacific diſpoſition. 

What you write is very true, ſays he to Pirckheimerus, that 
Luther promotes many perſons. Luther makes Canons, Biſhops, 
and Cardinals, and enricheth others, whether they will or no: 
but then Luther beggers a great many, and me amongſt the reſt, 
to whom Margaret and the Emperor have promiſed the payment 

of my penſion but it is upon condition that I return into my 
own country. A hard condition ! for Egmond reigns there, a 
madman, armed with the inſtruments of death, who hates me 
twice more than he hates Luther. His collegue is one Hulſt, 
a ſworn enemy to learning. Theſe Inquiſitors firſt fling men into 
a dungeon, and then ſeek out for accuſations againſt them. Of 
theſe things the Emperor is ignorant, and yet it were to be 
wiſhed that he knew them. In the mean time five hundred 


florins are due to me: my penſion alſo, upon a Prebend which 1 
reſigned, is in no ſmall danger. 


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A. D. 1524. 


thanked him, and ſent him two hundred florins. Ep. 670, 084, 


men whom he had known and outlived, amongſt whom he 
- mentions * Reuchlin, and Petrus Marſus ; and repreſents himſelf 


THE LIFE 


If the Princes, who at that time favoured Luther, had acted 
generouſly, they ſhould have ſettled a handſome penſion upon 
Eraſmus, without infiſting on any conditions, but leaving him 
entirely to act and to write according to his own diſcretion, 
Perhaps, if he had been thus ſupported, he would have opened 
himſelf rather more freely. Ep. 669. 


Shortly after, he wrote a letter of congratulation to buen VII, 
and boaſts of his refuſing very preſſing ſolicitations to join him- 
ſelf to Luther. He alſo complains of Stunica, and ſends the 
Pope his Paraphraſe on the Acts of the Apoſtles. The Pope 


His * epiſtle to Gaver upon the death of Joannes Nævius is a 
very good one. He treats of ſudden deaths, and of the learned 


as preparing for his great change. He ſpeaks reſpectfully of 
Hieronymus Donatus, a Noble Venetian, whom he hath com- 
mended in his Ciceronianus; and of Joannes Laſcaris. Ep. 671, 


In his treatiſe de Ratione Studii, he prefers Conſtantinus Laſ- 
caris to all the Greek Grammarians, except Gaza. 


Joannes Laſcaris was one of thoſe, who made * epigrams 
againſt Eraſmus in favour of Budæus, for which he was much 
to blame. 


In the ſame Epiſtle he calls Zacharias be a very 
learned youth. | 


This 


a Appendix. _ © Hodius De Græc. Illuftr, p. 247. 

d There is a copious account of Eraſm. Ep. 212, 249, 335, 347, 301- 
Reuchlin, and of his friends and foes, Maittaire I. 286, &c. 293. Bayle Las- 
in Von der Hardt Hf. Lilo. Reform CARIs (JEAN.) 
P. II. p. 1—156. Hodius De Græc. Illuſtr. p. 240, 
< Bayle MAxsus. * Ep. 975, 1100. 

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thing; 


OF: ERASMUS, 


with other invectives of the ſame coarſe kind. To 

engage the Magiſtrates of Stratſburg to puniſh this printer, Eraſ- 
mus ſays of himſelf, that he had taken ſingular pains to advance 
the Goſpel, and that by ſo doing he had drawn much hatred 
upon himſelf. I have refufed, ſays he, advantageous offers from 
Princes, if I would write againſt Luther; nay, I have ſuffered 
| loſs in my own fortunes, rather than I would write according to 
other men's paſſions, and againſt my own conſcience. - Only I 
have refuſed to liſt myſelf in the party, for other reaſons, it may 
be, and becauſe in Luther's writings I found ſome things which 
I underſtood not, and other things which I approved not; and 
above all, becauſe I ſaw in that party certain perſons, whoſe 
' morals and defigns ſeemed to me very remote from the: Bun- 


gelical ſpirit. Ep. 674, 687. 5 
From this time Eraſmus affected much to cenſure the . 


of the Lutherans, as if the whole party had approved the bad 


behaviour of ſome particulars, or as if the ſame evil was not 
equally prevalent at that time, to ſay the leaſt, in the oppoſite 
ſide; as if the Popes, Prelates, and Cardinals were men of exem- 


plary lives and Apoſtolical manners, or as if it were a mere diſpute 
about morals! Eraſmus, it is true, ſpeaks of ſome Lutheran 
doctrines which he did not approve: but were there not as many, 


were there not more doctrines on the other ſide, which he a 


ſo little, that they ordered a great part of his 


celled, before they would permit the poor r 
be peruſed, as it appears from the Indices Expurgatorii. 


Uu - 


proved as little? and the Romiſh faction approved his ſentiments 
orks te be can- 


ainder even to 


329 

This year he wrote two preſſing letters to che Magiſtrates of A. D. 1524. 
Stratſburg, complaining of one Scottus, who had printed Hutten's 
libel againſt him, and was reprinting it, with ſatirical additions 
by ſome. other enemy, who treated Eraſmus as a deſerter of the 
faith, a man corrupted by bribes. to wage war with the Goſpel, 
a paraſite, who for a morſel of bread might be made to do.any 


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328 


N. D. 1624. 


THE LIFE 


If the Princes, who at that time favoured Luther, had acted 
generouſly, they ſhould have ſettled a handſome penſion upon 
Eraſmus, without inſiſting on any conditions, but leaving him 
entirely to act and to write according to his own diſcretion, 
Perhaps, if he had been thus ſupported, he would have opened 
himſelf rather more freely. Ep. 669. 


Shortly after, he wrote a letter of con gratulation to Clemens VII, 
and boaſts of his refuſing very preſſing ſolicitations to join him- 
{elf to Luther. He alſo complains of Stunica, and ſends the 
Pope his Paraphraſe on the Acts of the Apoſtles. The Pope 


thanked him, and ſent him two hundred florins. Ep. 670, 68, 


His epiſtle to Gaver upon the death of Joannes Nævius is a 
very good one. He treats of ſudden deaths, and of the earned 


men whom he had known and outlived, amongſt whom he 
mentions * Reuchlin, and Petrus Marſus; and repreſents himſelf 
as preparing for his great change. He ſpeaks reſpectfully of 


Hieronymus Donatus, a Noble Venetian, whom he hath com- 
mended in his Ciceronianus; and of Joannes Laſcaris. Ep. 671, 
In his treatiſe de Ratione Studii, he prefers * Conſtantinus Laſ- 


caris to all the Greek Grammarians, except Gaza. 


Joannes Laſcaris was one of thoſe, who made * epigrams 
againſt Eraſmus in favour of Budzus, for which he was much 
to blame. 


In the ſame Epi | he calls * Zacharias en a very 
learned youth. 


This 


Appendix. f eHodius De Græc. IIluſtr. p. 247. 
> There is a copious account of Eraſm. Ep. 212, 249, 335, 347, 301. 
Reuchlin, and of his friends and foes, Maittaire I. 286, &e. 293. me Las- 
in Von der Hardt Hf, Liter, Reform: CARIS ( JEAN.) 
P. II. p. 1—156. Hodius De Græc. Iuſtr. p. 240. 
< Bayle MARsus. * Ep. 975, 1100. 
® Bayle DoxATVs. > Hodius De Grec, Illuſtr, p. 337: 


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OF ERASMUS. 


329 


This year he wrote two preſſing letters to che Magiſtrates of A. D. 1 524. 


Stratſburg, complaining of one Scottus, who had printed Hutten's 
libel againſt him, and was reprinting it, with fatirical additions 
by ſome other enemy, who treated Eraſmus as a deſerter of the 


faith, a man corrupted by bribes to wage war with the Goſpel, 


a paraſite, who for a morſel of bread might be made to do any 
thing; with other invectives of the fame coarſe kind. To 
engage the Magiſtrates of Stratſburg to puniſh this printer, Eraſ- 


mus ſays of himſelf, that he had taken ſingular pains to advance 
the Goſpel, and that by ſo doing he had drawn much hatred 


upon himſelf. I have refufed, ſays he, advantageous offers from 
Princes, if I would write againſt Luther; nay, I have ſuffered 
loſs in my own fortunes, rather than I would write according to 


other men's paſſions, and againſt my own conſcience. Only 1 


have refuſed to liſt myſelf in the party, for other reaſons, it may 
be, and becauſe in Luther's writings I found ſome things which 


I underſtood not, and other things which 1 approved not ; and 
above all, becauſe I ſaw in that party certain perſons, whoſe 


morals and deſigns ſeemed to me very remote from the Evan- 
gelical ſpirit. Ep. 674, 687. 
From this time Eraſmus affected much to cenſure the morals 
of the Lutherans, as if the whole party had approved the bad 
behaviour of ſome particulars, or as if the ſame evil was not 
equally prevalent at that time, to ſay the leaſt, in the oppoſite 
fide; as if the Popes, Prelates, and Cardinals were men of exem- 


plary lives and Apoſtolical manners, or as if it were a mere diſpute 


about morals ! Eraſmus, it is true, ſpeaks of ſome Lutheran 
doctrines which he did not approve : but were there not as many, 


were there not more doctrines on the other fide, which he ap- 


proved as little? and the Romiſh faction approved his ſentiments 


ſo little, that they ordered a great part of his works te be can- 
celled, before they would permit the poor remainder even to 
be peruſed, as it appears from the Indices Expurgatorii. 


Uu Eraſmus 


339 
A. D. 1524. 


THE LIFE 
Eraſmus ob that Hedio and Capito, his old nctjuaine. 


ances, who were then Miniſters of the Goſpel at Stratſburg, would 1 
ſecond his complaints to the Magiſtrate: but he found himſelf 


quite miſtaken, and complains heavily of it. Theſe men began 


to grow more cold in their regards for Eraſmus, ſeeing that 
though he had ſo often declared and perſiſted in it, that the 
Church wanted reformation, yet he himſelf would run ho riſque 
to forward the good cauſe, but was willing to lie ſtill and hold 
his peace, if the Pope and his Prelates required it, and was 
reſolved not to ſeparate himſelf from their communion, how- 
ſoever they acted. Eraſmus indeed ſaid, and ſaid again, that he 
loved and favoured the Goſpel ; but they did not believe him, 
whilſt they ſaw him pay his court to thoſe who abhorred all 
amendments. ' Perhaps alto they thought it not amiſs to pique 
him a little, and rouſe him, and PRA his diffident conduct, 
either to oblige him to ſpeak out more openly, or to diminiſh 


his reputation and authority, if he remained attached to the 


Papiſts. Thus they ſhewed little to his Wr 


and remonſtrances. Ep. 725. 


Eraſmus, as it ſeems, to extort the payment of his penſion, as 
he was Counſellor to the Emperor, had written to the Court of 


this Prince, or to Brabant, that he was invited very kindly to the 


Court of France, and that if his penſion were not paid, neceſ- 
ſity would compel him to accept of this offer. Margaret, and 
Carondelet Archbiſhop of Palermo, ſeem to have taken offence 
at it; and wrote to him in ſuch a manner, that he thought him- 
ſelf obliged to ſend a letter of excuſes. To reply at the ſame 
time, fn he, to your letter, and to that of the moſt Illuſtrious 
Margaret, they are not, as you may fancy, mere compliments, 


and words without deeds, which the French have offered me. 


The 


* Sleidan L. XV. 399. Thuanus treatiſe of Eraſmus De preparatione al 
L. XI. p. 349. Melch. Adam. mortem. 


Hedio tranflated into German the 


OF E RAS MUS. 


331 


The Biſhop of Paris long ago, whilſt he was "embaſſador at A. D. 1 524. 


Bruſſels to Charles, not as then Emperor, beſides the King's 
bounty and all my charges, offered me from himſelf four hundred 
crowns of gold, aſſuring me that 1 ſhould be maſter of myſelf 
and of my own time, and that my liberty ſhould ſuffer no 
diminution. 


My abſence cannot properly be called abſence, at a time where- 


in I am preſent with you as an author, and have publiſhed fa 


many volumes; works which I could not have-accomplithed, had 

I refided with you. 
miſed me, that my penſion ſhould be aſſured to me. 
you add, that I ought not to go to F rance, leſt I ſhould ſeem to 
throw myſelf into the arms of your enemies, to tell you the truth, 
could not forbear ſmiling. As if Eraſmus were a warrior! 1 
have ever preached up peace to Chriſtian Princes. 
France informed me, by a meſſenger, of the reaſons for which 
he fo often invited me. He hath a deſign to found at Paris a 
College for the three learned languages, like that at Louvain, and 
he thought me a proper perſon to conduct the affair. Yet I ex- 
cuſed myſelf from the undertaking, becauſe I knew how much 


hatred and trouble I had incurred from the Divines, on account 
of the College of Buſleiden. 


livres (he ſays elſewhere, five hundred crowns) was ready for me. 

I have not as yet been very chargeable to the treaſury of my 
own Prince, for my penſion from the Court hath been paid only 
once: as for the other penſion, the treaſury is not concerned in 


it. I live here at great expence, becauſe of my bad health and 


my frequent illneſſes, and I never was a good economiſt. I have 
contracted ſeveral debts ; ſo that if my health would, my creditors 
perhaps would not, permit me to depart, I wiſh therefore, if it 


were poſſible, that my ſervant, whom I ſend, might receive one 


year of my penſion, to aſſiſt me in my neceſſities, But whether 
Un | = EQ With 


And when I departed, the Treaſurers pro- 
But when 


The King of 


Y My ſervant, on his return from 
| France, aſſured me by certain proofs, that a place of a thouſand 


332 


THE LIF E 


A. D. 1524. with, or whether without a penſion, 1 ſhall ever remain the 


Emperor's faithful ſervant, and will trouble you no more about 


ſuch trifles. 


After having thus ſet forth his wants, he lays before the 
Archbiſhop, as before a friend, his unwillingneſs to return to 
the Low Countries. You know, ſays he, how many quarrels] 
have had with ſome Divines, even before Luther appeared, on 
account of the Belles Lettres. Now they have put a ſword into 
the hands of two the moſt inveterate enemies to that cauſe, 
namely, Hulſt and Egmond. All the world knoweth what. 
ſort of a creature that ſame Egmond is, and he hath long ſhewed, 
and continues every day to ſhew how implacably he hates me. | 
publiſhed ſeveral books before the name of Luther was heard, 
and my enemies have not been able to pick any thing out of 
thoſe books which agrees with Lutheraniſm, (in all reſpects, he 


muſt mean.) And yet how eaſy is it for an enemy to lay hold 
on ſomething there to calumniate me, eſpecially if he proceeds 
according to your true Theological methods? When theſe Saints 


want to do any one a miſchief, firſt they clap him in prifon, and 
then his affair is decided by a few confederates, who are judges 
and parties. There the moſt innocent man alive muſt ſuffer the 
vileſt treatment, leſt their authority ſhould ſuffer : and when 
they have been totally miſtaken, they cry out, that the ſide of 
religion muft always be favoured ! 

This ſtate of things, as Eraſmus owns, diſguſted him, and 
diſheartened him from adventuring his perſon in the Low Coun- 
tries, and eſpecially during the abſence of his Patron the Em- 
peror. He adds, that Campegius, who was then at Nuremberg 
on account of the Lutheran affairs, had called him thither; but 


that 


Res agitur iſthic prorſus ordine indigna pati, ne quid illis decedat aucto- 


Theologico. Homo, cui male volunt, ritatis. Ubi tota aberratum eſt via, 


rapitur in carcerem; ibi inter paucos clamant, favendum elle negotio fidei, 


tranſigitur negotium, et innoxius debet 


OF ERASMUS. 229 


FID 

that if he could get excuſed from waiting upon him, and pay the A. D. 1524. 
debts contracted at Baſil, he would repair to Brabant, as ſoon as 
he ſhould have no cauſe to fear the bad effect of the German 
ſtoves, which incommoded him exceſſively. = | 
It was eaſy to apprehend, that if things remained in the preſent | 
oſture, Eraſmus would abſent himſelf from the Low Countries, 
and that, if other reafons ſhould be deemed unſatisfactory, his 
gravel, from which he was never quite free, would ſerve for an 
excuſe. 
2 Egmond had publiſhed a bet againſt him in Holland, which 
EZ Eraſmus thoroughly refuted in an epiſtle, addrefled to Nicolas t ” 
= Everard, Preſident of the Court of Holland. Amongſt other | wo | 
things, he fully and clearly proves, that all Chriſtians ought to 
be allowed to read the holy Scriptures. Ep. 679. 
Some time after, he received a letter from George Duke of | | 
Saxony, who both exhorted him to write againſt Luther, and | 
deſired him to name a perſon fit to ſucceed Moſellanus, Greek . = 
Profeſſor at Leipſic, lately deceaſed : but George wanted one | 
who was not infected with Eutheraniſm. Ep. 680. | 

Eraſmus. went not to Nuremberg; but Campegius ſent a mef- 
ſenger to Baſil, to conſult him, and receive his advice concerning ; 
the proper methods of appeaſing the diſorders of Germany, which | 
Eraſmus communicated, but confeſſed that he ſaw not how 
they could be appeaſed, conſidering. the methods which were 
then purſued. In my country, ſays he, in Holland, the Nuns | 
elope from their cloiſters, and marry in the Lord. Egmond the 
Carmelite hath been turned out of office by the Pope and the 27 : 
Emperor. His collegue Hulſt hath hardly eſcaped the halter. — 
Literature flouriſhes in ſpite of the Theologers. They cry out 
amain that Eraſmus is an heretic; and no man believes them. 
Martin Luther hath ſent me a letter civil enough, by one Joachim, 
(Camerarius) to Which 1 dared not to reply with equal civility, 

for. N 

Val. Andreæ Bibl. Belg. p. 621. Miræi Elog. Bolg. p. 74. Melch, Adam. 


387 


and. expreſſion, and faults in 


©. * Of the cauſes which impelled Eraſ- 


THE LIFE 


A. P. 2524. for fear of the Calumniators: yet I anſwered 1 in few' words: Me. 


lanchthon, as I am informed, would gladly have a conference 


with me, but is loth to expoſe me to any hatred and ovloquy, | 
which however on ſuch an occaſion: I ſhould have deſpiſed. He 
3s a youth of great candor. Eraſmus then complains that ſome 


Lutherans wrote againſt him, as well as Stunica, and that Eppen.. 


dorf, who pretended to be his friend, was in the cabal. This 
perhaps was a mere ſuſpicion : but there is ſome room to doubt, 
whether he would have been glad of a viſit from Melanchthon, 


who with all his nuldneſs and candor. was little leſs hated than 
Luther by the Romaniſts. Ep. 684, 713. 

Eraſmus * wrote to Richard Bere, deſiring his Shih and 
treating him with great reſpect. Bere was Abbot of Glaſſenbury, 
and a conſiderable benefactor to that Monaſtery. He had been 
a benefactor to R. Pace. He went once to Italy it in a public 
character. He died in 1524. Ep. 700. 

It appears from Ep. 689, that certain Italian Critics e Phi- 
lologers, whom Eraſmus afterwards rallied in his C:ceronzanus, be- 
gan at this time to cenſure in his works ſome defects of ſtyle 
points of Grammar and Criticiſm, 
Some paſlages Eraſmus defends againſt their attacks ; but he owns 
that he had ſlipped here and there, either by writing haſtily, or 


for want of neceſſary ſuccours. It was very eaſy for men of great 
 leifure, who themſelves compoſed either nothing at all, or very 
little, to find errors in the voluminous works of Eraſmus ; but it 


was not in their power to write things equally learned, uſeful, 
lively, and agreeable. | 

In this Epiſtle, Eraſmus pretends that 1 Wend have paſſed 
his winter at Rome, if the plague had not deterred him; and 
ſays, that his tract De Libero Arbitrio was in the preſs. We 
ſhall ſee hereafter how he excuſed himſelf to the * Lutherans for 


for having attacked their Patriarch. It 


m Knight, p. 218. 


| mus, contrary to his inclination, to write 
Du Pin XIII. 97. 


againſt Luther, ſee Seckendorf L. I. 
p. 308, &c. 


OF 'ERASMUS. Tay 
It may ſuffice to obſerve here in general, that Luther Was an A. D. 1524. 
_ * Auguſtin, and, like the Thomiſts, held a phyſical 
predetermination, which entirely ſubverts human liberty, and 
| which; under the pretence of making the creature dependent 
upon the Creator, deprives it of all active powers, ſo that it can 
do nothing without being neceſſarily determined by the influence 
of God. If there was any difference between Luther and the | 
Thomiſts of the Church of Rome, it was this, that Luther ſpake | 
more ſimply and fincerely and openly than they ; for he abſolutely 
= denied that there was any ſuch thing as free-will, whilft they 
= admitted it in words. This perhaps deceived Eraſmus, who — 
imagined that he was only diſputing againſt Luther, whilſt he . 
Was really diſputing as much againſt Thomas Aquinas and his — | 
& followers, as againſt the Reformer. Be that as it will, Eraſmus | 
= makes many good remarks againſt the ſentiment which he oppo- 
8 fs, and juſtly inſiſts upon it, that the human will cooperates 
with the grace or aſſiſtance of God. Vet they who ſhall care- 
fully peruſe the writings of Eraſmus upon this ſubject, and are 
tolerably ſkilled in the controverſy, will ſee that he had not the : | 
cleareſt and the preciſeſt notions, - But then it muſt be confeſſed, 
that the ſubject itſelf is obfcure, and hath embarraffed thoſe who 
had ſtudied philoſophy more than he. He very dextrouſly and 
artfully choſe this point of diſputation, that he might appear to 
the Romaniſts to write againſt Luther, and yet that he might 
avoid cenſuring his other doctrines oppoſite to the Roman Church; | L 
and he ſo managed the point, as to abſtain from all rudeneſs and | 
malice againſt Luther, and to act quite differently from the a 
Monks. And indeed, as the Court of Rome was very little ö 
obliged to him for this work, ſo the Lutherans did not diſdain 
8 His advice upon this point of controverſy, and made a ſober uſe 
of it afterwards, departing from the extreme into which the 
theology of Thomas Aquinas had betrayed their Reformer. To 
attack Luther upon che ſingle point of liberty and neceſlity was, 


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336 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1524. in an oblique and indirect way, to allow him ſuperior to his 


adverſaries in other reſpects; and the Lutherans ought to have 
thus underſtood it. Ep. 715. 


Le Clerc ſuppoſes that Luther was a Thomiſt: but from 
” Seckendorf's accurate hiſtory, we learn that Luther abhorred 
Ariſtotle, and deſpiſed the School-men in general, and in parti- 
cular both the Thomiſts and the Scotiſts. If he was a favourer 


of any Scholaſtic ſect, it was that of * Occam, whom he eſteemed, 
Therefore I think that Luther learned his notions of fataliſm 
from St. Auguſtin, whom he had carefully peruſed, of whom 
he had a very high opinion, and by whom he had been taught 
to think ill of the Pelagians. He alſo miſunderſtood and miſ- 


applied ſome paſlages in St. Paul's Epiſtles, which in thoſe days 


were not ſo fully cleared up, as TP . been ſince. 


Luther 


P Vol. I. p. 31—36, 103, 118. 


7 Occam, ſays Father Paul, is a 
very judicious writer, excepting the 


barbarouſneſs of his ſtyle. I have ever 
valued him above all the School- men. 
Letters of F. Paul, p. 412. 


ce The Terminiſts were Sectaries in 


<« the high Schools, among whom 1 


<« was. They oppoſe the Thomiſts, 
cc the Scotiſts, and the Albertiſts: they 


cc are called alſo Occamiſts, of Occam 
& their firſt beginner and founder. 
«They are of the neweſt ſea, and 
nov are the ſtrongeſt in Paris,” Lu- 
ther's Colleq. Menſal. p. 354. 


I will here add two or three paſſages 


out of theſe Colloguies : © I am perſua- 
** ded, ſays Luther, of all thoſe of 


_ * whom the Scripture ſaith, And he flept 


* with his fathers, that they are all in 
heaven: for this word /eep ſheweth 


& ſome good in the Scriptures,” p. 361. 
« Your ſon, ſays Luther to a diſcon- 
c folate father, is well provided for; 


< he liveth now with Chriſt, O 


ec would to God that I had finiſhed my 
c courſe; I would not wiſh me here 


again,“ p. 402. See above, p. 122. 
He banters the faſtings of the Monks 


in thoſe days: Their faſting is more 


cc eaſy to them, than our eating is to 
“ us. To one faſting day belonged 
< three days of devouring. Every Frier, 


to his evening collation, hath two 


& quarts of beer, a quart of. wine, ſpice- 
& cakes, or bread prepared with ſpice 
„and ſalt, the better to reliſh their 
« drink. Thus went theſe poor faſting 
< Brethren ; they grew ſo pale and 
<« wan, that they were like to the fer) 
& Angels,” p. 413. 


__” 
8 

1 
Mt 


A 
" 


conſortium pellicerentur, 


6% 5 
* 


OF ERASMUS. 


Luther * and Eraſmus were in the ſame condition and ſitu- A. D. 1 


ation, in one reſpect. They had innumerable adverſaries, and 
for the moſt part extremely contemptible. 


Eraſmus wrote at the ſame time to * Aleander, excuſing him- 
elf for having ſpoken of him as of an enemy, and declaring 


Quanta in Lutherum veluti grando 
convitiorum ceciderit, ipſe quidem non 
diſimulat; quanquam verum eſt, ad- 
verſarios ei pleroſque rudes et inficetos 
contigiſſe, quos ingenio longe ſuperabat. 
Eraſmum inter paucos excipio, qui ſtylo 


et politiori literatura potior, eaque ele- 


gantia et moderatione affectuum ap- 


plauſum captans, ita ſcripſit, ut nemi- 


nem Lutheri cauſe magis nocuiſſe ex- 
iſtimem. De hoc ipſe quidem Eraſmus 
gloriatur, quanquam exigua ab Eccleſia, 
cui adhærebat, gratia. Nolo repetere, 
quæ ſupra notavi, opus fuiſſe immiti 
Prælatorum caſtigatore, ut Eraſmus ipſe 
non diffitetur, Epiſtola ad Melanchtho- 
nem. Nam eventu comprobatum eſt, 
quotidieque adhuc comprobatur, quod 
fruſtra idem Eraſmus ſperaverit, ut tem- 


perata libertate Pontifices et Reges ad 


hujus negotii (reformationis nempe) 
Quod vero 
in iiſdem literis optat Eraſmus, ut Lu- 
therus tam cito poſſet Pontifices et Prin- 


cißes ad E vangelice pietatis ſtudium con- 
vertere, quam in vitia illorum fortiter 


debacchari; id profecto ipſe Lutherus 
anxic deſideravit, imo cum non ſucce- 
deret, quam pluſquam omnia intende- 
bat, vitæ et morum, etiam in illis locis 
ubi purior doctrina prædicabatur, cor- 
rectio, nemo vehementius de malo illo 
queſtus eſt, Virtus verbi, inquit Epiſt. 


himſelf 


ad Langum, adhuc latet, vel nimis mo- 
dica eft in omnibus nobis, quod miro: 
valde. Sumus enim iidem, qui antea, 
duri, inſenſati, impatientes, temerarii, 
ebrii, laſcivi, contentigſi; ſumma, ſymbo- 
lum illud et inſgne Chriſtianorum charitas 
nuſquam prodit, et fit illud Pauli : Reg- 
num Dei habemus in ſermane, non in vir-= 
zute, De Monachis vero cucullum exu- 
entibus ita loquitur: Video Monachos 
ugſtros multos exire nulla alia cauſa, quam 
gua intraverant, hoc ęſt, ventris et liber- 
tatis carnalis gratia, per quos Satanas 
magnum frtorem in naſtri verbi odorent 
Bonum excitabit. 8 

Mirum ſane non fuit, multos qui in 
Monaſteria temerario conſilio ingreſſi 
erant, haud meliori egreſſos, et inique 
poſtulari ab adverſariis, ut ſancti repente 
evaderent Luthero concionante, quos 
per tot annos peſſima docuerant, et 
pravis moribus viventes diſſimulaverant. 
Interim non deerant ex deſertoribus illis, 
qui vere reſipiſcerent, nec per alios ma- 
gis doctrina Evangelica in tot regnis et 
provinciis propagata fuit, &c. 
dorf L. I. p. 199. 

* In his anſwer to Albertus Pius, 
written in 1529, he thus ſpeaks of 
Aleander : | 
Jam qui cenſorium diploma detulit, 
illico ſpargebat has voces apud ſuos, Ni- 
hil egerimus, niſi prius exſtincto Eraſino. 

X xX Conſtanter 


Secken- 


337 


524. 


336 


to think ill of the Pelagians. 


THE LIFE 


A D. 1524. in an oblique aud indirect way, to allow him ſuperi "i 
adverſaries in other reſpects; and ou n. ben to have 
thus underſtood it. Ep. 715. 


Le Clerc ſuppoſes that e was a | Thomiſt: bt his: from = 


C Seckendorf's accurate hiſtory, we learn that Luther abhorred 

| Ariſtotle, and deſpiſed the School-men i in en and in parti. 
cular both the Thomiſts and the 8 If he was a favourer 
of any Scholaſtic ſect, it was that of Occam, whom he eſteemed, 


Therefore I think that Luther 


from St. Auguſtin, whom he had carefully peruſed, of whom 
he had a very high opinion, and by whom he had been taught 
He alſo miſunderſtood and mi- 
applied ſome paſſages in St. Paul's Epiſtles, which in oc days 
were not ſo Wig cleared pe en th * beam ſince. 1 


y Vol. I. p. 31—36, 103, 118. 


Letters of F. Paul, p. 412. 
c The Terminiſts were Scales in 


the high Schools, among whom 1 


c was. They oppoſe the Thomiſts, 
ce the Scotiſts, and the Albertiſts: 


& are called alſo Occamiſts, of Occam 


«© their firſt beginner and founder. 
* They are of the neweſt ſect, and 
now are the ſtrongeſt in Paris.“ Lu- 
ther's Colleq. Menſal. p. 354. | 
I will here add two or three paſſages 


out of theſe Colloguies: I am perſua- 


* ded, ſays Luther, of all thoſe of 
whom the Scripture ſaith, And be flept 


heaven: for this word fleep ſheweth 


ce ſome good in the eas 361. 

4 Occam, ſays Father Paul, is a 
very judicious writer, excepting the 
barbarouſneſs of his ſtyle. I have ever 
valued him above all the School- men 


« he liveth now with Chriſt, O! 
men. would to God that I had finiſhed my 


they ec eafy to them, than our eating is to 
< us. To one faſting day belonged 


( cakes, or bread prepared with ſpice 
and falt, the better to reliſh their 


wan, that they were like to the fir) 


with his fathers, that they are all in «+ * Angels,” p. 413: 


learned his notions: of fataliſm 


"Fs 


_ « Your ſon, ſays Luther to a diſcon | 
4c folate father, is well provided for; 


<« courſe; I would not wiſh me here 
<© again,” p. 402. See above, p. 122. 

He banters the faſtings of the Monks 
in thoſe days: Their faſting is more 


te three days of devouring. Every Frier 
«© to his evening | collation, hath two 
* quarts of beer, a.quart of. wine, ſpice- 


drink. Thus went theſe poor faſting 
6 Brethren ; they grew ſo pale and 


OF ERASMUS. 


Luther and Eraſmus were in the fame condition and ſitu- A. D. 1 52 


ation, in one reſpect. They had innumerable adverfaries, and 
for the moſt part extremely D Apo 


Eraſmus wrote at the ſame time to Aleander, excuſing him- 


ſelf ivr having ſpoken of him as of an — and declaring 


Quanta in Lane velut grando 


convitiorum Ceciderit, ipſe quidem non 


difimulat ; quanquam verum eſt, ad- 
verſarios ei pleroſque rudes et inficetos 
contigiſſe, quos ingenio longe ſuperabat. 
Eraſmum inter paucos excipio, qui ſtylo 
et politiori literatura potior, eaque ele- 


gantia et moderatione affectuum ap- | 


plauſum captans, ita ſcripſit, ut nemi- 
nem Lutheri cauſe magis nocuiſſe ex- 
jiſtimem. De hoc ipſe quidem Erafmus 
_ gloriatur, quanquam exigua ab Eccleſia, 
cui adhærebat, gratia, Nolo repetere, 
que ſupra notavi, opus fuiſſe immiti 
Prælatorum caſtigatore, ut Eraſmus ipſe 
non diffitetur, Epiſtola ad Melanchtho- 
nem. Nam eventu comprobatum eſt, 


quotidieque adhuc comprobatur, quod 


fruſtra idem Eraſmus ſperaverit, ut tem- 
perata libertate Pontifices et Reges ad 
hujus negotii (reformationis nempe) 
conſortium pellicerentur. Quod vero 
in iiſdem literis optat Eraſmus, ut Lu- 
therus tam cito poſſet Pontifices et Prin- 
cipes ad E vangelice pietatis ſtudium con- 
vertere, quam in vitia illorum fortiter 
debacchari ; id profecto ipſe Lutherus 


anxie deſideravit, imo cum non ſucce- 


deret, quam pluſquam omnia intende- 


bat, vitæ et morum, etiam in illis locis 


ubi purior doctrina prædicabatur, cor- 
rectio, nemo vehementius de malo illo 
queſtus eſt. Virtus verbi, inquit Epiſt. 


himſelf 


ad Langum, adhuc latet, vel nimis mo- 
dica eft in omnibus nobis, quod miror 
valde. Sumus enim iidem, qui antea, 
duri, inſenſati, impatientes, temerarii, 


ebrii, laſcivi, contentigſi; ſumma, ſymbo- 
lum illud et inſigne Chriſtianorum charitas 


nuſquam prodit, et fit illud Pauli : Reg- 


num Dei habemus in ſermone, non in vir- 


tute, De Monachis vero cucullum exu- 
entibus ita loquitur: Video Monachos 


noſtras multos exire nulla alia cauſa, quam 
qua intraverant, hoc eſt, ventris et liber- 
tatis carnalis gratia, per quos Satanas 


magnum fetorem in naſtri verb: odorem 
bonum excitabit. 


Mirum ſane non fuit, multos qui in 


Monaſteria temerario conſilio ingreſſi 


erant, haud meliori egreſſos, et inique 


poſtulari ab adverſariis, ut ſancti repente 


evaderent Luthero concionante, quos 
per tot annos peſſima docuerant, et 
pravis moribus viventes diſſimulaverant. 


Interim non deerant ex deſertoribus illis, 


qui vere reſipiſcerent, nec per alios ma- 
gis doctrina Evangelica in tot regnis et 
provinciis propagata fuit, &c. Vel. 
dorf L. I. p. 199. 

In his anſwer to Albertus Pius, 
written in 1529, he thus ſpeaks of 
Aleander: 

Jam qui cenſorium diploma detulity 
illico ſpargebat has voces apud ſuos, N:- 
hil egerimus, niſi prius eſtincto Eraſmo. 

Xx Conſtanter 


337 


- IX. 2 N= 
J 1b Tt £45) © ESE 


338 


THE LIFE 


A.D. 1524, himſelf well diſpoſed to a reconciliation, and yet ſhewing him, 


Wolſey, to Warham, and to many more. 
tus, he tells him, that neither the Pope nor the Emperor could 
make him happy, on account of his age and his diſtempers, 
He who ſhould beſtow a biſhoprick, or any other dignity upon 
me, ſays he, would only throw a weight upon the ſhoulders of a 
poor man, who is departing from this world. My concern is 


Conſtanter fugit meum colloquium, ſub- 


that he was too well informed of his unfriendly behaviour, He 
alſo defends himſelf againſt ſome Italians, who criticiſed his 
works. Ep. 693. 

Eraſmus, though he loved not Aleander, and had no reaſon 
to love him, yet hath done * juſtice to his learning and abilities 
more than once. 

He ſent his treatiſe againſt Luther to the King of England, to 
Writing to Giber- 


to keep a conſcience void of offence, and to deceive no man 
knowingly. If each party continues to defend its rights to the 


utmoſt, I fear it will be a combat between Hector and Achilles, 


who, being equally fierce and haughty, entertained for each 
other an hatred, which death alone could terminate. Ep. 694. 

Complaining to Warham of the Lutherans, and of the Monks, 
by whoſe clamours he had been compelled to write againſt Lu- 


ther, 


t Si de hæreſi periclitatur, qui Græce 
ornatis tamen, qui, quid de ipſo, ſeu et Hebraice novit, quod Lutherus ha- 
Lutheri negotio ſentirem, explorarent. rum linguarum rudis non eſt, cur non 
Et certe nihil ab eo tentatum non eſt, potius in tuto eſſe dicitur, quod Joannes 


ut me perderet. Atqui longe aliud in Epiſcopus Roffenſis, quod Hieronymus 
mandatis habebat a Leone decimo, Aleander Archiepiſcopus Brunduſinus 


„ 


Dixit apud me; Pontifex Romanus 
ot Duces, tot Comites ſæpe dejecit; facile 
dejiciet tres pediculoſos Grammatiſtas. 
Idem alias dixit, Pontifex poteſt dicere 
Cœſari Carolo, Tu es cerdo, &c. Ibid. 
e. 1105, What impudence! 


propugnatores ſunt nutantis Eccleſiæ, 
quorum hic omnibus linguis excellit, 
ille tres linguas ætate jam vergente non 


vulgari ſtudio amplectitur? Adag. - 


C. 1053. 
» Et libertatis avidus, et brevi mori- 


turus. Ep. 697. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


ther, he tells his Patron that he had ſent him the Epiſtles of A. D. 1524. 


Jerom *, wet from the preſs, ſo that he could not bind them. 
This was the ſecond Edition, in which the Dedication to War- 
ham is dated July 1524. The other Tomes followed ſoon after. 


He adds, that he had received twenty pounds at two times, and 


thanks the Archbiſhop for having augmented his penſion ; and 
exclaims, Curſed be theſe wars, which decimate us ſo often! I 


imagined, however, ml . were exempted from paying 
ſuch taxes. 


The Archbiſhop had 41 ſent him a Korn whom Eraſmus 
thus deſcribes to him; I have received your horſe, who is not 
over-handſome, but a good creature; for he is free from all the 
mortal fins, except gluttony and lazineſs. Elſe he is endued with 
the qualities of a holy Father Confeſſor, being prudent, modeſt, 


humble, chaſte, and peaceable, and one who neither bites nor 


kicks, I fancy that, by the knavery or the miſtake of your 
domeſtics, I have not the horſe that you intended for me. 1 
had ordered my ſervant not to aſk for a horſe, nor to accept of 
one, unleſs ſome perſon offered him a very good one, of his own 
accord, And yet I am equally obliged to you for your kind in- 


tention, Indeed I thought to ſell my horſes, a as I have given 
over riding. 


We ſee that neither his ſtudies, nor his diſtempers, nor his 


vexations, had deprived him of his gay temper, which breaks 
out in his letters. 


X x2 He 


comme mefme Eraſme le reconnoit, 
Hieroſme eſtoit plus docte qu? Au- 
guſtin, mais c'eſtoit un vray fou de 
Moine, qui a maintenu des choſes fort 
abſurdes, &c. Eraſme a beaucoup 
gaſté (l' edition) de Baſle. Il y a auſſi 
reſtitus quelque paſſages. — Scaligeran. 
p-. 101. 


Hieronymus n'eſtoit pas fi ſcavant 
qu'on le dit. Il eſtoit bien ignorant, 
& eſcrivoit a des bigottes de femmes, 
Per nebulam tantum Hebræa novit. — 
Il eſt meilleur pour des choſes des Pay- 
ens que pour la Theologie. Il a eſte 
trop vehement, ſur tout contre Jovinia- 
nus & Vigilantius, encore qu' a tort, 
I 


— — = l 5 = Jn: . 2 9 

* 2 * to ES ER 1 
— — _—_— : 

= rr AE; E22 ˙ 


340 
A. D. 1524. 


HE LIFE 

He fays that Ferdinand had ſent him centum aureos. Ep. 697, 

Two days after, he wrote a long epiſtle to Melanchthon, 
which begins with an“ invective againſt Hutten, who had the 
itch upon him, as he ſays, or ſomething elſe, and whoſe viſits 
he had declined, to free himſelf from an hungry, beggarly, and 
vain-glorious gueſt, whom he had no mind to receive and main. 
tain at bed and board. We have ſeen before, that Eraſmus 
gave other reaſons for ſhunning Hutten. 


As to Melanchthon, he ſays that he would moſt gladly have 


received a viſit from him, and have deſpiſed all fear of giving 
offence by it; and that, if Wittenberg were not too far off, he 
would go there himſelf, to converſe with him and with Luther. 


Theſe were mere compliments, to pacify them; and he had no 
thoughts of paying ſuch viſits, as his whole conduct ſhewed. 


But he ſays no more than the truth, when he tells Melanch- 
thon that he had not written to Luther, becauſe his letter would 


Nam quod Hutteni colloquium de- 


precabar, non invidiæ metus tantum in 
cauſa fuit: erat aliud quiddam, quod 


tamen in Spongia non attigi. Ille egens 
et omnibus rebus deſtitutus, quærebat 


nidum aliquem ubi moreretur. Erat 
mihi glorioſus ille miles cum ſua ſcabie 
in ædes recipiendus, ſimulque recipien- 
dus ille chorus titulo Evangelicorum, 
ſed titulo duntaxat. Sletſtadii mulcta- 
vit omnes amicos ſuos aliqua pecunia, 
A Zuinglio improbe petiit, quod ipſe 
Zuinglius mihi ſuis literis perſcripſit. 


Jam amarulentiam et glorias hominis 


nemo, quamvis patiens, ferre poterat. 
By the ſcabies he means the French 


diſtemper, which he calls zovam lepram, 


and which, he ſuppoſes, may be caught 


by drinking after the infected perſon, 


ſoon 


Adag. c. 1115. In many other paſſages 
he expreſſes a great dread of it. In 
this epiſtle he beſtows the epithet Logu/1; 
upon an Anonymous, alluding to the 
ſame diſeaſe, 


Hutten once thought himſelf quite 


_ cured by the uſe of Guaiacum, and re- 


commended it to the public as an infal- 


| lible remedy, with an Experto crede Ru- 
perto. But he was miſtaken, Burck- 


hard Comment. de Vit. Hutteni, p. 49, 
197. Bayle Hur TEN. Burckhard 


wrote an account of Hutten in three 


: volumes, of which I have only ſeen the | 
firſt, 


Huldrici Hutteni de Guiaci ligni me- 


dicina, et morbo Gallico liber: apud 
Joannem Schcefter, 4to, "_ 1519. 


Maittaire U. 3 31. 


D ps 


, as. _- ame. i Ed 


* ww | 


=” 


OF ERASMUS. 


341 


ſon have been printed by the party, and becauſe the very * firſt A. D. 1524. 


letter that he ſent to Luther was immediately publiſhed, and 


brought him into no ſmall danger. 


He commends the Loci Communes of Melanchthon, as very 


fit and able to encounter and demoliſh Phariſaical tyranny: but 


he adds, that they contained alſo ſome things which he did not 


meo periculo edita. 


and ſome which he thought it needleſs to profeſs openly. 


He then boaſts of the mild and moderate counſels which he 


underſtand, ſome concerning which he had doubts and ſcruples, 


had given to Popes and Princes; but he ſpeaks very ill of Zuing- | 
lius, bn et "WM arellus, Capito, and Hedio, and inveighs 


2 Porro ne ſcriberem perſuaſit illa 
prima ad Lutherum epiſtola, magno 
Hæc enim dedit 
anſam Aleandro, jampridem iniquo in 
me animo, ut me perditum iret, cona- 
tus Leonis animum irritare in me, ſi- 
mul Leodienſis Epiſcopi, qui prius pene 
deperibat, ut ita loquar, in Eraſmum. 
Nam ipſe Leodienſis oſtendit mihi literas, 
quas ad eum e Roma ſcripſerat Alean- 
der, ſatis odioſe me attingentes. Quum 
itaque viderem apud iſtos nihil eſſe clam, 
judicavi rectius cohibere calamum. 

b Perlegi locos omnes, in quibus per- 
ſpexi tuum iſtud judicium non minus 
candidum quam felix, quod ego ſemper 
tum ſuſpexi, tum amavi, ſed magis 
etiam utrumque facere cœpi poſteaquam 
illa legi, tantum abeſt ut me ejus operæ 


pœniteat, quanquam inter legendum 


ſerupulis aliquot offendebar, de quibus 
voluiſſem tecum communicare ſi coram 
licuiſſet. Video dogmatum aciem pul- 
chre inſtructam adverſus tyrannidem 
Pheriſaicam: ſed in his quædam ſunt, 


violently 


quæ, ut ingenue fatear, non aſſequor; 
quædam ejus generis, ut etiamſi tutum 
eſſet, nollem profiteri propter conſcien- 
tiam; quædam ejuſmodi, ut ſine fructu 
videar profeſſurus. 

e Melanchthonis Loci Communes re- 
rum Theologicarum, ſeu Hypotypoſes 
Theologicæ, quoad primam editionem 
Wittenbergenſem A. 1521, ferme ma- 


jorum noſtrorum incuria perierunt. No- 


væ ſcilicet editiones multum ab ea di- 
verſæ prioris induxerant oblivionem. 


— 


Nunc autem beneficio Hermanni Von 


der Hardt rariſſimo hoc Philippi monu- 


rariora Dorpii, Reuchlini, aliorumque 
hactenus neglecta et prope deperdita 
opuſcula, Hiſtoriæ Literariz Reforma- 
tionis Part. IV. fol. 30, &c. Amænitates 
Literariæ, Tom. II. p. 418. 

* Farellus, A. 1524, venit Baſileam, 
ex Gallia profugus, et publice diſputa- 
vit. Sed non multo poſt Vicarius Epi- 
ſcopi et Academiæ Rector vi et factione 
OR ſua 


mento rurſus gaudet orbis literatus : in- 
tegrum enim illud inſeruit, ſicut et plura 


342 THE LIFE 


A. D. 1524. violently axainſt the morals both of the Reformed, who then began 
to make a party, and of the Lutherans, Shall we, ſays he, 
ſhake off the domination of Popes and Prelates, to ſubmit to 
worſe tyrants than they, to .kcabby madmen, to the ſcum of 
the earth? He hath in view Otho Brunsfeld, who had written 
againſt him, and * Farellus, who then preached at Montbeliard, 
Eraſmus could not bear theſe men, becauſe they had decried him 
as a political time-ſerver, who dared not to act according to his 
true ſentiments. They doubtleſs had their faults; but they were 
not ſo bad men as ſeveral, to whom Eraſmus paid his court, 
They applied themſelves cloſely to the ſtudy of the holy Scriptures, 
and, as far as they underſtood the Goſpel, they preached it with 
great fervour, and with no leſs danger; and if there was ſome- 
thing in their behaviour which Eraſmus could juſtly cenſure, 


there was alſo ſomething which he might have commended, 


ſua Farellum Baſilea exegerunt. Scultet. 
Annal. ap. Von der Hardt, P. V. p. 68. 
Oecolampadius creatur Paſtor ad S. 
Martinum; et jure primus Baſilien- 
ſium Apoſtolus nominatur. bid. p. 69. 

Farellus had been a diſciple of Faber 
Stapulenſis. Melch. Adam. Vit. Calvini, 


P· 34. 
© An ideo depellimus dominos, Pon- 


| tifices et Epiſcopos, ut feramus immi- 


tiores tyrannos, ſcabioſos Othillones, et 
Phallicos rabioſos? Nam hunc nuper 
nobis miſit Gallia. Dices, olim Evan- 


gelium habebat ſuos pſeudo-apoſtolos, 


qui ſub pietatis titulo negotium agebant 
ventris. 


vent hi proceres Evangelii, Capito, cu- 


jus vafricies mihi ſemper oboluit; He- 


dio, qui ſcurram impurum ( Scot, the 


bookſeller) ex occaſione mearum litera- 


rum, per quas debebat dare pœnas, ſub- 


Verum hos interim tenere fo- 


Their 


levavit, miſericordiam appellans, quod 


haberet uxorem et teneros liberos: nec 
aliud agit etiam nunc, quam ne quid de- 
trimenti capiat res et fama nebulonis, 
Oecolampadius cæteris paulo modeſtior 
eſt, et tamen eſt ubi in illo quoque de- 


ſiderem Evangelicam ſinceritatem. Zu- 


inglius quam ſeditioſe rem gerit | 


Cum Huttenus e vita diſceſſiſſet, 
ſuſcepit ejus defenſionem Otho Brunfel- 
ſius, medicus, ac convitia in Eraſmum 
regeſſit. Meleh. Adam. Vit. Hutteni et 
Brunfelſii. 

This Brunsfeld tranſlated a treatiſe of 
Ægineta. Maittaire II. 436, 475, 693. 
e Verheiden Effig. Theol. p. 116. 
Melchior Adam. Beza Icon. Bayle 


Dia. FAR EL. Remarques ſur Bayle, 
in the Relat, Gotting. Vol. III. Faſc. J. 


p. 104. 


OF ERASMUS 


were much in the wrong to call Eraſmus a Balaam, who was hired 
to curſe Iſrael. But Eraſmus, being thus provoked, paid them 
in kind, and was not a whit behind them in reſentment and | 


invectives. 

Laſtly, He apologizes for having written againſt Luther, and 
fays, that the calumnies of Eccleſiaſtics, who made him paſs for 
a Lutheran, and the importunity of Princes, had conſtrained him 


to it. If it were objected, that by ſo doing he favoured tyrants 


and tyranny, he anſwered, that no perſon had taken ſo much 


pains as he to dehort all men from cruelty, and had treated the 
ſubject with ſo much freedom. Although, ſays he, I were a 


| moſt bigotted Papiſt, (ſectæ Papiſtice addictiſimus,) yet would I 
condemn cruelty, becauſe opinions oppoſed with cruelty ſpread 
the more. Therefore the prudent Julian would not put Chriſti- 
ans to death. Our Theologers thought, that if they burned a 
man or two at Bruſſels, the reſt would be corrected by it. On 
the contrary, the ſufferings of theſe men made many embrace Lu- 


| theraniſm. He concludes with defiring Melanchthon not to 


ſhew his letter to ill-diſpoſed perſons. Ep. 703. 
| Melanchthon anſwered him politely, and with a much better 
temper, telling him, that the vices of particulars ſhould not bring 
any prejudice againſt a good cauſe, and that Luther did in no 


wiſe reſemble thoſe whom he had painted in ſo odious colours. 
He gently reproves him for drawing up a catalogue of vile fellows, 
and inſerting ſuch perſons as Oecolampadius, and other men of 


merit, amongſt them. As for himſelf, he declares, that in his 


conſcience he is perſuaded of the truth of Luther's doctrine, and 
will never forſake it. And, as to the Diſſertation of Eraſmus 


upon Free-will, he fays; We are not at all ſhocked at it, for it 
would be mere tyranny to hinder any man from giving his opinion 
in the Church of Chriſt, concerning any points of religion. This 
ought to be free to every one, who will deliver his ſentiments 

a without 


343 


Their boiſterous and violent temper was blameable, and they A. D. 1524. 


344 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1524. without paſſion and partiality. Your moderation in that treatiſe 


Ep. 704. 


hath been applauded; and yet ſuffer me to tell you, that ſome. 
times you bite too hard. But Luther is not ſo eaſily provoked, 
as to be unable to bear diſſent ; and he promiſeth to obſerve the 


ſame moderation in his reply. — It is alſo your duty to be ver 
cautious not to bring an odium upon a cauſe, which the holy 
Scriptures ſo evidently favour. As you yourſelf have not as yet 


condemned it, if you attack it with vehemence, you will wound 
your own conſcience. You know that we ought to examine, 


and not to deſpiſe prophecies. 
So Luther, it ſeems, told Melunetuben, that hi would M 


very calm and civil in his reply to Eraſmus : but, when he ſet 
himſelf about it, he forgot theſe promiſes, and his Zeal and 


Impetuoſity were two hard-mouthed horſes, which ran Away 


with the chariot and the charioteer : 


Fruſira retinacula tendens The 
Fertur equis auriga, neque audit currus habenas. 


Eraſmus wrote at the ſame time to Ant. Brugnarius of 


Montbeliard, and ſhews a violent anger againſt Farellus, or Phal- 


licus, as he calls him. The Lutherans themſelves, ſays he, can- 
not bear that Fellow ; and he hath been * reprimanded ſeveral 


times by Oecolampadius and Pellicanus, but to no purpoſe. He 


hath purloined a jeſt from one Blet, a merchant, who hath taken 


it into his head to call me Balaam, although I never would accept 


of a peny, to write againſt Luther. 


But whatſoever Eraſmus might ſay, he had for ſome time 
ſeemed to take delight in ſpeaking againſt the Reformers to the 
Roman party, that he might preſerve their favour, and perhaps 
(though he himſelf might hardly be ſenſible of it) with ſome 


view to ſecure his own revenues, If he had had no dependence 


upon 
u It was very true. See Scultet. in Von der Hardt, P. V. p. 70. 


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upon that party, which in his letter to Melanchthon he calls the A. D. 1524. 


Popiſh ſet, and which in his letters to the Papiſts he calls the 
Catholic Church, and nothing to hope or to fear from that quarter, 
he would probably have been leſs upon the reſerve. _ 

Then he gives an account of a ſmall diſpute which he had 
with Farel, about the invocation of Saints. I aſked him, ſays he, 
why he rejected the doctrine of the invocation of Saints? and 
whether it was not, becauſe the Scriptures were filent about it? 
Yes, ſaid he. Shew me then evidently, faid I, from the Scrip- 
tures, that we ought to invoke the Holy Ghoſt. If he be God, 
ſaid he, we ought to pray to him. But I preſſed him to pro- 
duce one paſſage from the Scriptures, telling him often at the 
ſame time, that I agreed with him as to the thing itſelf, and that 
I only did this by way of diſputation. — He cited the paſſage in 
St. John's Epiſtle—and theſe three are one. I anſwered, that, not 


an unity of nature, but of teſtimony and conſent was there im- 


plied, and that the words of the hood, the water, and the ſpirit, 
would bear no other interpretation ; that the words alſo con- 
cerning the Father, the Word, and the Spirit, were in no ancient 
manuſcripts, and had never been cited by thoſe Fathers, who had 
diſputed the moſt againſt the Arians, as Athanaſius, Cyril, and 
Hilary. Here the converſation ended. Eraſmus only com- 
plained, that Farel had called him Balaam: yet he ſays that 
Farel had written a letter, wherein he had reported this conver- 
fation very unfairly. He could not prove, ſays Eraſmus, that the 
Holy Ghoſt is God, which yet may be proved out of * St. Paul ; 
and if he had proved it, he would not have got the better of me: 
for it is no opinion of mine that the Saints ought to be invoked ; 
Yy although 


See the Letter to ; Ry in the mus locum, qui of apud Danton « Cari, 
firſt Tome. Qui violaverit templum Dei, diſperdet 

* Quanquam certiſſimis argumentis eum Deus, Præceſſit enim mentio Spi- 
colligitur Spiritum eſſe Deum, nuſquam ritus. Eceleji aſt, T. V. c. 1090. 
tamen aperte vocatur Deus, niſi recipi- 


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344 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1524. without paſſion and partiality. Your moderation i in that treatiſe 


hath been applauded ; and yet ſuffer me to tell you, that ſome. 


times you bite too hard. But Luther is not ſo eaſily provoked, 


as to be unable to bear diſſent ; and he promiſeth to obſerve the 
ſame moderation in his reply. — It is alſo your duty to be very 
cautious not to bring an odium upon a cauſe, which the holy 


Scriptures ſo evidently favour. As you yourſelf have not as yet 
condemned it, if you attack it with vehemence, you will wound 


your own conſcience. You know that we ought to examine, 
and not to deſpiſe prophecies. 

So Luther, it ſeems, told Melanchthon, that he would be 
very calm and civil in his reply to Eraſmus : but, when he ſet 


himſelf about it, he forgot theſe promiſes, and his Zeal and 
Impetuoſity were two hard-mouthed horſes, which ran away 
with the chariot and the charioteer : 


Fruſira retinacula tendens 
Fert! ur equis auriga, negue audit currus habenas. 


Ep. 704. 


Eraſmus wrote at the ſame time to Ant. Brugnarius of 


Montbeliard, and ſhews a violent anger againſt Farellus, or Phal- 


licus, as he calls him. The Lutherans themſelves, ſays he, can- 


not bear that Fellow; and he hath been reprimanded ſeveral 
times by Oecolampadius and Pellicanus, but to no purpoſe. He 
hath purloined a jeſt from one Blet, a merchant, who hath taken 
it into his head to call me Balaam, although 1 never would accept 
of a peny, to write againſt Luther. 


But whatſoever Eraſmus might ſay, he had for ſome time 
ſeemed to take delight in ſpeaking againſt the Reformers to the 


Roman party, that he might preſerve their favour, and perhaps 
(though he himſelf might hardly be ſenſible of it) with ſome 
view to ſecure his own revenues. If he had had no dependence 

upon 
u It was very true, See Scultet. in Von der Hardt, P. V. p. 70. 


„ 


firſt 


k 


coll 


tum 


OF ERASMUS. 


upon that party, which in his letter to Melanchthon he calls the A. D. 1524. 


Popiſp ſect, and which in his letters to the Papiſts he calls the 


| Catholic Church, and nothing to hope or to fear from that quarter, 


he would probably have been leſs upon the reſerve. 


Then he gives an account of a ſmall diſpute which he had 
with Farel, about the invocation of Saints. I aſked him, ſays he, 


why he rejected the doctrine of the invocation of Saints? and 
whether it was not, becauſe the Scriptures were filent about it? 
Yes, ſaid he. Shew me then evidently, ſaid I, from the Scrip- 
tures, that we ought to invoke the Holy Ghoſt. If he be God, 
ſaid he, we ought to pray to him. But I preſſed him to pro- 
duce one paſſage from the Scriptures, telling him often at the 
ſame time, that I agreed with him as to the thing itſelf, and that 


[ only did this by way of diſputation. — He cited the paſſage in 


St. John's Epiſtle—and theſe three are one. I anſwered, that, not 
an unity of nature, but of teſtimony and conſent was there im- 


_ plied, and that the words of the hood, the water, and the ſþirif, 


would bear no other interpretation ; that the words alſo con- 
cerning the Father, the Word, and the Spirit, were in no ancient 


manuſcripts, and had never been cited by thoſe Fathers, who had 


diſputed the moſt againſt the Arians, as Athanaſius, Cyril, and 
Hilary. Here the converſation ended. Eraſmus only ' com- 


plained, that Farel had called him Balaam: yet he ſays that 


Farel had written a letter, wherein he had reported this conver- 


tation very unfairly. He could not prove, ſays Eraſmus, that the 


Holy Ghoſt is God, which yet may be proved out of * St. Paul ; 

and if he had proved it, he would not have got the better of me: 

for it is no opinion of mine that the Saints ought to be invoked ; 
Y y although 


See the Letter to Botzem, in the mus locum, qui eſt _ Paula de 
firſt Tome, Dui violaverit templum Dei, diſperdet 


k Quanquam Corti: argumentis eum Deus, Præceſſit enim mentio Spi- 
colligitur Spiritum eſſe Deum, W a ritus. Ecce. tft, T. V. c. 1090. 
tamen aperte vocatur Deus, niſi recipi- 


345 


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_—_— THE LIFE 


A. D. 1524. although they who declaim ſo tragically againſt a thing praQiſed b 
from the beginning of the Church, and pious in its own dau, 
talk fooliſhly. ; 

But if any one had aſked Eraſmus, in what F ather of the three 
firſt centuries he found the invocation of Saints, he would have 
been ſufficiently embarraſſed ; as alſo, if he had been aſked wha 
piety there could be in making objects of adoration for ourſelves, BY 
without any divine revelation, and even againſt divine revelation, 
His violence ſhews that he was quite chagrined, becauſe Fare 
had faid that Froben's wife underſtood divinity much better than | 
Eraſmus, and had thrown out other ſcoffs of the fame kind, | 

It was great effrontery in Farellus, who at this time was only | 
thirty-five, to treat a man in ſuch a manner, who in age was ſo 
much his ſenior, and in abilities and reputation ſo much his ſupe- 
rior, But this Frenchman was almoſt what the French call 
un Enrage, a Reformer intoxicated with Proteſtant zeal. He 
was an incomparable Field-preacher, who could lift up his voice 
like a trumpet ; and as no noiſe could filence him, ſo no danger 
could diſconcert him. He ſucceeded in his labours, and brought 
many over to Proteſtantiſm. Ep. 707. 

About this time, Luther wrote a letter to Eraſmus, not in the 
moſt elegant ſtyle, but a letter full of life and fire and ſpirit, 
which vexed him not a little. 

He begins in the Apoſtolical manner ; Grace and cs to 
you from the Lord Jeſus. 
1 ſhall not complain of you, ſays hat fos having behaved your- 
ſelf as a man eſtranged from us, to keep fair with the Papiſts, 
my enemies. Nor was I much offended, that in your printed 
books, to gain their favour, or to ſoften their rage, you have 


cenſured us with too much acrimony, We ſaw that the Lord 
had 


J 


L Tumultuatur et Burgundia nobis tulit, homo rabula, effreni tum lingua, 
proxima, per Phallicum quendam Gal- tum calamo. Ep. 698. 
lum, qui e Gallia proſugus kuc ſe con- "MP 

Sg 


OF ERASMUS. 1 
H had not conferred upon you the diſcernment, the courage, and A. D. 1524. 
EE the reſolution to join with us, and freely and openly to oppoſe 

thoſe Monſters ; and therefore we dared not to exact from you 

that which greatly ſurpaſſeth your ſtrength and your capacity. 

We have even borne with your weakneſs, and honoured that 

portion of the gift of God which is in you. 

Then having beſtowed upon him his due praiſes, as be had 
been the reviver of good literature, by means of which the 
holy Scriptures had been read and examined in the originals, he 
proceeds thus | 

I never wiſhed that, forfaking or kt your own proper 

talents, you ſhould enter into our camp. You might indeed 
have favoured us not a little by your wit, and by your eloquence; 
but foraſmuch as you have not that courage which is requiſite, it 
is ſafer for you to ſerve the Lord in your own way. Only we 
feared left our adverſaries ſhould entice you to write againſt us, 
and that neceſſity ſhould then conſtrain us to oppoſe you to your 
face, We have withheld ſome perſons amongſt us, who were 
diſpoſed and prepared to attack you; and I could have wiſhed 
that the Complaint of Hutten had never been publiſhed, and ſtill 
more that your Spongia in anſwer to it had never come forth; 
by which you may ſee and feel at preſent, if J miſtake not, 
how eaſy it is to ſay fine things about the duties of modeſty 
and moderation, and to accuſe Luther of wanting them, and how 
_ difficult and even impoſſible it is to be really modeſt and mode- 
rate, without a particular gift of the Holy Spirit. Believe me, 
or believe me not, Jeſus Chriſt is my witneſs, that I am con- 
cerned as well as you, that the reſentment and hatred of ſo many 
eminent perſons (of the Lutheran party) hath been excited 
againſt you. I muſt ſuppoſe: that this gives you no ſmall un- 
eaſineſs; for virtue like yours, mere human virtue, cannot raiſe 
a man above being affected by ſuch trials. To tell you freely 
what I think, there are perſons (amongſt us) who having this 
* y 2 weakneſs 


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348 THE LIFE 


A. D. 1524. weakneſs alſo about them, cannot bear, as they ought, your acti. 
mony and your diffimulation, which you want to paſs off for 
prudence and modeſty. Theſe men have cauſe to be offended}; 
and yet would not be offended, if they had more greatneſs of 
ſpirit. Although I alſo am iraſcible, and have been often provo- 
ked ſo as to uſe ſharpneſs of ſtyle, yet I never acted thus, except 
againſt hardened and incurable reprobates. I have reſtrained my. 

ſelf, though you have provoked me; and I promiſed, in letters to 
my friends, which you have ſeen, that. I would continue to do 
wh unleſs you ſhould appear openly againſt us. For although 
you are not in our ſentiments, and many pious doctrines are con- 
demned by you with irreligion or diſſimulation, or treated in a 
ſceptical manner, yet I neither can nor will aſcribe a ſtubborn 
perverſeneſs to you. What can I do now? Things are exaſpe- 
rated on both fides; and I could wiſh, if it were poſſible, to act 
the part of a mediator between you, that they might ceaſe to 
attack you with ſuch animoſity, and ſuffer your old age to reſt in 
peace in the Lord; and thus they would act, in my opinion, if 
they either conſidered your weakneſs, or the greatneſs of the 
controverted cauſe, which hath been long fince beyond your 
talents. They would ſhew their moderation towards you fo 
much the more, ſince our affairs are advanced to ſuch a point, 
that our cauſe is in no peril, although even Eraſmus ſhould attack 
it with all his might; fo far are we from fearing ſome of his 
ftrokes and ſtrictures. On the other hand, my dear Eraſmus, 
f you duly refte& upon your own imbecillity, you will abſtain 
from thoſe ſharp and ſpiteful figures of rhetoric ; and if you can- 
not or will not defend our ſentiments, you will let them alone; 
and treat of ſubjects which fuit you better. Our friends, even 
you yourſelf being judge, have ſome reaſon of anxiety at being 
laſhed by you, becauſe human infirmity thinks of the authority 
5 and reputation of Eraſmus, and fears it: and indeed there is much 
difference between him and the reſt of the Papiſts, and he is a 


more formidable adverſary than all of them joined together. : 
I Thus 


OF ERASMUS. 


Thus Luther exhorts him to be rather a ſpectator, than an A. D. 1524. 
actor in the Tragedy; and to bear with others, as he expected 
that they ſhould bear with him. 

This Epiſtle was written before the Rani of Eraſmus againſt 
Luther was publiſhed. Ep. 726. 


= Eraſmus wrote an anſwer to this letter of Luther, which! is 
not in the Collection of his Epiſtles. Seckendorf hath given us 


an account of it, with ſome extracts from it. 


m Reſponſum Eraſmi ad Lutheri 
in volumen Epiſtolarum 


epiſtolam 
ejus relatum non invenitur: exſtat au- 


tem MS. tum in Archivis, tum in Bib- 
liotheca Jenenſi, et alibi. . Plena eſt 
querelis adverſus abuſum Evaneelii. 


Excuſat etiam, quam ei Lutherus obje- 


cerat, timiditatem, ita ut ab initio ſta- 
tim dicat: 
« Nec tibi concedo, ut magis ex 


ce animo cupias Evangelicæ ſinceritati, 


e quam ego, cujus rei gratia nihil non 
« perpetior, et hactenus omnem venor 


te occaſionem, ut 3 fiat om 
cc 


« nibus commune,” 
Dicit etiam : 


« Se rectius conſuluiſſe negotio Evan- 
« gelico, quam wn, qui ſe jactent 
« Evangelii nomine.” 


De Lutheri doctrina ambigue loqui- 


| tur: 


« Valde pertimeſco, ne qua arte 35 


judat Satanas animum tuum; rurſus 


« alia fic non ſapiunt, ut velim hunc 
« meum metum eſſe falſum.” 


Hzrere ſe dubium palam fatetur : 


“ Nolim profiteri, quod ipſe mihi 


nondum perſuaſi, multo minus, quod 


0 


c nondum aſſequor: metuo ne peſſum 


1f 


“ eant bonæ literæ et diſciplinæ.“ 


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Ad ea vero quz Lutherus petierat, ut 
ſcriptione contra ſe abſtineret, hæc 


reſpondet: 


„Nihil adhuc contra te ſeripſi, fac- 


turus id magno Principum applauſu, 
niſi vidiſſem hoe abſque jactura Evan- 
gelii non futurum. Tantum eos re- 


puli, qui conabantur omnibus Prin- 


cipibus perſuadere, mihi tecum fœdus 


eſſe, et mihi tecum per omnia con- 


venire, et in libris meis eſſe, quic- 


quid tu doceres. Hæc opinio vix 


etiam nunc revelli poteſt ex illorum 


animis. Quid ſcribas in me, non 


magnopere laboro; ſi mundum ſpec- 


tem, nihil mihi poteſt accidere felici- 


us. Cupio hanc animam puram red- 
dere Chriſto, et in hoc affectu velim 
omnes eſſe. Si paratus es omnibus 


reddere rationem de ea, quæ in te eſt, 


fide, cur ægre feras, ſi quis diſcendi 


- gratia tecum diſputet? Fortaſſe Eraſs 
mus ſcribens in te, magis profuerit 
Evangelio, quam quidam ſtolidi ſcri- 
bentes pro te, per quos non licet eſſe 
ſpectatorem iſtius tragœdiæ, quæ uti- 
nam non habeat tragicum exitum.“ 

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rum eſſe, ut et non multo poſt fecit. 


p- 310. 


THE LIFE 
If Eraſmus complained of the Lutherans and the Reformed, 
he complained full as much of the Monks; as it appears bom 


his letter to Ferdinand, brother to Charles V, wherein he intreat; 


him, and Margaret of Auſtria, to impoſe filence upon Egmond, 
waoke malice againſt him was implacable. - Ep. 710. 

Ep. 712 is to his good friend Paulus Volzius, an Abbot, MY 
had . his Abbey, and to whom Eraſmus had dedicated 
his Enchiridion. Volzius, like ſeveral other friends of Eraſmus, 


afterwards became a Proteſtant Divine; and then fell into Ana- 
| baptiſm, from ay Calvin. dec him. Melch. Adam. Vit. 


Calan: p- 37. 
Ep. 715 is to Henricus * Stromerus, a phyſicians and one of 


his good friends. 


The 713th letter is from thi learned Cattierariut to Priſons 
deficing his friendſhip. mn was born in the year 1 500, 
and died in 1574. 


In a long epiſtle to Melatichthon, he fig that he had not 


much exhorted him to forſake the Reformers, knowing that it 


: would be labour loſt, but could have withed that Melanchthon 
had applied himſelf entirely to good literature. And yet, if gad 
literature was not compatible with the ſtudy of divinity, it would 


no been bad literature, or male liter, as the Monks then called 
K declares, that his only view was to promote the good of 


both 
Sic tecte ſubindicat fe omnino ſcriptu- p. 65. Melch. Adam. 

Vir de politiori literatura præclare 
meritus, ſuæque adeo Germaniæ ſingu- 
tare ornamentum. Cord De Clar, 
Interpr. p. 227. | 

Ctemius, in his book de Erndit, Com- 


Reliqua Epiſtolæ pars atroces in Hutte- 
num habet imputationes, quia Lutherus 
Spongiam in eum Eraſmi ut juſte aerio- 
rem taxaverat, dea. + ne L. J. 


n Melch. Adam. 

» Beza Icon. Baillet TH. 65. Pope 
Blount, p. 416. Crenius de Sifigular. 
Seriptorum, p. 64. Thuanus L. LIX. 


rarius, and prefixed to it the Teſtimo- 
nies of Learned men concerning this 
author. They are much to the honour 
of Camerarius. 


paranda, publiſhed a Treatiſe of Came- 


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I. 25. Spalatinus, in the Amxnitat. 


OF ERASMUS. 


both parties, and to diſſuade tumults, and he wiſhed that a refor- A. D. 1 524. 
mation might be made without ſtrife and contention. This was 

wiſhing impoſſibilities, conſidering the temper of the Romaniſts. 

He cenſures with great heat the paſſions of thoſe, who mixed 
themſelves in the controverſy, and the diviſions which had ariſen 


amongſt the Reformers ; for Zuinglius and Oecolampadius had 


declared openly enough, that they followed not the ſentiments of 
Luther in all things. But however, they ſpake of Luther with 
reſpect, and thoſe differences were not concerning things eſſential 
Eraſmus, who was ſo well verſed in Eccleſi- 
aſtical antiquities, knew that the ancient Fathers were far enough 


and fundamental. 


from being all of a mind, though they agreed in the main; and, 


as he pardoned them, he ought to have extended the fame 
favour to his contemporaries, to men equally liable to the ſame 


defects, and equally worthy of the ſame regard and reſpect. But 
he was quite out of temper with them, and ſeeing them, as he 


thought, upon the point of being overpowered and oppreſſed by 


the Romaniſts, he thought to provide for his own ſafety by 
oppoſing them. The ſame angry fpirit predominates j in too many 


of his letters. Ep. 714, 715, 718. 


In Ep. 714 he laments the death of his friend » Neſenus, who 
was drowned in the Elbe. Neſenus embraced the reformed reli- 
gion, and ſettled in Saxony, and was very dear to Luther, 
Eraſmus afterwards ſpake ill of Neſenus, ſuſpecting that he had 
been one of Luther's counſellors and aſſiſtants in the contro- 
verſy between Luther and himſelf. 


I am always the ſame, ſays he; and yet, 7 have laid the gg. 
and Luther hath hatched it. This is a joke of the Minorite Bre- 


thren, for which they deſerve to be complimented as wits : but 


1 laid a hen-egg, and Luther hath hatched | a very different bird. 
Ep. 719. 1 
In 
? Seckendorf L. j. p 314. Mi Liter, Tom, IV. p. 415. 


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THE LIFE 


In Ep. 725, we ſee none of the mildneſs and moderation of 


Eraſmus. He was very angry that Hedio would not take his 
part againſt * Scottus, the printer, who had publiſhed Hutten's 
book againſt him, and had alſo publiſhed a tract of Otho Brunſ- 
feld, wherein he was treated as a man who abandoned the cauſe 
of the Reformers againſt the convictions of his own conſcience, 


"Theſe libels were probably paltry performances, and as ſuch, 
deſerving to be deſpiſed. - It is ſtrange, that Eraſmus himſelf, who 
is fo incenſed on this occaſion, had declared, in his reply to 


Hutten, ſo ſupreme a contempt for his book, that, having ſeen 
it in manuſcript, he had offered Hutten to. print it for him, at his 
own expence, if he deſired it. Yet he would have been well 


pleaſed, if the printer of it had been hanged, and he exclaims 
loudly againſt the Magiſtrate of Stratſburg for not bringing him 
to puniſhment. He complains alſo, that in one of theſe books, 
under the pretence of giving a picture of the prieſts 'of * Baal, 


they had drawn them like ſo many * prieſts of the Church of 
Rome. They have alſo added my picture apparelled exactly in 


the dreſs which 1 uſually wear, and which, as I remember, I 


had on, when Otho came to ſee me. Eraſmus ſaid, that he 
only laughed at it; though he adds, that ſuch proceedings do 
great hurt to religion. But Je he com Pares . * the action of this 

printer 


' 4 Maittaire II. 118. de quarum una Diabolorum Monachali 
r Addita eft pictura ſeditioſa. Si pin- cucullo amictum exhibente antea dictum 
gebant prophetas Baal, cur addiderunt eſt.— Id eo magis miror, quod illud 


crinem attonſum, vertices raſos, lineam Teſtamentum ad uſum non Geneven- 


veſtem, mitram horum temporum? Et ſium, ſed Ecclefiarum Romanz, Pari- 


me pinxerunt pileo ſub mentum religa- fienſis; Meldenſiſque conformatum fuiſſe 


to, ſerico impoſito humeris, et brachiis Evangeliorum et Epiſtolarum tabula 
e pallio porrectis, ſic enim fere color, teſtetur. Maittaire III. 619. 
præſertim domi, et hoc cultu eram * Scottus, inquis, habet uxorem et 
quum me ſalutaret Otho. teneros liberos. Num iſta excuſatio 
s Le Nouveau Teſtament, par Jean videatur juſta, fi ſcriniis meis effractis 
Frellon. Lyon. 1553. Cum figuris, ſuſtuliſſet aurum ? Non opinor. Et 


tamen 


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omnes iis qui libellos edunt famoſos. 


OF ERASMUS, 


printer with that of a thief, who ſhould break open his ſcrutore, A. D. 7 54. 


and rob him, and ſays that this is a far worſe crime. He ought, 
according to Eraſmus, if he was neceſſitous, rather to have pro- 
ſtituted his own wife, and ſold her to all comers, and lived upon 


that infamous and flagitious trade, than to have printed libels 


againſt Eraſmus, He then rails at thoſe Monks, who threw off 
the frock, without the conſent of their Superiors ; though he 


ſays that he had often maintained to the Romaniſts, that prieſts 


ought to have leave to marry, if they had not the gift of 
continence. 


He thanks the Cardinal of diem for his kind offer of five hun- 
dred ducats a year, and declines accepting the favour. Ep. 667. 


He declares, that he had no * fancy to ſettle in England. 


Ep. 673. 
Ep. 683 is a Preface to a * Greek Dictionary, augmented by 
Ceratinus, in which he had ſome little ſhare. He“ obſerves 


juſtly of ſuch labours, that they are both very uſeful, and very 
ſeldom eſteemed as they deſerve. 


Mention is made of ſome preſent, which Eraſmus had received 
from Thomas Lovel. Ep. 686. | 


2 2 FE In 


tamen hoc quod facit longe ſceleratius u In Anglia ſummos et certiſſimos 
eſt, Niſi forte putas mihi famam eſſe habeo amicos; ſed illic neſcio quo pacto 
viliorem pecunia. Si deeſt unde alat non libet vivere. 
liberos, mendicet. Pudet, inquies. Et 
hujuſmodi facinorum non pudet? Pro- £7. | 
ſtituat uxorem, et ad calices vigilanti “ Scimus hoc laboris genus eſſe mi- 
naſo ſtertat adultero. Nefarium, in- nime glorioſum, præſertim quum pauci 
quis. Magis nefarium eſt quod facit. Teputent quot auctores fint excutiendi, 
Nulla lex punit capite qui uxorem pro- ut voces aliquot ab aliis præteritas ſeli- 
ſtituat, at capitalem pœnam denunciant gas. Verum, hoc plus debetur illis 


x Maittaire II. 656. 


He repeats the ſame thing in his Lin- detrectant ingloriam ac molettize ple- 


guad, c. 712; io much he had it — nam x induſtriam, 


heart, 


gratiæ, qui publice utilitatis gratia non 


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332 
A. D. 1524. 


THE LITE 


In Ep. 725, we ſee none of the mildneſs and moderation of 


Eraſmus. He was very angry that Hedio would not take his 
part againſt * Scottus, the printer, who had publiſhed Hutten's 


book againſt him, and had alſo publiſhed a tract of Otho Brun. 


feld, wherein he was treated as a man who abandoned: the cauſe 


of the Reformers againſt the convictions of his own conſcience. 


Theſe libels were probably paltry performances, and- as ſuch, 
deſerving to be deſpiſed. - It is ſtrange, that Eraſmus himſelf, who 
is ſo incenſed on this occaſion, had declared, in his reply to 
Hutten, ſo ſupreme a contempt. for his book, that, having ſeen 


it in manuſcript, he had offered Hutten to. print it for him, at his 
Vet he would have been well 


own expence, if he deſired it. 
pleaſed, if the printer of it had been hanged, and he exclaims 
loudly againſt the Magiſtrate of Stratſburg for not bringing him 
to puniſhment. He complains alſo, that in one of theſe books, 
under the pretence of giving a picuge- of the prieſts 'of * Baal, 
they had drawn them like ſo many * prieſts of the Church of 
Rome. They have alſo added my picture apparelled exactly in 
the dreſs which 1 uſually wear, and which, as I remember, I 
had on, when Otho came to ſee me. Eraſmus ſaid, that he 


only laughed at it; though he adds, that ſuch proceedings do 


great hurt to religion. But I he COmMPAres . the action of this 
printer 


' 4 Maittaire II. 118. 

r Addita eſt pictura ſeditioſa. 
gebant prophetas Baal, cur addiderunt 
crinem attonſum, vertices raſos, lineam 
veſtem, mitram horum temporum? Et 


me pinxerunt pileo ſub mentum religa- 
to, ſerico impoſito humeris, et brachiis 
ec pallio porrectis, fic enim ſere color, 
præſertim domi, et hoc cultu eram 


quum me ſalutaret Otho. 


5 Le Nouveau Teſtament, par Jean 
Cum figuris, 


Frellon. Lyon. 1553. 


teneros liberos. 
videatur juſta, ſi ſcriniis meis effractis 


de quarum una Diabolorum Monachali 
Si pin- 


cucullo amictum exhibente antea dictum 


eſt, — Id eo magis miror, quod illud 


Teſtamentum ad uſum non Geneven- 


ſium, ſed Eccleſiarum Romanæ, Pati- 


ſienſis, Meldenſiſque conformatum fuiſſe 
Evangeliorum et Epiſtolarum tabula 
teſtetur. Maittaire III. 619. 

t Scottus, inquis, habet uxorem et 
Num iſta excuſatio 


Non opinor. Et 


ſuſtuliſſet aurum? 
N tamen 


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tamen hoc quod facit longe ſceleratius 


OF ERASMUS. 


printer with that of a thief, who ſhould break open his ſcrutore, A. D. 1524. 


and rob him, and fays that this is a far worſe crime. He ought, 


according to Eraſmus, if he was neceſſitous, rather to have pro- 
ſtituted his own wife, and fold her to all comers; and lived upon 


that infamous and flagitious trade, than to have printed libels 
againſt Eraſmus. He then rails at thoſe Monks, who threw off 


the frock, without the conſent of their Superiors; though he 


ſays that he had often maintained to the Romaniſts, that prieſts 


ought to have leave to marry, if they had not the gift of 


continence. 
He thanks the Cardinal of Sion for his kind offer of five hun- 
dred ducats a year, and declines accepting the favour. Ep. 667. 
He declares, that he had no » fancy to ſettle in n England. 
Ep. 673. | 4 
Ep. 683 is a Preface to a Greek Dictionary, augmented by 
Ceratinus, in which he had ſome little ſhare. He“ obſerves 


juſtly of ſuch labours, that they are both very uſeful, and m_ 
ſeldom eſteemed as they deſerve. 


Mention is made of ſome preſent, which Eraſmus had received 
from Thomas Lovel. Ep. 686. 


2 * 85 In 


u In Anglia ſummos et certiſſimos 
eſt. Niſi forte putas mihi famam eſſe habeo amicos; ſed illic neſcio quo pacto 


viliorem pecunia. Si deeſt unde alat non libet vivere. 
liberos, mendicet. Pudet, inquies. Et 
hujuſmodi facinorum non pudet ? Pro- 
ſtituat uxorem, et ad calices vigilanti Y Scimus hoc laboris genus eſſe mi- 
naſo ſtertat adultero. Nefarium, in- nime glorioſum, præſertim quum pauci 


x Maittaire II. 656. 


quis. Magis nefarium eſt quod facit. reputent quot auctores ſint excutiendi, 


Nulla lex punit capite qui uxorem pro- ut voces aliquot ab aliis præteritas ſeli- 
ſtituat, at capitalem pœnam denunciant gas. Verum, hoc plus debetur illis 
omnes 1s qui libellos edunt famoſos. gratiæ, qui publicæ utilitatis gratia non 

He repeats the ſame thing in his Lin- detrectant ingloriam ac moleſtiæ ple- 


gua, c. 712; ſo much he had it at nam induſtriam. 


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354 


A. D. 1524. 


THE LIFE 


In Ep. 689 he defends himſelf - extremely well againſt bis 
Italian Cavillers. 
His letter to his friend Pace ſhews, that * b and Goc 
had been by ſome methods alienated from him. Ep. 699. 
> Sadolet, in a polite and friendly letter to Eraſmus, intimates, 
that the © Court of Rome intended him ſome conſiderable favour. 
Ep. 708. 
In a letter to Ferdinand, debe to Charles V, Erafinus com- 
plains of Egmond's lies and calumnies, and intreats that Prince 
to command him to be ſilent; intimating, that he had a tongue, 


"568% 
1 


— 


which nothing could reſtrain, except baſtinadoes. He alſo 


honeſtly diſſuades Ferdinand, and other Princes, from waagen 
and burning the poor Lutherans. 


* Appendix. 

Plane confido, qui tui eſt ingenii 
candor, mi Pacæe, te perpetuum ami- 
cum futurum: nec ob id deſciſces ab 
amicitia, quod tanto ſis felicior. Atque 
utinam ſis multo etiam ſelicior. — Lina- 


crum fac in amicitia retineas, et ſi fieri 


poteſt, etiam Grocinum. Non hæc 
ſcribo, quod vel metuam aliquid, vel 
quicquam ab illis exſpectem commodi, 
ſed quod tales viros perpetuo velim ami- 
cos. Non egent illi meis præconiis; 
illud tamen auſim dicere, nec inter An- 
glos eſſe, qui de illis vel ſenſerit mag- 


nificentius, vel prædicaverit honorifi- 


centius, quam Eraſmus. Et non libet 


meminiſſe, quid uterque, haud ſcio 


quorum inſtinctu, in nos molitus fuerit, 

id quod re ipſa comperi, non ſuſpicione 

conjeci: quanquam jam olim idem ol- 

feceram. Sed homines ſumus, ego 

ſemper ero mei ſimilis, et huic injuriæ 

tot opponam illorum benefacta. Lina- 
| 2 


habitus. IIlud literis eſt dignius, officiis 


let IV. 38 1. Du Pin XIV. 177. Vita 


ralitas, ni his difficillimis temporibus 


wh. Saba 


: In 

cri feci honorificam mentionem in Scho- 
liis Hieronymianis. Nil magnum ſit, ſi 
contemnam, contemtus; ſi oderim, odio 


certare, non odiis. Apud Cardinalem 
Eboracenſem, quoties inciderit commo- 
ditas, fac Pacæum agas. 

b Menagian. I. 292. III. 347. 
IV. 231. Boiſſard Icon. p. 263. Bail- 


Sadoleti. It is prefixed to the Edition 
of his works in two Volumes Fol. Gal- 
Izi Imagines. Pope Blount, p. 404. 

« Pontificis in te uberior fuiſſet libe- 


ipſe quoque ad anguſtias redactus eſſet: 
tanta eſt rerum omnium perturbatio, et 
quotidianorum ſumptuum impendiorum- 
que effuſio, ut ſuſtinere ægre poſſit. Sed 
erit locus aliquando et ornandi et au- 
gendi tui. 

+ Tale ingenium folts fuſtibus corri- 
8 poterit. 


Ep. 718. 


OF ERASMUS. 


In a long letter to George Duke of Saxony, he ſhews what A. D. 1524. 
reaſons had made him back ward in attacking Luther, mentions 
the faults on both ſides, and declares himſelf againſt the cruel 
and ſanguinary methods of defending the Cauſe of Rome. 


About this time the bellen of the Peaſants or © Ruſtics blgkn, 
and in the following year ſtretched itſelf over Germany, and not 
leſs than * fifty thouſand of them were lain. 


Then Muncer collected and headed ſome facet rebels of 


the ſame kind, who were deſtroyed together with their chief. 

Amongſt the articles of grievances ſet forth by the Peaſants, 
one was the Game-Laws of thoſe times. The Peaſants com- 
plained, that they not only were not permitted to kill any game, 


but might not drive wild beaſts out of their lands, when they 


deſtroyed the fruits of the earth. 


After this the Anabaptiſts took arms, and did infinite miſ- 
chief in Germany, and in other regions. Luther exerted him- 
ſelf aft theſe fanatical villains, who, being alſo enemies to 


2 2 2 Popery, 


e Tumultus Ruſticorum cladem in- 


tulit Tabulariis Alſatiæ, præſertim A. 
1525; hoc ipſum agente illa colluvie, 
ut Eccleſiis ac Dominis titulos poſſeſſio- 
num atque arma eriperet, quibus ad re- 
cuperanda ſua uti poſſent. See Relat, 
Gotting. Vol. I. Faſc. 1. p. 245. 


_ *f Apricolz, qui nuper tantos tumul- 


tus excitarunt in Germania, procurre- 
vant in aciem, quaſi vellent occidi. 


T. X. c. 1748, : 

Du Pin, H. E. XIII. 92, 106, 126. 
Sleidan L. IV, V, VI, X.  Seckendorf 
L. I. 192, tec, 303, &c. L. Il. p. 1, 
&c. p. 62. L. III. 114, &c. and Sup- 


plem. XL. Continuat. Sleidani L. I. 
P. 68. Scultet. Annal. ap. Von der 


Hardt. Hiſt. Lit. Ref. PV. p. 37, 77. 
Bayle ANABAPTISTES, BoRRHavs, 
Hor MAN, MAMILLAIRES. 

b Ex officina (Munceri) prodiit genus 
hominum, qui propter actionem et ip- 
ſum dogma vocantur Anabaptiſtz,—nam 


et parvulos arcent a baptiſmo, et re- 


baptizantur ipſi, ——, SanQimoniam 


quandam externam præ ſe ferunt, docent 
non licere Chriſtianis in foro contendere, 
non gerere magiſtratum, non jusjuran- 


dum dicere, non habere quid proprium, 
ſed omnia debere omnibus eſſe commu- 
nia. Et hec quidem illi principio, ſed 
multo deinde graviora propoſuerunt. 
Seidan L. R. 


ILY 


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THE LIFE 


A. D. 1524. Popery, were a ſcandal to the Reformation. Luther always 


preached up obedience to the civil Magiſtrate, and condemned 


rebellions againſt the ſtate. His exhortations on this occaſion, 


both to the rebellious Peaſants, and to the tyrannical Nobles, were 
excellent, and give a high idea of his probity, his plain-dealing, 
and his good ſenſe. But when he found that the Fanatics grew 
frantic, and committed the moſt execrable crimes, he exhorted 


the Magiſtrates to draw the ſword, and deſtroy them as fo many 
wild beaſts. 705 uk | 


The leaders of theſe wretched people were Enthuſiaſts, and 
yet not altogether ſo mad, as not to be great rogues : for theſe 
two qualities of Knave and Fanatic go very lovingly together. 

The ſeditious and rebellious Anabaptiſts being cut to pieces, 


of arms to be utterly unlawful. 


Brandt, that many of this ſe& departed from the commonly 


their ſucceſſors went into the contrary extreme, and held the uſe 


It appears from the k hiſtory. of 


received notions concerning the Trinity, and held the ſuperiority 


of God the Father, and that the Monks reproached them, as 


having learned this hereſy from Eraſmus, who yet was no Arian, 
In the year 1538 aroſe the vile ſect of the Antinomians, who 


taught that it mattered not how wicked a man was, if he had 


Negabant (Anabaptiſtæ) in infanti- 
bus peccatum eſſe, aut eos baptiſmo 
opus habere; rejiciebant itaque in totum 
pædobaptiſmum; infirmitatem innatam, 
id eſt, pravam. concupiſcentiam, vel 
culpam originis non eſſe peccatum, ſed 
tale demum fieri, fi conſenſus in adultis 
accedat : infantes igitur omnes, etiam 
Furcorum, Judzorum, et Gentilium, 
ſalvari abſque baptiſmo, bona enim eſſe 
omnia creata a Deo: Chriſtianes non 
poſſe magiſtratu fungi, nec gladio uti: 
opus non eſſe inter Chriſtianos magi- 
ſtratibus, ſed miniſtros verbi ſufficere: 


but 


juramenta illicita eſſe: condemnabant 


proprietatem poſſeſſionum; et commu- 


nionem bonorum, ad morem Apoſtoli- 
cum, urgebant: conjugium inter fide- 
lem et infidelem, id eſt, inter Anabap- 


tiſtas cum ſectæ illi non addictis, impro- 


babant, et pro fornicatione hahebant, 
unde plurimas conjugum exercebant ſe- 
parationes. Seckendorf L. III. 115. 

Anno 1535. 
i The Lutherans did not own them 
as brethren. See Seckendorf L. II. p. 4. 
* Hoc anno prodiit fecta eorum, qui 
dicuntur Antinomi=—hi ſtatuunt, quæ- 
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OF ERASMUS. 357 
but faith, The principal perſon amongſt them was Joannes Iſle- A. D. 1524. 
bias Agricola, Luther had the honour not only of confuting, 
dt of converting this man, and of brin * g him back to his 
© ſenſes and to his duty. 
In the firſt Anabaptiſts there was a ſurpriſing mixture of 
wickedneſs, folly, ſtupidity, and religious frenzy. An immoral 
Fanatic is of all animals the moſt dangerous to the Church and 
State; and the hiſtory of theſe Anabaptiſts is an everlaſtin g monu- 
ment of the miſchief which ſuch people can perpetrate. 
About this time (ſays Perizonius) Anabaptiſm, an evil which 
« had lately ſprung up, grievouſly afflicted Holland and the 
= * neighbouring regions. The men of this ſe& not only forbad 
YZ e jnfant-baptiſm, and rebaptized adults, who had been already 
| « baptized in their infancy, but boaſted of inſpirations and reve- 
« lations. They rejected all the Liberal Arts, deſtroyed all 
© books except the holy Scriptures, aboliſhed all magiſtracies and 
civil government, and declared that they would extirpate the 
« Ungodly, and ſet up the Kingdom of Sion. They ſeem to have 
<« ſhewed themſelves firſt at Suiccavia or Cygnea Zwickaw] in 
« Saxony, A. 1521, where Nicolas Storch was their head; to 
whom immediately joined themſelves Marc Stubner, Martin 
« Cellarius, and Thomas Munzer, who was alſo the ring-leader 
* of the rebellious. Ruſtics. They began to raiſe commotions in 


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eumque tandem fit hominis vita, et quan- That poiſoned. doctrine of the Anti- 
tumvis impura, juſtificari tamen eum, ſi nomians proceedeth mildly, fleſh. and 
modo promiſſionibus Evangelii credat. blood reliſheth it well, it is ſweet, it 
I! his erat facile primus Joannes Iſlebius maketh people rude and ſecure, it will 
3 Agricola. Lutherus autem iſta copioſe produce much miſchief. poi all. 

= refutat, ——Iflebjus tandem a Luthero. Menſ. p. 429. | 
commonefactus privatim, et facta Scrip- See: alſo Seckendorf "A III. P. . 35 
turæ collatione, rectius inſtitutus in ſen- and Bayle, AGRICOLA, (JEAN) and 


tentiam ejus accedit, idque publico deinde TsLEBIENs, and Melchior Adam Vit. 
ſcripto teſtatur, confeſſus errorem. Slei- Agric, p 195. Vit. Luth. p. 71. 
dan L. XII. p. 312. eee. 


1 = 


359 


A, D, 1524. 


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in common. It is proper to keep a ſtrict hand over ſuch Fa- 
natics at their firſt appearance, and before they gather ſtrength : 
for all the violence and the miſchiefs which enſued, aroſe from 


(c 


8 


(( 


THE LIF E 
the above-mentioned city and year; and ſome of them were 


flung into priſon. Hence aroſe the Anabaptiſts, who after- 
wards ſhewed themſelves in various regions. 


« The Helvetians or Switzers, a ſe in the year 1 522 ſeem 


to have been of the ſame origin and ſtamp: for Munzer, before 


<« he headed the Ruſtics, had preached his doctrines in Switzer- 


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land; and after him his diſciples, Balthaſar Hubmeier, and 
others, did the ſame, and excited tumults there, A. 1525, We 


do not read that any of the Anabaptiſts were put to death there 


before this year; nor did they ſuffer then as Anabaptiſts, but 
| becauſe they brake the oath. which they had taken to the 
government, and were guilty of inſurrections and rebellions. 
About this time Mupzer excited thoſe terrible commotions in 
Germany, which ought to be a warning to Poſterity, to beware 


of Enthuſiaſts, who proceed upon the levelling ſyſtem, allow 
of no private property, and want to have all things open and 


theſe principles. 
« Some have confidently affirmed, that Zuinglius declared 


himſelf for putting Anabaptiſts to death, and faid, Let him who 
dippeth again, be dipped, that is, drowned : but it is a very im 
_ probable ſtory, ſince Minius Celſus himſelf, namely, Sebaſtian 


Caſtellio, whoſe teſtimony in points of this kind ought to be 
credited, having publicly defended his poſition, That heretics 
ought not to be put to death, appeals to the authority of Zuing- 
lius, and affirms, that the Anabaptiſts at that time never ſuf- 


fered on account of their opinions, as heretics, but of their 


evil actions, as perjured and ſeditious rebels. 
<« Several of theſe men being puniſhed and executed in Ger- 


many, along with Munzer, their chieftain, the remainder fled, 


and. were diſperſed i in Evers regions : : and Rk hes 


« with 


1 
8 


= 
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3 

IL 


wth 
* 


OF ERASMUS. 339 


« with other fanatics like himſelf, departed from Holland, and A. D. 1524. 
« raiſed diſturbances in other places. The founder of this ſect 
« amongſt us was Melchiot Hofman, who came to Embden 
« A, 1529. Thence the Enthuſiaſtic Spitit drove him to Stratſ- 
« burg, to act the Elias: but, inſtead of the New Jeruſalem, 
« which he intended to erect there, he found a jail and a halter. 
« At Embden he left as his ſucceſſor John Trypemaker, A. 1 530, 
« who thence repaired to Amſterdam, and afterwards was execu- 
« ted at the Hague. After him, the principal leader of the 
« Anabaptiſts, who were become numerous in Holland, was John 
* fon of Matthias, a baker of Harlem, who, caſting off his old 
« wife, went to Amſterdam, and took with him a brewer's 
daughter, a very handſome girl. There he acted the Prophet, 
« and the Enoch, and ſent forth His Apoſtles into > divers regions, 
but chiefly about the neighbourhood. 
« Amongſt theſe, John Bucold, or Bökelſen, a taylor of Ley- 
« den, and one Gerard, were ſent by him to Munſter, where the 
« Reformed religion had been lately introduced, and preached by 
_ « Bernard Rotman. The Senate had publicly permitted the 
« exerciſe of it: the Biſhop and the Canons at firſt violently 
| © oppoſed it; but at length found it expedient to ſubmit and 
« conſent to it, upon condition that the principal or Cathedral 
« Church ſhould belong to them, and that the other Churches 
e ſhould be granted to the new Set. At the fame time, along 
« with the Reformation, Anabaptiſm filently crept in, and, after 
„the arrival of Bucold, (John of Leyden) had ſpread itſelf ſo 
much, that not only many of the citizens, but even Rotman 
e himſelf, who before had oppoſed it, was ſo infatuated as to 
embrace it openly. Theſe Fanatics, now troubleſome and 
dangerous, were commanded by the Senate to depart from the 
city; upon which they withdrew, but ſoon returned and raiſed 
a ſedition; and then the whole city took arms, and was ſplit 
into two parties, very nearly equal ; each of which ſeized upon 
different 


5 & LY 
e 


360 


A. D. 1524. 


0 


= 


2 


THE LIFE 


ee different quarters of the town, and kept poſſeſſion of chem for 
<« three days. At laſt they came to an agreement to lay down 


« their arms on both ſides, and to dwell together, upon this con- 
dition, that every man ſhould profeſs that religion which pleaſed 
« him beſt. But the Anabaptiſts ſecretly called in many of their 
<« fraternity from neighbouring towns and villages; and thus, 
ce being grown the ſtronger party, they all ran about the ſtreets 


< of the city, crying out to the inhabitants, Depart, ye Ungodly, 
«« depart, unleſs ye chuſe to be put to the ſword. . Hereupon 
e both Papiſts and Proteſtants fled together, and the Anabaptiſts 


cc entered into their houſes, and rifled them, burned all the books 


<« that they could find, except the Bible, eſtabliſhed the Kingdom 


< 


ov 


c 


and choſe out of their own gang two Conſuls, Bernard Cnip- 
perdolling, and Gerard Kippenbrock. But John Matthias had 


c 


A 


* 


A 


* 


of their ſucceſs, had betaken himſelf thither. 


{« In the mean time the Biſhop of Munſter collected an army, 


* and obtained from the neighbouring Princes and Cities auxiliary 


©. ay 


£ 


- 


but the Anabaptiſts making a deſperate defence, he reſolved, 
by depriving them of ſupplies from without, to reduce them 
by famine. 
In one of their ſallies from the city, their Prophet was killed, 
* and John Bucold ſucceeded him in his office, who, rejecting 
„the old Senate, appointed twelve Judges in his Mrael to prefide 


cc 


© over affairs. Afterwards he declared, that the prophetic ſpirit 


« was departed from him, and had entered into John Tut- 


cofchurer, a goldſmith, of Varendorp. This new Prophet, in 
return for the favour, proclaimed Bucold King of Lion, in the 
e name and by the order of God. Bucold then ſolemnly pro- 
teſted, that God had revealed this to him alſo; and with a 


cc 


«c 


cc 


of the New Jeruſalem, as they called it, aboliſhed the Senate, 


the ſupreme power, under the title of Prophet, who, hearing 


troops and artillery, and tried to recover Munſter by force: 


— applauſe took poſſeſſion of his kingdom, put down 
1 


+ * 


1 
3M 


La) 
-” 


OF ERASMUS. 


« niſters of State and Counſellors, dreſſed himſelf in royal appa- 


« rel, declared that polygamy was lawful, and took to himſelf 


« fifteen wives, the principal of whom was the young widow of 
« John Matthias, who was proclaimed Queen. Some perſons 


« amongſt them, who were not quite mad, ſaw through this 


« mockery, and abhorred ſuch proceedings, and entered ſecretly 
into a treaty with the Biſhop to betray the city to him, if he 
« would ſpare' their lives. But the plot was diſcovered, and in- 


_ « formation againſt them was made to the King, and all of them, 
« being more than fifty, were publicly put to death, by order 


of his Majeſty, and by the hand of Cnipperdolling, whom the 


new Monarch had honoured with two offices, and had made 


« him Governor of the City and Common Executioner. The 


King himſelf alſo, with his own hand publicly beheaded one 
of his own wives, becauſe the poor creature had expreſſed a 


« doubt, whether theſe ; proceedings were according to the will of 


©« God. 
« He was full of hopes, that a powerful army, collected prin- 


« cipally in Holland, would ſoon come to his relief, and put the 
« befiegers to flight. And indeed at the end of March ſome 
« thouſands of men, in ſeveral ſhips, came to Over-Vſſel, and had 


appointed the Mount of St. Agnes, near Zwoll, for their place 
of rendezyous. Many alſo from other parts flocked thither in 
* carriages, and.on horſes. Being. ſeized and aſked, Whither 


« they were going? they anſwered, To Mount Sion, or Munſter, 
to deliver our brethren and ſiſters, who are beſieged. In the 
« ſhips was found nothing beſides a large quantity of ſwords, 
« ſpears, muſkets, and ſome drums and ſtandards ; whence it 
was evident that they intended to fight with the Ungodly, for 
“ ſo they called all thoſe who were not in their ſentiments. 
* Theſe weapons therefore were taken from them, as alſo their 
" " of which they had collected a conſiderable ſum, 
3 A | | $e havin 8 


361 
« the twelve Judges whom he had lately made, choſe other Mi- A. D. 1524- 


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A. D. 1524. 


THE LIF E 
ee different quarters of the town, and kept poſſeſſion of them for 


<« three days. At laſt they came to an agreement to lay down 
« their arms on both ſides, and to dwell together, upon this con- 


dition, that every man ſhould profeſs that religion which pleaſed 


« him beſt. But the Anabaptiſts ſecretly called in many of their 


< fraternity from neighbouring towns and villages; and thus, 
© being grown the ſtronger party, they all ran about the ſtreets | 


ce of the city, crying out to the inhabitants, Depart, ye Ungodly, 
<« depart, unleſs ye chuſe to be put to the ſword. . Hereupon 


« both Papiſts and Proteſtants fled together, and the Anabaptiſts 


<« entered into their houſes, and rifled them, burned all the books 
<« that they could find, except the Bible, eſtabliſhed the Kingdom 


of the New Jeruſalem, as they called it, aboliſhed the Senate, 


ce and choſe out of their own gang two Conſuls, Bernard Cnip- 


<« perdolling, and Gerard Kippenbrock. But John Matthias had 
|< the ſupreme power, under the title of Prophet, who, hearing 


« of their ſucceſs, had betaken himſelf thither. 


ec In the mean time the Biſhop of Munſter collected an army, 
% and obtained from the neighbouring Princes and Cities auxiliary 


* troops and artillery, and tried to recover Munſter by force: 


e but the Anabaptiſts making a deſperate defence, he reſolved, 
« by depriving them of ſupplies from without, to reduce them 
e by famine. 

* In one of their ſallies from the city, their Prophet was killed, 
&« and John Bucold ſucceeded him in his office, who, rejecting 
« the old Senate, appointed twelve Judges in his 1 ael to prefide 
« over affairs. Afterwards he declared, that the prophetic ſpirit 


* was departed from him, and had entered into John Tuit- | 


* cofchurer, a goldſmith, of Varendorp. This new Prophet, in 


return for the favour, proclaimed Bucold King of Sion, in the 
name and by the order of God. Bucold then ſolemnly pro- 
K teſted, that God had revealed this to him alſo; and with a 


” — applauſe took — of his kingdom, put down 
« the 


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OF ERASMUS. 361 
« the twelve Judges whom he had lately made, choſe other Mi- A. D. 1524. 
« niſters of State and Counſellors, dreſſed himſelf in royal appa- 
« rel, declared that polygamy was lawful, and took to himſelf 
ee fifteen wives, the principal of whom was the young widow of 
« « John Matthias, Who was proclaimed Queen. Some perſons 
« amongft them, who were not quite mad, ſaw through this 
« mockery, and abhorred ſuch proceedings, and entered ſecretly 
« jnto a treaty with the Biſhop to betray the city to him, if he 
« would ſpare their lives. But the plot was diſcovered, and in- 


_ « formation againſt them was made to the King, and all of them, 


« being more than fifty, were publicly put to death, by order 
« of his Majeſty, and by the hand of Cnipperdolling, whom the 
« new Monarch had honoured with two offices, and had made 
« him Governor of the City and Common Executioner. The 
« King himſelf alſo, with his: own hand publicly beheaded one 
« of his own wives, becauſe the poor creature had expreſſed a 


doubt, whether theſe reg were according to the will of 


4e God. 

« He was full of hopes, chat a SE © army, collected prin- 
« cipally in Holland, would ſoon come to his relief, and put the 
« befiegers to flight. And indeed at the end of March ſome 


* thouſands of men, in ſeveral ſhips, came to Over-Yſlel, and had 


appointed the Mount of St. Agnes, near Zwoll, for their place 


« of rendezvous. Many alſo from other parts flocked thither in 


* carriages, and on horſes. Being ſeized and aſked, Whither 


they were going? they anſwered, To Mount Sion, or Munſter, 


* to deliver our brethren and ſiſters, who are beſieged. In the 
« ſhips was found nothing beſides a large quantity of ſwords, 


© ſpears, muſkets, and ſome drums and ſtandards ; whence it 
was evident that they intended to fight with the Ungodly, for 
« ſo they called all thoſe who were not in their ſentiments. 
© Theſe weapons therefore were taken from them, as alſo their 
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362 
A. D. 1524. 


THE LIFE 


* having ſold all their goods and- poſſeſſions at any rate; and their 
* leaders were put to death, 

« At the ſame time, at Amſterdam, and at noon- day, five 
cc - a ran through the ſtreets with drawn ſwords, and 
« with a loud voice denouncing bleſſings and curſings upon the 
« city, in the name of the Lord. Theſe were apprehended by 
« the citizens, and beheaded ; as were ſeveral more the ſame 
« year, in different parts of Holland. But even theſe rigorous 
e proceedings could not tame them; for, in the beginning of 


« the following year, (1535) about forty men attempted to 
« make themſelves maſters of the city of Leyden by night. But 


the Magiſtrates, being apprized of it, ſtopped the clocks from 


« ſtriking the hours of the night, and drew together the militia 


« jn a ſilent manner, and finding fifteen men and five women 


« aſſembled together, put them into priſon, and then beheaded 
the men, and drowned the women. After this, in the month 
« of February, ſeven men and five women, of the Anabaptiſts, 
" pulling off their cloaths, even their ſhirts and ſhifts, and fling- 
« ing them into the fire, ran naked about the city, headed by 
« Theodoric Snider, who was their Prophet, crying out thrice, 
« o, and God's Revenge. Being taken and brought into Court, 
« and ordered to put on ſome cloaths, they refuſed, ſaying, that 
ce they were the Naked Truth, IT heſe perſons, being condemned, 


“ ſuffered death with wonderful conſtancy, ſhall we call it? or 


« ſtybbornnefs, and a full perſuaſion that they were highly in 


« the favour of God. After this, in the month of March, about 
<« three hundred men, chiefly of Franeker, with their wives and 


children, in Friefland near Bolſawert, ſeized upon the houſe 


« called the Old Monaſtery, and expelled the Monks from it: but 


they were beſieged by George Schenk, who on the fifth 


« attack made himſelf maſter of the place. Moſt of them were 


e lain in taking the ee, and the 5 Kinn were hanged 
| 05 Or r beheaded, | 


John 


The! 


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OF ERASMUS. 


« John Gelenius had been the author of this commotion, A. D. 1 524 


2 whom the King had ſent from Munſter to ſeize upon theſe 
cc regions, principally upon Amſterdam : for he had ſent forth 


« twerity-ſix Prophets to various towns, to preach the Goſpel of 


« his Kingdom. Theſe men, being caſt into priſon whereſoever 


« they appeared, received the wages of their madneſs, and yet 
ce perſiſted i in it to the laſt. One eſcaped, Henry Hilverſum, and 
« returning to Munſter, pretended that an Angel had taken him 
« out of priſon on the day before he ſhould have ſuffered ; and 


« had ordered him to tell the King, that three of the principal 


« cities, Amſterdam, Daventer, and Weſel, would ſoon ſubmit 
« to his government. Encouraged by this meſſage, and giving 


« credit, as it ſhould ſeem, to theſe fictions, he appointed John 
« Campenſis to go to Amſterdam, and to be the Biſhop of his 


« Church there, and with him Gelenius, a military man, who 
« ſhould be the General, and collect forces in Holland and 


« Frieſland, and lead them to Munſter, and put the beſiegers to 
« flight, This man, who had excited tumults in Frieſland, 
« thence fled to Amſterdam, where he lay concealed for a time. 


© Afterwards he went to Bruſſels, and obtained a pardon, on a 
e promiſe of managing affairs in ſuch a manner, as to deliver up 


* Munſter into the hands of the Emperor Charles. Hereupon 


« he returned, and ſhewed himſelf openly at Amſterdam : but 
all the while he was ſecretly plotting to ſeize upon that city, 


and ſubje& it to the King of Munſter. This he attempted 
e with about forty men, hoping that many more would imme- 


© diately join him. So, upon the tenth of May, theſe frantic. 


« people, when night came on, ruſhed into the market-place, 


* with arms, drums, and banners, ſeized upon the Hall, and 


* flew moſt of the Watch. The Conſuls, apprized of it, called 
* the citizens to arms, and marched directly to the market-place, 
© but were repulſed by theſe Rebels; and Peter Colin, the Con- 
"* ſul, a worthy man, who headed the citizens, and fought with 
mr « great 


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A. D. 1524. 


THE LIFE 


« great bravery, was killed in the engagement. The other Con- 
« ſul ordered all the avenues to the market-place to be ſtopped 


« up with large ſacks filled with hops, which might ſerve as a 


« hreaſt-work to ſecure the citizens. Then he immediately 


« enliſted a body of volunteers, and drew them up behind the 
In the mean time, 


ce breaſt-work, to wait there till the morning. 
« the Anabaptiſts ſpent the whole night in ſinging pſalms in the 


« market- place. But when the day began to break, the volun- 


© teers, ſeeing them rambling about the market, took aim, and 
« wounded ſome of them. Hereupon they fled into the Town- 
« Hall, and the citizens purſued them, and ruſhed in after 


be them. There theſe Ruffians were ſoon routed, and eight and 
« twenty of them lain. 


Gelenius, their captain, ſeeing. that all 
« was loſt, ran up into the turret, and drew the ladder after him, 
« and knowing what torments he ſhould ſuffer, if he was taken, 
© expoſed himſelf to the aim of the citizens, who ſtood with- 


« out in the market-place, and, receiving ſeveral wounds, fell 


« down dead. In theſe ſkirmiſhes twenty of the citizens loſt 
« their lives. The Anabaptiſts who were taken priſoners, being 


twelve, were executed in a dreadful manner, but yet according 


« to their deſerts. Their breaſts were cut open, whilſt they 
« were alive, and their hearts pulled out, and flung into their 
« faces. Their bodies were cut into four parts, and each of 
<« the quarters fixed upon the gates. The carcaſſes of the lain 
« were hung upon gibbets by the heels. And then as many of 
the ſec as could be diſcovered, both men and women, were 
« deſtroyed, till by degrees it was quite rooted up. _ 

And now their brethren of Munſter were diſheartened, at 


the report of theſe ſad diſaſters, and at the ſame time worn out with 
« famine, which was ſo grievous that many of them had been ſtar- 


« ved to death, and the ſurvivors were reduced to eat unuſual food, 
© horſes, dogs, cats, mice, and any vermin, and even ſkins and 
* the coverings of books: and it is s ſaid, chat, when the city was 

« taken, 


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OF ERASMUS. 355 

« taken, the hands and feet of children were found in pickle. A. D. 1624. 
« At length, the King gave leave to all perſons to depart from 
« the city, if they were ſo inclined. Some accepted of the offer ; 
« but moſt of them chaſe rather to ſtay, and to endure all 
« extremities. 

«- A certain ſoldier, who for ſome crime had deſerted from 
« the Biſhop's army, and fled to the rebels, now returned from 


« the city, where all was full of deſpair, to the camp, and laid 


« before the Biſhop an eaſy method of taking it. By this man's 
directions and conduct, Munſter at the laſt, at the end of June, 


4 1535, after a ſiege of eighteen months, came into the Biſhop's 


« hands; yet not without a violent reſiſtance, and a ſmart engage- 
« ment, particularly in the market-place, where the beſieged 
« had fenced themſelves with a circle of waggons. But the 
« ſoldiers forcing a paſſage, moſt of the Fanatics were cut to 
pieces, and amongſt them, as it was thought, Bernard Rotman. 
“The Ning, with Cnipperdolling and Crechting, was taken alive. 
« For ſome months they were made a public ſhew, and carried 


about to the courts of ſeveral: Princes; and in January of the 


following year he was ſet upon a ſcaffold, in his on kingdom. 


« and city, and tormented for more than an hour by two execu- 
«© tioners, who tare off his fleſh with hot pinchers ; ; and then, a 
« ſword being thruſt through his breaſt, he expired, aged only 


« twenty-ſix. His two companions underwent the ſame puniſh- 
« ment, Their carcaſſes were put into iron baſkets, and hung 


up on the higheſt tower in the city. They ſhewed a remark- 


« able patience under theſe torments; and the Ning, after he 
* had knelt down, and recommended his ſoul into the hands of 


God, never uttered the leaſt complaint or groan ; nor did Cnip- 


« perdolling and Crechting ſuffer with lefs conſtancy. Hence we 
* may learn, that Religion, though a falſe one, hath a wonder- 
ful effect upon a mind that entertains it with a full perſua- 


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cc and then theſe Ruffians exerciſed many acts of outrage and 


c nation from Hofman, abhorred the polygamy and the violent 


e the Fanatics. This man, at laſt, died at Baſil in the year 
« 1556, where he had taken refuge, bringing great wealth along 


* Anabaptiſm of every thing that was frantic, enthuſiaſtic, and 


THE LIFE 
ce pure and immoral, which an Enthuſiaſt cannot adopt as a part 
« of his religion; and conſequently that we muſt not too haſtily 
c reject the teſtimony of the ancient Fathers concerning the 
« filthy and wicked doctrines and deeds of the CO and 
„ Manichzans. | 

Thus fell the kingdom of the Anabaptiſts of Munſter by a 
« ſeries of dreadful calamities: yet John Batenburg attempted to 


* raiſe it up again; he collected together, and comforted and 


<« confirmed the diſtreſſed and ſcattered remnant of this faction; 


ce cruelty upon their adverſaries, in villages, and up and down 
« in the country. But the Anabaptiſts, who had their denomi- 


ee deeds of theſe men, although not leſs enthuſiaſtic than they, 
« So they appointed a meeting in Auguſt 1536, and aſſembled 
« at a town in the territories of Munſter, to try if they could 
come to an agreement: and ſomething of an accommodation 
« was then made, by the mediation of David ſon of George, a 
« glaſs-maker of Delft, one who had been in high repute with 
« the Anabaptiſts of MunRer, and afterwards was ſo amongſt all 


„ with him, and where he acted with profound diſſimulation, 
* holding communion with the Zuinglians, pretending to have 
« fled from Holland on account of Proteſtantiſm, and keeping 
his real ſentiments concealed from all perſons. 

« At length aroſe Ubo, ſon of Philip, as a Reformer, who 
e departed from all the above-mentioned Fanatics, and purged 


« ſeditious. This man had been baptized, and made a teacher, 3 

by the Apoſtles whom John Matthias had ſent to Frieſland, I 
* Leeuwarden, in the year 1534: and in 1536 he laid his 
* hands 


A 
* 


1 See a large account of bim in Thuanus L. XXII. 667. 


= 


OF ERASMUS. 


4 hands upon Menno, the ſon of Simon, of a village near Bol- A.D. 1 524» 


« ſawert, who had been a prieſt, and ſent him forth as a preacher. 
« From this Menno, who became very famous in both Frieſlands, 


'« Our Anabaptiſts have taken their denomination, and are called 
« Mennonites. Yet even in his time violent ſchiſms aroſe amongſt 


« them, chiefly on account of their excommunications, which 
te they dealt out very liberally upon the flighteſt occaſions, and 
« carried to ſuch rigour, that even the wife of an excommuni- 


e cated man was to renounce all intercourſe and connections with 


&« her huſband. Many diſapproved this doctrine and practice, 
« who were called afterwards Franekerans and Waterlandians, 
« Menno died in 1559, between Hamburg and Lubeck, when, 
« being expelled from Holland, he had betaken bimſelf firſt to 


00 Eaſt Frieſland, and then to Wiſmar. . 


« Theſe outrages and ſeditions of the Anabaptiſts did no anal 


« harm to the Reformation in the Low Countries, and in other 


© regions: for Princes and Magiſtrates, and indeed many private 
« perſons entertained an opinion, that all theſe inſurrections and 


« all this fanaticiſm proceeded from the New Religion, and that 
« in it were contained the ſeeds: of anarchy and ſedition; 


« imagining that they who rejected the authority of the Pope, 
and the Hierarchy, and Epiſcopal juriſdiction, were equally 


e diſpoſed to, deſtroy all ſubordination and civil government, 
** which indeed was the avowed doctrine of the firſt Anabap- 
« tiſts. Under the pretence therefore of cruſhing theſe enthu- 


« ſiaſts, cruel, edits were made, and a- perſecution carried on, 
e againſt all the oppoſers of the Church of Rome, but princi- 
« pally againſt the Zuinglians, who were ſuppoſed to approach 
©« nearer to Anabaptiſm than the Lutherans, becauſe, like the 
0 Anabaptiſts, they rejected the doctrine of the bodily preſence 


« of Chriſt 1 in the Euchariſt. Henceforwards our Annals are 
filled with accounts of Proteſtant Martyrs. We find in the 


year 53% IA the Aura were Figed and Püree at 


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A. D. 1524. 


THE. LIFE 


&« Over-Vſſel, as uy were going to Munſter, that the deen 
© of Deventer bound themſelves by an oath to aſſiſt each other 
te by night and by day againſt Lutheraniſm, the mother, as they 
e accounted: her, of Anabaptifm';' and, in the year following, 
purged themſelves of Lutheraniſm by an oath, and made it 2 
< capital crime to profeſs that religion. Yet they refuſed to 
“ admit the Emperor's Commiſſaries, who had been appointed 
<« Inquiſitors of Lutheraniſm ; but choſe for themſelves four 


8 


* 


c from the Lower, and eight from the Upper Senate, who ſhould 


« exerciſe this office, according to the Imperial -edifts.' This 
e did they oppoſe all reformation, through a dread and a hatred 
« of Anabaptiſm.” Perizonius Hiſt. Sec. XVI. p. 194. 2 

This year Luther was occupied in tranſlating the book of ® Job, 


E 


and complains to a friend of the difficulty of the taſk ; and ob- 


| ſerves, ſome what jocoſely, that * Job choſe to fit on _ dia Skill, 


and not to admit of Interpreters. 

About this time the violent and — + con- 
cerning the Euchariſt was excited amongſt the Proteſtants. As 
many books were written upon the ſubject as would load ſeve. 
ral waggons; but the diſpute produced far worſe effects than 
the mere waſte of ink and of German paper, and did no ſmall 
harm to the Reformation, 1 tl! 

Eraſmus wrote an excellent obi to ollen in which he 
gives an hiſtory of himſelf, and an account and a catalogue of 


all his works. It ſhall be inſerted in the Appendix. Some 
remarkable things contained in that Epiſtle are omitted for the 


Wanne on the Refer my! not thave e s wr. on oo: | 


* Luther was inclined to think that conſolationis amicorum, aut certe per- 
Solomon was the author of the book petuo vult ſedere in ſterquilinio. Nil 
of Job. Collog. Menſ. p. 359. forte id voluit auctor libri ejus, ne un- 

In transferendo Hiob tantum 5 quam transferatur. See Seckendorf L. I 


nobis negotii, ob ſtyli grandiffimi gran- p. 204. 


ditatem, ut videatur multo impatien- » Seckendorf J. p · 302. See Bayle 
tiof tranſlationis noſtræ eſſe, quam fuit Morn; and Mokus, Not. A. 
2 


OF ERAS M US. 369 
His Querela Pacis was about this time tranſlated into Spaniſh. A. D. 1524. 
Ep. 673. 
The Aſtrologers had foretold that the world ſhould periſh by 


a deluge in 1524, and terrified many People all over Europe. 
Bayle N1PHus, and STOFLER., 


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1 


Praſmus, in Ep. 728 to Oecolampadius, is angry with him, A. D. 1525. 
E becauſe, in the Preface to his Commentary on Ifaiah, he had ſaid OTE 
of Eraſmus, Magnus Eraſmus nefter ; which might give occaſion 
to the enemies of the latter to ſay, that he and Oecolampadius 
were of a mind. He would have been better pleaſed that Oeco- 
lampadius had even ſpoken ill of him, than that he ſhould have 
treated him as a friend. What reply this learned and worthy 
Reformer made to his ſtrange complaint, we know not: but he 
might very juſtly have told Eraſmus, that he had done him more 
honour than he deſerved, and that for the future he would throw 
away no more civilities upon him. The beginning of this Epiſtle 
is not worthy of Eraſmus. I judge you not, ſays he; I leave 
= that to the Lord, who will abſolve or condemn you: but I con- 
= fider what ſeveral great men think of you, the Emperor, the 
Pope, Ferdinand, the King of England, the Biſhop of Rocheſter, 
Cardinal Wolſey, and many others, whoſe authority it is not ſafe 
for me to deſpiſe, and whoſe favour it is not prudent for me to 
throw away. Frank enough! But this was almoſt to ſay, in 
= other words, that truth and juſtice in this point were not the rules 
bol his conduct; and that a fear of provoking thoſe, who gave 
him penſions, and could do him a miſchief, had too much in- 
fluence over his proceedings. And yet, when any of the Re- 
formed hinted that he acted by ſuch motives, he always took 
fire, and complained loudly, Although we have the higheſt 
eſteem for nnn yet the indiſpenſable laws of — oblige 
3 B us 


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| 370 THE LIFE 

1 A. D. 1525. us to take notice of theſe infirmities, were it only to ſhame thoſe, B 
| who imitate him in the moſt blameable part of his behaviour, 
1 It is a deſpicable meanneſs to be afraid of being commended b * 
thoſe whom we ſecretly honour and value, leſt we ſhould give H 


offence to others whom we eſteem not, and leſt we ſhould ſuffer 
in our worldly intereſts. Eraſmus had done better to have 
accepted of a profeſſorſhip in Switzerland, or in ſome reformed . 
country, where he might have dwelt in ſafety, and have been 
under no neceſſity to accommodate himſelf to the humours of 

incorrigible men. Thus Le Clerc obſerves; but then it muſt 
alſo be conſidered, that Eraſmus was not ſatisfied with all the 
doctrines of the Lutherans, or of the Zuinglians, and ſtill leſs 
with the perſons of ſeveral of them. A Profeſſorſhip amongſt 
them might have proved a more uneaſy ſituation to him, than 
any which he had experienced in all his life. He might have 
liked it even worſe than a Monaſtery, which indeed never was a 
Cage fit for ſuch a Bird, 

This year he dedicated to the Biſhop of Outs an edition of 
Pliny the Naturaliſt, wherein he had corrected many paſſages 
by the help of an ancient manuſcript. Ep. 730. 

De Hondt, Canon of Courtray, had the canonry, from which 
Eraſmus received a penſion. Eraſmus in a letter to him inveighs, 
according to cuſtom, againſt the Reformed ; and obſerves, as a 
very ſtrange thing, that there were amongſt them perſons, who 
believed that in the Euchariſt there was nothing beſides bread and 
wine, But he complains as much of P. Barbier, who had 7ran- 
ſubſtantiated forty franks from the Emperor's penſion to him, and 
had endeavoured to ſeize upon part of his other penſion from 
the Canonry of Courtray. He ſuppoſeth that poverty had com- 
pelled this man to follow Aleander, who was then an Archbiſhop, 


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and was gone to France, as Pope's Nuncio. 
George, Duke of Saxony, had deſired Eraſmus to recommend | 
to him a perſon to be profeſſor of the Greek tongue at Leiplic. , 
Er aſmus 0 


OF ERASMUS. 371 


Eraſmus ſent him Jac. Ceratinus, who was then at Louvain, A.D. 1525. 
and whom he extols as a worthy man, and one of the beſt ſcho- 
lars in the world. Yet it appeared afterwards, that this learned 
YH Profeſſor was in the ſentiments of Luther: but that was more 
E than Eraſmus knew. Ep. 736, 737, 738, 763. 
4 _ Ep. 739 is to Martinus Hunnus, a phyſician. 
| He received ſome notes of Natalis * Bedda, or Beda, upon his 
Paraphraſe of St. Luke. He returned Bedda his thanks, and 
prayed him to do the ſame on his other Paraphraſes, and prin- 
cipally on his Annotations ; and told him, that he would make 
a proper uſe of them in a fourth Edition of his New Teſtament, 
E which he was preparing. But Bedda having attacked him with 
2 too much * acrimony, theſe compliments, which Bedda little 
deſerved, were changed into warm reproaches. Eraſmus ſpeaks 
alſo with the utmoſt contempt of Petrus Sutor, ſome time Doctor 
of the Sorbonne, and then a Carthuſian, who had attacked him, 
and oppoſeth to his cavils the favourable judgments of Adrian VI, 
and of the Biſhops of London and Rocheſter, who had com- 


mended his works. Amongſt his Apologies, there is a treatiſe 
in anſwer to this man. Ep. 741. 


In this year he probably wrote a letter to Goclenius, Pro- 
feſſor of Latin at Louvain, which is prefixed to the firſt Tome 
of his works; wherein, after grievous complaints of Hutten and 


Eppendorf, he * that if he had known the 3 temper 
1232 | of 


” Bayle Dit. CERATINUS. Val. tion of the ſame kind was afterwards 
Andreæ Bibl. Belg. p. 419. Miræi brought againſt Beza. Bayle BE Z E, 
Elog. Belg. p. 130. „ Not. 03.43, e . FT, . 

4 Melch. Adam. c. 489, To avoid offence, this part of 

x Bayle BED A. Du Pin XIV. 1 N Henry's title was omitted in ſubſequent 
Remarques ſur Bayle in the Relat. Got- Editions. 33 25 | 
ting. Vol. III. Faſc. I. p. 97. t Epiſtola Secretiſſima, *Ayayivos xt 

* Bedda accuſed Eraſmus of having ue, Y Nbg. | | 
given to Henry VIII the title of King « Melch, Adam. 
of England, France, &c. An accuſa- | 


_ 


_ 
_ 


372 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1 825 of the Germans, he would ſooner have gone to Turky than to 


Baſil. And yet he owns, that he knew not where to go elſe, 


and how to mend his quarters; for he had juſt cauſe to fear every 
place, where the Pope and the Monks had too much authority. 
And therefore, after all his croſs ſpeeches about Baſil, and about 
the Reformed party, he certainly rejoiced inwardly, that the 
Monks had no intereſt and ſway in that city. 
In this letter he makes a fort of laſt will and teſtament; 
whence it appears, that although his penſion from the Emperor 


was not duly paid him, yet he was not bare of money, and 
that the debts which he had contracted, as he ſaid, at Baſil, were 


only a plea for not going to Brabant, whither he was then in- 
vited. He left to Goclenius four hundred florins of gold, to Cera- 
tinus three hundred florins of the Rhine, to Melchior Viandulus 
one hundred and thirty philips, to Corn. Grapheus fifty florins of 
gold, and forty-ſix and an half of the Rhine; for, ſaid Eraſmus, 
I ſuſpe& that he is poor, and he is a man worthy: of better for- 


tune. As for his plate and his jewels, he ſays that he would 


ſoon diſpoſe of them. He defires Goclenius to keep all theſe 
things ſecret, for many good reaſons ; and he declares, that he 
repoſeth an entire confidence in him. 

He ſays, that he would not burden his friends with offices and 
anniverſaries, but only with the care of printing all his works 
correctly at Froben's preſs. I would have you, ſays he, alſo give 
all the ducats to Levinus, (who was one of the amanuenſes of 
Eraſmus) if you think that he can come ſafely hither. Let him 
ſew them in his girdle, as Hilary did. — You will learn from 
others, how 1 have diſpoſed of the reſt of my effects. I have 


ordered that you ſhould give twenty-five florins of gold to Cera- 


tinus. If you have done it, I will repay you from the money 
which I have at Antwerp, that the ſum for Grapheus may be 
complete, 4 


Hence 


LEY 


4 
oa 
7 


OF ERASMUS. 373 
YH Hence it appears, that Eraſmus was not quite ſo poor as he A. D. 1525. 
b ſometimes ſeemed to repreſent himſelf. But after this will, he 
made another. With this Letter to his friend Goclenius, he 
4 ſends him a * Compendium of his moſt unhappy life, and hopes that 
E CGoclenius will defend his character, after his deceaſe, againſt his 
Calumniators. 


At this time Czlius ? Calcagninus, a Canon of Ferrara, wrote ; 

a treatiſe on Free-will againſt Luther; and one of the friends of 1 

Eraſmus ſent it to him to Baſil in manuſcript. Eraſmus approved f 

of it, one paſſage excepted, wherein Calcagninus pretended that i 
there was a right underſtanding between Eraſmus and Luther, 
becauſe the former had not attacked the latter in his writings. 

Thereupon Eraſmus wrote to the author to juſtify himſelf, and 
| told him, that he would have printed his treatiſe, if it had not 
E been for this paſſage, which ought to be corrected ; but that he 
1 would not alter the copy without his conſent. Three days after, 
Eraſmus compoſed a Dedication for this work, which appears 
amongſt his letters. It is addreſſed to Florianus Montinus, who 
had ſent the treatiſe to him, and Calcagninus is much com- 
mended in it. At the fame time he defends himſelf againſt the 
ſuſpicions of the Italians ; and ſays that it would be well for him, 
if the Germans had the ſame opinion of him, and, like the Itali- 

ans, thought him a Lutheran ; or if the Italians, like the Ger- 
mans, thought him attached to the Romaniſts : inſtead of which, 
he was attacked by both parties. Some, ſays he, obſerve mali- 
ciouſſy of me, that I keep a medium between both. I confeſs, 


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374 THE UIFE 
A. P. 1525: that it is a great impiety to halt between Chriſt and Belial; but 1 
think it is prudence to ſteer between Scylla and Charybdis, 
And yet there was no great prudence in writing even ſuch 
things as theſe to Italy, where every man paſſed for an heretic, 
who did not join in every article with the Pope againſt Luther, 
Ep. 742, 744- 
In Ep. 747 he makes mention of his friend * Franciſcus 
Craneveldius. 
In a letter to Bilibaldus he ſends his ſervice to Paulus Ritus 
for whom he had a great eſteem. This Ritius was a learned 
Jew, who had embraced Chriſtianity. Ep. 757. 
Being invited by Carondeletus Archdeacon of Bezangon, he 
paid him a vilit, as it appears from his letter to Bedda, wherein 
he gives an account of his journey. He was moſt courteouſly 
entertained there, and it was with great difficulty that he avoided 
a croud of viſiters, and the danger of being feaſted to death. Vet 
lying reports had been ſpread, that he had been coldly received; 
and Eraſmus wow to Bedda to contradict thoſe rumours, 

| Bedda, in a letter to Eraſmus, had cenſured his vanity, and 
his ignorance in Theology, and had exhorted him to read Gerſon, 
and other ſuch authors, and had marked out ſome obnoxious 
paſſages in his works. It is a poor and 1 impertinent letter, written 
in bald Latin, and full of ſpiritual pride under the tranſparent 
maſk of humility. Eraſmus replies to theſe objections in a long 
and laboured epiſtle, wherein he defends himſelf well, and ſets 
in a true light the baſe conduct of the Sorboniſts of thoſe days. 
Louis de Berquin, who afterwards was burnt at Paris for religion 

A. 1529, had tranſlated into French ſome treatiſes of e as 
his Praiſe of marriage, The Chriſtian Soldier's manual, and The 
complaint of Peace ; and, as Berquin was a declared enemy to 
Eccleſiaſtical tyranny, Bedda had ſent word to Eraſmus, that 
theſe tranſlations would hurt his character. Eraſmus only replies, 
that 


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OF ERASMUS. 375 


that they were undertaken againſt his conſent, and that he ought A. D. 1525. 


to be judged by his own works, as he had publiſhed them, and 
not by the verſions of others. Ep. 746. 


The malignity of the French Divines quite diſguſted Eraſmus, 
and took from him all inclination to go to France: and yet his 
penſion from Charles V had not been paid him for four years. 
Of this he complains, and ſays, that if he were not ſpeedily paid, 

the money would come too late, unleſs it could be of any ſervice 
in the Elyſian Fields. He would have gone to the Low Coun- 
tries, if the ſtoves and the ſeaſon of Lent had not hindered him; 
for even the ſmell of fiſh offended him, and made him fick : 
and though he had a diſpenſation from the Pope to eat fleſh, yet 
he was not willing to ſcandalize any weak brethren in thoſe 
parts. Then the war of the Peaſants had thrown Germany into 
confuſion, and conſtrained him to keep cloſe at Baſil. Vincen- 
tius, the Dominican, had publiſhed a new invective againſt him 
at Antwerp; and thus the recommendations of Ferdinand, who 
had defired Margaret to obtain the payment of his penſion, and 
to impoſe filence upon the prating Monks, had been ineffectual. 
Ep. 742. = 

He was attacked, as we obſerved before, by one © Sutor, 
a © blockhead and a madman, as Eraſmus repreſents him. 
Du Pin infinuates, that this Sutor was a poor Critic and 


Controverſialiſt, 


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0 Lutetiz excuſum eſt opus cujuſdam ** Ant-apologia contra Eraſmi Apologiam : 
Petri Sutoris, Theologi Sorbonici, et © adverſus Petrum Sutorem Carthuſia- | 
Monachi Carthuſiani, quo nihil adhuc © num. Paris, A. 1523. Theod Pe- 
legi dementius. Ep. 747. | ce treius mentions another Ant- Apologia 

The Ant- Apologia of a Carthuſian „ of this Sutor, written, as he fays, 
* of Paris, called Petrus Sutor, OR... againſt Luther. I never could ſee 
French Dom Pierre Cordouanier) who © it; and I ſuſpect that Petreius, who 
„died A. 1537, is an anſwer to an * was not over-accurate, miſtook Lu- 


«* Apology which Eraſmus had pub- * ther for Eraſmus, Baillet VII. 349. 


376 THE LIFE 


A. D. 152 5. Controrerkaliſt. To Sutor let us join one Rivius, an adverſary 
to Eraſmus, who wrote ſomething againſt his Enchiriduon, | in the 
year 1531, and who is alſo mentioned by Du Pin. 


© Gervaſius, in a letter to Eraſmus from Paris, informs him of 
the villainous behaviour of Bedda, and of the Faculty. Eraf. 
mus * complains of this ill uſage to the Cardinal of Lorrain, 

The letter of Eraſmus to Calcagninus drew an anſwer from this 

Italian, which was very courteous, and elegant enough as to the 
ſtyle, but contained a mere declamation againſt Luther, whoſe 

' ſentiments Calcagninus did not even underſtand. He informs 
Eraſmus of the death of ſome Italian Literati, and amongſt others 
of Cælius Rhodiginus, who died of grief after the battle of 

Pavia, in which his patron Francis I, from whom he expected 
favours, was taken priſoner by the Imperialiſts. He mentions 
the death of Leonicenus, and highly commends Jounnes Ma- 
nardus, a learned phyſician. Ep. 750. 


: Rhodiginus had borrowed ſome things from Eraſmus, with- 
out making proper acknowledgments; and Beatus Rhenanus 
deſcribes him as a Plagiary. 


Theſe 


La Monnoye upon this paſſage obſerves, cura, ut tibi adſit animus, uti non deeſt 
that the French name of Sutor was le calamus. Eft tibi negotium cum igno- 
Sueur. If he had called himſelf Sudo- rantiſſimis et impudentiſſimis traductori- 
rius, he would have deprived Eraſmus bus. Sunt in Facultate literati non pauci, 
of ſome jeſts, which he made upon his ſed in illos animadvertitur, ut in pejores 
Latin name, treating him as a Cobler Lutheranis. Ep. 439. c. 1820. 
who went beyond his lat. Si plenius ſuper hiſce rebus edoceri 

© —— Quid Bedda in caput tuum voles, ex Gervaſio Theologo poteris 
moliatur, paucis accipe. Ex Para- rem omnem cognoſcere, cui et doctrina 
phraſibus neſcio quot myriades hære- non vulgaris, et judicium integrum ad- 
ſeon, ut loquuntur, Facultati exhibuit: eſt. Ep. 911. 
mitto, quas Facultas jam condemnavit, s Bayle Manas, 
ſimul et eas, quas nunc tractat; nec eſt * Bayle ERASME, Not. C. C. 
quod ſperes a Facultate, niſi omnia ſi- # Ep. 119. c. 1595. 
niſtra, improba, et iniqua; proinde | 


OF ERASMUS. 


the works of the Learned, are not to be too haſtily credited: 


| Huſſars, who. live upon pillage ; ; ſo there are jealous and queru- 
lous writers, who ſuſpect upon ſlender grounds that others have 
robbed them of their rarities. They reſemble Mr. Buſp, the 
broken Merchant, in the F able, who being transformed into a 

Bramble, uſed to ſeize every paſſenger by the garment, fancying 
that it was made out of his cloth, and endeavouring, when he 


3 ſeems to have been in this perverſe humour, when he charged 
I Eraſmus with plagiariſm. | 
3 If a man finds ſome of his La. produGons bloiges by 


own property, if he thinks it worth the while; and he ought not 
to be very uneaſy about it, as if ſome ſtrange accident had 
befallen him. He ſhould think and fay of his writings, as well 


lected for myſelf, for my neighbours, for friends, and for thieves ; 
ſince thieves will come in for a ſhare. 

Eraſmus ſent, at his own expence, a meſſenger to France, 
with letters to his friends, and amongſt the reſt to Berquin, who, 
though he had publiſhed ſome of the books of Eraſmus, tranſ- 
lated into French, with a friendly and good deſign, yet had 
thereby brought an odium upon him. This he freely tells Ber- 
quin, adviſing him to avoid conteſts with the Divines, becauſe 


fury, that it was not ſafe to meddle in it. Ep. 753. 
At this time he publiſhed his Lingua, a book of che PA and 


cellor of Poland. Upon this occaſion he ſays in a letter to a 


Ep. 756. 7 2 


Theſe accuſations of plagiariſm, which perpetually occur in A. D. 1525. 


for, as in the Republic of Letters there are always a troop of 


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bad uſe of the tongue, and dedicated it to Schydlowitz, Chan- 
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2 2 3 hb 
Et en ern renter 4 * 


1 I 24 — Ad ce F . 
— ⁵ . m, es eee ends 


378 
A. D. 1525. 


and that the people of Holland, Zeland, 


teſts of Erafmus with 


THE LIFE 


In this treatiſe he endeavours to diſſuade men from calummy 


and evil ſpeaking, and tells a pleaſant ſtory of a Franeiſean, who, 


after having peruſed his Paraphraſe upon Bt. John, approved it 
entirely; but unluckily coming at laſt to the Appendix, which 
Eraſmus had added purely to fill up a few blank leaves, he all on 


a ſudden changed his opinion. Eraſmus had there derided the 


ſuperſtition of thoſe, who deſired to be buried in the frock of a 


Franciſcan or a Dominican. This Monk, finding the holy gar- 


ment of St. Francis thus ſet at naught, condemned the whole 
book, and by his intereft cauſed the 


I had only jeſted, ſays he, upon the coat of Dominic, I ſhould 


have been a good Chriftian with the F ranciſcans; but for one 


poor word I became an Heretic. T. IV. c. 716. 
In a letter to Pirckheimerus, he ſets forth the diſorderly ſtate 


of things. My frequent exhortations, ſays he, to moderate pro- 


ceedings were underſtood by one party to be the effect of timidity, 


by the other to be a colluſion with the Lutherans. Now each 
fide ſtanding up for its rights, and being more intent upon in- 


creafing than diminiſhing them, things are come to ſuch a pals, 


that God alone can calm the tempeſt, 


Then he relates the tumults in various places; that at Bolduc 
the populace had driven out the Minorites and the Dominicans; 
that Margaret, the Emperor's aunt, was beſieging that city; 
and Flanders were 
acquainted with the Lutheran doctrines, and hated the Monks: 
and fo we, ſays Eraſmus; muſt Wage war to fupport theſe bad 
men, who, if they prevall, will ruin their betters. They have 
indeed been ill ufed in many places ; but moſt of them are ſo 
intolerable, that nothing elſe can correct them. Thus the con- 


friend to Monkery, Ep. 7 57. 


general Chapter to forbid 
all the Monks of their order to read the works of Eraſmus. If 


e Proteſtants had not made him a bettet 


He 


EE HE ¶ RN” RRTFY 


OF ERASMUS. 379 


He addreſſed a letter of conſolation to Margaret, ſiſter to A. D. 1 525. 
Francis I, and Queen of Navarre, who was gone to Spain to 
viſit her captive brother. Eraſmus ſays, that he had taken this 
libetty, upon ſeeing ſome letters which ſhe had written to * John 
3 Laſco, a nobleman of Poland, who then lived and boarded 
with him. In this, and ſome other letters, he highly commends 
i Laſco, who afterwards embraced the Reformation. Such was 
the fate of many friends of Eraſmus, whom, without intending 
it, he led by his converſation and his writings into the Lutheran . 

or Reformed ſyſtems, though he himſelf did not go fo far. A 
Laſco, it is to be ſuppoſed, choſe to dwell with Eraſmus, that he 
might improve in literature, by having free acceſs to him ; and 
afterwards other Gentlemen did the ſame, with the ſame views. 
And this might be no imall aſſiſtance to Eraſmus in the article 
of houſe- keeping. 

If ſome of theſe boarders with Eraſmus had taken it into their 
heads to ſerve him, as two young ſtudents ſerved Joſeph Scaliger, 
to ſet down his table-talk, we might have had perhaps no ſmall 
entertainment in his unpremeditated diſcourſes ; for he was very 

ingenious, very unguarded, and very free of ſpeech. 

Eraſmus wrote again to Bedda, to juſtify a letter which he had 
formerly ſent to the Biſhop of Baſil. In it we find ſome remark- 
able things concerning the ſentiments of the Reformed, as to the 
Euchariſt, * Carloſtad, ſays he, hath brought a moſt formidable 

3 C 2 tragedy 
& Beza Icon, Verheiden Theol. centia corruptam ad priſtinam frugalita- 
Effig. p. 88 Strype's Life of Parker, tem revocarem. Deinde totum pene au- 


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B. III. ch. 25. Melch. Adam. tumnum et hyemem cum calculo mihi 
Eraſmus ſays afterwards to a Laſes, fuit colluctandum. His, quaſi parum 
who had left him: eſſet, tantum moleſtiarum aliunde acceſ- 


Si tibi feliciter ceſſit tua demigratio, ſit, ut facile ſenſerim Genium meum 
clariſſime Comes, eſt profecto cur levius bonum abeſſe. Ep. 798. 
doleam. Mihi ſane tuus abitus multis m Novam Tragœdiam cæteris omni- 
nominibus fuit infelix: ut enim reliqua bus atrociotem nobis hic peperit Carol- 
taceam, menſibus aliquot mihi ſudan- ſtadius: perſuaſit in ne nihil 
dum erat, ut domum hanc tua magniſi- ele 


380 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1525. tragedy upon the ſtage. He hath perſuaded the people, that 


there is nothing in the Lord's ſupper except bread and wine, 
Zuinglius hath written books to ſupport this opinion; and, laſtly, 
Oecolampadius hath defended it with ſuch kill, and hath 
employed ſo many arguments, and ſuch perſuaſive eloquence, 
that, if God ſhould not interpoſe, even the Elect may be ſeduced. 
This city (Baſil) wavers; but it may ſtill be confirmed in the 
faith. I am obliged to quit all my other affairs, to enter into 
this war, although J have not abilities equal to ſo difficult a taſk, 
It appears not that Eraſmus ever undertook to confute Oecolam- 
padius, and this was probably a mere bragging and threatening, 
not intended to be put in execution, and thrown out to pleaſe 
the Romaniſts. He acted very prudently in leaving Zuinglius 
and Oecolampadius at quiet, and in declining a combat, wherein 
he would infallibly have been buffeted TO diſgraced. He was 
even ſuſpected of favouring this very ſentiment, for he was 


eſſe præter panem et vinum. Eam ſen- 


tentiam libellis aliquot editis confirma- 
vit Zuinglius: proxime Oecolampadius 


tanto ſtudio, totque machinis argumen- 


torum idem agit, et tanta facundia, ut 
ſeduci poſſint, ni vetet Deus, etiam 
Electi. Ep. 767. 


Niſi me moveret tantus Eccleſiz 


conſenſus, poſſim in Oecolampadii ſen- 
tentiam pedibus diſcedere; nunc in eo 


perſiſto, quod mihi tradidit Scriptura- 
rum interpres Eccleſia. Alioqui nullum 


reperio locum in Scripturis divinis, unde 


certo conſtet Apoſtolos conſecraſſe pa- 


nem et vinum in carnem & ſanguinem 


Domini. Ep. 1053. 


Martinus Lydius thinks that Eraſ- 


mus came aver to this Jemiment before he 
died: 


ſuſpected 
Sed quid opus eſt verbis? Eraſmum 


adeo intus permotum fuiſſe vi argumen- 


torum Oecolampadii, ut in verbis Chriſti, 
Hoc gſi corpus meum, tropum agnoſceret, 
et illi ſententiæ immoreretur (quicquid 
etiam alibi ad alios ſcripſit) teſtantur 
verba illius in lib. III. Ecclefia/te ſui, 
ſeu, de ratione concionandi, quem non in- 
tegro anno ante mortem ſuam edidit, 
ubi ſic ſcribit, p. 1019. Tom. V. 41 


cum Dominus porrigens panem Apoſtilis 


dicit, Accipite, hoc eſt corpus meum, 


quod pro vobis traditur; /i per tropum, 


eſt interpreteris ſignificat, aut corpus 
interpreteris ſignum corporis, non ſunt 
defuturi qui tuæ reclament interpretationi. 
At fi hunc in modum interpreteris : Hoc 
ſymbolum, quod vobis exhibeo, fignificat 
indiſſolubilem unitatem meam, qui ſum ca- 
put corporis mei myſtici, quod eft Eccleſia, 
gquoniam 


OF ERASMUS. 387 


ſuſpected of holding every rational opinion that was propoſed in A. D. 1525, 
thoſe days; but he often denied it. He beſtows the ſame praiſes 
upon this work of Oecolampadius, in another letter, wherein 
he alſo pretends to have deſigned a viſit to Italy, if the ſtate of 
his affairs had permitted. This Farce he often acted, although 
he was terribly afraid of being compelled to go to Rome, as it 
appears from his Epiſtle to Goclenius, prefixed to the firſt Volume, 
in which he ſays, that he dared not even to go, according to 
his ſincere deſire, to Venice or to Padua, leſt he ſhould be forced 
to proceed on to Rome. 

To return to this formidable book of 8 : as ſoon 
as it appeared, the Magiſtrate of Baſil conſulted two Divines and 
two Lawyers, to know whether the public ſale of it might be 
permitted. The Divines were Eraſmus and Berus; the Lawyers 
were Bonifacius Amerbachius and Claudius Canzoneta. Eraſ- 
mus ſays, that, in giving his anſwer upon this point, he made no 
invectives againſt Oecolampadius; and ſo the book was allowed 

to be ſold. He adds, that Zuinglius, Oecolampadius, Capito, 
and Pellicanus were alarmed at this procedure; that Capito wrote 
from Stratſburg, deſiring that too much deference might not be 
paid to the judgment of theſe four arbitrators, and that a defama- 
tory libel had been drawn up againſt them, but was however 
ſuppreſſed. Ep. 846, 798. 
He ſent word to Nicolas Everard, Preſident of the Court of 
Holland, that the * Lutheran Tragedy would end, like the quarrels 
| of 


gusniam tropus ſubſervit redo ſenſui, non de amabili Eccleſiz concordia, M. Lydii 
eſt rejiciendus. Apolog. It is in Eraſmus, T. X. 
Hinc liquet ergo cui ſententiæ fit c. 1774. 

immortuus Eraſmus: pugnant enim o Solent Comici tumultus fere in ma- 
hzc e diametro cum his que ſcribit ad trimonium exire, atque hinc ſubita re- 
Pellicanum Ep. 845. p. 963 B, decem rum omnium tranquillitas. Verum hanc 
ante mortem annis. Profecit ergo plu- cataſtrophen plerumque nunc habent 
rimum ab eo tempore. Vide Librum Principum Tragcediz, non admodum 

| lætam 


382 T HE LIFE 
A. D. 1 525: of princes, in matrimony. A Monk, faith he, hath married 3 

Nun ; and that you may know that this marriage was contracted 

under happy auſpices, about fourteen days after the bridal ſong 

was chanted, my Lady was brought to-bed, Now Luther begins 

to grow mild, and not to write with his accuſtomed violence, 

Nothing is ſo fierce, which a girl cannot tame. He * ſpeaks 

again of this marriage in another letter, and adds, that Catharine 

Bore was very handſome, He was not well inſtructed in this 

affair, or he embelliſhed a little the common rumours, or he 

was too prone to give credit to the ſcandal which was publiſhed 
_ againſt Luther, who had been married more than fix months, 

when Eraſmus wrote this letter: and Eraſmus himſelf owned after. 

wards, that the ſcandalous reports concerning Catharine Bore were 

lyes . Nor was it true, that Luther's wife was a beauty, See a 
Diſſertation on this ſubje& by Mayer, publiſhed in the year 1698. 

This puts me in mind of an obfervation of * Glareanus concern- 

ing Eraſmus, that he was very inquiſitive after news, and very 

credulous, and — impoſed upon. 


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1ztam populo, fed tamen bellis potio- 


rem. Malebat ille compilari quam ve- 


nire. Similem exitum habitura videtur 


Lutherana Trageedia, Duxit uxorem 
jon Monacham ; et ut ſcias nup- 


ias proſperis avibus initas, diebus a de- 
cantato hymenzo ferme quatuordecim 
enixa eſt nova nupta. Lutherus nunc 
mitior eſſe incipit, nec perinde ſævit 


calamo. Nihil eſt tam ferum quod non 


cicuret uxor. Ep. 782. 


v Lutherus duxit uxorem, puellam 
mire venuſtam, ex clara familia Borne, 


{Boriz, vel, a Bore) ſed, ut narrant, in- 


dotatam, quæ ante annos complures 


Veſtalis eſſe deſierat. Quin et ipſe Lu- 


therus pallium et barbam philoſophi po- 
ſuit. Ep. 790. 


See Seckendorf L. l. p. bo L. I, 


p-. 15, &c. 
Bayle Box. PS Re in the . 


Liter. T. IV. p. 423. 


2 De conjugio Lutheri certum eſt; 
de partu maturo ſponſæ vanus erat ru- 


mor, nunc tamen gravida eſſe dicitur. 
Si vera eſt fabula Antichriſtum naſcitu- 


rum ex Monacho et Monacha, quem- 


admodum iſti jactitant, quot Antichriſto- 


rum millia jam olim habet mundus ! 
Ep. 801. 


See T. V. c. 911. 


whoſe * epitaph he compoſed, 


Hic longe ſupra centum millia ruſti- 
corum interfecta ſunt, et quotidie ſacer- 


dotes capiuntur, torquentur, ſuſpen- 


duntur, deeollantur, exuruntur. Non 
nego neceſfarium remedium, quamvis 
immite: ſed Germani magis novimus 
malefacta punire quam excludere, Ep. 
. 

Hic paſſim diripiuntur et incendun- 
tur Monaſteria, diſſipantur Monachi, 
ſacræ virgines conſtuprantur, nullum 
diſcrimen eſt bonorum ac malorum. 
Civitates, quæ moderatiores ſunt, ac- 
ceperunt Monaſteria in ſuam fidem, his 


quem alant, niſi inibi profeſſum, ne 


quem detineant, qui reddita ratione ve- 
lit exire, ne detineant quod illi, qui diſ- 
cedunt, intulerunt, ne ſe miſceant pa- 
rochiis, aut monaſteriis virginum. Er- 
rones, qui per omnes terras vagari ſo- 


cluduntur ab ingreſſu civitatis. Hæc 
an pia fint non pronuncio: certe miti- 
ora ſunt, quam quod patiuntur reliqua 
Monaſteria. Et habemus hic hoc ho- 
minum genus mitiſſimum. Ep. 747. 

a Peri Martinus Dorpius, qui folus 


perinde atque cæteri, deteſtabatur quic- 


— 4 


legibus, ut obtemperent magiſtratui, ne 


novitios recipiant inſcio magiſtratu, ne 


lent cum fictis Priorum ſyngraphis, ex- 


ingenue favebat rectioribus ſtudiis, nec 


- 


OF ERASMUS. 
He ſpeaks of the * ſlaughter of the Peaſants in Germany. 


He cannot refrain from commending the comparative mode- 
ration of the Reformers of Baſil, where he dwelt ; and he-mentions 
the death of Dorpius, to whom he gives a good — 1 


He publiſhed this year a Greek edition of Chryſoſtom, and 
dedicated it to Bilibaldus Pirckheimerus. Ep. 740. 


He 


quid ullo pacto Luther dogmatibus eſt 
affine, Ep. 747. 1 

| Dorpium ftudiis ereptum acerbiſſime 
ferrem, ſi noſtro dolore poſſit huc revo- 
cari. — Mortuus eſt omnibus rebus flo- 
rens. — Erat futurus magnus fi vixiſſet; 
verum nunc felicius magnus eſt apud 
Chriſtum, uti ſpero. Solus propemo- 


dum erat æquus politioribus literis. 


Ep. 748. 

* Mitto epitaghium—fi diſplicet, mit- 
tetur aliud elaboratius: nam Dorpii 
memoriam etiam habeo ſacroſanctam. 


Deplorarem mortem illius præprope- 
ram, quæ tot egregias dotes, tot am- 


pliſſimas ſpes incidit: ſed nunc hujuſ- 


modi ſeculum eſt ut nulli bono bene 


eſſe poſlit. —Dorpii memoriam non pa- 
tiar intercidere, ſi quid mea ſeripta va- 
lebunt. Ep. 779. 


383 
A. D. 1525. 


dee an account of the diſpute between 


Eraſmus and Dorpius, and of their re- 
conciliation, and of the fair and ingenu- 


ous behaviour of Dorpius, in Von der 
Hardt Hit. Liter. Reformationis, P. I. 
p-. 20, &c. 74, &c. He wrote a moſt 


friendly * letter to Eraſmus, which is 


not in our Collection, and which I have 
tranſcribed from Hardt, p. 87. 


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A. D. 1525. 


THE LIFE 


He ſpeaks in a ſort of rapture of Sadolet's ſtyle, and with 
much candour prefers it to his own. Ep. 758. 

- In the next letter he talks of his * death as —— which 
yet was not ſo near as he imagined. 


Writing to Polydore Virgil, he repreſents the war of the Ruſtics 
as a terrible calamity. Ep. 760. 


Ep. 772 18 a letter of compliments to Pole, with whom at 


this time he contracted an acquaintance. 


Pole was a man of 


learning, of abilities, and of ſome good qualities: but Burnet 
bath commended him in every reſpe& rather more than he 


deſerves, 


He had the honour to be 1 of Heterodoxy or 


Proteſtantiſm; and was accounted an * hypocrite by many perſons, 


4 
* 


„R. P. Sadoleti libellum in deliciis 


| habeo: verum illius aureum dictionis 
flumen conſiderans, video quam meus 


rivus ſit et turbidus et exilis. Poſthac 


ad hoc exemplar meum quoque ſtylum 


conabor attemperare. 


* be ay Pg eng in dies collabi- 


tur, exareſeit, ac deficit. Auguror 
haud procul abel diem, quo ſyphar 


hoc abjiciam, et exſiliam nova cicada, 


Chriſti laudes felicius cantatura, poſtea- 
quam in aërem puriorem ac liberiorem 


evolarim. | 
Hic agitur crudelis et cruenta fa- 
bula. Agricolæ ruunt in mortem. Quo- 


tidie fiunt conflictus atroces inter Pro- 
ceres et ruſticos, ; xc. 


> Knight, p. 194. Maittaire III. 
515. 


Holland Heroolog. p. 20. Bur- 
net I. 220, 221. II. 146, 298, 299, 
326, &c. 340, 369. III. 124, 126, 
129, 261, Appendix 411. Du Pin 
XVI. 21, 22. Sleidan X. p. 273. 


Continuat. Sleidani L. I. p. 51. Thu- 


po Tininienſi. 


N Pole, 
anus L. VI. p. 179. L. AX. p. 623 


Pope Blount, p. 443. Vita Poli, Italice 


conſcripta a Ludovico Bacatello, Archi- 


epiſcopo Raguſino, ipſius familiari. La- 


tine reddita ab Andrea Dudithio Epiſco- 
Juxta Exemplar Vene- 
tiis excuſum, An. 1563. Londini 1690, 

Dudithius, the Latin Tranſlator, was 


Biſhop of Knin (Tininium) in Croatia, 
See his life in Du Pin, B. E. XV, 


P- 193. 
Our anonymous Editer ſays of thi book; 
Vita Poli a pertinaciſſimo conſcripta eſt 


Pontificio, qui Reformationis noſttæ 


duces plurimis calumniis proſcidit, hiflo- 
riamque mendaciis obfuſcavit. 


© Paulus III, monitu et commenda- 
tione Contareni, Cardinalem ipſum (Po- 
lum) creat, et Romam accerſit. Qui 
familiariter hominem norunt, Evangeli 

doctrinam ei probe cognitam eſſe dicunt: 
quod autem in Henricum Regem ita 
ſcripſit, cauſam eſſe putant, ut ſuſpicior 
nem evitaret Lutheraniſmi, Librum 
| | vero 


OF ERASMUS. 385 


« © Pole, who was of the royal blood, was in great eſteem for A. D. 1525. 

« his learning, and other excellent virtues.—The King had given 
« him the Deanery of Exeter, with ſeveral other dignities, to- 
« wards his maintenance beyond ſea; and ſent him to Paris, 
« where he ſtayed ſeveral years, There he firſt incurred the 
« King's diſpleaſure. —After that, he came over to England, and, 
« as he writes himſelf, was preſent when the Clergy made _ 
« ſqbmiſſion, and acknowledged the King Supreme Head: 

« which, ſince he was then Dean of Exeter, and kept bis 
« Deanery ſeveral years after that, it is not to be doubted, but 
« that, as he was by his place obliged to fit in the Convoca- 
c tion, ſo he concurred with the reſt in making that ſubmiſſion. 
« From thence he went to Padua, where he lived long, and was 


3 D 


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vero ſumtu ſuo curavit Rome procudi, 
ſicuti ferunt, et ad ſe receptis omnibus 
exemplis, Pontifici tantum, atque Car- 
dinalibus, et intimis amicis legendum 
dabat: nam et illis probare ſeſe volebat, 
et ſimul verebatur, ut eſt credibile, ne 
ſi vulgo legeretur, in eorum reprehen- 
ſionem incurreret, qui longe diverſum 
ab ipſo non ſemel audiviſſent. Sei- 
danus. 

When Pole with ſolemn gravity acted 
the farce of abſolving the Engliſh, and 
of reconciling them to the Pope, and 

drew tears from the tender - hearted 
Queen Mary, gui Polum antea noverant 
ex colloguiis viteque conſuetudine, valde 
ſunt hoc ulius faftum admirati, longeque 
diverſum fibi de illo promiſerant. Slei- 


effodi et in ſterquilinium abjici juſſit : et 
cum aliud, ut jure agere videretur, ac- 
cuſare non poſſet, hanc cauſam præten- 
dit, quod juxta corpus Sanz Frideſui- 
dz humata eſſet, et hæretici uxor fuiſlet, 
Etenim Cardinalis hic, qui aliquando 
præcipuus Martyris amicus fuerat, poſt * 
ejus diſceſſum ex Italia, non modo ab 
ipſius amicitia diſceſſerat; verum etiam 
ſtudium veræ religionis, quod ad tempus 
ſimulaverat, penitus abjecit, et acerri- 
mus noſtrorum hominum hoſtis et per- —_ 
ſecutor factus eſt, Itaque cum Marty- i 
rem, quod optabat, et majore cum vo- 
luptate aſpexiſſet, lammis abſumere non 
poſſet, in mortuum cadaver uxoris ejus 
ſæviit, &c. Melebior Adam Vit. Pet. Mar- 
tyris, p. 20. Strype's Life of Parker, 


r COUP rm Ty EI WIR" n 
e 
o oy a=, — þ 
R "+ 3 


dan L. XXV. p. 765. 


f Uxor Petri Martyris obiit in Anglia. 
Huic cuncti eam laudem tribuerunt, quæ 
præſtantiſſimæ matronæ debetur.— Hu- 
jus defunctæ corpus Polus Cardinalis 


B. N b. x. 
What a vile action was this? wh 


what eſteem can one have for the man 


who was guilty of it? 
d. Burnet. 


" . 5; 
MY = ASE” ” 
. : R 
7 * — PX 
- * 2 TM - 
— . — — 


THE LIFE 


received into the friendſhip and ſociety of ſome celebrated per- 
ſons, who gave themſelves much to the ſtudy of eloquence, 
and of the Roman authors. 


The King called him oft home, to ) aflif him in his affairs; 
but he till declined it. At length, finding delays could prevail 


no longer, he wrote the King word, that he did not approve 
of what he had done, neither in the matter of his divorce, nor 
his ſeparation from the Apoſtolic See. To this the King 
anſwered, deſiring his reaſons why he diſagreed from him, and 
ſent him over a book which Dr. Sampſon had writ in defence 


of the proceedings in England. Upon which he wrote his 


| book De Untone Ecclefiaſtica, and ſent it over to the King, and 


ſoon after printed it in 1536: in which book he condemned 
the King's actions, and preſſed him hard to return to the obe- 
dience he owed the See of Rome, with many ſharp reflections; 


but the book was more conſidered for the author, and the wit 


and eloquence of it, than for any great learning, or deep 


reaſoning in it. He alſo did very much depreſs the Royal, 


and exalt the Papal authority: he compared the King to 


Nebuchadonoſor, and addreſſed himſelf in the concluſion to 


the Emperor, whom he conjured to turn his arms rather againſt 
the King than the Turk. And indeed the indecences of his 
expreſſions againſt the King, not to mention the ſcurrilous 
language he beſtows on Sampſon, whoſe book he undertakes 


to anſwer, are ſuch, that it appears how much the Italian air 
had changed him. 


% Some believe that the ſpring of this oppoſition he 


made to the King was a ſecret affection he had for the Lady 
Mary, — 


« Upon the death of Paul III, all the Cardinals being gathered 
from Bologna, Trent, and other neighbouring places, entered 
the Conclave. — Cardinal Pole was ſet up by Farneſe, as a 


2 „ «moderate 


£ Burnet, 


1 


1 


1 


« ſome imputations of favouring hereſy. 


OF ERASMUS. 


« moderate Imperialiſt, who had carried it ſo well at Trent, that A. D. 1525. 


« they ſaw he would not blindly follow the Emperor. He 
« had lived many years at Viterbo, where he was made Legate, 
« after he had given over his practices againſt England. There 
« he gave himſelf wholly to the ſtudy of divinity, not without 
For one Antonino Fla- 
ce minio, that was alſo ſuſpected of Lutheraniſm, lived with him. 
« Tremellius, that learned Jew, who had been baptized in his 
« houſe, was alſo known to incline that way; and many, who 
« left their monaſteries, and went to Germany, uſed to ſtay 


« ſome time with him on their way, and were well received by 
him: nor would he proceed againſt any ſuſpected of hereſy. 


“There was cauſes enough to raiſe ſuſpicion in a leſs jealous 
« people than the Italians. Yet the vaſt zeal that he had ſhewn 
« for the exaltation of the Papacy made all thoſe things be over- 
ce looked, He was ſent one of the Pope's Legates to Trent, 
« where he aſſerted the German doctrine of Juſtification by faith. 
« But upon the Emperor's ſetting out the Interim, he wrote 
« freely againſt it, — Caraffa, who hated him, did all he could 
to alienate the Conclave from him; but prevailed little, and 
the next night the number was complete: ſo that the Cardinals 
came to adore him, and make him Pope; but he receiving 
« that with his uſual coldneſs, ſaid, It was night, and God 
« loved light better than darkneſs, therefore he deſired to delay 
* it till day came. The Italians then ſhrunk all from him; and, 
« after ſome intrigues, choſe the Cardinal De Monte, afterwards 
Pope Julius the third, who gave a ſtrange omen of what 
advancements he intended to make, when he gave his own 
hat, according to the cuftom of the Popes, who beſtow their 
hats before they go out of the Conclave, on a mean ſervant of 
* his, who had the charge of a monkey that he kept; and 
ec 1 aſked what he obſerved in him to make him a Car- 
* dinal, he anſwered, as much as the Cardinals had ſeen in him 
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A. D. 1525. 


THE LIFE 


ee to make him Pope. But it was commonly ſaid, that the ſecret 


&« of his promotion was an unnatural affection to him.” 

« * In the year 1554, it was taken into conſideration what 
ce way to proceed againſt the heretics, Cardinal Pole had been 
ce ſuſpected to favour the Proteſtants, but ſeemed now to be 
« much alienated from them: and therefore when Tremellius, 
« who had declared himſelf a Proteſtant, came to him at Bruſſels, 
« he would not ſee him, though he was his god- father. He 


< came over into England much changed from that freedom of 
« converſation he had formerly practiſed: he was in reſerves to 


« all people, ſpoke little, and had put on an Italian temper as 
« yell as behaviour. He brought over two Italians, Priuli and 
« Ormaneto, who were his only confidents. He was a man of 
te a generous and good diſpoſition ; but knew how jealous the 
« Court of Rome would be of him, if he ſeemed to favour 
te heretics; therefore he expreſſed great deteſtation of them. 


« Nor did he converſe much with any that had been of that 


. 
- «He profeſſed himſelf an enemy to extreme 88 
« He ſaid, Paſtors ought to have bowels, even to their ſtraying 


“ ſheep: Biſhops were fathers, and ought to look on. thoſe that 


cc erred as their ſick children, and not for that to kill them. — 
e Therefore he propoſed, that there ſhould be a ſtrict refor- 
*« mation of the manners of the Clergy carried on, —I have not 
« found that he propoſed the receiving the Council of Trent; 
„ which is the more ſtrange, ſince he had been himſelf one of 
e the Legates at the firſt ſeſſion of it: but it ſeems, it was not 
* thought ſeaſonable to propoſe it, til the Council were firſt 
ended and diſſolved. 


„On the other hand, Gardiner, who had no great ſenſe of 
« Eccleſiaſtical matters, but as they ſerved intrigues of State, 


A 
* 


* and being himſelf of ſuch a temper, that ſevere proceedings 
__« wrought 


. 5 Burnet, 


y 
_ 
* ; 


__ 


_— 
- 3 


_ 
"0 


OF ERASMUS. 389 


10 00 much on him, judged that the executing the laws A. D. 1525. 
_« againſt the Lollards was that in which they were chiefly 
« to truſt, &. Between theſe two counſels the Queen would 
« have a mean way taken, to follow both in part. She encou- 
« raged Pole to go on in the correcting the manners of the 
„ Clergy ; and likewiſe preſſed Gardiner to proceed againſt the 
« HeretiCs.' 
« Pole ſhewed the weakneſs of his ſpirit i in one thing, that, 
« being againſt cruel proceedings with heretics, he did not more 
« openly profeſs it, but both ſuffered the other Biſhops to go on, 
« and even in Canterbury, now ſequeſtered in his hands, and 
« ſoon after put under his care, he left thoſe poor men to the 
« cruelties of the brutal and fierce Popiſh Clergy. In this he 
« was to be pitied, that he had not courage enough to contend 
« with ſo haughty a Pope as Paul IV was, who thought of no 
other way of bearing down hereſy, but by ſetting up the In- 


« quiſition every where. 


« One remarkable thing of Pole was, his not liſtening t. to the 
« propoſition the 1 made him of bringing them into . 
% England.” - 
« "Te very day after Cranmer was barns; Pole was Sn 
« crated Archbiſhop of Canterbury: — ſo that the words of 
« Elijah to Ahab concerning Naboth were applied to him, Thor 
e boſt killed and taken poſſeſſion. — When the Pall was put on 
* him, he went into the Pulpit, and made a cold ſermon about 
the beginning, the uſe, and the matter of the Pall, without 
either learning or eloquence. The ſubje& could admit of no 
« learning; and for eloquence, though in his younger days, 
*« when he writ againſt King Henry, his ſtyle was too luxuriant 
and florid, yet being afterwards ſenſible of his exceſs that 
« Way, he turned as much to the other extreme, and cutting off 
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* Caraffa, See Thuanus L. XV. b Burnet. - 
466, who gives him a bad character. 


390 


THE LIFE 


"i ths ornaments of ſpeech, he brought his ſtyle to a flatneſs 


that had neither life nor beauty in it.“ 


Pole died in the year 1558, aged * fifty-nine.—He was not a 


man made to raiſe a fortune, being, by the - greatneſs of his 
birth, and his excellent virtues, carried far above ſuch mean 


deſigns. He was a learned, modeſt, humble, and good-natured 


man ; and had indeed ſuch qualities, and ſuch a temper, that, 


if he could have brought the other Biſhops to follow his 


meaſures, or the Pope and Queen to approve of them, he might 
have probably done much to have reduced this nation to Popery 
again. But God deſigned better things for it: ſo he gave up 
the Queen to the bloody counſels of Gardiner, and the reſt of 


the Clergy. It was the only thing in which ſhe was not led 


by the Cardinal. But ſhe imputed his opinion in that parti- 
cular rather to the ſweetneſs of his temper, than to his wiſdom 
and experience; and he, ſeeing he could do nothing of what 


he projected in England, fell into a languiſhing, firſt of his 
mind, that brought after it a decay of his health, of which he 
died. I have dwelt the more copiouſly on his character, being 


willing to deny to none, of whom I write, the praiſes that arc 
due to them : and he being the only man of that whole party, 
of whom I found any reaſon to ſay much good, I was the 
more willing to enlarge about him, to let the world ſee how 


little I am byaſſed in the account TI give, by intereſt or opinion. 
Pole had a vaſt ſuperſtition to the See of Rome; and though 


his being at the Council of Trent had opened his eyes to many 
things, which he had not obſerved before, yet he {till retained 
his great ſubmiſſion to that See, and thought it impoſſible to 
maintain the order and unity of the Church, but by holding 


communion with it; which carried him, in oppoſition to man) 


apprehenſions himſelf had of ſome theological points, ſtill to 
fupport the intereſts of the Papacy. His neglect of the offer 

Ie / of 
3 Burnet, K Fifty- eight and ſix months, ſays the writer of his life, 


OF ERASMUS. 301 
of it, when it was made to him, ſhewed that this flowed from A. D. 1 2 5, 
no aſpirings of his own, but purely from his judgment: ſo that 

what miſtakes ſoever his education, and heats with King Henry, 

and the diſaſters of his family, might have involved him in, it 

cannot be denied that he was a man of as great probity and 

virtue as moſt of the age, if not all of that Church in which 

he lived.” | 

« Bonner had condemned ſixteen to be burnt. But Cardinal 

Pole heard that there was ſome hope of working on three of 

them ; ſo there came an order to put them into his hands, and 

« he prevailed ſo far on two of them, that a pardon was granted 

to them, they being perſuaded by the Cardinal to abjure; 


which was a very extraordinary thing, (exemplo licet rar: imo ) 
as it is mentioned 1 in the Pardon. 


« But here I muſt leſſen the character of the Cardinal's müld- 
neſs towards heretics; for this year (1557) he ſent orders to 
proceed againſt the heretics of his dioceſe, and afterwards | 
ſent a Signiſicavit of ſome heretics to be delivered to the 
ſecular arm. 


« I find likewiſe by other evidences ſuggeſted to me by the 
laborious Mr. Strype, that Pole was not ſo mild as I had repre- 
ſented him. Parker in his Britiſh Antiquities calls him Eccle/ie 
Anglicanæ Carnifex et Flagellum, the Scourge and the Execu- 
tioner of the Church of England: and Calfhil, a Canon of 
Chriſt-Church in Oxford, in a letter to Biſhop Grindall, 
' mentions the proceedings of the Viſitors ſent to Oxford by 
Pole, who were Brooks Biſhop of Gloceſter, Cole Dean of 
St. Paul's, and Ormanet : he ſent them thither, not only to 
reſtore the Pope's authority, but diligently to inquire if there 
were any who neglected the Pope's ceremonies ; and if there 
were any found that were under the leaſt ſuſpicion, (leviſſi- 
Ama ſuſpicio) they were without any delay to eject them. He 
« writes 


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i 


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392 


A. D. 1525. 


mous Writer. 


Dias ers 
writes that there was nothing eminent in Ormanet, but into. 
lerable inſolence; nothing could be imagined more arrogant 


* 


ce than he was. They raged, as he adds, againſt a great many 


« in the Univerſity, and burned in the open market- place an in- 
< finite number of Bibles, and-other books. The like ſeverity 


ce was practiſed at Cambridge, of which Mr. Strype promiſes an 


« account in the Life of Whitgift.“ 
« =] think I can clear Pole from the ſuſpicion of SEW 


« procured Cranmer's death, by his own ** * letters to 


* Cranmer. 


« » It is obſerved of Pole, that though he was very rigid! in 
his principles, yet he was not of a perſecuting temper. He 


was a man of good abilities, though accounted very prolix and 
« tedious in his compoſitions.” 


Seckendorf reckons the Cardinals Sadolet, Contarenus, and 


cc 


cc 


Pole, as well diſpoſed to ſome reformation. Prelog, Melchicr 


Adam repreſents Contarenus as a half-Proteſtant. Vit. Petr, 
Martyris, p. 18. 


Eraſmus deſires Aldrige to get him a collation of Seneca the 


| Philoſopher from a Manuſcript of King's College. He adds, that 
there are many very ancient Manuſcripts at Cambridge, and par- 


ticularly at Peter-Houſe, and that Froben and he would be 


thankful and grateful to any that would procure them ſuch colla- 


tions as they wanted *, Ep. "ow 1 
ce Robert 
n Appendix to Burnet 65 an anony- Deum teſtor) libentiſſime anteponerem. 
I cannot think that theſe expreſſions 


a Vita Poli, p. 71. in Pole's letter clear him ſo much 25 
o Ea eſt mea ſalutis tuæ cura ac ſtu- this Annotator imagines, It was ealy 


dium, ut fi te ab horribili illa, quæ tibi, to appear generous and charitable, a 


niſi reſipiſcas, impendet non ſolum cor- far as words would go. 
poris ſed anime etiam mortis ſententia, „ Knight. 


ullo modo liberare poſſem, id profecto 


omnibus divitiis atque honoribus, qui 


cuiquam in hac vita contingere poſſint, 


4 He ſends his ſervice to Nicolaus 
and Joannes Siburgus, printers and book- 
ſellers, They wrote their name Siberd), 

1 


OF ERASMUS. 


« Cambridge acquaintance, | with whom he correſponded while 
« in England, and after he left it. Aldrige was admitted into 
« King's College, and i in the year 1523 was one of the Univerſity 
ce Preachers, that i is, ſent out by the Univerſity to preach in diffe- 
« rent parts of the nation, as the Judges now go their circuits, 


« Canon of Windſor, and then removed from theſe preferments 


« to the Biſhoprick of Carliſle, We may ſee by thoſe his 
« Epiſtles which were written to Eraſmus, that he had a moſt 
« elegant pen; Which alſo may be collected from the province 


aſſigned him of writing letters from the Univerſity to the King; 
e and although the reward for that ſervice may now ſeem 


« very ſmall, yet at that time it was no doubt a good præmium. 


© who, in the want of the Engliſh tongue, ſerved him for an 


« King Edward, but was not well affected to the Reformation.” 
Eraſmus wrote to his adverſary Otho Brunsfeld, giving him 
good advice, exhorting him to behave himſelf more like a Chriſtian, 
and treating him with contempt enough. Ep. 786. 


In other letters of this year we find a repetition of the old 
complaints againſt the Reformers and the Romaniſts. Ep. 787, &c. 


He * ſpeaks of the il] health' of his old friend Pace. Melanch- 


thon, lays be labours at preſent under the ſame diſtemper, of 
3 E N EuT lyin 8 


Knight, p. 143. e the Proftor's Book, by the Reve- 
* Anno 1527, Magiſtro Aldryg, pro rend Mr. Baker. 


tribus literis miſſis ad Dominum Re- _* Spero Paczum noſtrum j jam conva- 


dem, 10% | '  luiſſe; male fit iſtis legationibus ac 


relegationibus: 


« there being at that time great need of able men in every county. 
This learned man was afterwards Maſter of Eaton School, 
« Fellow of that College, and at laſt Provoſt of the ſame, as alſo 


« When Eraſmus made his pilgrimage to the Lady of Walſing- 
* ham, he took with him his friend Aldrige from Cambridge, 


et interpreter. Mr. Strype ſays he was a complier in the reign of 


393 
« Robert  Aldrige, or, Aldrifius, was another of Eraſmus's A. D. 1525. 


TH5 : 
1 


U 
A. D. 1525. lying * awake, to whom Frederic of Saxony hath lately bequeathed 
a thouſand gold florins. This deſerves notice for the rarity of the 
thing; it being as uncommon for Princes to leave legacies to 
Scholars, as it is for Scholars to leave legacies to Princes. Ep. 790. 
He ſends his ſervice to John the Gun-ſmith, an old acquaint- 
ance. He * gave me a ſword, ays he, and I gave him a book, 


the Enchiridion or Spiritual ſword. I have not as yet made any 
uſe of his preſent, nor he, I fancy, of mine. Ep. 791. 


He wrote a letter of complaint and expoſtulation to Albertus 
Pius, Prince of Carpi, who was one of his calumniators at the 
court of Rome. This Epiſtle is polite; elegant, and full of ſpirit; 
and indeed he always ſhines in his apologies for himſelf, being 
animated with the ſubject. Ep. 333-,C. 1709. 


Eraſmus, oh many occaſions, hath laſhed and x fc Alber- 
tus, who ſeems to have very honeſtly deſerved 1. Paul Jovius 
hath beſtowed great commendations on this Prince. Flog, p. 154. 


? Aldus Manutius dedicated an edition of Ariſtotle De Anima- 
2 and an edlition of Homer, to Albertus, to whom he had 
been tutor, and to whom he had, many obligations. This Alber- 
tus was nephew to the illuſtrious Joannes Picus of Mirandula. 
Concerning his controverſy with Eraſmus, there is a large account 


of der Hardt Hit. Lit. Ref. p. 107180. 5 
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relegationibus : illud Is Mak quicumi olim arma commutavi, in ami- 
erat natum; vereor autem ne nonnullam citiæ ſymbolum, nec id multo congru- 
mali partem addiderint T6 desde. Pe- entius, quam fecerunt Glaucus ac Dio- 
riclitatur et Philippus Melanchthon eo- medes. Dedi Enchiridion, noſti librum 
dem inſomniæ, ut ferunt, morbo, cui jam olim per omtles erbls plagas voli- 
| Fredexicus Dux moriens legato reliquit tantem, Latine, Gallice, Germanice, 
mille florenos aureos. Hiſpanice, Tuſce loquentem: ille con- 


u Inſomnia, a diſtemper too 22 
known to ſtudious people. 


** Quum erit. commodum, ſalatadis 

mihi Joannem Bombardarum opificæm, 

vicinum tuum, veterem amicum meum, 
2 . | 


tra dedit gladiolum, quo non magis 
adhuc ſom uſus, quam ille libro. 
D Hodius De Gree, Iluſtr. p. 89, 90. 
Maittaire I. p. 230, 239, 241. II. 43. 
163. 


\ 
OF, ERASMUS. 395 


More ent Eraſmus a letter containing much ſpite and acrimony A. D. 1525. 
againſt the Reformers, and prefling exhortations to him to publiſh 
his Hyperaſpi/tes againſt Luther. Ep. 334. c. 1711. 

The * Sorboniſts perſecuted Faber Stapulenſis to ſuch a degree, 

that this learned man was obliged to fly W 
"0 Luther, who had anſwered the book of Henry VIII in a 
rough way, now wrote him a * very humble letter, being ex- 
horted to it by his friends, and not without hope that the King 
would favour the Reformation. Henry returned him a very 
churliſh and haughty anſwer: upon which, Luther, who had 
too much ſpirit to bear affronts even from crowned heads, 
declared publicly, that he was very ſorry for having demeaned 
himſelf fo far, and that he would never more throw away any 
civilities and ſubmiſſions upon Henry VIII, or Cardinal Cajetan, 
or George of Saxony, or Eraſmus, who had all On his humi- 
lity with inſults. | 

He wrote a reply to the Dini of Eraſmus, in a treatiſe 
intitled De Servo Arbitrio. He tells Eraſmus that his Diatribe, 
as to the manner and the compoſition, 1s very elegant ; and, as 
to the matter, is very © * contemptible ; and reſembles an excrement 
in a golden diſh. He mixes compliment, praiſe, ſcorn, inſult, 
ridicule, and invective all together, and flings them at his head. 
Though he makes apologies for his own ſtyle, yet it is really ſuch, 
that it hardly wanted any. See Seckendorf L. L317, &c. 

Eraſmus was much provoked at this treatment, which was 
rude enough, and in ſome meaſure unexpected. He immedi- 

ately wrote a reply, which was the firſt part of his Hyperaſp Nes; ; 
and he rah the ſecond part in 1 527. . 
r "nom <1: a0 
* Sleidan L. v. i | ultra duos quaterniones ejus legi. Mo- 
a Sledan L. VI. leſtum eſt tam erudito libro reſpondere 
> Demiſſe admodum. Sleidan, "INE tam eruditi viri, Luther, Ep. ad Spalat. 
kendorf L. II. 37. ä P. II. p. 238. It fhould be, I think, 


* Incredibile eſt,” quam faftidiam li- moleſtum eſt tam inerudito _ reſpon- 
bellum (Eraſmi)-de libero arbitrio: nec dere tam eruditi vin. 


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396 
A. D. 1525. 


annem Electorem Sax. datum, in quo 


THE LIFE 
He alſo wrote an angry * letter to the Elector of Saxony, 
deſiring him to puniſh Luther, or at leaſt to reprimand and to 


muzzle him. This letter is not printed : 
Seckendorf for an account of it. 


we are obliged to 


« Eraſmus ſuſpected that Luther, in his book De Servo Arbi. 
trio, was aſfiſted by ſome learned friends, who had corrected and 


+ Exſtat Eraſmi autographon ad Jo- 


incredibilem bilem adverſus Lutherum, 


a quo famam ſuam capitalibus menda- 


cis læſam eſſe queritur, effundit, et 
animadverti in eum, aut ſaltem com- 
monefieri petit, ne ſimili petulantia 


debacchetur. Irarum maximum ſtimu- 
Jum habet, quod atheiſmi five Epicu- 
reiſmi a Luthero inſimulatus fuerit. Sub- 


feripſit illis Eraſmus his verbis: E. 8. 
C. T. (id eſt, Eleforalis Sereniſſimæ 
Celſitudinis tuæ) addictiſſimum mancipi- 


um, Eraſmus Roterodamus mea manu 


fubſerip}. 


Non invenio communicate he literæ 


Eraſmi cum Luthero fuerint, necne; 


exſtant tamen eodem faſciculo Lutheri 
Iiteræ, quæ quadrare ad epiſtolam illam 


videntur — Scribit autem: „ Sibi et 


6s collegis conſultum non videri, ut 


4 Elector in cauſam hanc ſe ingerat, 


% quippe Eceleſiaſticam, in qua ille 
« judex nec velit, nec poſlit eſſe; et 


« Eraſmum decuiſſe, ut Electorem hac 


<« in re non moleſtaret. Præterea et- 


* ſi cauſa eſſet politica, ab Eraſmo ita 


« tractandam eſſe, ſcriptis in univer- 
« ſum orbem publicatis, quz majus 
« Judicium quam Principis alicujus re- 
« quireret, Denique non eſſe juſtum, 
ut aliquis puniatur ex accuſatione per 


poliſhed 


te epiſtolam; opus eſſe actione, excep- 
« tione, et aliis ad proceſſum pertinen- 


wha tibus,” Seckendorf L. J. P · 312. 


Vindicandus eſt liber iſte Luthero, 


adverſus Eraſmi ſuſpicionem (quam 


Cochlæus ut veram adoptavit) quod non 
ſaltem impellentibus, ſed et juvantibus 
aliis, Lutherus ſcripſerit. ConjeQura 
ex ſtylo nitidiori capta eſt. Lutherus 
enim, etſi pleraque extempore, et animi 
quodam impetu ſcriberet, et verborum 
delectum parum curaret, quoties tamen 
majori diligentia uteretur, ſatis monſtra- 
bat, quid etiam in politiori valeret lite- 
ratura, Hoc ejus ingenium vireſque 


ignorans Eraſmus, finiftre de labore ejus 


judicavit. Impulſores autem fuiſſe ſuſpi- 
catus eſt Juſtum Jonam et Guilielmum 
Neſenum, quem olim ſibi amiciſſimum, 
et Pyladis comparatione honoratum, 
poſt mortem diris laniavit convitiis, 
Nam in ſecundo adverſus Lutherum 
ſcripto (quod ipſe Myperaſpiſten, Luthe- 
rus Hyperaſpidem, Philippus Melanch- 
thon plane Aſpidem vocavit) Thraſonem 
et Gnathonem, et indignum vocat, cu- 
Jus gratia vel epiſtolam Lutherus ſcribe- 
ret. Modeſte hoc ei poſtea exprobravit 
Melanchthon, et Neſenum ad extre- 
mum uſque ſpiritum Eraſmi cultorem 


ſuiſſe aſſerit. Philippum vero ipſum cum 


omnibus eruditis qui Wittenberg eſſent, 


adjutores 


= 
* 


1 


O F ERASMUS. 


poliſhed his ſtyle. Seckendorf, in the paſſage which we have A. D. 1525 
cited, ſhews himſelf too favourable to Luther, and ſhould have 


conſidered, that any man, in the ſituation of Eraſmus, would 
have taken it very ill to be called, without ceremony, an Infidel, 

a Lucian, an Atheiſt, and an Epicurean. He ſhould rather have 
ſaid in behalf of Luther, that, there being no ſuch thing as free- 
will, Luther was neceſſitated to write as he did ; 


Sic erat in fatis, — —— — 


Luther * obſerves, that Juſtus Jonas and others had adviſed him 


to treat Eraſmus very gently: but he adds, that Eraſmus did not 


| deſerve ſuch courteſy ; ; and that Juſtus Jonas was at laſt * con- 


vinced of it. 


adjutores fuiſſe Luthero conjectabat 
Eraſmus. Negavit id non ſolum Phi- 
lippus in epiſtola modo allegata, ſed et 
ad familiariſſimum Camerarium ſeribit: 
Me plane immerentem magna invidia 
enerat Eraſmus, cum mihi partem operis, 
et quidem odioſiorem imputat. Falſus 
etiam eſt Eraſmus, cum Lutherum in 
jpſis nuptiis librum de ſervo arbitrio 
ſcripſiſſe, Epiſt. ad Volſeium et ad alios, 
queritur, et ſpe ſua falſum ſe eſſe dicit, 
quod putaſſet Lutherum magis cicurem 
ab uxore redditum iri, Interim ingenua 
ejus confeſſio eſt, quod librum Lutheri 
dicat ſumma cura elaboratum. Duicquzd, 


ait, Eccleſia Wittenbergenſis vel eruditione, 


vel maledicentia potust, id totum in eum 


hbrum collatum eſt; Mirari vero licet, 


quæ de maledicentia —- publice queritur, 
ipſique Luthero, anno ſequenti, huma- 
niſſimis literis eum demulcenti, impla- 
eabili animi æſtu, exprobrat, Ep. 806. 
Fallitur ſane aperte, cum Lutherum in 


— 


It 


neminem quam in ſe, ne in Cochlæum 
quidem, acerbiorem fuiſſe contendit. 
Seckendorf L. II. p. 29. 

f Memorat Juſtum Jonam ſibi aucto- 
rem fuiſſe, ut Eraſmum mitibus verbis 
tractaret; dixiſſe enim, Domine Doctor, 


tu non credis, quam bonus et venerabilis 


ſenex ſit Eraſmus. Idem antea Neſenum 


 fecifle ; ſe quidem, ex Apologia Eraſmi 


adverſus Stapulenſem, diverſum colle- 
gifſe, ſed obfecutum eſſe humanis con- 
ſihis, znfelict, ut par eft, (ait) eventu. 
Nos enim omnes probe excepit Eraſmus ; 
Neſenum maxime, tam charum fbi olim. 
Seckendorf L. II. p. 81. 


s Eraſmi aculeos patienter ſatis tulit 


Lutherus, gaviſus, quod D. Juſtus Jo- 


nas, Eraſmum alias ſemper laudans, in- 
genium ejus tandem melius cognoviſſet. 


Scribit enim: 
« Gratutlor tibi, optime Jona, de tua 
e palinodia, qua nunc tandem Eraf- 


« mum. Mum tuum ſais pingis colori- 
c bus, 


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THE LIFE 


It hath been ſaid by many, that Luther departed from his 
rigid notions of the ſervum arbitrium, and changed his mind; 


but others deny it. 


ce bus, viperam illum lethalibus aculeis 


<< refertam recte cognoſcis, quem ante 
c multis nominibus prædicabas. Gau- 
« deo te ex unius Hyperaſpiſtæ lectione 


e tantum profeciſſe, et tuum de illo 


& mutaſſe judicium.“  Seckendorf L. II. 
6. 087-7 
n Lutherus ipſe tanti fecit hunc li- 
brum, ut de eo tanquam invic̃to gloria- 


tus ſit, et ad Wolfgangum Fabricium 
Capitonem ſcripſerit, Nullum ſe ag- 


noſcere juſtum ſuum librum, niſi forte 


De Servo Arbitrio, et Catechiſmum. Eun- 


dem librum in pretio magno habuerunt 


germani Lutheri diſcipuli.— Chriſtopho- 


rus Lazius primus fuit, quod ego ſciam, 


qui A. 1568, Flacii dogmata libellis 


aliquot oppugnans, affirmaret, Lutherum 


tandem ſervum ſuum arbitrium revo- 
caſſe. Quem Lazium falfi poſtulat Fla- 


cius.— Tubingenſes Theologi, A. 1586, 
in Colloquio Montpelgardienſi, et a ſer- 
vo arbitrio Lutheri, et a ſeipſis diſceſſe- 
runt: quorum diſcipuli Ægidius Hun- 
nius, Georgius Mylius, et alii nonnulli 
Lutherum propter ſervum arbitrium er- 
roris et calumniarum reum peregerunt. 


Hoodie omnes fere Ubiquitarii in illa 


ſententia ſunt, Lutherum revocaſſe ſer- 
vum ſuum arbitrium, quibus, A. 1616, 
Lutheraniſſimus Theologiæ Doctor Cun- 


radus Schluſſeburgius publice contra- 


dixit, fortiterque confirmavit Lutherum 
nunquam librum, de quo agimus, re- 
vocaſſe. Muſſitant quidem nonnulli, 


revocationem illam fadtam Commen- 


Calvini, p. 43. G. Brandt, Vol. I. p. 55. 


Eraſmus | 


tario Lutheri in Geneſin cap. 26. At, 
inquiunt alii, Lutherus ibi tantum dam- 
nat abuſum doctrinæ de prædeſtinatione 
et præſcientia Dei, &c. 

Vix prodierat Servum Arbitrium, cum 
Eraſmus edidit Wperaſpiſten Diatribes, 
De quo Melanchthon, Ep. 39 ad Came- 
rarium, ait: Erquid unguam legiſti ſcrip. 
tum acerbius, Foachime, quam Eraſmicum 
breegomtefw? Eft is plane aſpis. 

Sunt tamen qui exiſtimant Melanch- 
thonem, lectis Eraſmi de libero arbitrio 
libris, ſuam de ſervo arbitrio et præ- 
deſtinatione ſententiam mutaſſe. Et ſane 
ſi editiones Locorum Communium Phi- 
lippi poſteriores cum prioribus conferas, 
Melanchthonem in poſterioribus et a ſe 
et a Luthero ſeceſſiſſe deprehendes, &c. 
Scultet. Annal. in Von der Hardt, P. V. 
p. 102. 


In the Colloquia Menſalia, publiſhed 
by Bell, it is affirmed, that Luther 
changed his opinion touching Conſub- 
ſtantiation, and the corporal preſence in 
the Euchariſt, for that of the ſpiritual 
preſence, See p. 287, as alſo Epiſt. 
Dedicatory, p. 4: 5. Bell's Narrative, 
P. 3» 4+ 

Quinetiam his de rebus (ſcil. de præ- 


deſtinatione et libero arbitrio) ita ſcribere 


cceperat Philippus Melanchthon, ut 
quamvis antea Calvini adverſus Pighium 
libro diſerte ſubſcripſiſſet, tamen Gene- 
venſes Stoicum Fatum invehentes notare 
quibuſdam videtetur. Melib. Adam. Vit. 


OF ERASMUS. 


Eraſmus recommends: i Petrus Toſſanus to the favour of Budæus. 


Ep. 765. 


A Proteſtant miracle was wrought this year, as good an one, 


and as well atteſted, as the Popiſh miracles. Thus much at 
leaſt is evident, that a Lutheran was murdered by the Perſecutors. 
Eraſmus publiſhed ' Chryſoſtom de Sacerdotio, in Greek only, 


with a prefatory " N ee to Pirckheimerus, which is not in our 


Collection. 


A, D. MDXXVI, 


Etat. LIx. 


0 Pellicanus having faid that Eraſmus was in the ſame ſenti- 
ments with nee concerning the Euchariſt, Eraſmus 


i Melch. Adam Vit. Dan. Toffani. | 
Ex inferiori Germania ſeribebatur 
nonnullis Principibus, Bernardum Car- 
melitam, ætate quinquagenarium, virum 
pium et eruditum, et fortem Evange- 
liſtam, in oppido Britz quinque aut ſex 
milliaribus a Mechlinia martyrem factum 
Chriſti. Nam reliquos Monachos, fal- 
{os fratres et filios Belial, tantas homini 
paraſſe inſidias, ut adductum in invidi- 


am tanquam hæreticum ad ignem rape- 
In ignem autem ter fruſtra con- 


rent. 
jectum: nam ignem ſemper extinctum; 
donec inventus ſit, qui malleo caput ejus 
percuſſum interemerit. Poſtea cadavere 
denuo in ignem injecto, ignem ut antea 
reſtinctum, et cadaver ex oculis adſtan- 
tium diſparuiſſe, ſecuta conſtanti fama, 
vitum Dei ad chelum tranſlatum eſſe. 
Shalatinus, i in the Amen, Ee. . 

5. 417. 


” Appendix, 901 Ts! * 


hh 


Maittaixe II. 661. ILY 


expoſtulated 


3 Beza Icon. Seckendorf L. I. P. 132. 
Melchior Adam. Maittaire I. 291. 
Thuanus L. XVI. p. 498. 


Anno 1499, providentia Dei, biblio- 


pola Tubigenſis attulit Biblia Hebraica 
integra, minima forma impreſſa Piſauri 
in Italia, quæ nemo curabat. Pellica- 
nus id audiens, rogavit virum, ſineret 


opus aliquot diebus inſpicere: conceſſit 


librarius, dicens floreno cum dimidio 
poſſe emi. Audito tam parvo poſſe 


comparari, exultavit Pellicanus: adiit 


ſuum Gardianum Paulum, orans, pro 
ſe fidejuberet. Quod ubi feciſſet, Crœſi 
divitias ſe adeptum putavit, ſtatimque 
Spiram ad avunculum ſcripfit, orans ut 


duorum florenorum munere vel elee mo- 
tyna dignaretur, quibus pro Rbris com- 
parandis pauper egeret. 


Statim miſit, 
ea conditione, ne ſe emacem ad alienam 
crumenam exhiberèt. Melchior Adam. 


Pellicanus rogatus ab amieis, quæ- 
nam Eraſmi, quo Baſiles familiariſſime 


1 


A. D. 1525. 


A. D. 1526. 


4.00 
A. D. 1525, 


THE LITE 
expoſtulated roughly with him. He pretends to have been 
calumniated, and ſays many ſevere things of the Reformed; 
and becauſe Pellicanus ' threatened him with an attack "7 
Zuinglius, he declares that he feared not ten Zuingliuſes, Vet 
he did not care to engage in combat with this one Zuinglius about 
the Euchariſt; and from the manner in which he had ſpoken of 
the performance of Oecolampadius, it appears that he thought it 
not ſo eaſy a matter to refute theſe Divines. He had really too 
much ſenſe to hope by dint of eloquence' to eſtabliſh palpable 
contradictions; and his clamour upon this occaſion ſeems to 
have been the effect of that timorous and political prudence 


which he obſerved in his old days. He ſays here, that he would 


fooner diſſemble and conceal ten ambiguous articles, than be the 
occaſion of ſo many evils; and to this maxim he ſeems to have 
adhered pretty ſtrictly. He was of opinion, that all the efforts 
for reformation would come to nothing, and be ſuppreſſed; and 
this apprehenſion was the principal regulator of his conduct. 
This made him fond of conſidering the Reformers in the worſt 
point of view, and of exaggerating their diviſions amongſt them- 
ſelves, as if they alone were divided, and as if Eraſmus himſelf 


had not fallen out with moſt of the Monks and Romith divines ! 


Very true it is, that the ſtruggles of the Reformers cauſed many 
diſorders, and drew a terrible perſecution upon them and their 


ſucceſſors; but it was through the fault of that Church, to which 
Eraſmus wanted to remain united, and which would hear of no 


amendments. There was an abſolute neceſſity of coming to an 
open rupture, in which many perſons were cut off; but many 


| Chriſtian ſocieties were formed and eſtabliſhed, which continue 


to read and to admire the works of Eraſmus; works cenſured, 


n e mangled, and reviled in that Church, 


which 


uſus fuerat, de cena Domini eſſet ſen- Scultet. Annal. ap. Yea 811 n 
ſentia, reſpondit: Eraſmum folim ag- P. V. p. 106. 
noſeere Chriſti manducationem per fidem · 


OF ERASMUS. 401. 
which he flattered to the end of his days with too much ſervility. A. D. 1526. 
Ep. 845, 840, 847. 
Pellicanus hath informed us, that, 5 1 the preaching of 
Luther, there was not one Greek Teſtament to be found in all 


Germany, though a man inould have offered to give for it its 
weight in gold. Seckendorf L. I. 132. 


Cardinal Campegius wanted Eraſmus to meet him at Augſburg, 
and to aſſiſt him by his counſels in compoſing the Lutheran tem- 
peſt, But Eraſmus excuſed himſelf on account both of his bodily 
* infirmities, and of the little credit that he had in Germany, 

' where the Lutherans held him for an enemy to the Goſpel. He 
alſo exhorts the Cardinal to ra with mildneſs and mode- 


ration. Ep. 795. 

Writing to John Henckel, Preacher to Mary . of Hun- 
gary, he gives him a compendious hiſtory of the diforders in the 
Church, before the Lutheran controverſy, of his own endeavours 

to correct thoſe evils, of the oppoſition which he had experi- 


enced from the Monkiſh quarter, and of the faults committed 
on both ſides, which had reduced Chriſtianity to its preſent miſe- 
rable condition. He. alſo complains much of the rudeneſs with 
which Luther had anſwered him, and of the ill language which 
that Reformer had given him. He ſays the ſame at the begin- 


1 F 


verum hoc corpuſculum per le 


quidem imbecille, ſed ſenectute fit im- 


becillius in dies. Toties impetit cru- os 


deliſſimus calculi dolor, ut ad quamvis 
occaſionem pericliter de vita, Porro 
menſe Julio et diu et graviſſime labo- 
ravi, fic ut nulla ſpes eſſet vitæ: fed 
multo etiam gravius ad natalem Chriſti, 
ſie ut mors in votis eſſet, vita in deſpe- 
ratione. Nulla enim mors acerbior eſſe 
| Poteſt hoc eruciatu. Quibus malis ſic 
alflictæ fractæque ſunt hujus corpuſculi 


ning 


vires, ut ſumma vitæ moderatione vix 
ſubſiſtam. Itaque jampridem equos me- 
vendidi, deſperans in poſterum me 
laturum agitationem. Jam ſi quid ad- 
eſſet virium, hoc tempore non poteram 
occurrere Celſitudini tuæ, quum iter eſſet 


per hypocauſta, ad quorum nidorem ex- 


animor, fi vel uno ꝓrandio feram. Quæ 
res me cogit ut Baſileæ in propriis ædi- 
bus habitem, que aulam habent cum 
fumario: idque non ſine gravi meo 
ſumtu, nec minus gravi cura. 


* 
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ene. Lend. 


. expoſtulated roughly with him. He pretends to have been 


THE LIFE 


calumniated, and ſays many ſevere things of the Reformed; 
and becauſe Pellicanus threatened him with an attack from 
Zuinglius, he declares that he feared not ten Zuingliuſes, Yet 


he did not care to engage in combat with this one Zuinglius about 


the Euchariſt; and from the manner in which he had ſpoken of 
the performance of Oecolampadius, it appears that he thought it 
not ſo eaſy a matter to refute theſe Divines. He had really too 

much ſenſe to hope by dint of eloquence to eſtabliſh palpable 
contradictions; and his clamour upon this occaſion ſeems to 
have been the effect of that timorous and political prudence 
which he obſerved in his old days. He ſays here, that he would 
fooner diſſemble and conceal ten ambiguous articles, than be the 
occaſion of ſo many evils; and to this maxim he ſeems to have 
adhered pretty ſtrictly. He was of opinion, that all the efforts 
for reformation would come to nothing, and be ſuppreſſed ; and 
this apprehenſion was the principal regulator of his conduct. 


This made him fond of conſidering the Reformers in the worſt 


point of view, and of exaggerating their diviſions amongſt them- 
ſelves, as if they alone were divided, and as if Eraſmus himſelf 
had not fallen out with moſt of the Monks and Romith divines ! 
Very true it is, that the ſtruggles of the Reformers cauſed many 
diſorders, and drew a terrible perſecution upon them and their 
ſucceſſors ; but it was through the fault of that Church, to which 
Eraſmus wanted to remain united, and which would hear of no 
amendments. There was an abſolute neceſſity of coming to an 


open rupture, in which many perſons were cut off; but many 


Chriſtian ſocieties were formed and eſtabliſhed, which continue 
to read and to admire the works of Eraſmus; works cenſured, 
rag I”, mangled, and reviled in that Church, 

which 


ulus fuerat, de ccena Domini eſſet ſen- Scultet, Annal. ap. Ven ar 2 


ſentia, reſpondit: Eraſmum ſelum ag- P. V. p. 106. 
noſcere Chriſti manducationem per idem · 


OF ERASMUS. 


which he flattered to the end of his days with too much ſervility. A. D. ot 


Ep. 8455 840, 847. 


Pellicanus hath informed us, that, before the preaching of 
Luther, there was not one Greek Teſtament to be found in all 
Germany, though a man inould have offered to give for it its 


weight in gold. Seckendorf L. I. 132. 


Cardinal Campegius wanted Eraſmus to meet him at Aogtbarg, 


and to aſſiſt him by his counſels in compoſing the Lutheran tem- 
peſt. But Eraſmus excuſed himſelf on account both of his bodily 
* infirmities, and of the little credit that he had in Germany, 
where the Lutherans held him for an enemy to the Goſpel. He 
alſo exhorts the Cardinal to proceed with ee Hee and mode- 


ration. Ep. 795. 
Writing to John Henckel, Preacher to Mary Queen of Hun- 


gary, he gives him a compendious hiſtory of the diforders in the 


Church, before the Lutheran controverſy, of his own endeavours 
to correct thoſe evils, of the oppoſition which he had experi- 
enced from the Monkiſh quarter, and of the faults committed 


on both ſides, which had reduced Chriſtianity to its preſent miſe- 


rable condition. He alſo complains much of the rudeneſs with 
which Luther had anſwered him, and of the ill language which 


that Reformer had given him. He ſays the ſame at the begin- 
7 ning 


verum hoc corpuſculum per ſe vires, ut ſumma vitæ moderatione vix 
quidem imbecille, ſed ſenectute fit im- ſubſiſtam, Itaque jampridem equos me- 


becillius in dies. Toties impetit cru- os vendidi, deſperans in poſterum me 


deliſſimus calculi dolor, ut ad quamvis laturum agitationem. Jam ſi quid ad- 
occaſionem pericliter de vita. Porro eſſet virium, hoc tempore non poteram 
menſe Julio et diu et graviſſime labo- occurrere Celſitudini tuæ, quum iter eſſet 

ravi, fic ut nulla ſpes eſſet vitæ: fed per hypocauſta, ad quorum nidorem ex- 


multo etiam gravius ad natalem Chriſti, animor, ſi vel uno ꝓrandio feram. Quæ 


ſie ut mors in votis eſſet, vita in deſpe- res me cogit ut Baſileæ in propriis ædi- 
ratione. Nulla enim mors acerbior eſſe bus habitem, quæ aulam habent cum 
poteſt hoc eruciatu. Quibus malis fic fumario : idque non fine gravi meo 
alflictæ fractæque ſunt hujus corpuſculi ſumtu, nec minus gravi cura. 


RY 


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402 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1526, ning of his Hyperaſpiſtes, or defence of himſelf againſt Luther, 
The Queen and Henckel were favourers of the Lutheran cauſe, 
» Seckendorf hath criticized this letter of Eraſmus. Ep. 796. 
Soon after, Eraſmus wrote a friendly letter to John a Laſco, 
who had been in Italy, and was returned to Poland. He com- 
plains of the two parties, and relates the diſpute which he had 
with Pellicanus, whom, as he ſays here and elſewhere, he had 
convicted of calumny. What Pellicanus had ſaid about him, we 
know not very clearly: but it provoked Eraſmus exceſſively, ſo 
that he declared, that Pellicanus was the laſt of all the Evangelic 
party, to whom he would truſt any thing. It ſhould ſeem that 
Pellicanus had judged, from the converſation of Eraſmus, that 
he did not believe the real preſence, though he had not faid it 
in ſo many words. And it appears that Eraſmus had ſometimes 
talked a little this way. Eraſmus alſo ſays, in this letter, that 
Jjacobus Faber was then at Stratſburg, where he went by another 
name, like the old fellow in Terence. Ep. 798. 
Ae ſays that Luther had written againſt him, but had kept 
back the publication of his book till the Fair of Frankfort was 
approaching; ſo that Eraſmus had only twelve days before the 
Fair to peruſe it, and to write a reply, and to get it printed, 
This reply is the firſt book of his Hyperaſpiſtes, which contains 
eleven ſheets, cloſely printed, in the Edition of Leyden. Eraſmus 
and his printers muſt have laboured with extraordinary diligence, 


to 


» Eraſmus Lutheraniſmum maligne niſi liguidum, non autem eum qui ligui- 

depingit, (et) hæc habet: Quin inſu- dum facit. Denique, ut ſupra dixi, pa- 
per addebat nonnihil læti ominis ipſum ter Lutheri cognomen ſuum non ab opi- 

Lutheri cognomen, quod Germanorum lin- ficio, fed a familia habuit, L. I. p. 6d. 
gua repurgatorem ſonat. Id habet ex See alfo L. I. p. 57. 

patris opificis, qui rudes æris maſſas i- à Faber Gallia profugus, Argentine 

cina ſua repurgat. —Fallitur tamen Eraſ- exſulat, ſed mutato nomine, guemadmo- 
mus, Germanicæ linguæ non admo- dum Comicus ille ſenex Athents, ut jocatut 
It dum gnarus, in reddenda etymi ratione. in re minime jocoſa Eraſmus. Scultet. 

if Luther enim non ſignificat Germanis Annal. Von der Hardt, P. V. p. 114. 

1 


OF ERASMUS. 403 
to write and to print ſuch a book in ſo ſhort a ſpace of time: A. D. 1526. 
yet he affirms the ſame in his Preface to that Treatiſe. And in- 

deed there is little method obſerved in it: he only follows Luther's 

book, replying to his objeCtions as they offered themſelves; and 

he ſeems not to have thoroughly underſtood the ſentiments of 

Auguſtin, which at the bottom were the ſame with Luther' 8, 

although there was ſome difference of expreſſion. 

Eraſmus, it is to be hoped, had too much ſenſe, to value him- 
ſelf for reading and compoſing faſter than other people: but there 
have been writers, who have ſhewed their vanity and their infir- 
mity, in boaſting of their inconceivable abilities this way. The 
deſign of ſuch Braggards is ſometimes partly to aſſure us, how 
much they deſpiſe, and how eaſily they can confute their anta- 
goniſts: but the trick is as ſtale as a rotten egg, and the Learned 
World is not to be ſo duped. @avpalz dt. Ep. $00, 

Soon after, Luther wrote to Eraſmus, who anſwered him 
roughly, and reproached him for his haughty airs, and his 
reviling language. But Eraſmus for a long time had not thought 
fit to ſpare the Lutherans or Evangelics ; and therefore had the 
leſs reaſon to complain of their reſentment. Yet he owns, in 
Ep. 800, that he found ſometimes in Luther ſomething * that 
was Apoſtolical. Ep. 806. 

Ep. 808 is to Hadrianus Barlandus. Barlandus, beſides other 
books, publiſhed an Epitome of the Adages of ' Eraſmus. 

In a letter to Cardinal Wolſey, as in other letters, he unſays, 

what he had obſerved, that Luther's marriage had ſoftened him. 


3F 2 In 


In Luthero demiror duas tam di- jectiſſimorumque hominum ſuſurros ſic 
verſas perſonas : quædam ita ſcribit, ut debacchatur in quemlibet, velut oblitus 
ſpirare videatur Apoſtolicum pectus: quam agat fabulam, et quam perſonam 
rurſus in dicteriis, in ſannis, in con- induerit. 
viciis, in ſalibus, quem non vincit ſcur- * Melch. Adam. Vit. Barlandi. 

ram? Magno animo contemnit Cæſa- * At ego ſperabam fore ut Lutherum 
res et Pontifices, et ad leviſſimorum ab- uxor redderet magis eicurem, . 
| ille 


404. THE DBUIFE 
A. D. 1526, In the very time of the nuptials, ſays he, he wrote this furious 
book; and yet the good man thinks it compoſed with ſo much 
er yo mildneſs, and moderation, that in a letter to me he hath. 
almoſt required me to return him thanks for ſparing me in ſo 
many places; and he proteſts, and expects me to believe, that he 
is in a moſt friendly diſpoſition towards me. Thus his ſpouſe 
hath tamed him! 
He complains alſo of the danke: ſome of whom had written 
lampoans againſt him, and ſome had cauſed his Colloquies to be 
prohibited in England ; whilſt others, much greater knaves than 
the former, interpolated and corrupted them, ſo as to make him 
affirm the very contrary to what he had ſaid. Of this vile forgery 
he accuſeth one Lamhertus Campeſtris. 
If he may be credited in this, he Was iet to N to 
Sala; and to Italy, and the Cardinal preſſed him to come to 
England: but he ſays, that his very bad ſtate of health did not 
permit him to take the voyage. He had probably another reaſon 
_ equally cogent : he feared leſt the Divines and the Monks ſhould 
do him an ill turn, whereſoever he went; and from theſe fears 
he was ſecure at Baſil. Indeed he complains of thoſe, who ſaid 
that Baſil was his city of refuge, but he only anſwers them with 
a figure of Rhetoric ; and certain it is, that at Baſil he had friends 
in whom he could confide, and that the Reformed Divines in 
that city, though they diſapproved his political conduct, were far 
from deſigning him any real hurt. Ep. 810, 815. 
He thanks John Longland, Biſhop of Lincoln, for preſents of 
money which he had received from him. Ep. 814. 
« * Longland was Confeſſor to Henry VIII, who, though Car- 

e dinal Wolſey was the chief Favourite, yet next to him had 
vc. ths beſt intereſt of any other Prelate whatſoever, Eraſmus 
ce then 


ille præter omnem exſpectationem emi- hactenus in neminem ſcripſerit hoſtilivs 
fit librum in me, ſumma quidem cura Ep. 801. 
elaboratum, ſed adeo virulentum, ut Knight, p. 188. 


OF ERASMUS. 


« then thought that it might be to his advantage to keep fair A. D. * 


« with him; and tells us, that twice a year he never failed of 
c receiving letters from him, vhich expreſſed great kindneſs and 
« civility towards him. This Prelate, being a great bigot to the 
« Romiſh Church, ſeems to have been diſpleaſed with Eraſmus, 


« for taking ſuch freedom in his Colloquies as he had done; and 


« by Eraſmus's vindication of himſelf, and promiſes of abſtain- 
« ing for the future from any thing that ſhould offend him, it 
looks as if he valued his favour very much: and he ſeems to 


have had reaſon fo to do, there being in the ſame epiſtle men- 
tion of two or three handſome preſents made to him by this 
« Biſhop. Eraſmus dedicated ſome tracts of St. Athanaſius to 


« him, looking upon him as a perſon of great abilities, eſpecially 
* jn Theology. We have extant a large volume of Sermons in 
« Latin, dedicated to Henry VIII by this Biſhop, which is valuable 


ec for its Worth as Well as ſcargeneſs. Eraſmus alſo inſcribed to 


« this Biſhop an Expoſition of the LXXXVth Nauen ond dedicated 


* it to him im the year 1528. io 


In Ep. 8 18, we find a ſolemn Procoltation in PIR addreſſed 


to the Helvetian nation, aſſembled at Baden, againſt a libel written 


Tp 


Leo Jude, Tigurinus 'Theologus, + 


vt realis manducationis corporis Chrifti 


aſſertoribus viam muniret, quo ab er- 


rore ſuo commode diſcedere poſſent (fic 
enim factum Zuinglius excuſat) Ger- 
manica lingua libellum edit, quem in- 


ſcripſit, Doctiſſimi Eraſmi Roterodami ac 


Martini Lutberi opinio de cœna Domini 


0%! Jeſu Chriſti, per Ludovicum Leo- 
poldum. Argumentum libri eſt, Eraſ- 
mum et Lutherum, ante motum bellum 
ſacramentarium, in ſpirituali Chriſti et 


præſentia et manducatione omnia bo- | 


ſuilſe, 


by 


Eraſmus quam ægre tulerit Jedi 
ws Leonis ſcriptum illud fuiſſe ſparſum, 
non diſſimulat epiſtola ea, quam voca- 
tus ad diſputationem Badenſem ad Le- 
gatos Helveticos perſcripſit. Hanc epi- 
ſtolam curavit Eraſmus Germanice ver- 
tendam, et utraque lingua deſcriptam, 


per proprium nuncium miſit ad Conven- 


tum Badenſem, ut publice recitaretur : 


id quod factum eſt: et paueis poſt diebus 


emiſit libellum apologeticum, quem in- 


Epiſtola promittit. Putarat autem Pel- 
licanum ejus libelli wude fuiſſe; cui 
reſpondet. | 


Idem 


N. 5.4 526, by » Leo Judz, wherein it was affirmed, that Eraſmus did not 
believe the real preſence of the body of Jeſus Chriſt in the Eu. 
chariſt. Eraſmus denies the truth of the charge, and affirms the 

5 contrary in the moſt poſitive manner, and declares that he doth 
this, not for fear of men; but for the ſake of conſcience, and 
from religious principles, He one's in the ſame n manner 
in Ep. 847. 
« » We ſaw in the Library of the Abbey of St. Antony, in 1 
cc phine, an n oe of Eraſmus, 1 in 1 which he declares in 


| * moſt 
Idem Eraſmus acerrime cum Pellicano libello, quod non de verbo ad verbum 
expoſtulat de reſponſo à Pellicano aliis in Eraſmi libris inveniatur. 
dato de ſententia Eraſmi in cauſa Eucha- Pellicanus (etiam) ad expoſtulationem 
riſtica, Chre/lum ibi parum Propitium Eraſmicam reſpondet, quid et quomodo 
precatus, i i/ta ſententia umguam inſede- dixerit, et quædam Eraſmi ſcripta ſi non 
rit animo ſuo, in Euchariſtia nihil eſſe ſolam, certe præcipuam commendare 
præter panem et vinum, ant non eſſe ibi manducationem ſpiritualem. Scultet. 
verum corpus et ſanguinem Domini. Legi | Ann; ap. Von der Hardt, P. V. p. 106, 
in ſacris literis, Hoc eft corpus meum. Quæ in Helvetiis, habita Badenæ diſ 
Nuſtuam legi, Hoc non ęſi corpus meum, putatione, geſta ſunt, itemque ſcripta 
fed figura corporis mei. Neque vero ra- inter Eraſmum et Leonem Jude, Theo- 
tiocinationem illam aliquid ponderis ha- logum Tigurinum, in quæſtione facra- 
vere; fit accipi poſſunt hæc verba : igitur mentaria a ſcriptoribus rerum Helvetica- 
fic accipienda ſunt. Nec quenquam Pa- rum et Zuinglianarum peti debent, et 
trum palam loqui, ibi non oe corpus et compendioſe recenſita reperiuntur a Scul- 
ſanguinem Chriſti. teto. Seckendorf L. II. p. 64. 

Leo Judæ contra epiſtolam Eraſmi Epiſtola, Thermipolin miſſa, piis om- 
libellum edebat, quo profitebatur, ſe nibus placuit, ſed vehementer offendit 
ſcripti illius auctorem eſſe, quod atteſta- Leonem Judæum Tigurinum, qui, li- 
tur Epiſtola: nec novum eſſe dicebat, pello Germanice per typographos vul- 
ut libri abſque nomine interpretis edan- gato, profitetur ſe auctorem ejus libelli 

tur: ſe alia quoque convertiſſe in lin- quem deteſtatur Epiſtola mea. Addidit 
guam Germanicam, quibus non metu, epiſtolam ad me manuſcriptam multo 
ſed humilitatis potius gratia nomen ſuum virulentiorem, qua ad pugnam gladiato- 

non præfixerit: ſe non eſſe mendacem, riam provocat : verum obticui. Eraſ- 
non nebulonem, ſed illum potius, qui mus, Ep. 848. 

ſeditioſum illum Dialogum, qui Julius Melchior Adam. | 
inſcribitur, non appoſito ſuo nomine * Voyage Literaire de deux Religicux 


publicaverit (Eraſmum notat). Proba- Benedictins. Paris 1717. Part I. p. 262 
bat deinde, ſe nihil poſuiſſe in illo ſuo 8 15 


2. 


OF ERASM Us. 


407 


« moſt emphatical terms, that he would ſooner be cut to pieces, A. D. 1526. 


« than not believe the reality of the 500M and blood of am 
« Chriſt in the holy. Sacrament.” 


In Ep. 820, he makes an enumeration of all his enemies, old ; 


and new, of the two parties; and, after having obſerved with 
concern, that neither the expreſs commands of the Pope, or of 
the Emperor, could ſilence them in Brabant, he thus proceeds: 


At Rome there is a certain Pagan fraternity of Literati, who 


have long murmured againſt me: the leaders are, as I hear, 


Aleander, and one Albert, Prince of Carpi. An outrageous book 
againſt me was preſented to Clemens, the author of which is 
anonymous, but well known to me, wherein he diſcovers cer- 


tain myſteries drawn from the adorable Talmud, pretious jewels 
not to be caſt before ſwine. This man, after having explained 


the word Racha, juſt as I, following the authority of Auguſtin 


and Chryſoſtom, had done before him, runs out into digreſſions, 
and declares his aſtoniſhment that Germany, having put ſo many 


perſons to death for their impiety, ſhould ſuffer Eraſmus to live, 


who hath been the firſt teacher of it, inſomuch that the Luthe- 
rans themſelves, impious as they are, attack him warmly, and 


cannot bear his impiety, &c. 1 
Hheſides all this, ſays Eraſmus, there is a new ſect ariſen of the 


Ciceronians, an old ſect indeed, now revived by Longolius, and 


not leſs furious than that of the Lutherans. I muſt ſtand the 
ſhock of theſe hoſts, alone and unarmed, for I have little or no 


aid and protection from the Court. The fame complaints he 


renews Ep. 848, and elſewhere, 


Let 


This anonymous author, ſays Le where he DOA the came thing, and 
Clerc, is Pfeffercorn, or ſome other Bayle's s Dict. ALEANDRE, and you will 
converted Jew ; for Eraſmus elſewhere have no doubt concerning it. You will 


calls him Verpus. But Eraſmus means there ſee why Eraſmus calls Aleander 
Aleander. Read this Epiſtle of Eraſ- V . ; 


mus, and Ep, 1094, to Sadolet, 


4.08 
A. D. 1526. 


THE LIFE 


Let us obſerve the remarkable judgment which Eraſmus hath 
paſſed upon the ſentiments of Oceolampadius touching the Eu- 
chariſt, in a letter to his friend Pirckheimerus, who had written 
a * book on the ſubject againſt Oecolampadius. 

- The opinion of Oecolampadius, ſays he, would not diſpleaſe | 


me, if the conſent of the Church did not hinder me from adopt- 


lampadium : 


Oecdlampadius were greatly diſpleaſed. 


ing it. For I diſcern not what good an inviſible ſubſtance can do 
there, or how it can profit any one, if it were diſcernible, If 
there be a ſpiritual. grace preſent to the ſymbols, (hat ſeems to be 
ſufficient. ) And yet 1. cannot depart from the n e 
of the Church, and I neyer did depart from it. 
Here the good ſenſe of Eraſmus ſuggeſted to bim pain and 
ſtrong arguments againſt either tranſubſtantiation, or the real and 
bodily preſence, namely, that miracles ſhould be ſo wrought 28 
to be ſeen, and that they ſhould never be wrought i in vain, But 
this miracle would be both. inviſible, and altogether uſeleſs if it 


could be ſeen, Suppoſe a Chriſtian was to take the real body of 


his Saviour, what moral influence could that PR have upon 


his mind 


b Pirckheimerus wrote De vera Chriſti 
carne et Vero ejus ſanguine adverſus Oeco- 
at which the friends of 


See Epiſi. Reformateruhs by W 


P. 35. | 
© Liber tuus De Euchariflia A: '5 
menter arridet ANTI - LUTHERANIS, 


Oecolampadianis mire diſplicet. Hoc 
diſſidium, fi tantum Izderet nocentes, 
tolerabilius effet; nunc illis diffddentibus 
erigunt captit: FO VER qui nulli bono 
bene vofunt. Optaſſem eam materiam 
fuifſe tranſfatam in aldud temprts,” aut 
ſaltem fuiſſent in vero concordes. Miihl 


non diſpliceret Oecolampadii ſententia, 


2 


a ET 


- 


e N 9913 But 
niſi obſtaret conſenſus Eccleſiæ. Nec 
enim video quid agat corpus inſenſibile, 
nec utilitatem allaturum ſi ſentiretur, 
modo adſit in ſymbolis gratia ſpiritualis. 


_ tamen ab Eccleſiæ conſenſu non poſ- 


m diſcedere, nec unquam diſceſſi. Tu 
ſic diſſentis ab Oecolampadio, ut cum 
Luthero ſentire malis quam cum Eccle- 
ſia. Citas autem illum reverentius ali- 
cubi quam erat neceſſe, quum aliorum 
auQtoritatem potuiſſes adducete. Ep. 823, 

This Letter of Eraſmus is plainly an 
hafty and incorrect compoſition, What 
cy means by Anti-Lutheranis, 1 know 

. ſhould be perhaps Lutheranis 


£ 


OF ERASMUS. 409 
But the conſent of the Church | 
One would think that Eraſmus had ſtudied the holy Scriptures 
and Chriſtian Antiquities too well, and knew too well what is 
vulgarly called the Church, to entertain ſo high an opinion of the 
conſent of the Church in the later ages, if he himſelf had not 
thus aſſured us of it. Fear prevailed over his judgment, and 
| threw duſt in his eyes; and if they, who accuſed him of being 
a Zuinglian and an Oecolampadian, were miſtaken as to the fact, 
they paid rather more honour to his diſcernment than he merited. 
Such ſtrange diſcourſes as theſe made them ſuſpect that he could 
not be in earneſt, when he profeſſed to believe tranſubfantiation, 
(though I think ba hath never adopted that word as a part of his 
Creed) or a bodily preſence. For to found one's belief, not upon 
the nature of the thing itſelf, nor upon the teſtimony of revelation, 
but upon the ' conſent or conſpiracy of a few dark, ſtupid, igno- 
rant, wicked, ſcandalous, factious ages of Chriſtianity, and to 
pay ſuch a deference to their deciſions, as to believe impoſſibilities 
and contradictions in complaiſance to them, this is a thing ſo 
remote from the knowledge, the diſcernment, and the free- 
thinking of Eraſmus, that it appeared incredible to ſeveral of the 
Proteſtants. Many Divines of the Roman party judged alſo of 
him, as of one who diſſembled his real ſentiments; and for this 
reaſon his reiterated complaints were ſlighted. 


his year he alſo complained to the Parliament of Paris, and 
to the King: but none concerned themſelves about it, or reſtrained 
the French Divines from writing againſt him. Ep. 842, 826. 


Though grievouſly afflicted with the ſtone, yet he was able 
to publiſh the works of Irenzus, which he dedicated to Bernard, 
Biſhop of Trent, in Ep. 83 1. In this dedicatory Epiſtle, he 
confines himſelf to his Author, and to the heretics whom that 


author combats, It is by no means equal to his Dedication of 
he 


A. D. 1 526, 


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te 


THE LIF E 
« The firſt Edition of Irenæus was that of Eraſmus, made 
ee from a copy, which was ſent to him from Rome, and which 


£ 


La) 


he collated with two other manuſcripts. 


Although we be 


« much obliged to him for the uſeful pains which he took on 


A 


« this occaſion, yet it muſt be confeſſed, that his Edition is very 
defective, and full of faults, either becauſe he was not furniſhed 


ce with good manuſcripts, or becauſe it is impoſſible, in the firſt 


< edition of ſuch an author as Irenæus, to fet all to rights. It 


ce is known that we have only an old Latin verſion of him, the 
cc barbarous ſtyle of which makes it extremely difficult to under- 


&« ſtand it, or to correct it where it is corrupted.” 


XXV. 239. 


Bibl. Cboiſ. 


The laſt and beſt edition of Irenæus is by Maſſuet, who would 


have obliged the Proteſtants more, if he had preached leſs, and 


had abſtained from Controverſial diſcourſes, which have con- 
verted none of us. But, to do Juſtice to this Benedictin, let us 
obſerve that he was a learned and ingenious man, and that he 
wrote Latin very well. 

Shortly after, Eraſmus addrefled his Book of Chriſtian Mar 
riage to Catharine of Auſtria, Queen of England. He makes 
ſome remarks upon * Longolius, 1 in a letter to Pole, who had been 


4 Doleo Longolium immatura morte 


præreptum ſtudiis, quanquam in me 
videtur iniquior, idque ſine cauſa. Ex- 
cepi eum Lovanii, qua per occupatio- 


nes et valetudinem licuit, humanitate. 


Epiſtolam illius Galliæ Regis Orator ad 


me miſerat: eam honoris ipſius gratia, 


anxia Ciceronianæ dictionis affectatio, 


ita me bene amet Chriſtus, curaram 
edendam, tantum abeſt ut me offende- 
rit. In his quæ prodierunt, apparet 


ſed interim frigentibus interdum ſen- 


tentiis, ſubolet juvenilis quidam amor 


a ſingular 


gloriæ. Malueram prodiſſe commen- 
tarios illius, licet minus exprimentes 
phraſim Ciceronis. Id ſi tu curaris, non 
mediocrem, mihi crede, gratiam inibis 
apud Senatum populumque ſtudioſorum. 
Ep. 799. 

Longolius ante diem nobis ereptus, 
præclaram opinionem reliquit apud Ita- 
los, quod fuerit Ciceronianus. Et ta- 
men neminem ex illis prodire video, qui 
vere referat Ciceronem, niſi bractea 
duntaxat orationis, ac verbulis aliquot 


ſelectis. Ep. 80g. 


Eruditionem 


OF ERASMUS, 


a ſingular fend to Longolius, and in letters to other perſons ; ; A. D. 1526. 


and he complains of the Ciceronians to Budæus, to Nicolaus, to 


Tuſſanus, &c. Budæus was as little liked by the Ciceronians, 
and liked them as little, as Eraſmus. 


3G 2 NY He 


— —Eruditionem his temporibus gra- 
tulari licet permultis, quum candorem 
animi non perinde probes in omnibus, 
quem certe in Longolio nonnunquam 
deſidero, quum me ſemper habuerit eru- 
ditionis ingeniique fut tum fautorem 
propenſiſſimum, tum præconem haud- 
quaquam malignum. Sed undecunque 
concepit ille hoc in me. ſtomachi, do- 


leo virum ante diem ereptum, liberali- 


bus ſtudiis vel ornandis, vel provehen- 
Quaſi parum fit in orbe factionum, 


revixit nova factio Ciceronianorum, ni- 


mirum quo Budæum et Eraſmum ſub- 
moveant ex albo doctorum, et e mani- 
dus hominum excutiant. Ut fateor Ci- 
ceroni primam in dicendo laudem deberi, 
ita puto ridiculum, tota vita nihil aliud 
agere, quam ut Ciceronem unum ex- 
primas. Ep. 821. See alſo Ep. 817. 
Eſt Romæ chorus eruditorum, qui 
vix ferunt nomen Germanorum aut 
Gallorum. Habent coryphæum et inci- 
tatorem tibi non ignotum, (he means 
Aleander, 7 ſuppoſe) cujus animo ut 
nulla fatis eſt gloria, ita non fert præter 
ipſum Jaudari quenquam nec deorum 
nec hominum. Ep. 803, 

Romæ Paganum illud eruditorum 12 
dalitium jam pridem fremit in me, du- 
cibus, ut ferunt, Aleandro, et Alberto 
quondam Principe Carpenſi. Ep. 820. 
Tertiam ſeam nobis peperit Italia. 


magnis contentionibus depugnant qui- 


dam, ſubmovendos ex albo doQorum 
omnes, qui non referunt phraſim Cice- 
ronianam ; quam ut fateor omnium op- 
timam eſſe, ita non probo eos qui huic 


rei ſerviunt, Ep. 812, 


Budæus, in anſwer to Ep. 803, ſays 


of the Coryphæus, by whom Eraſmus and 
he ſeem to mean Aleander; 


Is Gallos Germanoſque ſcriptores pro 
poteſtate, numeris expunxit decora me- 


rentium . Ciceroni autem uſque 
eo ad unguem ſimilis eſſe meditatus eſt, 

ut eloquentiæ Latinæ parentem etiam 
ſuperaverit, ac longe reliquerit, duntaxat 
in ea parte, quæ ad commendationem 
ſui pertinet. Marcus enim Tullius lau- 
des ſuas decantavit, eamque ob cauſam 
ſæpe ſtomachum et Curiæ et ſubſelliis, 
et amiciſſimis ſuis movit, tametſi veras 
laudes meritaſque prædicabat. Hic longe 
impudentius ſuas et immeritiſſimas de- 
prædicavit. — Longolium olim noſtrum 

luctuoſius deſideraſſem, niſi ipſe noſter 

eſſe animi deſtinatione deſüſſet. Ep. 842. 


Eraſmus replies : ; 


De Longolio miror fi potuit ab ami- 
citia tua diſcedere. Sed ille ſatis magnam 


laudem tulit, periit Ciceronianus, Et 


tamen illius Ciccroniani lucubrationes 
pauciſſimi legunt ; noſtras nenias Batayas 
nemo non legit, Ep. 875. 


411 


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412 


A. D. 1526, 


filver medal. 


THE LIFE 


He received a * preſent f from Polydore Virgil, and returns him 
thanks. Ep. 815. | 
He wrote a letter of congratulation to Francis I, upon his 
releaſe, and return to his dominions; and makes heavy complaints 
to him of the calumnies of Beda. In this he ſeems not to have 
acted judicioufly : he ſhould have kept his own private concerns 
and his reſentments for another opportunity. Ep. 826. 

He * received from Schydlovietz, Chancellor of Poland, in 
return for his Lingua, a gold watch, and other preſents. About 
the ſame time his friend Jacobus Piſo gave him a gold and a 
Ep. 837, 838. 

Joannes Maldonatus, a Spaniard, informed him how much 
he was eſteemed in Spain, and how fond BY were of his 


writings, &c. Ep. 338. c. 1715. 


In Ep. 840, Eraſmus gives a remarkable account of a tower 


at Bafil which was blown up by gun-powder, ſet on fire by a 


flaſh of lightning. Sleidan hath related an accident « of the ſame 


kind at Mechlin. L. XVII. 490. 


Ep. 844 is to Claudius Cantiuncula, a Dofor of 8 
This 


terim a multis aliis fuit excuſa. Hoc 
non fuiſſet factum, niſi multis placu- 
iſſet. 

n Vid. Indicem Epiſt. Eraſmi: 


Tua benignitas ſemper officia offi- 
eiis accumulat, meque jam olim multis 
nominibus obæratum reddit obligatio- 
rem. Dediſti quo paretur equus, uti- 


nam dare poſſis quo reparetur eques. 


s Redditum eſt bona fide horologium 
aureum, cochleare aureum, et fuſcinula 
aurea. 
hæc erant digna tuo vere aureo ingenio 
moribuſque candidiſſimis. Habeo quod 
oſtentem. — Tuis auſpiciis Lingua noſtra 
fuit felix: Frobenius feliciſſime vendi- 
dit, quum jam ter excuderit. Et in- 


Mihi congruebant lutea, ſed 


i Multi eruditi viri laborant in ver- 
tendis in linguam noſtram opuſculis 
tuis, et jam ee Hiſpane loquens 


prodiit, neque valent typographi multis 


excuſis millibus ſatisfacere ementium 
multitudini. Dialogi etiam nonnulli ex 
Colloqulis Hiſpani facti, volitant per 
manus virorum feminarumque, &c. 


* Melchior Adam. 2 


* 


OF ERASMUS. 
This year Eraſmus publiſhed ſome tracts of Chryſoſtom, with A. P. 1526. 


a dedicatory Epiſtle to John Claymond, which is not amongſt 


the Epiſtles of Eraſmus, 


The anonymous author, who with great Ss a atincked 
Marſollier and Eraſmus, accuſes the latter of having confeſſed to 
Vives, that when he wrote againſt Luther, he wrote againſt his 


conſcience. - 


« * He ſays to Vives 4. 7 bew written my book of Fes. mil, but, 
« to fpeak ingenuouſiy to you, I had 19. free-will whi It I was 
« writing for it, and ny mind believed nothing of what my pen 
« wrote, He was then neither a Lutheran, nor a Catholic.” 


This man here aſcribes to, Eraſmus more than he hath ſaid „ 


for theſe material words, I have written my book of free-will, are 
not in the letter. of Eraſmus to Vives, : and the paſſage is not fairly 
repreſented, The affair ſtands thus: 


Vives, in à letter to Eraſmus, - informs: him, that ſome oritics 


| had cenſ ured * en for 


4 ” E 4) v4 1 ' 


I \ Chiylollomj e Oo: de 


5 ato et Providentia Dei, Grace; apud 
| Joan, Froben. 8vo, Baſil. 1526. Cum 
Eraſmi Epiſtola ad Joan. Claymondum, 
Kc. Maittaire II. 672. 

n See above, p. 173. SLIT INTEL 

n Critique de V Agologis d' Eraſe, 
de Marſollier, p. 253. | 

* Ego ad te literas dedi ex Britannia 
bene longas multis de rebus, more meo. 
Dolerem ſi non crederem eſſe ad te 
perlatas: tuas jampridem nullas accepi- 
mus; occupationibus id tuis aſcribo: 
nam tibi iter tuum recta eunti de ſemi- 
tis v135 ά,i]/ . Itaque cogeris pau- 
liſper deflectere, ut moleſtiam dimoveas, 
quæ iter remoratur. Poſſem referre tibi 
præclara aliquot homms illius facinora; 
verum malim non agi inter vos de vita, 
ſed de ſententia: reliqua kare 74 Au, 


"IP Nan of Divinity and 
E 24 Tan Controverſy, 
uren — Sunt qui ex me que- 


runt quo fine exiſtimem introductam 


abs te diſputationem illam 'Iy$vozayias, 


de Voto, et Vi præceptorum in opere 
tituli puerilis, et quod videtur pueris 
feriptum rem tantam neutiquam intel- 


lecturis: reſpondeo quædam, quis ut. 


illis ſatisfaciam neſcio, mihi utique non 


ſatisfacio: nam alieniſſima videtur mihi 
et loco et perſonis illis diſſertatio, ire 
Soniy pn 790 error ο,jjtu¹νν Itaque 
non videtur fuiſſe faciendum ; præſertim 
eum offenſione multorum, ouview 71160. 
Sed nihil dubito, quin tibi facti tui pul- 
cherrime conſtet ratio, quam non gra- 
vaberis primis literis, quas ad me dabis, 
uno aut altero verbo ſubji icere, ad exi- 
mendum et meum et meorum amicorum 
ſcrupulum, &c. Ep. 829. 


413 


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THE LIFE 


A. D. 1 526, Controverſy, . which did not ſuit the characters of the eilen 


introduced in the Dialogues, and were above the capacity of 
ſchool-boys, for whom that work was deſigned; and he adds very 
frankly, that he knew not how to anſwer theſe objections. I 


this letter ſomething is aid to the diſadvantage of a perſon not 


named — hominis facinora; ſomething is obſcurely hinted about 


5 Luther ; and ſome alluſions are perhaps made to a former and a 


longer letter, which he had fent to n ne. which we 
have not. | A A 

Eraſmus wrote ld" an anſwer, in « ſhort epiſtte and, os 
having gently blamed him for giving up the defence of the Col- 
loquies, he cenſures a perſon whom he calls“ xs, and by 
whom he ſeems to mean Jacobus Latomus, who had: written a 
Dialogue againſt Eraſmus and others. Then he adds, in a feem- 
ingly abrupt and unconnected manner; Bur, to confeſs the truth, 
we have loft free - will. There my mind dt Gated one TA; and 
my pen wrote another thing. | 

Vives, in anſwer to this letter, hogs den of his FOR ad 
preceptor, declares himſelf fully ſatisfied concerning the Collo- 


quies, ſays a word about Latomus, and then adds; We Pave not 


boft free-will. 1 


valde probantur, &c. 


De ſilentio meo multas tu quidem 
cauſas recte conjectas; unam addere 
debueras, quod aliquoties data non red- 
duntur. De Colloquiis demiror tanto 
patrono vel in peſſima cauſa deeſſe ra- 
tiones; nunc inter pueros talia diſpu- 
tantur, et 5 x ſua pueris ſeripſiſſe 
videtur, tam ſcripſit pueriliter; poſtre- 


mo grandeſcunt pueri. Itaque jam adul- 
tis magis ſeria conveniebant. 


Verum 
ut ingenue dicam, perdidimus liberum ar- 
bitrium. Illic mihi aliud dictabat ani- 
mut, aliud ſcribebat calamus. Tua mihi 


Ep. 871. 


à De Colloquiis recte habet, mihi 


plane jam pridem ſatisfactum abunde eſt, 
vel ipſo facto tuo, quod mihi et alis 
plurimis majoris erit momenti ac robo- 
ris, quam multæ aliorum et accuratæ 
rationes. Illudque a primo valere apud 
me debere exiſtimavi, quod Pompeio 
ſcribit M. Tullius: Nec ſi ego quid tu fis 
ſecutus non perſpicio, idcires minus ex- 
i imo te nihil niſi ſumma ratione feciſſe. 
'Aaa Ti wor #) Aarope; aut quorſum 
de illo ? Liberum arbitrium non perdidi- 
mus, quod tu aſſerueris. Non facile cre- 
das, quantopere cenſeo adjuvari me ad- 
monitionibus tuis, &c. Ep. 870. 


OF 'ERASMUS. 415 


If we ſuppoſe that Eraſmus ſpake with a view to his contro- A. D. 1526. 
verſy with Luther, which I do not deny, he undoubtedly meant 
dy the words in queſtion, (though they be incautiouſly expreſſed) 
that he had written, not againſt his conſcience, but againſt his 
inclination, and ſo * loſt his any Il: for, firſt, he hath * declared 


© Seckendorf is of opinion, that Eraſ- 
mus alludes to his book againſt Luther: 


Ludovico Vivi candide aperit ſe perdidiſſe, 
dum de libero arbitrio ſcriberet, liberum 


arbitrium, &c. Patet hinc fluctuans viri 
animus, Ic. L. I. p. 310. 


_ * Ipſe rem tractavi modeſtiſſime. Et 


tamen quod ſcribo (adverſus Lutherum) 


non ſcribo e animi Lententiam. 8 


Ep. 703. 

Riſi ſalſiſſimam epiſtolam tuam, quan- 
quam interim riſum ridens Sardonium. 
Refricuit mihi joeus tuus Mori mei 
dictum quoddam non illepidum: nam 
editis libris De Copia; Emiſit, inquit, 
Eraſmus utramque Copiam; quid 
« itaque ſibi reliquum fecit præter fum- 
mam inopiam?” Ita profecto nunc 
habere deſi liberum arbitrium, poſtea- 


quam emiſi (librum adverſus Lutherum) 
in vulgus. Optabam eſſe ſpectator hu- 
jus fabulæ, non quod Eccleſiæ negotio 


pro mea virili pigeret adeſſe, ſed quod 
viderem eſſe rixam de paradoxis neſcio 
quibus: tum autem divinabam futurum, 
ut ft me admiſcerem actioni fabulæ, ni- 
hil aliud quam rem exaſperarem, meo 
pariter et cauſe malo. Poſtremo, con- 
ſiderans vitam Chriſtianorum undique 
corruptiſſimam, etiamſi peſſime ſenſiſ- 
ſem de Luthero, tamen propemodum 
judicabam illum ayayreioe x2x01 Ae; 

quod qui tolleret, tolleret id quod hoc 


this 


ſtatu temporum eſſet optimum. Verum 
illud erat in fatis meis, ut hoc ætatis ex 
muſico fierem retiarius. Deplorat La- 
berius Mimographus quod annos natus 
ſexaginta, Cæſaris auctoritate protractus 
eſſet in ſcenam, ut qui domo egreſſus 
erat Eques Romanus, rediret hiſtrio. 
Ego idem ferme ætatis ex cultore Mu- 
ſarum fio gladiator. Vejanius, qui ſem- 
per verſatus fuerat in arena, excuſatione 


ſenectutis meruit miſſionem, et armis 


Herculis ad poſtem fixis latet abditus 


agro. Ego ſemper in campis Muſarum 
verſatus, in hanc cruentam pugnam 


pnotrudor ; non aliter licuit. Clamita- 


bant Sophiſtæ, Convenit inter Eraſmum 
et Lutherum ; neuter alterum impetit. 
Principum expectationem diutius fallere 
non erat tutum. Odioſe provocabant 


quidam Lutheri amici, ſed ipſi etiam 
Luthero infeliciſſimi, ut ſi me continu- 
iſſem, viſus fuiſſem iſtorum minis terri- 


tus ſiluiſſe. Quin et epiſtola Lutheri, 
quam per Joachimum ad me miſerat, 


jam habebatur Argentorati, nec dubium 


quin brevi proditura. In ea pollicetur 


ſe non ſtricturum in me calamum, ſed 
hac lege; fi abſtineam a dogmatis ipſius 
ex profeſſo labefactandis, quemadmodum: 


hactenus feceram. Hic nondum ſatis 


tiquet, utrum mihi futurum fuerit tur- 
pius metu, an ex pacto quietem agere. 
Itaque jacta eſt alea, ſed fic ut ne ver- 


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A. D. 1 526 this an hundred times over; and, ſecondly, he certainly picked 
out a ſubject in which he really differed from Luther, and could 
write againſt him ex arm. Any man of common diſcernment, 
who peruſes his treatiſes upon this ſubject, will ſee that he wrote 
as he believed. His acquaintance alſo with the ancient Greek 
Fathers, and his profeſſed reſpect for IO could not fail to make 

him a ſort of Semipelagian. 

Now is it probable, or rather, is it poſlible that Eraſmus, after 
having declared over and over in letters to various friends, that 
he had written againſt Luther, though very unwillingly, yet very 
fancerely, and according to his real ſentiments, ſhould have had, 
not only ſo much wickedneſs, but ſo much ſenſeleſs and graceleſs 
impudence, as to have compoſed a theological treatiſe upon a 
ſerious and important ſubje&, againſt his conſcience, and then to 
have told it to a man of honour and virtue, to his friend Vives? 


% 


4 D. MDXXVIL, "© TIF Kat. Lx. 


A. D. 1527. Vives informed Enſmus, that his Eubrritten had been tranſ- 
lated into Spaniſh, and was read with great approbation. But it 
afterwards raiſed him enemies in that country, where Religious 

Liberty never took up her abode. Ep. 851. 
In a letter to Polydore Virgil, Eraſmus thanks him for his 
kind endeavours to reconcile Lee and him together; and ſays, 

that 


bum quidem rats. anim fauna eo Ane De libero arbitrio nibil 
feripſeri Of. noone enipſi præter animi ſententiam in multis 

Hic nobis hoc novum A lem aliis a Luthero diſſentiebam, ſed verebar 
gignit novum hominum genus, pres impugnare, ne fructus hujus tumultus 
fractos, impudentes, fucatos, maledi - mea periret opera. Et ifti ſtolidi jacti- 
cos, mendaces, ſycophantas, inter ſe tant me ſentire cum Luthero, cæterum 
diſcordes, nulli commodos, omnibus in- metu diſſimulare. Egregius vero futu- 
commodos, ſeditioſos, furioſos, rabulas, rus ſim martyr, ſi in gratiam talium 
qui mihi adeo diſplicent, ut ſi quam nebulonum mentiar in caput meum. 
noſſem civitatem ab hoc genere liberam, Ep. 71 5 


OF ERASMUS. 417 
that the ſhorteſt way to do it would be a mutual amneſty, He A. D. 1527. 
adds, that he ſtood upon a very good foot with the Great. Cle- 
mens VII, ſays he, hath already given me two hundred florins, 
and promiſes me all things. The Emperor and his Chancellor 
haue lately written to me in the moſt friendly manner, I have 
drawers full of letters, from Kings, Princes, Cardinals, Dukes, 
Nobles, Biſhops, written with the utmoſt civility. I receive 
uncommon and valuable preſents from many of them. Only a 
few ſorry fellows, like bugs and lice, faſten upon me to bite 
me: for neither the Emperor nor the Pope can protect a man 
from ſuch vermin, whilſt they are r by their own 
meanneſs and obſcurity, _ 
It is very true, that perſons of the higheſt rank paid all theſe 
honours to Eraſmus, as this Collection of Letters ſufficiently 
ſhews: but then it muſt be confeſſed, that the good man paid 
his court to them alſo, and frequently declared that he would be 
a true Churchman, and never quit the Romaniſts. In the mean 
time, the Divines and the Monks waged open and inceſſant war 
with him in France, and in the Low Countries, as he complains 
in following epiſtles. From a letter of Alphonſus Fonſeca, Arch- 
biſnop of Toledo, who kindly promiſed him his protection, it 
appears that he was warmly attacked in thoſe regions; and his 
old enemy Lee, who was ſent by Henry VIII to Spain, blew the 
the fire there, and did him all the miſchief that lay i in his power. 
Ep. 854, 862, 870. 
Nicolas Clenard tells us in one of his Epiſtles, that in 
« Spain, where the knowledge of the Latin tongue was fo very 
« low that: few were able to read it, ſome had determined to 
burn the Colloquies of Eraſmus, as a moſt peſtilent book; 
© and that his friend Vives had like to have ſuffered by the fame 
* mad zealots. And at Louvain there was a perſon who, to 
f render Eraſmus contemptible, gave out with great confidence 
CC 
rage pe bs C Clenmdi Epiſt p. 23. 


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e heretic; and that a poor hungry Scot, that had pretended to 


THE LIFE 


that he was, as to learning a dunce, and as to religion an 


« teach in that ve had an hundred times more ning 


te than he.” 


Lo 


Eraſmus wetftte, to augment the nüttider of his protectors 
amongſt crowned heads, wrote to Sigiſmund King of Poland, by 
the advice of John a Laſco, to whom Eraſmus gives the title of 


; Prepojitus Gneſnenſis. In this letter he compliments the King, 
and recommends peace to Chriſtian Princes. He wrote alſo to 


the e oy Poland, and to the Biſhiop of ran Ep. 860, 
&c. 

In his letter to 1 A 1 he PU that ſome of his enemies 
were gone to the other world, that * Egmond the Carmelite died 
at Louvain of a 7 vomiting, and that the Dominican Vincentius 
was alſo departed : Hochftrat likewiſe died 'at Cologn. Eraſmus 
rejoiceth that Jacobus Faber was recalled to France, and' that 
Louis Berquin was delivered from the Divines, his perſecutors, 
by the return of Francis I. "Theſe two a er men were 4 che 
Reformed party, or very nearly ſo. 


In Ep. 864, he endeavours to perſuade orie D Haſſelt, a 8 
ciſcan, to ceaſe from reviling him, and ſets before him the 
examples of thoſe of his own Order, who in Hungary, Poland, 
and Spain had laboured in vain to tarniſh his reputation, and had 
only expoſed themſelves. Whether this expoltulation. had any 

| s effect 


* Some Lutheran, I ſuppoſe, ho- nem Nævium, quod paralyſi correptus, 
noured Egmond with this. Epitaph, in intra ſex haras efflaſſet animam.  Periit 
Monkith ſtyle; + +2 +. et Vincentius Dominicanus, in quem eſt 


£7 
la titulo pertinaciſſimi ob- 
Py "JEAN NT." T una mea epiſto 
Kunene 1 0: treFatoris,”— Coloniæ perüt Jacobus 


Dilexit rabiem, non habeat requiem. Hochſtratus, coryphæus hujus trageediz, 
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vomitu præfocatus, quum ipſe paulo entiam. His omnibus precor Domini 
ante publice vociferatus eſlet in Joan- e Kc. Ep. 862. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


effect upon the man, we know not: but certain it is, that Eraſ. A. D. 1 527. 


mus never wanted Franciſcans to teize and inſult him. After 


all that he had ſaid concerning the Monks and their devotions, 
in vain did he expect that they would ſome time or other give 


over their attacks; and he was like the man in- n Horace, 


— Dxſpetons dum defluat amis; at ille 
Labitur, et labetur in omne volubilts avum. 


They purſued him living : and dead, and got his books to be con- 


demned in Italy and Spain, until they ſhould be purged, that is, 


until half of them ſhould be cancelled and ſuppreſſed by Eccle- 


ſiaſtical authority. 
« Ep. 866 is to Leonard Cox, 8 Monmouthſhire, who 


« ſtudied at. Cambridge and at Oxford, and then travelled into 
« France, Germany, Poland, and Hungary, and taught the 


t learned languages, and became more eminent abroad than at 
© home, where he had no preferment. Then he returned, and 
ce taught ſchool in Wales, and died, and was buried, no one 
« knows where and when. Leland, the Antiquarian, wrote a 
« copy of verſes in commendation of this learned man.“ 


This year Eraſmus ſent Cannius of Amſterdam, one of his 
Copiſts, to England, to gather up his revenues and penſions, and 
any free-will offerings that he could collect. He gives Cannius 


ſome inſtructions, in a ludicrous manner, how he ſhould proceed 
upon this begging errand ; whence it appears, that the Mendi- 
cant Friers, his good friends, were not better {killed in this trade 
than he was. This might be one of the reaſons for which 
they hated him ſo heartily, fince, as old Heſiod obſerved, * Poets 


and beggars envy one another. Ep. 868. 


I informs him of the efforts of the Spaniſh Monks to get 


his works condemned, and of the reſiſtance made to them by 


his friends and favourers. Ep. 876. 
e | Eraſmus 
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. D. 1527. 


THE LIFE 


Eraſmus publied the works of * St. Amboſe, and Gadient 
them to John à Laſco, Archbiſhop of Gneſna, drawing up an 
clogium of Ambroſe, and EY him againſt the cenſures of 


Jerom. Ep. 878. 
Le Clerc thought it a miſtake 3 in tis Editors of the Epiſtles of of 


Eraſmus to give a Laſco the title of Archbiſhop but it is plain 


from the Dedication itſelf, that the perſon to whom it is addreſſed 
was a. Prelate; and this Prelate was a different man from John 4 
Laſco, who was his nephew, and a particular friend of Eraſmus, 
Eraſmus, in Ep. 862, hath made mention of two others of the 
fame illuſtrious family, Hieroſlaus and Staniſlaus a Laſco; and in 


Ep. 1167, he ſpeaks of a John a Laſco (Joannes Laſcanus) a 
young man, who died in Germany. 


He alſo dedicated the Babylas of Chryſoſtom to the Preſident 
of the College of Buſleiden at Louvain, In this dedication he 


hath given a wrong account of the martyrdom of Babylas, by 
following and adopting ſome miſtakes of Chryſoſtom. Ep. 880, 


His New Teſtament and his Colloquies were both attacked at 
London, and he defends himſelf in a long Epiſtle addreſſed to 


Robert Aldrige. 
Some malevolent and impertinent Divine had preached againſt 


him at London, at Paul's Croſs, for having tranſlated John vii. 39. 


Nondum enim erat Spiritus ſanctus, inſtead of, Nondum enim erat 
Spiritus barus. Eraſmus defends his verſion very well. In 


our Bibles we have, The Holy Ghoſt was not yet given; and we put 


the word given in Italics, to ſhew that it is not in the original: 
1 | : but 


» Bullinger, having given his opinion “ cujuſpiam illud eſſe opus. Noluit 
that the books of Ambroſe De Sacra- „tamen cenſura ſua notare illos libros 


mentis, Oc. ch ſpurious, adds; „ ſubdolus, ne fortaflis crederetur cul- 


« Eraſmus ſuo more diſſimulat et occu- © tor eſſe noſtræ de Sacramentis ſenten- 
& lit ſuum judicium : non enim horum * tix, qui ſcilicet non niſi duo aut ad 
« librorum vel verbo meminit. Reje- „ ſummum tria confitemur.” Centur. 
6 cit tamen in poſtremum tomum, ut Epiſt. Goldaſti. Ep. 55. p. 231. 
“non dubitem illum ſentire mangonis * Bayle's Dia, BABvLAs. 


hank 0 8 a ®. * 8 


OF ERASMUS. 


421 
but it would be better to leave it out, for reaſons which Eraſmus A. D. 1527. 
hath aſſigned. Ep. 882. 

Soon after, his ſecond * Hyperaſpiſtes againſt Luther made its 
appearance, in which he proceeded to anſwer ſuch objections as 
he had not leiſure to refute in the firſt book. He ſent it, and a 
letter with it, to George Duke of Saxony. Ep. 889. 

Ae ſent another letter to this Prince, wherein he returns 

him thanks for a ſilver cup, and foretels that the Reformed 
party, which George abhorred, would be diſſipated of itſelf, 
and come to nothing ; ; but he warns him to take care, leſt the 
Monks, thoſe enemies to literature, ſhould find their advantage 
in it. Ep. 891. 5: 

His penſion of Counſellor was till detained from him, and 

promiſed on condition that he would return to Brabant: and yet 

the Emperor himſelf had twice given orders that it ſhould be 
paid. Theſe men, ſays he, had rather obey the Emperor, when 
he bids them exact too much, than when he bids them diſburſe. 
But probably Charles V was not much diſpleaſed at their delays 
and diſobedience. Ep. 890. 

Eraſmus returns thanks to the Archbiſhop of Toledo, and to 

engage that Prelate to continue his patronage, he tells him how 
many 


258 
a 


4 Abſolvimus ſecundum Hyperaſpiſte inter vos ſuſceptum. Neque ſatis enim 


librum, quod facere non poteramus, nifi 
prius diligenter perlectis Lutheri ſcriptis, 
in quibus tantum eſt ſcommatum, ſanna- 


rum, conviciorum, gloriarum, inſulta- 


tionum, ovationum, ac triumphorum, 
ut me minimo minus tædio enecarint, 
et priuſquam chartæ calamum admove- 
rem. Prorſus illic ſenſimus e.yvzyv 


Ayo", ut habet proverbium, nee ullum 


abſinthium amarulentius. Ep. 894. 
Melanchthon, upon this diſagreeable 
occaſion, wrote thus to Eraſmus : 
Utinam non eſſet tam atrox certamen 


Lutherus. 
deformaſti, quem quidem virum ego me- 
liorem eſſe judico, quam qualis videtur 
facienti de eo judicium ex illis violen- 


habuit fortaſſe tuæ dignitatis rationem 
Et tu viciſſim eum mirifice 


tis ſcriptionibus ipſius. Plus profutura 


erant Eccleſiæ utriuſque veſtrum ſtudia, 


ſi ad ſananda hæc diſſidia conferrentur. 
Et faciat Chriſtus ut conſileſcat hæc in- 


ter vos contentio, #s kde d wodtras 


Aua, s Tov Iiyocaoton, GAAG T XM 


iso ini Epiſt. Melanch. 
P. 90. 


422 


THE LIFE 


A, D. 1527. many civil letters and meſſages he daily received from the Great. 


He ſeems to have applauded himſelf a little upon theſe marks of 
honour, becauſe he ſo frequently mentions them; and upon this 
account he hath been reproached, as guilty of vanity and inſo- 
lence, by Eccleſiaſtics, who ſaw not the beam that was in their 


own eye. It may be alledged, by way of excuſe, in behalf of 


Eraſmus, that his vexatious enemies compelled him to this folly 
of extolling himſelf, and to make ule of this {mall ſtratagem in 
his own defence. Ep. 892. 


In Ep. 894, addreſſed to John Vergara, a' Spaniard, bk takes 
notice how violently the Spaniſh Monks attacked him, on account 
of his treatiſes, which had been tranſlated into their language; 
and gives him a ſuccin& narrative of the troubles in Germany, 
He writes on the ſame ſubject to Francis Vergara, brother to John, 
and Greek Profeſſor at Alcala of Henarez. He complains alſo 


much of the Ciceronians, who hated him and reviled him at 
Rome, becauſe he had bantered the ſervile imitators of Cicero, 


What he ſays on this occaſion * deſerves to be tranſcribed ; whence 
5 N 1 


* Eft et illud hoſtium genus, quod cero nunc reviviſceret, de rebus Chri- 


nuper cœpit ex inſidiis erumpere. Hos ſtianis non aliter loqueretur, quam 


male habet, bonas literas ſonare Chri- ætate ſua loquebatur, quum præcipua 
ſtum, quaſi nihil fit elegans, quod non pars eloquentiæ fit appoſite dicere. Ne- 
fit Ethnicum. Iſtorum auribus lepidius mo negat Ciceronem dicendi virtutibus 


ſonat, Jupiter optimus maximus, quam 
Feſus Chriſtus redemtor mundi et Pa- 
tres Conſcripti jucundius ſonat quam 
Sancti Apoſioli, Pontanum in cœlum 


tollunt laudibus, Auguſtinum et Hiero- 
nymum faſtidiunt. At ego malim unam 


odam Prudentii modulantis Jeſum, quam 
navem onuſtam verſibus Pontanicis, 


cujus alioqui nec eruditionem, nec fa- 


cundiam contemno. Apud hos prope 


turpius eft non eſſe Ciceronianum, quam 
non eſſe Chriſtianum: quaſi vero fi Ci- 


excelluiſſe, quanquam non omne dicendi 


genus convenit perſonis vel argumentis 
quibuſlibet. Quid ſibi vult iſta Cicero- 
niani nominis tam odioſa jactatio? Di- 
cam paucis, ſed velut in aurem. Hoc 
fuco tegunt Paganiſmum, qui charior 


eſt illis Chriſti gloria, Me non admo- 


dum pcenitet e Ciceronianorum albo 


eradi, modo ſcribar in albo Chriſtiano- 


rum. Si quis nobis virtutes Ciceronianæ 
dictionis cum Chriſtiana pietate con- 
junxerit, hunc ego vel decem præferam 


Ciceronibus. 


8 


OF ERASMUS. 


it appears, that if they accounted him a Barbarian, he accounted a. D. 1 527. 


them Pagans and Epicurean Atheiſts; and that, whilſt he 
honoured and eſteemed Cicero, as à fine writer, he thought it 
not abſolutely impoſfible to write better in ſome reſpects, in a 
manner more expreſſive and ſolid, and not ſo lax and wordy. As 
to * Jovianus Pontanus, Eraſmus was willing to do juſtice to his 
abilities, though the Italians, in his opinion, extolled him too much. 

In a letter to Charles Duke of Savoy, he accuſes ſome Fran- 
ciſcan, who had made it his buſineſs to defame bim in the 


dominions of that Prince. Ep. goo: 
He wrote a letter in anſwer to b Gardiner, whom ke 10 
known at n and with whom he Was willing to keep up an 


Ciceronibus. Ego tantum abfui ſemper 


ut Ciceronianz phraſeos figuram expri- 


merem, ut etiamſi poſſim aſſequi, ma- 


lim aliquod dicendi genus ſolidius, ad- 
ſtrictius, nervoſius, minus comtum, ma- 
giſque maſculum. Quanquam alioqui 


Jeviter mihi curæ fuit verborum ornatus, 
etiamſi munditiem, quum ultro præſto 
eſt, non adſperner. Nunc adeo non 


vacat expolire quod ſcribo, ut crebro 
nec relegere liceat. Sint germani ſi 


libet Ciceroniani, quibus per otium licet 
trimeſtrem operam unis, nec his pro- 


xis, literis-dare. Mihi nonnunquam 
uno die liber abſolvendus eſt. IIlis ita- 


que probro dent iſti, quod non expri- 
mant Ciceronem, qui id ſedulo quidem, 


ſed parum feliciter affectant. Poſtremo, 


{i fas eſt fateri verum, nec iſtorum qui 
nihil mirantur præter Ciceronem, quiſ- 
quam adhuc Ciceronem feliciter nobis 


refert. Nihil enim moror inanem ora- 


tionis bracteam, et decem verba hinc 
atque illing ex Cicerone emendicata: 2 


acquaintance. 


totum Ciceronis pedus requiro. Hæe, 


mi Franciſce, non eo ſpectant, ut alius 
ſit magis proponendus eloquentiæ candi- 
datis quam Cicero, ſed ut iſtos rideam 
ſimios, quibus nihil pulchrum niſi quod 


Ciceronem refert, quum nulla fuerit un- 


quam forma tam felix, in qua nihil de- 


ſideres. Ut forme pictor, ita dictionis 
rhetor abſolutum exemplum a multis 
petat oportet. Ep. 899. 


P. Jovius Elog. p. 94. Pope Blount, 


p. 352. Eraſmus Ciceronian. 
Agnoſco nunc eandem ingenii dex- 
teritatem et in literis et in gravioribus. 
negotiis obeundis, quam Lutetiæ præſta- 
bas in œconomicis. Nec tuæ literæ 
minus recrearunt meum animum abs te 
ſcriptæ, quam tum lactucæ delectabant 
palatum meum arte tua decoctæ. Gau- 
deo nobis patronum eſſe communem. 
Ep. 896. 
By this common Patron he means 
Henry VIII. 


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THE LIFE 


what we call a notable fellow. Burnet hath given a large account 
of the life and exploits of this Biſhop, who had a tolerable ſhare 
of erudition, good political ſkill, and a bad mind. He had abili- 
ties; and ſo hath the Devil. 


Gardiner was a crafty. and — man, and underſtood 2 


the King well, and complied with his temper in every thing; 
te he deſpiſed G and hated all Reformation.“ 


« * In 1547, Gardiner oppoſed the Reformation and the book 
© of Homilies. He wrote a letter that hath more of a Chriſtian 
« and of a Biſhop in it, than any thing I ever ſaw of his, ex- 
ce preſſing in handſome terms a great contempt of the world, and 


A 


« a reſolution to ſuffer any thing rather than depart from his 


« conſcience.— He ſaid Eraſmus's Paraphraſe was bad enough in 
Latin, but much worſe in Engliſh ; for the Tranſlator had oft 


ce out of ignorance, and oft out of deſign, miſrendered him pal- 


* pably, and was one that neither underſtood Latin nor Engliſh 
well. — He gathered many things out of that Paraphraſe that 
«. were contrary to the power of Princes, and ſeveral other cen- 
«© ſurable things in that work, which Eraſmus, ſaid he, wrote 
when he was young, being of a far different ſtrain from what 


« he writ when he grew older, and better Waren with the 
„ world.” | 


«| By a an act of Parliament Gardiner performed his promiſe to 
oY Queen Mary of getting her illegitimation taken off — but, in 
« the drawing of it, he ſhewed that he was paſt all ſhame. — 


ov 


* The laying it all upon Cranmer was as high a pitch of malice | 


and impudence as could he deviſed, & Co. 5 
ne He 


273 279, 287, 297, 299, 303, 312, Melchior A Vit. Pet. "Martyris 


314, 315, 320, 321, III. 80, &c. 105, p. 29. Strype's Life of Parker, L. I. 


143, 152, 187, 191, Appendix 411. c. 5. 


Du Pin XVI. 25. Knight, p. 194. | Burnet, * Buinet, 1 Burnet, 


2 


OF E RAG M Us. 


4e He had thirty years experience in affairs, a great Werle 4. P. HR 


« of the Courts of Chriſtendom, and of the ſtate of England, a 

« great ſagacity with a marvellous cunning, which was nat always 
regulated by the rules of candour and honeſty. — In drawing 
« up the articles of the Queen's marriage, he deſigned. to exclude 
« the Spaniards from having, any ſhare in the government, which 
« he intended to hold in his own: hands. — And it muſt be 
« acknowledged, that the preferving of England out of the 
« hands of the Spaniards, at that, time ſeems. to be almoſt wholly 
« owing to him.” 


« " He was much ſet RET} Lady Elizabeth, wad thonahs all 


« that they did about religion was but half work, unleſs ſhe were 


« deſtroyed. | For he knew that her education had been wholly 


« under the Reformed: and, Which was more to him, Who 
« judged all people by their intereſt, he reckoned that intereſt 
« muſt make her declare againſt the; Papacy, (ſince otherwiſe : 


e ſhe was a baſtard), if ever ſhe ſhould quilive her fiſter,” _ 
He examined and treated Dr. Taylor (an aged Divine, 


« who was. burnt: at Hadley). with his ordinary Lanlitiee of 


« Traytor, Villain, Heretic, and Knave; &c.“ 


« » He ſent ſecretly to Rome, to give an ill betty: of 


Pole; ; he deſigned to be made a Cardinal, and to get Pole 
« recalled, and himſelf made Archbiſhop of Canterbury; and 
« the Pope was reſolved, on the firſt occaſion, to take the Legan- 


« tine power from Pole, and give it to Gardiner. | But Pole was 


« ſo much in the Queen's fayour, that this required ſome time 
«to bring it about. This made Gardiner ſtudy to preſerve 
« Cranmer as long as Pole lived, though he had no kindneſs 
« for him, . 


Gardiner had ſtayed long for dinner, that day that Ridley | 


and Latimer were to be burnt, till one. ſhould bring him word 
* that the fire as ſet to o them: : but the meſſenger coming poſt 
3 * 74 19. 6# 3 of EY did 


Due, But. Burnet. , . Bure, Buer. 
2 1 * Co þ 4 i 


125 


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4.26 THE LIFE 
| A. D. 1527. « did not reach London till four in the afternoon, and then he 
« went cheerfully to dine; but was at dinner ſtruck with the 
ce illneſs of which he died. He had great remorſe for his former 
© life — and often repeated theſe words, Erravi cum Petro, ſod 
dc nn flevi cum Petro, He was of a nobler deſcent than is com- 
| „ monly known, —and of kin to Henry VIII. —He was well 
| ce ſkilled in the Canon and Civil Laws, and moderately in Divi- 
* nity. He had a good ſtyle in Latin, and underſtood the Greek 
5 | « well : but his ftrength lay in deep diſſimulation, a quickneſs 
« of apprehenſion, a great proſpect of affairs, a cloſe and arti- 
« ficial way of concealing his mind, and inſinuating himſelf into 
« the affections and confidences of other perſons. — And now, 
« when a Cardinal's hat was like to fall on his head, he was 
e carried off, and all his ambitious projects fell with Hino! » - 
« If your Lordſhip- has ſeen this picture with the ſeals, &c, 
« jt muft be Gardiner's: though TI have feen two pictures at 
« Trinity-College and Trinity-Hall, ſaid to be Gardiner 8, very 
« unlike this. Poinet, his ſucceſfor, deſcribes him thus: He 
& had a hanging look, frowning brows, eyes an inch within the head, 
&* g noſe hooked like a buſſard, wide noſtrils like an horſe, a ſparrow 
« © mouth, &c. and truly by this deſcription, . it may be Gardiner's,” | 
When Smith and Cheke attempted to correct the pronun- 
ciation. of the Greek language at-Cambridge, Gardiner, the Chan- 
cellor of the Univerſity, who hated all Reformation, ftuck to his 
mumpſimus, and ſet forth an abfurd and an impudent decree, for- 
bidding all fuch innovations. Thus he obliged the Academics 
to follow the mae ub and CORO denne nenen by 
the modern Greek... 90 
1 8 | Much 
7 ee 6 Muriel, p. 411. #. 104 oli! ſonos literis five Græcis ſive La- 
See Strype's Life of Parker, B. I., tinis ab uſu publico præſentis ſeculi 


c. 5. Life of Cheke, p. 17, 202. Life alienos privato judicio e ne att» 
of Smith, p. 13. Baker's Refleions, deto, &c, 


p. 32, &c. Ne multa. In ſonis omnino ne Philo- 
1 Quiſquis noſtram poteſtatem age” ſophator, ſecl utitor præſentibus. 


OF ERASMUS. 427 

Much about the ſame time the Doctors of the Theological A. D. „. 
Faculty at Paris maintained, that Qyzs, Qualis, &c, ought to be 
ſounded Kis, Kalis, &c. and perſecuted the Profeſſors, and others, 
| who called it Qi and Qualis: they alſo contended moſt zealouſly, 
that Ego amat was as good Latin as Ego amo. Well might ſuch 
folks hate the Grammarians. | 
Gardiner, in the reign of Queen dn, een and protected 
Sir Thomas Smith, and Roger Aſcham, though both theſe learned 
men were Proteſtants. * This muſt be remembered to this Biſhop's 


commendation, among the many evil Peng that aſperſe and blacken his 
name to this day. 


The remaining part of. this year, Eraſmus poured c out his 
complaints to heaven and earth againſt the Monks and the Re- 
formers ; ſo that it is not eaſy to ſay, which of the two parties 

ſtood the loweſt and the worſt in his opinion. When we read 

his deſcription of the Monks, we cannot think that viler men 

were to be found upon the face of the earth than the Religious of 

thoſe days; and when we ſee how he cenſures the immoral lives 

of the Lutherans and the Reformed, we cannot conceive how 

ſuch men could ſupport themſelves and their cauſe, and eſcape 

the contempt and the horror of mankind. But, with all the 

reſpect that is due to the memory of Eraſmus, it may be 

athrmed, that men of this ſtamp would hardly have ſuffered 

martyrdom themſelves, or have animated ſo many to die in like 

manner for their religion, which we know to be fact, from the : 
hiſtory of thoſe times. He was extremely irritated againſt them, h 

becauſe he thought that they had given occaſion to the Monks 

to accuſe him of opening the way to the Reformers. Therefore 

he repented of having advanced ſome bold truths concerning 
Evangelical menen of which, in his opinion, the Reformers had 
TI 312 | hy made 


* Bayle Ramvs, Not. G. = 
* dtrype” 8 Life of Sir T. Smith, Ch. 6. p. 6s. 


4.28 


A.D. 1527. made an ill uſe, and he began 1 in his old days to act the Zealot 


the ſentiment of Oecolampadius upon the Euchariſt to that of 


| beſt: I only ſaid to ſome friends that I could adopt it, if the 


the conſent of the body of Chriſtian people. I know not how 


For my part, I ſpake this with fincerity, and I never doubted of 


weighs ſo much, that I could be of the opinion of the Arians and 
Pelagians, if the Church had approved their doctrines. 


to him, Do you then find nothing at all in the Scriptures con- 
trary to the doctrines of Arius or Pelagius? or what you find, is 


THE LIFE 


and the Miſſionary with an ill grace. 
Pirckheimerus had rallied him for having faid, that he preferred 


others. He replies; I never ſaid that his ſentiment was the 


authority of the Church had approved it; but that I could by no 
means quit the ſentiments of the Church. I call the Church, 


the hypocrites of whom you ſpeak have repreſerited my words. 


the truth of the Euchariſt. What weight the authority of the 
Church may have with others, I know not ; but with me it 


What ſtrange language is this from ſuch a perſon as Eraſmus ! 
and how open did it lie to rebuke! For one might have replied 


it ſo obſcure that you cannot underſtand it, and muſt take it 
upon truſt, and believe it only becauſe the Church tells you ſo ? 
If this be the caſe, your old e the Fathers were bold and 

b wrong- 


| 0 bt G hp) longe apud mk tantum valet, ut cum Arianis 
meliorem nunquam dixi. Illud inter et Pelagianis ſentire poſſim, fl probaſſet 
amicos dixi, me poſſe in illius ſenten- Eecleſia quod illi docuerunt. Nec mihi 
tiam pedibus diſcedere, fi probaſſet eam non ſufficiunt verba Chriſti; ſed mirum 
auctoritas Eccleſiæ; ſed adjeci, me videri non debet, ſi ſequor interpretem 
nullo pacto ab ea poſſe diſſentire. Ec- Eccleſiam, cujus auctoritate perſuaſus 
cleſiam autem voco totius populi Chri- credo Scripturis Canonicis. Fortaſſe 
ſtiani conſenſum. An idem dixerint plus vel 1 ingenii vel roboris eſt aliis; ego 
hypocritæ, quorum meminiſti, neſcio. nulla in re tutius acquieſco, quam in 
A me certe fine fuco dictum eſt et ex certis Ecclefiæ judiciis. Rationum et | 
animo, nec unquam de Euchariſtiz veri- argumentationum nullus eſt finis, W-. 
tate vacillavi. Quantum apud alios Ep. 905. | 
valeat auctoritas Eccleſiæ, neſcio; certe 


OF ERASMUS. 429 
wrong -· headed Divines, to pretend, as they did, to refute the A. D. 1527. 
Arians and Pelagians, and to eſtabliſh contrary doctrines from the 
clear teſtimony of the Scriptures, This Eraſmus knew better 
than any man in his time to have been the procedure of thoſe 
Fathers, Well then; if we affirm, with the Fathers, that all 
orthodox ſentiments are evidently ſet forth in the Scriptures, 
how can we poſſibly pretend to be ready to believe the contrary, 
if the Church ſhould decide it ſo? Is there no reaſon for believing 
any doctrine, except the conſent of the Society wherein we are 
born and bred ? No one ſhould dare to ſay it, becauſe it is certain 
that the Chriſtian religion hath characters of truth and divinity, 
by which it converted Jews and Pagans, characters which have 
no dependency at all upon the authority of the Church. Of this 
Eraſmus could not doubt, if he had conſidered it. He proceeds: 
Not that the words of Jeſus Chriſt are not ſufficient for me; 
but none ſhould be ſurpriſed, if I follow the interpretations of 
the Church, upon whoſe authority my faith and belief of the 
Canonical Scriptures is founded, 

True it is, that the 'Church hath put into our hands thoſe 
Scriptures; and yet we believe them, not barely becauſe the 
Church commands us ſo to do, but becauſe her teſtimony on 
this occaſion hath all the characters of truth that can be requi- 
red, and, above all, becauſe the books themſelves are worthy 
of her teſtimony, which teſtimony elſe would be of ſmall weight. 

| To judge otherways upon this point, would be to make the votes 
| of the Many a fure character of truth; and this would give a 
ſanction to all the falſe religions in the world, in thoſe places 
where they are uppermoſt, and have the multitude on their fide. 
Others, ſays he, may have more wit, more diſcernment, and 
more courage than I; but there is nothing wherein I acquieſce 
more ſecurely than in the aſſured judgments of the Church. Of 
reaſonings and arguments there is no end. 


This 


CC c Cs a Ee NE a=. prin : > 82 — — — — — — . — 2 
- 


430 


A. D. 1527. 


THE LIFE 


This laſt maxim is a bad one : for certainly by reaſoning juſtly 
we arrive at truth; and by implicit belief in the decifions of 


others, without examination, we take the way to fall into error, 
The moſt abſurd religions might thus be defended, and Unhe- 


levers might ſay to Chriſtian Miſſionaries, - who ſhould offer to 


diſpute with them; Good people, of reaſonings there is no end: 


let each of us hold faſt the religion of his * and of bis 


country. 


But how are we to come at theſe aſſured judgments of the 


Church ? I fuppoſe, by examining Eccleſiaſtical Antiquities from 


the beginning; becauſe falſe doctrines may have been intro- 
duced, and Eraſmus himſelf was of opinion that ſome ſuch had 


crept in. And how can this inquiry be made without reaſon- 
ing? Therefore -it is not ſafe, in point of conſcience, to truſt. 
blindly to the preſent opinions of the Church; in other reſpects 


it may be the ſafer way, the way to avoid ill uſage, and to receive 
courteſies from the World. Ep. op. 


In a civil letter to Martin * Bucer, Eraſmus ſets forth his reaſons 


why he could not join with the Reformed, and gives them a very 


bad character, though he declares his eſteem for Bucer. 


Bucer, like Eraſmus, endeavoured to pacify the religious diſpu- 
tants, and bring things to an accommodation; and, like Eraſmus, 


0 was inſulted by both parties. The famous Chancellor De 
L — 


z Verheiden Effig. Theol. p. 74. tum ad prædicandum Evangelii verbam, - 


Melchior Adam. Beza Icon, Bur- ac moribus etiam civilioribus quam fint 


net II. 164. Knight, p. 348. Bayle multi. Quare velim tuam prudentiam 


BuckR. Voſhi Epiſt. p. 403. Sec- vel nunc dare operam, ut conſtantia 


kendorf L. I. p. 130, 132. Pope moderationeque doctrinæ et morum in- 
Blount, p. 405. Vitæ Bateſii, p. 250. tegritate res utcunque ccepta perveniat 


Thuanus L. VIII. p. 264. Strype's ad exitum Evangelio dignum. Ad hoc 
Life of Parker, B. I. ch. 7. Life of habebitis me pro viribus adjutorem. 
Cheke, p. 74, &c. Ep. 906. 

Audio te præclaris dotibus prædi- 


lt . a— — a a 


OF ERASMUS. 


431 


L Hoſpital * reſembled them both, in this reſpect. Luther could A. D. 1527. 


not endure Bucer; and Boſſuet hath thought fit to treat him as 
an infincere and diſingenuous ſhuffler. 

Bucer was a very learned, judicious, pious, and moderate 
* perſon. Perhaps he was inferior to none of all the Reformers 
4 for learning; but for zeal, for true piety, and a moſt tender 
« care of preſerving unity among the foreign Churches, Me- 


« Janchthon and he, without any injury done to the reſt, may 


ebe ranked apart by themſelves. — At Ratiſbone he had a con- 
« ference with Gardiner, who was then King Henry's Ambaſ- 
« ſador: in which Gardiner broke out into ſuch a violent paſſion, 


« that, as he ſpared no reproachful words, ſo the company 
« thought he would have fallen on Bucer and beat him. He 
« was in ſuch diſorder, that the little vein between his thumb 
c and fore-finger did ſwell and palpitate, which Bucer ſaid he 


had never before that obſerved in any perſon in his life.“ 


It is related, that Bucer reprimanded his friend Calvin for his 


vehemence and partiality, writing thus. to him upon ſome occa- 


ſion ; We Judge as we love or as we hate, and we love or hate as we 


Vi. This is too often the character of contentious and over- 


bearing men, and is to be found in ſome, who have all Calvin's 
acrimony and prejudice, without having one quarter of his abili- 
ties and erudition. To ſuch an one it may juſtly be ſaid; 


Judicas prout amas vel odiſti; amas autem vel odiſti prout lubet *, 


N 1 The: 


* Bayle HospITT AL. | 4 Peras impoſuit Jupiter nobis duas : 


© Marpurgum venit Lutherus, A. 1529. Propriis repletam vitiis poſt tergum dedit; 


A prandio ſalutarunt Lutherum Oeco- Alienis ante pectus ſuſpendit gravem. 
lampadius et Bueerus. Et cum Oeco- Burnet. 


lampadio quidem Lutherus perquam _ Bucero tamen, quantacunque in- 
amice et modeſte collocutus eſt: a Bu- duſtria pacem illam Eccleſiaſticam et: 
cero autem falutatus, ſubridens aliquan- modeſtiæ ſtudii laudem quæreret, male: 


tulum, reſpondit, Tu es nequam a ne ſucceſſerunt omnia, ita ut ſemper majus 


buld, Scultet. Za A. I 1529. ed adrverfarios odium, et apud fuos 
W 5 ;  veripells. 


I 


432 
A. D. 1527, 


to decline, 
he had been deceived himſelf by falſe rumours. 


peror adds, that the Spanith Inquiſition had ordered his works to 
be examined; 


if no cenſurable propoſitions could be laid to his charge, it would 


ſhould be admoniſhed of it in the ſpirit of mildneſs; or, if he 


THE LIFE 


The Emperor wrote Eraſmus a letter, and thanked him ia 
pompous terms for having been the cauſe that Lutheraniſm "ha 
Probably radu had ſent ſuch an account to the 
Imperial Court, either to win their favour, or perhaps becauſe 
But the Em. 


that however he had nothing to fear, becauſe if 
he had fallen into any errors, he might correct them, when he 


had ſaid any thing ambiguous, he might clear it up; and that, 


add to his glory. But, notwithſtanding all theſe fine words, he 
had little reaſon to be pleaſed and ſatisfied, that his works ſhould 


ſhould be blown upon ad the ſtinking breath of the Inquitition, 


Ep. 915. 


It happened at this time, unfortunately * for: Eraſmus, that 
the Faculty of Theology, of the Univerſity of Paris, paſſed a 
very rough cenſure upon a multitude of propoſitions extracted 


verſipellis et mobilis animi ſuſpicionem 
graviorem incurrerit, Adeo nempe ye- 
rum eſt, quod ſupra — dixiſſe audivi- 
mus Lutherum, {mprſſibile e, verbs 
Dei, ut conſuatia exigit, nihil detrabere, 
et yiomul favorem et aþplauſum apud mun- 
dum conſegut et retinere. Seckendorf 
L. HI. p. 6359. 

In Tuinglio agreſte quoddam eft et 
artogantulum; in Oecolampadio mira 


donitas nature et clementia; in He- 


dione non minor humanitas ac libera- 
litas ingenii z in Bucero calliditas vul- 
pina, perverſe imitata acumen et pru- 
dentiam. F. Jeuas Relat. de Convent. 
Marpurg. But Jonas was 4 Lutheran, 
end the Lutheraus were offended at Buser. 
Tanta autem fama erat Theologo- 


fecti, Capitonem et Bucerum audirent, 
et de omnibus doctrine ptæcipuis locis 


na, & c. Scudtet. Annal. in Von der 


 {criberet, a typographis, imo ab ipſomet 


from 
rum Argentinenſium, Capitonis inprimis 
et Buceri, ut Jacobus Faber Stapulenſis 
et Gerardus Rufus clam e Gallia pro- 


cum his diſſererent, miſſi a Margareta 
Franciſci Regis forore, Navarre Regi- 


Hardt, P. V. p. 68. | 
_ Adeo male pingebat Bucerus, ut que 


Bucero, difficillime legerentur. Mc. 
Adam, Vit. Mauſculi. Bayle Moscu— 
Luvs, Nat. A. 

See his Ep. $07, to the Sorbonne ; 
dog, to che Parliament of Paris; and the 
three following z and his anſwer to the 
Faculty, T. IX. c. 814. 


OF ERASMUS. 433 


from his works. Du Pin hath given a large account of theſe A. D. 1529. 

cenſures or anathemas ; and they well deſerve to be peruſed, as ; 
they may ſerve to ſhew what ſort of juſtice and charity is to be 

expected from ſuch ' Eccleſiaſtical Cabals. 

Thus the Catholic Divines were as little favourable to Eraſmus 
as the Reformed; and if the votes of both parties had been col- 
lected concerning him, he would have been judged not greatly 
attached to the Romiſh faith. This was the effect of his pacific 
ſcheme of Reformation, which ended in offending the Papiſts, 
without obtaining from them even the ſmalleſt change, or the 
ſhadow of a compliance ; and then in making a ſort of aukward 
ſubmiſſion to them, in declaring that he was ſorry for having 
vented ſome bold truths which they abhorred, and in cenſuring 
their adverſaries, who infiſted upon thoſe very truths, and puſhed 


them farther than he had done. 


He hath given us a very pretty elogium of John Froben, the 


famous Printer at Baſil, and a man 1 of great honour and probity, 
WORE with - 


H. E. XIV. 57. EY 

i Audacior quam unquam antea Sor- 
bona — auſa fuit facinus, quod mirum 
videri poſſet Epiſcopos, aut ipſum ſal- 
tem Pontiſioem pati potuiſſe, — nullo 
neque divino neque humano jure falta, 
Fidei Chriſtiane Articulos preſcribere ; 
ejuſmodi quidem ut tum ſua falſitate, 
tum illis præcipue ineptiis, quæ ſunt illi 
Sodalitati familiares, omnem fibi pror- 
tus auctoritatem apud homines non pror- 
ſus amentes merito derogare potuerint. 
Aci:h. Adam Vit. Calvini, p. 39. 

This was A. 1542, or thereabouts. 

* Baillet I. 178. Maittaire Ann. 
Typ. Cave Hiſt. Lit. Proleg. p. XXVvii. 
Melch. Adam. | 


Quum huc ætatis pervenerim, — ta- 


men ipſa re comperi, me mihi nondum 


ſatis notum eſſe. Siquidem exiſtimabam 
me tum philoſophiæ præceptis, tum diu- 


tina peneque perpetua malorum feren- 
dorum aſſuetudine, ſatis inſtructum ad- 
verſus iſtos vulgares, ac prope quotidi- 


anos caſus, quos a mulierculis etiam vi- 
demus moderate ferri. Cæterum amici 
Joannis Frobenii mors inopinata fic af- 


flixit animum meum, ut mœrorem nullis 
avocamentis potuerim eximere præcor- 


diis. Jam tempus, quod acerbiſkmis 


etiam doloribus mederi ſolet, adeo non 
leniit ægritudinem, ut paulatim magis 


ac magis increverit dolor, quemadmo- 
dum ſolet lentum et inſidioſum quoddam 
febris genus obrepere, quo non aliud 
aiunt immedicabilius eſſe. Exedebat 
3 K — 


THE LIFE 


A. P. 1527. with whom he had contracted an intimate and an agreeable 


me reluctantem cura penitus medullis 


inſita. Tanto potentius eſt quod con- 
glutinavit animi inductio, mutuaque 


benevolentia, quam quod natura con- 


junxit. Quam hic mecum litigavi, qui- 


bus conviciis meam mihi mollitiem ex- 
probravi? Ubi nunc eſt, inquam, ille 
Rhetor, qui ſplendidis dictis ſolet aliv- 
rum mberorem vel eximere, vel objur- 
gare? Ubi Philoſophus ille Stoicus, do- 
mitor humanorum affectuum? Ubi The- 
ologus, qui docere conſuevit, piorum 
hominum mortem non luctu laërimiſ- 


que, fed głatulationibus plauſuque pro- 


ſequendam eſſe? Quid multis? Nuſ- 
quam me magis puduit mei. Nunquam 


| enim antehac expertus ſum quantam 


vim haberet fincera amicitia, ze mutuus 
Enthorum nexus. Fratris gremani mor- 


tem moderatiſſime tuli; Frobenii deſi- 


defium ferre non poſſum. Non iraſcor 
dolori meo, nimirum juſtiſſimo, ſed im- 
modicum nimiſque diuturnum eſſe in- 
dignor. Porro, quemadmodum non 


"erat ſimplex | amor, quo vivum proſe- 


queèbar, ita nec erepti ſimplex me cru- 
ciat deſiderium. Magis enim amabam 
illum ob liberalia ſtudia, quibus ornan- 
dis promovendiſque vir ille fatorum 


| brovidentia datus videbatur, quam ob 
animum in me bropenſum, moreſque 


1 » 4.5. 


candidiſſimos. Quis enim tale non 
1 amet ingemum? Solus erat amico ami- 
cus, tam ſimplex ac ſincerus, ut etiamſi 
quid voluiſſet ſimulare aut diſſimulare, 
non potuilſet repugnante natura: tim 
"promtus et alacer ad benemerendum 


de omnibus, ut indignis etiam ex ipſo 


beneficii quippiam acceſſiſſe gauderet. 


et gratus et idoneus. Ereptam furto, 


rare, qua lucrum præter ſpem objectum, 


nem magis congruat ind, Dignus qui- 


fingere poſſunt, quid ſit color. Offen- 


bat, quam rogaret is qui offenderat. 


ahuas non 'venabatur occaſiones, ut ali- 


captiones erat opus cautione maxima, 


torica, quam adi excognandum colorem, 


friendſhip; 
Unde et furacibus ac decoctoribus erat 


aut a malæ fidei debitoribus i interceptam 
pecuniam, ea ſolet alacritate commemo- 


alii. Fide tam incorrupta, ut in nemi- 


cum in tenebris \mices ſatque ut ipſe frau- 
dem nemini machinabatur, ita de nullo 
tale quicquam ſuſpicari poterat, tametſi 
non raro deluſus. Quid eſſet invidiæ 
morbus, nihilo magis iniaginar* potuit, 
quam H, qui cœci naſcuntur, animo 


ſas, quamvis capitales, prius condona- 


Nec ullius '6mnino injuriæ poterat me- 
miniſſe, contra nullius quamlibet vulga- 
ris officii poterat obliviſci. Atque hic 
ſane, mea ſententia, meli6r erat! inter- 
dum, quam expediebat vigilanti patrifa- 
milias. Admonebam interdum ut in 
ſinceros amicos eſſet qualem eſſe deceret, 
in Impoſtores verbis duntaxat benignus 
eſſet, interim ſibi cavens, me damnum 
cum ludibrio Jucrifaceret. © Arridebat 
humaniter, ſed ſurdo canebam fabulam. 
Vicit omnia monita naturæ candor. 
Mihi vero quas non tendebat inſidias, 
quid obtruderet muneris? Nec unquam 
vidi lætiorem, quam quum vel dolo per· 
fecifſet, 'vel precibus impetraſſet, ut all- 
quid aceiperem. Hie adverſus hominis 


nec uſquam magis opus erat mea Rhe- 


quo 


OF ERASMUS, 


friendſhip, It Eraſmus brought, him no ſmall adyantage by A. N. 1522. 


quo citra moleſtiam amici, recullremt 
quod ingerebat : triſtem enim illum vi- 
dere non ſuſtinebam. Si forte pannus 
ad veſtem erat emtus per famulos meos, 
ille ſubodoratus, me nihil ſuſpicante, jam 
ſolverat. Nec ullis precibus adigi po- 


tuit ut reciperet. Arte ſimili fallendus 


erat, ſi voluiſſem illum eximere damno. 
Tale certamen inter nos fuit aſſidue, 


longe diverſum a vulgi moribus, dum 


alter hoc agit ut abradat quamplurimum, 
alter agit ut det quam minimum, Ne 
quid omnino daret, efficere non potui : 
certe moderatiſſime illius benignitate 
uſum eſſe me, teſtabitur, ut arbitror, 
omnis illius familia. Mihi quicquid 
laborum ſuſcipiebatur, amore ſtudiorum 
ſuſcipiebatur. His cum ille coho- 
neſtandis, illuſtrandis, provehendiſque 


natus videretur, nec ullum defugeret la- 


borem, nullas vigilias, ſatis magnum 
quæſtum eſſe ducens, fi bonus Auctor 


cum dignitate prodiret i in manus homi-: 


num, qui potuiſſem in hominem ſic 


animatum prædonem agere? $i quando 


nobis ac cæteris amicis oſtendebat pri- 


mas paginas magni cujuſdam Auctoris, 


urt geſtiebat gaudio, quz'vultus alacritas, 
qui triumphi! r Diceres illum Jam tum 


totius operz fructum cumulatiſſime per- 
cepiſſe, nec aliud exſpectate præmium. 
Non hic attollam Frobenii laudes alio- 
rum vituperatione. Nimis notum eſt, 
quos Auctores quam 'mendoſe, quam. 


ſordide excuſos nobis typographi, qui- 


dam etiam e Venetia Romaque miſerint. 


Ex hujus autem domo paueis annis, quæ 
volumina, quanta cum dignitate, prodi- 


* 
= 2 „* * * * 8 \ AN } 
v *f gd 7 om ed we 4 


giving 


erunt ? Eoque ſuam officinam a conten- 
tioſis libellis, unde quæſtum haud me- 


diocrem fecerunt alii, ſemper i immunem 
ſervavit, ne literas ac diſciplinas aliqua 


contaminaret invidia. Hieronymum bis 


excuderat. Ab Auguſtino pari cum 


dignitate rurſus excudendo, quum amici 


complures, in quibus et ipſe, deterre- 
Tent, tamen totum animum fic huc ap- 
Pulerat, ut inter familiares ſubinde dicere 


ſolitus ſit, ſe non optare longius vitæ 
ſpatium quam quod abſolvendo ſufficeret 
Auguſtino. Primum ac ſecundum To- 


mos vidit abſolutos. Pium erat homi- 
nis votum, et erat animus ille dignus 
immortalitate; ſed aliter viſum æterno 
Numini, cujus in abdito ſunt conſilia, 
quæ nobis ſcrutari fas non eſt, repre- 
hendere nefas. ZEtas erat provectior, 
ſed valetudo ita proſpera, vegeta, ut per 


omnem vitam nunquam morbo decubu- 


erit, Ante annos ſex e ſummis gradi- 
bus in ſolum lateritium decidit ; caſus 
erat pluſquam lethalis, convaluit tamen, 
ſed ut ſolet, mali reliquiis in corpore re- 


ſidentibus, utcumque diffimulabat ille : 


tam erat animi generoſi, ut puderet do- 


lere. Anno priuſquam moreretur, cor- 
ripuit illum graviſſimus cruciatus circa 
talum dextri pedis. Ibi præſto erant 


medicorum officia, quæ nihil aliud quam 


exaſperabant malum, dum de morbi ge- 


nere diſſentientes, alii aliud admovent 


*? 
9 4&4 i : * 


remedium, nec deerant qui auQores 
eſſent pedem reſecandum eſſe. Tandem 
aliunde venit medicus, qui dolorem hac- 


tenus ſedaret, ut et tolerabilis eſſet, et 


ſomni e ſumendi permitteret fa- 
LEND * 45 HSA 


cult atem. 


435 


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436 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1527. giving him his copies and his labour, as he often aſſures us, 
Froben was grateful to him, and did him no leſs honour, by 


cultatem. Demum ita confirmatus eſt, 
ut bis equo proficiſceretur Francfordiam, 
malo in dextri pedis digitos relegato, 
quos ſolos flectere non poterat, cætera 
valens. Tum a me, tum a medico fre- 
quenter monitus, ut rarius prodiret in 
publicum, aut veſtitu contra frigus mu- 
nitior prodiret, non obtemperavit, pu- 
dendum eſſe ratus, ſi quicquam omnino 


priſtinæ conſuetudinis omittens, morbi 


ſpeciem præ ſe ferret. Jam et duos 
manus dextræ digitos ſtupor occuparat, 
morbi imminentis præludium. Diſſi- 
mulavit et hoc, parum virile ducens 
quicquam morbo concedere. Denique 
dum in ſublimi agit neſcio quid, cor- 
reptus, ut eſt probabile, vi morbi, in 
pavimentum decidit pronus, non fine 


gravi cranii vulnere. Delatus in lectum 
nec oculos attollebat, nec ullum ſenſus 


indicium dedit, nec ullam omnino v 


ſignificationem, niſi quod man- m 6. 
niſtram movebat, nam dex* rum latus 
omne diſſimulata paralyſ, ſtupefecerat. 


Ita biduum conſopitus,, ſub mortem ex- 


bus officiis proficeretur. Certe illud 


heri ſui deceſſum, ſed ſumma vi adni- 


as we obſerved elſewh re, makes men- 


Sen. ano ſuo S. Ep. 470. c. 1859. 


publiſhing 


erit gratitudinis, ut omnes defuncto bene 
precemur, memoriamque laudibus debi- 
tis celebremus, officinæ Frobenianz fa. 
veamus, quz non ſolum non ceflabit ob 


tetur, ut quod ille inſtituit ſemper in 
majus meliuſque provehatur, Ep. 922, 

Then follow two epitaphs of Frob'yy, 
made by Eraſmus, the one in Lata, the 
other in Greek verſe. 


In this elogium of Frob -n, Eraſmus, 


tion of his own bro, ger, who was dead. 
Amongſt the Er Miles of Eraſmus there is 
K vary fr ien“ iy one, which ſeems to be 
to this b. cother, Eraſmus Domino Petro 


Paul Merula, in a Letter prefixed 1h 
the third Tome of Eraſmus, ſays.: 

In Epiſtola ad Lambertum Grunni- 
um, ſub nomine Florentii ita ſe deſcri- 
bit Eraſmus, ita ſuam pandit fortunam, 
talibus avei ſiorem ab vita Monaſtica 
animum depingit coloribus, ut clariori- 


To Me — — — 


errectus eſt, Tyre paulum diductis 


oculi ſiniſtri genis, lingua tamen immo- 
bilt, nec ſupervixit Viera ſex horas. Ita 
noſter Frobenius rebus humanis exem- 


tus, ad vitam tranſijt feliciorem, uxori, 
liberis, amicis, acerbo luctu, toti civi- 
tati notiſque omnibus gravi ſui deſiderio 


relicto. Ob hujus. mortem decebat 
omnes, qui colunt bonas literas, pulla- 
tos, lacrimas et luctum ſumere, apio 


floſculiſque ſepulcrum ornare, lymphas 


adſpergere, odores adolere, ſi quid tali- 
I 


bus non poſſet. — Antonius, Florenti 
frater, qui inibi triennio.fere major, vere 
eſt Petrus, ad quem Germanum ſuum 
ſcribit Eraſmus, (Ep. 470. c. 1859) 
cuique Carmen Sapphicum dedicavit de 
Laude Amicitiæ Gulielmus Gaudanus, 
cum hac epigraphe ; Ad Petrum Gerar- 
dum Roterodamum, Eraſmi germanun, 
virum. tum perbumanum, tum eruditilſ. 
mum. 


See above, p. 4 and 71. = 


OF ERASMUS. 437 
publiſhing his works in the moſt elegant and correct manner A. D. 1527. 
for thoſe times. Ep. 922. 
ce Maittaire, in his Annales Typographici, hath related many 
« particularities concerning Froben and Eraſmus. If Eraſmus 
« in one of his Epiſtles hath made a funeral oration for Froben, 
it was no more than he was bound to do in every reſpect: 
« for Froben, before he was intimate with Eraſmus, having heard 
« a report that he was dead, made an ® Elogium of the ſame kind. 
« for him, and prefixed it to an edition of his Adages, A. 1513. 
It muſt have been very agreeable to Eraſmus to receive ſuch: 
« commendations from an honeſt man, which could be aſcribed. 
neither to flattery, nor to ſelf-intereſted views. And indeed 
« he ſhewed his love and eſteem of Froben upon all occaſions, 
« and recommended him to his friends in the warmeſt terms. 
« As Eraſmus was acquainted with many printers, he- hath. 
informed us of many things relating to them.“ 
Ep. 923 is to Hieronymus Emſerus, a friend of Eraſmus, and 
an enemy to Luther, a man of ſome erudition, and much vanity, 
who wrote againſt Luther with great malignity, and wanted to 
have his work commended by Eraſmus. Luther would not con- 
deſcend: to. anſwer him, but diſdained him as. an impertinent 
prater, ſaccum verborum, a mere Bag of words, and abhorred 
bim as a prevaricator, who. ated againſt his own conſcience. 
 Seckendorf L. I. p. 207. 
In a letter to George of Saxony, Eraſmus beſtows great com- 
mendations on ® Carlevitzius. Ep. 919. 5 
In a letter to a Monk, Eraſmus hints that he expected no great 
good from a General Council. It was an amazing error in the 
Princes and Politicians of thoſe times to imagine other ways. 


: © - 
| Le Clerc Bibl. A. & M. XVIII. ©» Nec eſt quod ſpectemus Concilium. 
404. 5 | gero veniet, obſtante Principum diſſidio; 
n It is inſerted in the Aun. Typ. V. II. et ſi fuerit inſtitutum, ſedecim annis 
p. 8. agetur de rebus longe aliis quam de 


» Melch, = ceremoniis. Ep. 902. 


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438 


A. D. 1527. 


THE LIF E 

He r recommends the ſtudy of ancient Hiſtorians and Moraliſts, 
as proper for Senators, Magiſtrates, Counſellors, and all who are 
employed in public ſtations. But theſe are antiquated directions: 
"Cards and Dice ſeem now to tupphy the place * the Ciceros and 


the Plutarchs. 


He gives ſome advice to a friend, who complained of being 


near- ſighted. 


He obſerves that his friend Henkel had refuſed 4 Biſhoprick, 
He hath his reaſons, I ſuppoſe, ſays Eraſmus; but, as things go, 
it is rather better to be a * hog-driver than a hog. 

Vives * loved the Monks as little as Eraſmus, and- expreſleth his 
ſentiments concerning them in pretty ſtrong terms. 


? Præcipuam ſtudiorum partem im- 


pende hiſtoriographis et ethicis. Prioris 


generis ſunt T. Livius, Vitæ Plutarchi, 
Cornelius Tacitus: poſterioris, Libri 
Ciceronis de Officiis, De Amicitia, De 


Senectute, De Tuſculanis Quæſtionibus, 


et Plutarchi Libri de Moribus. Ex his 


potifimum ea prudentia colligitur, quæ 
decet virum in enn verſantem. 


Ep. 333. | 3:9 
4 Patriciis Hhœc 1 noſtris 
Nocturna verſata manu, verſata diurna ! 

r $i medicus eſſem, mihi primum 
elſem,” cui nunquam non res eſt cum 
immaniſſimo calculi malo. Quum le- 

gamus multos eruditiſſimos viros plane 


cæcos fuille, demiror te levius incom- 


modum tam impotenti animo ferre, 
quod non cernas niſi propius admota; 
quod vitium ſi verum eſt, comperi in 


* e alii levius, alii magis ob- 
a ſunt. Alexander, Jacobi, an 
rum Regis a whe opinorinoſle te 


In 


ex Adagiis, adeo laboravit hoc malo, ut 
ni naſo contingeret librum, nihil cerne- 


ret. Proinde fi nature vitium «>|, noli 


pugnare pharmacis, ſed adhibe vitrea 


conſpicilla in hoc attemperata, ut qui 


pene cæci ſunt, cernant etiam procul 


diſſita. Nec tamen omnia congruunt 
omnibus oculis. Eligenda ſunt e mul- 
tis, quæ conveniant. Sin caſus adduxit 


vitium, leniri poteſt variis remediis. Sed 
præcipuum eſt fuga eorum quæ lædunt 


oculos, inter quæ eſt ſtudium a cœna et 
ad lucernam. Proderit aſſueviſſe, ut, 
quam licet, auribus ſtudeas patius quam 
oculis. Ep. 874. 1910 

Quod Epiſcopen 3 non dubito 
quin illi conſtet ſui conſilii ratio; tamen 


ut nunc res ſunt mortalium, præſtat eſe 


ſubulcum quam ſuem. Ep. 921. 
t Exiſtimo tumultus hos ex Enchi- 


8 Pleriſque qui ingenio præcelluerunt, ridio tus verſo natos eſſęn nam ſi id fre- 


quens fit in hominum manibus, ut cle 
audio, multum 74s Taxmeds; auen 


detrahet Fratribus; et — Jam cap 
un 


OF ERASMUS. 


an excellent defence of himſelf againſt this Monk, who was 
one of his calumniators. But we find not that theſe apologies 


and expoſtulations ever reclaimed and ſoftened any one of theſe 


Sycophants : whence, methinks, we may learn, that when we 
are attacked by ſuch ſort of adverſaries, it is beſt, for the moſt 


part, not to diſpute with them, which only makes them. more 


fauey and ſcurrilous, but to leave them to rejoice, if they can 


rejoice, over their own works, and to fancy themſelves conque- 


tors. Ep. 345. c. 1724. 


This year Rome was ſacked in a moſt. barbarous and brutiſh 
manner; and the poor inhabitants were 


V. a Priamo miſeranda Manus : 


For * Proteſtant Hiſtorians have ſpoken of thele - ſufferings with 
due pity and indignation. P. Jovius, who was there himſelf, hath 


given a moſt melancholy account 91 1 it. Pomp. Columnæ, 


p. 165, 160. 


tum eſt fieri, videlicet excitatis ea lecti- 


one multorum animis ad cognitionem 


magnarum et pulcherrimarum rerum; 


quæ tamdiu fuerant occultatæ, tum 


etiam quod cœpit permultos pigere in- 
digniſſimæ ſervitutis, qua quidam hac- 
tenus preſſerunt miſeram plebem, quæ 
ſervitus cum ubique, quacunque Chri- 


ſtianum nomen patet, graviſſima eſt, 


tum vero in noſtra natione ne ſervis 
quidem aut aſinis tolerabilis. 118 340. 
6, 1730. 

u See es I. . 8. 

L Quanta fuerit militum Germano- 
rum ac Hiſpanorum atrocitas et inſo- 


A prodigy 


lentia Rome, verbis explicari vix po- 
teſt, Nam præter horrendas lanienas, 


direptiones, libidines, devaſtationes, con- 


tumeliæ ac ludibrii genus nullum in 
Pontificem, Cardinales, reliquamque 
turbam prætermiſſum fuit. Sleidan L. VI. 
p. 145+ 

Milites omne genus ſzvitiz, libidinis, 
avaritiæ, in quoſvis homines, et loca 


ſacra æque ac profana exercuerunt. Hiſ- 


pani tamen longe magis quam Germani, 
licet hi maximam partem cum duce ſuo 


Fronſbergio Lutheri doctrine inhære- 


rent. Perixonius, p. 153. 


= 


439 
In a letter to Gacchus, a Franciſcan, Eraſmus hath drawn up A. D. 1527, 


— — 


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A. D. 1528. 


dral Church of Magdeburg. 


e given an account of his ſufferings and conſtancy. 
L. II. p. Ll 


motions which threatened the place where he dwelt, the city of 
Baſil. He fays that Ferdinand, elected King of Bohemia and 


Cracow alſo wrote to him, and ſent him a preſent of ſixty ducats; 


cumciſionis ibi accidiſſe conſtanter „ Officio accenduntur, deinde tot an- 


THE LIFE 
A ” prodigy is related to have happened this year at the Cathe. 


Leonardus Cæſar, a Proteſtant Martyr, was burnt in Bavaria, 


A. D. mpxxv11t. Etat. LxI. 


From the beginning of this year, Eraſmus was afraid that he 
ſhould be obliged to ſhift his quarters, on account of the com- 


Hungary, had publiſhed an edict, which he would not call un- 
juſt, but which, at leaſt, was ſevere. However, he wiſhed that 
it might produce ſome good effects. Ep. 925, 932. 
Sigiſmond, King of Poland, ſent him a very courteous letter, 
and a preſent, and invited him kindly to Poland. The Biſhop of 


and Eraſmus afterwards much commended the learned men of 
that nation for their civility to him. Ep. 930, 960. 
Some perſon had detained part of his penſions from England, 
and he was obliged to ſend: thither Quirinus Taleſius, one of his 
Copiſts. Ep. 932, 940. 
He received an invitation to England from 5 VIII, and 


returned him thanks by More. Ep. 936. 
wy Having 


7 Prodigium note ante feſtum cir- ce valde multæ, præſertim, quæ ſub 


narrabatur. De quo hæc ſunt Lutheri „ guli Capellarum abditi, ut impoſſibile 
verba: Scribit mihi Nicolaus Amſ- „ fit vento, cui non patet iſthuc acceſ- 
©« dorf, Magdeburgæ, nocte circumci- “ ſus, extingui. Interpretantur qui- 
< ſionis, ſub matutinis, in ſummo tem- 1 portendi obitum Canonicorum. 


4 plo omnes candelas et lampadas 
fſubito extinctas eſſe, excepta una 
* coram Sacramento. Sunt autem 


— Deus viderit,” Seckendorf L. II. 
p-. 83. 


OF ERASMUS. 441 

Having been incommoded at Burgundy, the year before, of A. D. 1528. 
his old diſtempers, he had ſaid jeſtingly that his ſtomach was 
Lutheran, but his heart was Catholic; he meant that he could 
not bear fiſh. 

It happened to him, at the table of the Procurator of the Arch- 
deacon of Bezancon, to talk whilſt after dinner a grace of an 
immoderate length was ſaying, which he thought was ended. So 

he wrote a letter to excuſe himſelf for it. Ep. 933. 

And now he was obliged to take up the trade of an Apologift 
in good earneſt, and to anſwer the various cenſures of the French 
and Spaniſh, Divines. See his Apologetical works. 

As Eraſmus did not ſpeak the language of the School-men, 
or reverence their deciſions as articles of faith; he had departed 
from their ſentiments, and from their jargon. He had ſtudied 
divinity at the fountain-head, and in his interpretations of the 
Scriptures he had followed the manner of the Fathers, and not 
of the Moderns ; and it is well known that even the moſt ortho- 
dox Fathers could not eſcape the cenſures of a modern Inqui- 
ſition, if their works were examined in the ſame manner as the 
works of later writers. So Eraſmus had laid himſelf open enough 
to the Monks in a multitude of places, both for doctrine and for 
expreſſion, and they ſoon collected a conſiderable number of 
ſcandalizing propoſitions. He defended himſelf like an able man, 
and would have carried his cauſe, if he had pleaded before 

judges endued with candour, equity, good ſenſe, and learning; 
but, as the Divinity of thoſe times was purely Scholaſtic, his de- 
tences gave no ſatisfaction to his perſecutors. He continued to 
complain as much of them, as they did of him; and he obſerves, 
that the Monks of Spain and France were greatly vexed that ſome 
of his works, being tranſlated into the vulgar tongues, had unde- 
ceived the common people, and had taught them to deſpiſe the 
ſuperſtition and the falſe devotion which had been recommended 
to them, In.France, fays he, a man of learning, merit, and 
1— excellent 


442 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1528, excellent qualities (Berquin) hath eſſayed to tranſlate ſome of my 


writings with the ſame free ſpirit and honeſt deſign ; but it hath 
been profitable neither to him nor to me. Twice he was in 
danger of loſing his life for it; and he had inevitably periſhed, by 
the mercy of the Monks, if the King had not reſcued him ; and, 
as for me, every day I am fighting with the Eccleſiaſtics, or 


rather with the Beddaics; for in Bedda alone there are three 


thouſand Monks. Theſe men ſwarm every where; but in no 


place have they been able to perform what they have accom- 


plifhed in Spain. He means, that they had cauſed the reading of 
his works to be prohibited in that kingdom. Ep. 941. 

Soon after, he wrote to the Archbiſhop of Cologn, and propo- 
ſed to him a certain medium to be purſued between the 
extremes of Monkery and Reformation, and continues to exclaim 
againſt the one and the other. — 

In another place he ſays; I abhor the Evangelics, as for 
other reaſons, ſo becauſe it is through them that literature is 


declining in every place, and entertained with coldneſs and con- 
tempt, and upon the point of periſhing. And without letters 


what is life? They love money and women, and deſpiſe all other 


things, We have been ſtunned long enough with the cry of 
Goſpel, Gejpet, Goſpel. We want Goſpel manners. 


But in reality there was no compariſon to be made between 
the Monks and the Reformers in point of literature, which the 
former totally neglected, and the latter cultivated with tolerable 
ſucceſs and application, as it plainly appears from the treatiſes 
which they compoſed in thoſe days. There were perſons amongſt 
them, who underſtood the learned languages full as well as Eraſ- 
mus, though in genius and vivacity they did not equal him. 
Melanchthon, for example, and Camerarius were not inferior to 


bim in this ſort of literature, We will ſay nothing of thoſe 


who aroſe afterwards, becauſe Eraſmus could not look into futu- 


rity, What he ſays of money and women is levelled at thoſe 


Prieſts 
4 


OF ERASMUS. 


Prieſts and Monks who embraced the Reformation, and with it A. D. 1528. 


the ſtate of matrimony. And yet in reality Eraſmus himſelf made 


an apology for their conduct, when he complained of the diſ- 


orderly life of the unmarried Monks and Clergy of thoſe days. 


As to the morals of the Reformed ; doubtleſs they had their faults, 


as well as other people; and what ſect or party was ever irre- 
proachable ? But nothing ſeems to be more Chriſtian, than to 
endure the worſt of torments, and the moſt cruel ſufferings, rather 


than to act againſt eonſcience, which was the caſe of multitudes 


amongſt them. Such perſons ſurely deſerve to have ſmaller 
faults rather overlooked than exaggerated. Ep. 946. 
He received a polite letter from Melanchthon, who owns that 
he did not approve Luther's violent ways, but reproves Eraſmus 
alſo for exprefling his reſentments too ſtrongly. Ep. 952. 

He wrote to George Duke of Saxony, reminding him of the 
reaſons for which he had adviſed gentle methods of reclaiming 


heretics, rather than violence. He alſo proteſted to Clemens VII 
his attachment to the Roman party, and prayed him not to give 
credit to the calumnies ſpread againſt him, in which he was 


repreſented as a ſecret favourer of Lutheraniſm. Ep. 953, 957. 
This year he publiſhed two treatiſes, in form of dialogue, 

which are in the firſt Tome of his works; the former one of the 

moſt learned, the latter one of the moſt lively and ingenious of 


his compoſitions, namely, The pronunciation of the Greek and 
Latin languages, and the Ciceronianus. In the firſt are contained 
very curious reſearches into the pronunciation of vowels and con- 


ſonants: in the ſecond he moſt agreeably rallies ſome Italian 


Puriſts, who ſcrupled to make uſe of any word or phraſe, which 


was not to be found in Cicero. Noſoponus is the perſon, who 
in this Dialogue acts the Ciceronian, defends the ſect, and then 
paſſeth a judgment upon the ſtyle of ſeveral learned men, both 
1 living 


: Maittaire II. 361, &c. who hath od his adverſaries. 
a long diſſertation concerning Eraſmus | 


443 


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444 THE LIFE 


I A. D. 1528. living and dead; complimenting ſome of them, but deſpifing 
| them all in compariſon of Cicero, This ſcrutiny and cenſure 
excited great complaints and murmurs againſt Eraſmus. 

The hereſy of the Ciceronians ſeems to have ariſen towards the 
latter end of the fifteenth century, and when Eraſmus was a boy, 
It laſted for about a century, and then expired; for the Philolo- 
gers of the following times, aiming at a moſt extenſive erudition, 
found that they had not leiſure to play the fool 1 in anxiouſly form- 
ing their ſtyle upon that of Cicero. 

Paulus * Corteſius, an Italian, was of the ſect; and Politian, 
who abhorred ſuch bondage, in an * elegant letter to him declared 

23 his 


— — — 


. 


See Menckenius Vit. Polit. p. 19). 
d Remitto epiſtolas diligentia tua 
collectas, in quibus legendis, ut libere 


dicam, pudet bonas horas male collo- 


caſſe. Nam præter omnino paucas, mi- 
nime dignæ ſunt, quæ vel a docto ali- 


quo lectæ, vel a te collectæ dicantur. 
Quas probem, quas rurſus improbem, 


non explico. Nolo ſibi quiſquam vel 
placeat in his, auctore me, vel diſpli- 
ceat. Eſt in quo tamen a te diſſentiam 
de ſtylo nonnihi.. Non enim probare 
ſoles, ut accepi, niſi qui lineamenta Ci- 
ceronis effingat. Mihi vero longe ho- 


neſtior tauri facies, aut item leonis, 


quam ſimiæ videtur, quæ tamen homini 
ſimilior eſt. Nec ii, qui principatum 
tenuiſſe creduntur eloquentiæ, ſimiles in- 
ter ſe, quod Seneca prodidit. Ridentur 
a Quintiliano, qui ſe germanos Cice- 
ronis putabant eſſe, quod his verbis pe- 
riodum clauderent, e videatur. In- 
clamat Horatius imitatores, ac nihil 
aliud quam imitatores. Mihi certe 
quicunque tantum componunt ex imi- 
tatione, ſimiles eſſe vel pfittaco vel picæ 


videntur, proferentibus quæ nec intelli- 
gunt. Carent enim quæ ſcribunt iſti, 
viribus et vita, carent actu, carent af- 
fectu, carent indole, jacent, dormiunt, 
ſtertunt. Nihil enim verum, nihil ſoli- 
dum, nihil efficax. Non exprimis, in- 
quit aliquis, Ciceronem. Quid tum? 
Non enim ſum Cicero; me tamen, ut 
opinor, exprimo. Sunt quidam præ- 


terea, mi Paule, qui ſtylum quaſi panem 


fruſtillatim mendicant, nec ex die ſolum 
vivunt, ſed in diem: tum niſi liber ille 
præſto ſit, ex quo quid excerpant, col- 
ligere tria verba non poſſunt, ſed hæc 
ipſa quoque vel indocta junctura, vel 
barbaria inhoneſta contaminant. Ho- 
rum ſemper igitur oratio tremula, vacil- 
lans, infirma, videlicet male curata, 
male paſta, quos ferre profecto non poſ- 
ſum, judicare quoque de dodtis impu- 
denter audentes, hoc eſt, de illis quo- 
rum ſtylum recondita eruditio, multi- 
plex lectio, longiſſimus uſus diu quaſi 
fermentavit. Sed ut ad te redeam, 
Paule, quem penitus amo, cui multum 
debeo, cujus ingenio plurimum tribuo, 

yur 


OF ERASMUS. 


his diſapprobation of this troubleſome and inſipid pedantry. 


jetter is not dated, but we may gueſs it to have been written 


| between 1480 and 1490. 


Corteſius wrote an anſwer to Politian, defending himſelf as 
well as he could. Eraſmus hath made remarks on both theſe 


epiſtles, towards the concluſion of his Ciceronianus, in which he 


extols Politian, and fets Corteſius infinitely beneath him. 


Hermolaus Barbarus was of the ſame opinion with Patitian * in 
this point. Muretus, who wrote Latin extremely well, declared 


himſelf an Anti-Ciceronian, in a pretty chapter of his Vari Lectio- 
nes, XV. I. p. 384. De Jn i quorundam qui fe C ſceronianos 


vocant. We will give an extract from it. 


quæſo ne ſuperſtitione iſta te alliges, ut 


nihil delectet, quod tuum plane ſit, et 


ut oculos a Cicerone nunquam dejicias. 
| Sed cum Ciceronem, cum bonos alios 


multum diuque legeris, contriveris, edi- 
diceris, concoxeris, et rerum multarum 


cognitione pectus impleveris, ac jam 


componere aliquid ipſe parabis, tum 


demum velim, qued dicitur, fine cortice 
' nates, atque ipſe tibi {is aliquando in 
conſilio, ſolicitudinemque illam moro- 
ſam nimis et anxiam deponas effingendi 
tantummodo Ciceronem, tuaſque deni- 
que vires univerſas perieliteris. Nam 
qui tantum ridicula iſta, quæ vocatis 
lineamenta, contemplantur attoniti, nec 
ila ipſa, mihi crede, ſatis repræſentant, 
et impetum quodammodo retardant in- 
genii ſui; currentique velut obſtant, et, 
ut utar Plautino verbo, remoram faciunt. 
Sed ut bene currere non poteſt, qui 
pedem ponere ſtudet in alienis tantum 

veſtigiis; ita nec bene ſeribere, qui tan- 


Jac. 


quam de preſcripto non audet egredi. 


Poſtremo ſcias infelicis eſſe ingenii, nihil 


a ſe promere, ſemper imitari. Vale. 

Epiſt. L. VIII. p. 113. e 
P. Jovius Elog. Naugerii, p. 145. 
4 Diu et ipſe in eo errore verſatus 

ſum, ut niſi qui aut Ciceronis ætate, aut 


paulo ante vixiffent, aut certe illi ætati 


ſuppares fuiſſent, non ſatis dignos eſſe 
arbitrarer, quorum exemplo qui Latine 
aut ſcribere aut loqui vellent, niterentur. 
Sed poſtea, re tota mecum accuratius 
conſiderata, viſus ipſi mihi ſum nimio 
plus mihi ſumere, qui de Seneca, Livio, 
Valerio, Celſo, Quinctiliano, Columella, 
utroque Plinio, Tacito, Suetonio, Vel- 
leio, Q. Curtio, Lactantio, aliiſque 
ejuſmodi Scriptoribus, quos et ab iis ip- 
ſis temporibus, quibus Latina lingua flo- 
ruiſſe diceretur, propius afuiſſe, et ſuo 
quemque ſæculo, diſertiſſimos habitos 
eſſe conſtaret, temere pronuntiare aude- 
rem. Cette enim neque quiſquam un- 

quam 


His A. D. 1 528. 


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446 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1528, Jac. Thomaſius, in a Preface to the works of Muretus, hath 


taken notice of this chapter, and of the fantaſtical refinement of 


quam veterum eos male Latine locutos 


eſſe dixit : neque nos, tam longo inter- 


vallo, valde boni ejus rei exiſtimatores 


ſumus. At multa ſimplicia vocabula, 
multa etiam loquendi genera in eorum 


libris leguntur, quæ apud Ciceronem et 


ejus æquales nuſquam reperias. Pri- 
mum quis hoc præſtare audeat ? Cice- 


ronis ſcriptorum vix decimam partem 


reliquam habemus, eamque multis par- 
tibus mancam ac mutilam, multis vul- 
neribus, multis-cicatricibus deformatam: 
Salluſtii vix · centeſimam, Varronis tan- 
tundem, Catonis e tam multis volumi- 


nibus unum de re ruſtica commenta- 


riolum: tot philoſophorum, tot orato- 


rum veterum, tot poëtarum, tot hiſto- 


ricorum, tot juriſconſultorum ſcripta 
perierunt; et ex illis fractis ac laceris, 


quæ ad nos pervenerunt, Romani ſer- 


monis reliquiis adfirmare audemus, ſi- 
quid in eis non reperiatur, id apud ve- 
teres in uſu non fuiſſe? Quanto credi- 
bilius eſt, nova multa atque inuſitata 
nobis videri, quæ ſi eorum libri exſta- 
rent, in frequentiſſimo uſu poſita fuiſſe 


conſtaret? Illi autem, quos ſtulte et 
arroganter, ut minus eleganter locutos, 
deſpicere audemus, cum et bibliothecas 
haberent omni genere librorum inſtruc- 


tiſſimas, et eas diligentiſſime pervoluta- 
rent, et acerrimo judicio prediti eſſent; 
quis ſcit, an ea ipſa ex vetuſtioribus 


ſumſerint, que fruſtra nobis aut novi- 
tatis aut peregrinitatis nomine ſuſpecta 


ſunt ? cum ſæpe contingere videamus ut 


SCioppius, 


multæ voces diu ab iſtis cenſeantur inter 
novas, quz poſtea uſque ab ultima an- 
tiquitate a nobiliſſimis auctoribus proditæ 


ac propagate reperiuntur. Quid quod 
in iſtis ipſis Ciceronis reliquiis multæ 


ſunt, quæ ſemel tantum leguntur? Ergo 
ſi paullum chartæ aut mus aut tinea 
adroſiſſet, aut ſitus et caries corrupiſſet, 


aut ſcintilla e lucerna in certam aliquam 


libri partem incidiſſet, hodie pigrandi et 
contro verſandi verba, multaque alia iſtis 
delicatis barbara eſſent: quæ nunc ita 
non refugiunt, ut inculcent. Et ut ma- 
gis intelligas totum hoc e ſtulta quadam 


opinione pendere, ſcito multos ex iftis 
inepte faſtidioſis, quibus qui quid dicunt, 
quod Ciceronis non ſit, meros lapides 


loqui videntur, quibus, ut olim athletis 
in arenam deſcendentibus, circumdandæ 
eſſent amphotides, quoties in publicum 
prodeunt, ne delicatz ipſorum aures vo- 
cum non Ciceroniarum ictibus contun- 
derentur, ſæpe eſſe a me magna cum 
voluptate deluſos. Nam cum voces 


quaſdam obſervaſſem, Ciceronis quidem 


illas, ſed minus contritas, neque a Ni- 
zolio in illum præclarum indicem, qui 
iſtorum obruza eſt, relatas; admiſcebam 
eas de induſtria orationi meas, cum ad 
me audiendum amici quidam hoe, de 
quo loquor, morbo laborantes veniſſent. 


Illi ut earum quamque audierant, cervi- 


cem contorquere, humeros attollere, 
frontem contrahere, alius alii in aurem 
inſuſurrare, excuti ſtbi cerebrum, perire 


aures, cum talibus vocibus verberaren- 
tur. 


an, VA” A $©Ky Ap, 


OF ERASMUS. 


Scroppius, who pretended that Muretus ever remained a true A. D. 1528. 


tur. Quin etiam ccetu dimiſſo, cum 
me, ut fit, officii cauſſa domum reduce- 
rent, male ſe a me habitos atque ac- 
ceptos eſſe conquerebantur. Ego ali- 
quamdiu eos ambiguo ſermone fruſtra- 
tus, tandem ſponſione laceſſebam, ni 
ille ipſæ voces, quibus auditis caput 
ſibi condoluiſſe dicerent, ipſius Cicero- 
nis eſſent. Quid quæris? cum id ita 
eſſe perviciſſem, jam voces illæ omnem 
duritiam atque aſperitatem depoſuerant; 
jam lenes, ſuaves, jucundæ auditu fate 
erant; et ut lupini aqua macerati, om- 
nem amaritiem exuerant, ſimulatque 
eas Ciceronis eſſe conſtiterat. Memi- 


niſtine cum vox illuſtriſſimus apud iſtos 


cenſores in urbe jus tog tueri non po- 
terat, ſed pro peregrina habebawr.? 


Nec ni ſeræ prodeſſe in tali tempore guibat, | 


quod Gellius aluftriff mas orationes, et 
illuſtriſſimos philoſaphorum alicubi dix- 
iſſet. Itaque ſiquis Latine loquens, 
Cardinalem quempiam illuſtriſimum, ut. 
fit, vocaverat, in eum 57% Ts pune, 


ut Græci dicunt, utebantur. Neque 
extorqueri eis poterat, ut non maxime 


illuſtrem pro illuſtriſſimo dicerent, niſi, 
poſtquam ex Varrone audierunt, illuſtriſ- 
ſimum . usteribus Paftorem: 


fuſe. — 


etiam fi hoc demus, novata efſe multa 


ab iis qui poſt Ciceronem fuerunt, quid 


cauſe eſt, cur ea rejicere debeamus ? 
Quorſus igitur illud Horatii ? Ur folia 
in ſilvis : et illud; 


An. Poet. 60, where ſee Bentley. 


Sed ut me ad propoſitum referam) | 


Ciceronian, 


— — Hicuit, ſemperque licebit 


Signatum preſente nota producere nomen: 


Nonne Cicero et multa novavit ipſe, 


et Catonem, Varronem, Brutum, alioſ- 


que ut idem facerent hortatus eſt? An 


fortaſſis perſonale illud privilegium. fuit; 3 


ut cum Cicerone, et cum iis, 


Qui tum ui vebant homines atque evum i- 


tabant, 
extinctum eſſe videatur? Incomprehenſi- 


bile Ciceroni fingere licuit : quidni aliis 
alia ad eundem modum poſtea licuerit ? 


Equidem exiſtimo Ciceronem, fi ad 


Quinctiliani et Plinii et Taciti tempora 
vitam producere potuiſſet, et Rmanam 


linguam multis vocibus eleganter con- 
formatis eorum ſtudio auctam ac locu- 
pletatam vidiſſet, magnam eis gratiam 


habiturum, atque illis vocibus cupide 


uſurum fuiſſe. Nam iſtorum quidem: 
audire eſt operæ pretium amentiam. 


„Ad Taciti aut Suetonii voces nauſeant: 
ipſi eas ſeriptis ſuis intexunt, que ne in 


culina quidem illorum patienter audiri 


potuiſſent. Mentior, niſi tibi, cum vo- 


les, in ſcriptis quorundam, qui hujus 
ſectæ coryphæi habentur, ſpeculationem, 


ingratitudinem, contrarietatem, aliaque 


ejuſdem generis plurima oſtendero. 


Sed ſatis eft dixiſſe, ego pulchra. mw a 


pang 0s 


Cum ſemel in hanc diſciplinam ne nomen: 


dederis, quocumque modo et ſcribas, et 
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THF LIFE 


A. D. 1528. Ciceronian, and on this occaſion did not ſoak his real ſentiment, 


It is pleaſant enough to obſerve, that the Ciceronians could 


Fuit hæc de principio laborioſa quædam, 
et exquiſita diligentia: Nunc in ignavi- 
am vertit. Quid enim magis in promptu 
eſt, quam, cum quid ſeribere ingreſſus 


ſis, de fingulis vocibus Nizolium con- 


fulere? Quid tu igitur? inquies: ex 
omnibus antiquis Scriptoribus, nullo 
diſcrimine, verba quibus utare, depro- 
mes? Imo vero adhibebo judicium, ha- 
bebo dilectum, et cum ex its potiſſimum 


qui antiquitatis quoque ipſi principes 


viſi ſunt, Cicerone, Cæſare, Terentio, 
aliis, quamplurima ſumpſero: cum ora- 
tionis meæ genus ad eorum exemplar 
quam maxime potuero, conformaro, ex 


aliis quoque belliſſimum quodque car- 


a: et quo quiſque maxime excel- 


luiſſe videbitur, id imitari atque expri- 
mere conabor: negue in 11s modo quos 


paulo ante nominavi, ſed in Tertulliano, 
Arnobio, Hieronymo, Auguſtino, Am- 


broſio, et quod magis mireris, Apuleio, 
Caſſiodoro, Martiano etiam et Sidonio 
Apollinari multa reperiam, quibus ſuo 
loco poſitis oratio uberior et ornatior 
fiat. Tibi quoque, Dari, auctor ſum, 


ut idem facias, in primiſque ut ne eorum 


ſtultitiam imiteris, qui uſque eo antiqui- 
tatis ſtudioſi ſunt, ut voces quoque 


Chriſtianæ religionis proprias refugiant, 


et in earum locum alias ſubſtituant, 
quarum nonnullæ etiam impietatem 


olent: qui non fidem, ſed perſuaſionem ; j 


non ſacramentum corporis Dominici, ſed 


ſanctificum cruſlulum ; non excommuni- 
care, ſed diris devovere ; non Angeles 


* 


not 


ſed Genios; non baptizare, ſed abluers 
dicunt ; aliaque eodem modo depravant; 


| qui, ut opinor, niſi ſibĩ metuerent, etiam 


pro Chriſto, dem optimum maximum 
dicerent : eſt enim magis Ciceronianum, 
Quæ autem inſania eſt, cum porricere, 
cum impetrire, cum tripudium ſoliſtimum, 
cum pateras et hmpinia legimus, notare 
ea tanquam dicta ſapienter, quod ex au- 
guralibus et pontificalibus libris de- 
prompta ſint; propria Chriſtianæ fidei, 
et Chriſtianorum rituum verba, ut non 
ſatis Latina contemnere ? — 


Muretus hath alſo cenſured the 8 
ronians in ſome of his Orations; L. I. 


Orat. 21. L. II. Orat. 4 and 15. 

In eo quidem certe admoneri te pa- 
tiere, ut cum aut totum quiddam, aut 
generatim omnia complecti voles, aut 
etiam mentis tuæ ſenſus aientibus verbis 
confirmare, duplicatis negationibus ali- 
quanto parcius utare: cujus quidem ge- 
neris ſunt illa, nemo non, nullus non, 


nihil non: quæ ut orationi modice aſ- 


perſa jucunditatis afferunt plurimum, fic 

crebrius repetita ſatietatem pariunt atque 
faſtidium. Nam quod totidem verbis 
ex M. T. Cicerone tibi tam multa im- 
pune ſumere non liceat, ne tu quidem 
ipſe, puto, negas. Sed non animadver- 
tis ſcilicet, qui aſſidua fummi illius ora- 


toris librorum et accutata lectione hoc 


conſecutus es, ut etiam imprudenti tibi 


et invito integræ ipſius non modo ſen- 


tentiæ, ſed multi ſimul i interdum verſus 

excidant atque elfluant. Quod ipſum 
a (1 "\ Do \ 46.755 

; Wor 1 11 7 Ee, Wo mihi 


OF ERASMUS. 


not write don as to „ne one another, Thus Lon golius finds 


43 
I 


n ut e eſt admirationt. fic haud 
ſcio an illis probaturus ſis, qui Zſopi - 


raculum nobis objicere non definunt, | 
nec Publ. Vergilii autoritatem atque ju- 


dicium hac in re accipiunt; Equidem 
quod ad me attinet, ita ſtatuo: Diri- 
arne quidem eſſe nobis et formandam 
ſcribendi rationem putavi ad illius di- 


cendi genus: ſed ita ut virtutes ejus 


oratione noſtra exprimete-conemiur; non 
item ut paſſim omnia ab eo mutuemur, 


aut quod multos facere jam videas, 


quaſi Centones quoſdam ex Cicęronis 
verbis conſuamus. Sed hoc toto de 


genere alias. Nunc tantum habets, | 
dandam tibi eſſe in primis opetam, ut 


quæ in manus hominum a te pervenient, 
plane tua eſſe, non aliena et aliunde 
corrogata vldeantur. . C. Denn A, 


Naugeria, p. 34. 1353. 


Obſecro te, Sauli, qui judicio ex- 
cellis, quid tibi de Chriftophare Lon- 


golio videtur? Equidem, fi quando quid 


de ſcriptis illius exiſtimem, interrogor, 
ita ſoleo reſpondere, exilem eſſe in ſen- 
tentiis, non luculentum in verbis: ut 


tamen de eo, ſi vitæ contigiſſet uſura 


diuturnior, bene cenſeam ſperandum 
fuiſſe. Sed ut nunc eſt, mea quidem 


ſententia nullus eſt. Quid enim affert 


exquiſitum, quid ſingulare, non vulga- 
tum, non ex quotidiana conſuetudine 
uſuque ſumtum ? At ſeribit intetdum et 
de rebus familiaribus, et ad familiares. 
Quid tum? quaſi non vel in obſeuro 
argumento poſſit ingenii lumen elucere. 
Nam quod in eo verborum circuitus 
 {=pe a Cicerone totus eſt; ſi conſulto 


3 M 


ba | With 


$i 


fecit, god ind ONE ſperaret, jadi- 


cium requiro ;.etenim aliena quæ ſunt, ad 
nos tranſlata ſtulte jactamus: ut nemi- 
nem laudare folemus c quia pulcher (quod 
accipitur a natura) at quia temperatus, 
quia juſtus, quæ poſita ſunt in nobis ip- 
ſis. Sin, (quod potius exiſtimo) inops 
Aa Latina lingua, explicare | animi ſenſa 
aliter non potuit ; . neceſſitatem excuſe. 


* 4 + £. 


Net tamen, quod factebat, diutius eum 


puto facturum fuiſſe. Qui enim itt illo 
otio Patavino nihil ageret aliud quam ut 
ſe tum eloquentiæ copiis, quæ Philoſo- 
phiam ornant, tum earum artium in- 


ſtrumento, ſine quibus muta ſilet elo- 
 quentiay/ locupletaret ; uttiüſque ſtudio 


facultatis conſecutus eſſet ut, ſuis quaſi 
opibus abundans, de alieno quotidie 
Parcius aſſumeret. Cujus autem geritris 
ea, quæ moriens reliquit, ſcripta ſunt, 


abeſſe eum judico ab ea ſpecie quæ eſt 


in ſeribendo optima, longiſfime. Qua 
de re cum aliquot abhinc annis in con- 
ventu amicorum ſermo eſſet ortus, me- 
mini diſſentire a me amicum hominem 
et eruditum; qui Ciceronis in libris diu 
multumque volutatus, tamen Longolium 
ſuſpicit. Aurea videlicet cum aſſidue 


tractet, ærea non internoſcit. Itaque, 


paucis poſt illum ſermonem diebus inter- 
jectis, cum epiſtolam ad me miſiſſet, in 


qua ita ſcripfit, nihil ſibi tam accidiſſe 


mirandum, quam quod a me audiſſet, 


cum dicerem, mihi Longoliana ſeripta 


non admodum probari; nihil reſcripſi, 
quod homini quinquagenario inſitam 
opinionem non ſperavi me poſſe evellere. 


* P. Maniſtius St. Saulio, p. 112. 


fault A. D. 1528. 


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THE LIFE 


450 
A. D. 1528, With Naugerius, and * Manutius finds fault with Longolius 
Majoragius had attacked Cicero, as Nizolius pretended ; and 


Nizolius wrote him a letter, in which he defends * 
takes occaſion to blame Erafmus. 

One thing is obſervable in all the profeſſed Clcurvhtibe namely, 
the uſing a multitude of words to expreſs, their meaning. This 
they learned from their Maſter, ſince it cannot be denied that 
Cicero is rather verboſe, Unleſs therefore they have, like Cicero, 
a fine imagination, and a mind ſtored with knowledge, they 
are of all writers the moſt languid and tireſome : when they have 
barren brains, they never fail to give us, according to the Greek 
proverb, a river of words and a ſpoonful of ſenſe. 

There have been two ſorts of Ciceronians. The one were 
thoſe, whom Eraſmus rallies very pleaſantly, Who were ſuper- 
ſtitious, pedantic, and ſervile followers and copiers of Cicero: 


Cicero, and 


P. Jovius Elog.. p. 145. __ 


Supplem, NAVYACIERO. 


Paulus Manutius vir Romane ſeri. 


bens fi quis alius hoc noſtro ſeculo, Lon- 


golio omnino contrarius: cum enim hie 
Ciceronis verbis et phraſi adeo alligatus 


fuerit, ut Ciceronis ſenſu, non ſuo, co- 
geretur ſcribere; ille contra ſuo ſenſu 


ſcribit, Ciceronis, Terentii, et ejuſmodi 


excellentium virorum verbis et. ſtylo 
utens, quem ſuo inſtituto optime ac- 


commodare novit. Scaligeran. p. 254. 


See a large account of Paul Manutius s 
in Maittaire III. 4975 & e. 


b Hec ſunt, mi Majoragi, quæ ad te 


nunc mittenda exiſtimavi, ut ea diſſol- 


vas, ſi velis et fi. potes, in quibus {+ te 
alicubi acrius atque acerbius punxi, 
quam tu fortaſſe velles, et amicitia noſtra 


pati · videatur, noli quæſo mirari nec ægre 


the ſecond aimed at a more ' liberal and genteel kind of imitation, 


and 


ferre, cum Ciceronem multo acrius et 


acerbius non ſolum punxeris, ſed etiam 
confoderis; idque immeritiſſime, cujus 
vulnera quanto tandem cum dolore a me 
legi putas? Itaque te etiam atque etiam 
moneo, ut videas quemadmedum ſeribas 
in Topica illius, et in libros de Finibus, 


quod facturum in hoe libro, ſi recte me · 


mini, quodam in loco ſeribis. Non 
enim impune feres, ſed idem tibi acei- 
det quod Eraſmo, qui dum Ciceronem 
et Ciceronianos injuſte inſectatur, ipſe a, 
Ciceronianis juſte et optimo jure confoſa 
foe fuit. Gudii et aliorum Epiſt. p. 137. 

See Bayle MAIJORAGTUus. 

i Amongſt the Epiſtles of: Muretus; 
there is a pretty one of Julius Pogianus, 
a Ciceronian, who recommends this 
ſort of imitation. L. II. Ep. 24. 


» # . 
J. 
— 


OF. FRASMUS. 


and alſo to acquaint themſelves thoroughly with other elegant 
authors, ſuch as Terence, Livy, Salluſt, and a few more; they 
made uſe of any expreſſion, which 1 was pure And claſſical; and, 
as to ſingle words, they did not ſcruple thoſe of lower times, 
when better were not to be had. 

Now to write Latin with perfect correctneſs i in this ſecond 
manner, though it be a deſirable accompliſhment, yet is ſo very 
difficult, and takes up ſo much time, and diverts the mind ſo 
much from the ſtudy of things, that it may be made a queſtion, 
whether it deſerves the pains, which muſt be beſtowed upon it. 
They who undertake to write Hiſtory in Latin, ſeem of all per- 
ſons to be moſt concerned to acquire ſuch ſkill, and ſhould ſpend. 

much time and pains in forming a polite and perſpicuous ſtyle 
upon the beſt models of antiquity. Such an Hiſtorian was 
Maffei *, the Jeſuit, who wrote extremely well : but then he was 
ſo flow and ſo accurate in his compoſitions, that he could not 


diſpatch above ten or fifteen lines in a day; and if he had under- 


taken a large work, his whole life would not have ſufficed for 


accompliſhing it, though he lived ſeventy-three years. Such an 


author was Michael Brutus, no ſcrupulous Ciceronian, but a 
correct and polite writer. Such alſo was Paulus Manutius. 


But although it may not be adviſeable for a ſcholar to grow old 
in the ſtudy of words, and to give too much of that time to the 
poliſhing of his periods, which might be better ſpent in acquiring 


real knowledge ; yet ſhould our young ſtudents be exhorted to 


learn to write Latin fo as to be able, upon occaſion, to com- 
poſe a few pages with correctneſs and perſpicuity, without ſolœ- 
ciſms and barbariſms, and in a ſtyle better than that of Magi/ter 


Nofter Paſſavantius, and the Epiſtolæ Obſcurorum Virorum. A 


Scholar ſhould be capable, at leaſt, of performing thus much : 
3 M " A Genius 


 Bibl, Choif, XXV. 345. 1 Bayle Bx Vr vs. 


451 


and endeavoured to adopt his turn and manner more particularly, A. D. 1528. 


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452 


THE LIF E 
A. D. 1 528. A Genius is more at liberty, and may accoutre himſelf as he thinks 


fit; every dreſs becomes him. 


Ilum quicquid agit, guoguo veſtigia movit, 
Componit furtim, ſubſequiturque Decor. 


Whilſt Ciceronianiſim was ſtill cabitting, another ſmaller hereſy 


aroſe, of the Grammatical Antiquaries. Their folly conſiſted in 


writing Latin after the manner of the ancient Romans, before the 


language was formed and poliſhed, and of employing all the 
_ obſcure and obſolete words and phraſes that they could find. 
= Paſſeratius cenſured this wretched and ridiculous taſte, which 


was far worſe than that of the Ciceronians, who at leaſt imitated 
a very good writer, though with too much ſervility. 


Mariangelus Accurſius wrote a Dialogue againſt theſe pedants, 


about the year 1531. See more in Bayle RayNnavup, Not, I. 
Accus (M.) Not. F 5 5 


Eraſmus alfo' * « cenſured this folly | in his ien, 45 Pro- 


Munci ati one. 


n Fxorti ſunt his annis viginti proxi- 


mis, non diſſimili laborantes inſania, 


novi quidam Antoni, utinam minus 
multi, quorum cauſſa, ne quid diſſimu- 
lem, hanc præfatiunculam inſtitui. Si- 
quidem me facturum operæ pretium pu- 
tavi, ſi iſtum animi morbum vel arte 
aliqua perſanarem, quod in 1is difficilli- 
mum eſt, qui ſic ægrotare malunt quam 
valere, vel aliqua ex parte imminuerem: 


idque ſaltem aſſequerer, ne hæc apud 


noſtros latius ſerpat contagio. — 
Sordent nobis Tullius, Cæſar, Te- 


rentius: Valerii Antiatis, Cincii, Cælii, 


Piſonis, Fabii Pictoris, Quadrigarii, Si- 


ſennæ Annales requirimus. Unde tam 


h Olivarius 


delicatum faſtidium ? Cato et Varro vix 
ad ſtomachum faciunt : vix aviditatem 
noſtram explent primi Confulum faſces, 
et faſtorum incunabula. Decemvirales 


tabulas, leges Regias, Saliare carmen, 


icta cum Sabinis fœdera, Fecialium jura 
formulaſque tranſcendimus, ut penetre- 
mus in ſermonem Aboriginum, tanquam 
ſimus cum Egeria Numæ, aut cum 
Evandri Carmenta loquuturi. 


n Iſti non minus abſurde faciunt quam | 


faciunt ii, qui verbis jam olim deſitis 
delectantur: perinde quaſi cum priſcis 


Aboriginibus, aut Evandri matre loquan - 


tur. T. I. c. 925. 


R ² rü! ˙ i ̃ 7ĩ˙Xil.ü!n T na CE 


OF ERASMUS. 


Olivarius, in a letter without a date, informs Eraſmus how A. D. 1528. 


the Italian * Ciceronians railed at his barbarous ſtyle, and _ he 


took his part againſt them. 


? After Eraſmus had written his mne and had been 


much abuſed on that account, he was engaged by Froben to reviſe 


o Balthaſarus Comes Caſtilioni, Ora- 
tor Pontificis, vir utcunque eruditus, 
Navagerus Venetus, vir utriuſque linguæ 


eruditiſſimus, et Andreas Neapolitanus 


in dies debacchantur in ſtylum tuum. 


Non poteſt ferre hæc natio, quod unus 


Germanus oſtentationem Italorum de- 
preſſerit. Nunquam ſum apud eos, 
quin illico faciant mentionem de ſtylo 
Eraſmi: Eraſmus, inquiunt, tuus ex 
Latino factus eſt Barbarus, — Objiciunt 
uni Eraſmo Jovianum Pontanum, — 
Copiam verborum in te et facilitatem, 


velint nolint, meis argumentis laudant, 


&c. Ep. 469. c. 1858. 
y Atque hujus diſpendii adeo non 


ponituit, ut in votis fit, ſi liceat, ad 


veteres illos amicos remigrare, ac men- 


ſes aliquot cum illis familiariter vivere. 
Tantum fructus me ſenſi percepiſſe ex 
his libris relectis, non tantum ob ſtyli 
rubiginem abſtergendam (quanquam hoc 
quoque nonnihil eſt, meo quidem judi- 


cio) verum multo magis ob animi 
cupiditates moderandas refrenandaſque. 


Quoties inter legendum exſpuebam in 
ſtolidos iſtos, qui in Cicerone nihil præ- 


clarum eſſe dictitant, præter verborum 
phaleras? Quam illic eſt varia lectio 


voluminum, quæ doctiſſimi Græci de 
refte beateque vivendo reliquerunt? 


quanta vis? quanta copia ſalubrium ac 


lintiſimorum” præceptorum? quanta. 


a new 


cognitio, quantaque memoria priſcarum 


ſimul et recentium hiſtoriarum ? Tum 


autem, quam altæ cogitationes de vera 


hominis felicitate, quæ plane declarant 


illum hoc egiſſe, quod docebat? Jam 
vero in explicandis rebus procul a com- 


muni ſenſu ac ſermone populari ſemotis, 


quaſque multi deſperabant Romana lin- 


gua tractari poſſe, quæ perſpicuitas, qui 
candor, quæ facilitas, quæ copia, quæ 
denique feſtivitas? Philoſophiam, que 
primum in rerum naturalium contem- 


platione occupata, procul aberat a vita 
communi, Socrates primus in terras at- 
que etiam in domos deduxiſſe legitur. 
Plato et Ariſtoteles conati ſunt eam et in 
aulas Regum, et in Senatum, et in ipſa 


tribunalia producere, M. vero Tullius 


mihi videtur eam etiam in proſcenium 
perduxiſſe, cujus opera fic loqui didicit, 


ut promiſcuum etiam vulgus poſſit ap- 
plaudere. Atque hujus generis tam mul- 
tos libros ſcripſit vir ille difficillimis tem- 
poribus, ſummoque Reipublicæ tumul- 
tu, quoſdam etiam rebus in ſummam 
deſperationem adductis. Et non pudet 
nos noſtrarum confabulationum atque 
conviviorum, quum videamus homines 


Ethnicos tam ſanctis commentationibus 


et otium, quod dabat Reipublicæ calami- 
tas, tranſegiſſe: nec ab ineptis volupta- 
tibus quæſiviſſe mentis avocamenta, ſed a 


ſanctiſſimis philoſophiz præceptis petiiſſe 


remedium! ? 


453 


A. D. 1528, a new edition of Ciceros Tuſculan Diſputations, and he prefixed 


remedium? Quid aliis accidat, neſcio; 
me legentem ſic afficere ſolet M. Tul- 
lius, præſertim ubi de bene vivendo 
diſſerit, ut dubitare non poſſim, quin 
illud pectus, unde iſta prodierunt, ali- 
qua divinitas occuparit. Atque hoc 
meum judicium mihi magis blanditur, 
quoties animo reputo, quam immenſa 
fit, quamque inæſtimabilis æterni Nu- 
minis benignitas, quam quidam ex in- 
genio, opinor, ſuo nimis in anguſtum 
contrahere conantur. Ubi nunc agat 


anima Ciceronis, fortaſſe non eſt hu- 


mani judicii pronuntiare. Me certe 
non admodum adverſum habituri ſint in 
ferendis calculis, qui ſperant illum apud 
Superos quietam vitam agere. Nulli 
dubium eſſe poteſt, quin crediderit ali- 
quod eſſe Numen, quo nihil eſſe poſſet 
neque majus, neque melius. Porro 
quid ſenſerit de animorum immortali- 


tate, quid de diverſa ſorte præmiiſque 


vitæ futuræ, tum quanta fuerit ſinceræ 
conſcientiæ fiducia, ft non ſatis decla- 


rant tot ejus libri, certe vel una “ illa 
epiſtola ſatis arguit, quam ad Octavium 


ſcribit, jam, ut apparet, deſtinata morte. 


Si Judzis ante proditum Evangelium 


ſufficiebat ad falutem rudis quzdam et 
confuſa de rebus divinis credulitas, quid 
vetat quo minus Ethnico, cui ne Moſi 
quidem Lex erat cognita, rudior etiam 


cognitio profuerit ad ſalutem, præſer- 


tim quum vita fuerit integra, nec inte- 
gra ſolum, verum etiam ſancta? Per- 


pauci Judæi ante lucem exortam Evan- 


gelii noverant exacte Filium ac Spiri- 


tum Sanctum: multi non credebant re- 


* t 7s ſpurious, 


credat, Deum, quem perſuaſum habet 


poterat cognoſcere. 


to 
ſurrectionem corporum, nec tamen ideo 


de illorum ſalute deſperatum eſt a ma- 
joribus. Quid fi Ethnicus tantum hoe 


eſſe omnipotentem, ſapientiſſimum, et 
optimum, aliqua ratione ſubventurum 
bonis, et ulturum malos, quz ipſi videa- 
tur quam maxime accommoda ? Quod 
fi quis objiciat vite maculas, equidem 
arbitror nec Job, nec Melchiſedec om- 
nibus omnino vitiis caruiſſe per omnem 
vitam. Sed excuſandum non eſt, quod 
immolavit idolis. Id fortaſſe fecit, ſed 
non ex ſuo judicio, verum ex conſue- 
tudine publica: quæ quoniam. legibus 
etiam erat confirmata, non poterat con- 
velli. Nam eſſe conficta quæ de Diis 
ferebantur, vel ex Ennii Sacra Hiſtoria 
Sed oportebat vel 
vitæ jactura populi ſtultitiam coarguere. 

Tantum roboris nec ipſis aderat Apoſto- 
lis, priuſquam hauſerant cœleſtem Spi- 

ritum, ut impudens ſit hoc exigere a M. 

Tullio. Verum hac de re liberum eſto 

ſuum cuique judicium. Ad illos craſſos 

redeo, qui præter inanem verborum tin- 

nitum, nihil magni credunt eſſe in libris 
Ciceronis. Qui fieri poteſt, ut tot res 
eruditas, tam dilucide, tam copioſe, tanto 
cum affectu explicet, niſi penitus intel- 
ligat quod ſcribit? Quis autem ſumſit 
hujuſmodi libros in manum, quin ſur- 
rexerit animo ſedatiore? Quis tam ac- 
ceſſit mœrens, qui non abierit hilarior? 
Geri videtur quod legis, nec ſecus afflat 
animum tuum quidam orationis 20 
ao ps, quam ſi ex vivo ipſius pectore, 
ac feliciſſimo illo ore manantem audires. 
Quamobrem 


OF ERASMUS. 

to it an elegant Preface, wherein, his imagination being fired by A. D. 1 528. 

the careful peruſal of that excellent treatiſe, he highly extols 

Cicero both for his ſtyle and for his moral ſentiments, and almoſt 

makes a Saint of him. Eraſmus, I dare ſay, wrote as he thought; 

and yet he might be the more inclined to expreſs himſelf in this 


ſtrong and lively manner, with an innocent view to appeaſe the 
and ſilence the calumnies of the frantic Ciceronians. 


clamour, a 


* 0k —_— on whole MOI with Eraſmus we ſhall ſpeak 


Quamobrem mihi ſpe videri ſolet, inter 


omnia, que in uſum vite mortalium 


induſtria reperit, nihil eſſe utilius, quam 


uſum literarum, nec ullam artem præ- 


ſtantiorem opificio Typographorum. 


Quid enim felicius quam cum eloquen- 


tifimis ſimul ac ſanctiſſimis viris, quoties 
lubitum eſt, confabulari ? neque , minus 


habere perſpectum illorum, qui ante tot 
annos vixerunt, ingenium, mores, oo 
gitationes, ſtudia, facta, quam ſi multis 
annis egiſſes cum illis conſuetudinem ? 
Nunquam mihi magis probatum eſt illud 


Quintiliani; Ille ſciat ſe profeciſſe, cui 


Cicero valde placere cœperit. Mihi puero 


minus arridebat Cicero, quam Seneca: 
jamque natus eram annos viginti, priuſ- 


quam ferrem diutinam ejus lectionem, 
cum cæteri pene omnes placerent. An 
ætatis progreſſu profecerim, neſcio, certe 


nunquam mihi magis placuit Cicero, 
tum quum adamarem illa ſtudia, quam 
nunc placuit ſeni : non tantum ob divi- 


nam quandam orationis felicitatem, ve 


rum etiam ob pectoris eruditi ſanctimo- 
niam. Profecto meum afflavit animum, 
meque mihi reddidit. meliorem. Itaque 


non dubitem hortari Juventatem, ut in 


hujus Hbris evolychdts atque'etiam edi 


hereafter) 


cendis bonas horas collocent benin 


quam in rixoſis ac pugnacibus libellis, 


quibus nunc undique ſcatent omnia. Me 


vero, tametſi jam vergente ætate, nec 


pudebit, nec pigebit, ſimulatque extri- 
caro me ab his quæ ſunt in manibus, 


cum meo Cicerone redire in gratiam, 


priſtinamque familiaritatem, nimium 


multis annis intermiſſam, renovare men- 


ſes aliquot. — Ep. 499. c. 1880. 


Hoc ſatis habeam, deponere me in 


ſinu eloquentiſſimi viri inimicitias cum 
eloquente viro ſuſceptas eloquentiæ cau- 


ſa: præſertim cum Eraſmus ipſe tandem 
aliquando exuerit perſonam illam elo- 
quentiæ exitiabilem, priſtinumque con- 
ſilium repudiarit. — Equidem. virum 
illum multis magniſque literariis virtu- 
tibus ornatum ſemper admiratus ſum, 
ejus. Iabores, vigilias, monumenta colui.. 


Quo factum eſt, ut gravius tulerim de- 
pravari per eum eloquentiæ inſtitutio- 


nes, quem næ ego ducem et mihi ado- 
leſcens propoſuiſſem, et liberis meis ſe- 
nex animo deſtinaſſem. — Ego vero 


ſuſtentor præclara illuſtrique conſcien- 
tia, cum id egi, quod ipſi Eraſmo pera- 


gendum aliquando adyerſum. ſeſe fuit ; 
quodque A. me inchoatum perfecit ille 
tandem, 


455 


466 


T HE LIFE 


A. P. 1528, hereafter). declared in ſome of his letters, and in his haughty 


way, that he was willing to forgive Eraſmus his blaſphemies, 
and to be at peace with him thencefor ward, for the ſake of this 
Preface, which he conſidered as a kind of penance, md . fail 
faction made to the Manes: of the Roman Orator, 


£ * - 


4 1 4 


cc ancient Rome. Read theſe words of Balzac: The accuſer of 
te Cicero, concerning whom you inquire, is the formidable Scieppiys. 
% He hath publiſhed a book at Milan, wherein he accuſeth Cicero 
« of impropriety and barbariſm. There is only one Copy of it in 


ce Scioppius did not ſpare even the moſt eloquent author 6f 


France, and Meſfieurs Dupny lent it me when Ti was at Paris, 


ce This injury done to Cicero would be matter of conſelatic on 10 Scaliger, 


*7 Scaliger) if be were to return again to us. But I expect : 
* that this fame Scioppius will give us another treatiſe, to prove 


* that Cato was a raſtal, and Julius Ceſar a Poltrom. - 75 We ſhall 
« leſs wonder at the audaciouſneſs of Scioppius in criticizing the 
« ſtyle and the phraſes of Cicero, if we conſider that in all 
times there have been cenſurers of this Father of eloquence. 
« The number of them is incredible. See the Preface of the 


A 
* 


A 
* 


« treatiſe, the eighth chapter of which is employed in anſwering 


« thoſe, who i impute folexiſms to Ne et Bayſe 8e CIOPPIUS, 
Not. K. 


Eraſmus had at this t time a | vexaticus quarrel, with Eppendorf. | 
A full account of this altercation, may be found in his n 


and i in Fler Dictionary. Tha caſe was thus _ 
| Eppendorf 


* 
1 


tandem, ut cum Cicerone rediret in publicz calamitoſam eloquentium pro- 


gratiam. Sic enim teſtatur hoc recenti ſeriptionem nova prudentia cum aut ſuſ- 
epiſtola Tuſculanis affixa Quæſtionibus. tulit, aut emendavit, attulit ſane meo 
Satis igitur mihi laudis atque gloriæ par- nomini conſolationem, &c.— An. 1536. 
tum puto, non quod tantum deturbarim F.C C. Scaliger. Orat. et Epiſt. Nr 58. 
imperatorem, ſed quod meum ille ju- J "FP. 957» 958, and 340. c. 1 730. 
dicium ſit ſecutus. Itaque ulam Rei- PPENDORE, 

2 


Cicero a calumniis vindicatus by Andrew Schott. It is a curious 


OF ERASMUS, 457 


Eppendorf got into his hands a letter from Eraſmus to George A. D. 1828. 
Duke of Saxony, in which his character was not ſpared. He 
carried his complaints to the Magiſtrate of Baſil; and the Magi- 
ſtrate, not willing to judge in that affair, committed it to arbi- 
trators, and choſe Bonifacius Amerbachius and Beatus Rhenanus, 
both of them zealous friends of Eraſmus. Eraſmus, in reply to 
the charge, ſaid that he did not acknowledge the letter to be 
his, and that it was not ſigned by him, or written with his hand. 
But yet the account which Eraſmus gives of the affair to Bili- 

baldus, would induce one to think that he dictated it. Thus 
much he owned, that he had adviſed the Duke rather to employ 
Eppendorf in ſome creditable way, than to let him live ſuch a 
lazy life. Eppendorf was not ſatisfied with this diſowning of the 
letter, but required, as terms of accommodation, that Eraſmus 
ſhould dedicate ſome book to him in token of friendſhip, that he 
ſhould write a letter of recommendation in his behalf to the 
Duke of Saxony, and, laſtly, that he ſhould give three hundred 
ducats to the poor. To the two firſt articles Eraſmus con- 
ſented ; but to the third he would not ſubmit. The arbitrators 
determined that Eraſmus ſhould be only obliged to give twenty 
franks to the poor, and that by way of free-gift, and not as a 
- compoſition injurious to his honour. So Eraſmus was obliged to 
draw up the model of a dedication to Eppendorf, and gave him 
an unſealed letter of recommendation to the Duke. Then they 
embraced each other, and promiſed mutual friendſhip. But the 
pacification was ſoon broken; for Eppendorf boaſted up and 
down, that he had reduced Eraſmus to ſubmit to terms, to which 
he himſelf would not have ſubmitted for three thouſand pounds. 
Eraſmus wrote to ſeveral of his friends, to juſtify himſelf, and 
to put a ſtop to theſe diſadvantageous rumours, and Eppendorf 
roplied by a book, printed at Hagenau in 1531. We have alſo 
two letters, wherein they quarrel together. Eraſmus * declares, 
3N that 
Ey. 1087, 1088. u Ep. 957... See allo Ep. 859. 
I 


| THE LIFE 


A. D. 1528. that he had complied, purely to purchaſe peace and repoſe, and 
to get rid of a troubleſome fellow : but he muſt have done ſome. 
thing that was not entirely juſtifiable, ſince he was condemned 
by his beſt friends to make a ſort of ſatisfaction. However, he 
was extremely angry at the Evangelics, for ſpreading rumours 
- againſt him on this occaſion; and he threatens that he would no 
longer perſevere in exhorting the Princes to treat them with 
lenity : for I ſee no way, ſays he, to put an end to theſe com- 
motions, except cruelty ; though cruelty is a ſad thing, when it 
is extended to many. Theſe ſentiments are not worthy of Era. 
mus; nor did he defend himſelf well, when he ſaid that he had 
deceived Eppendorf for his good, and with an honeſt intention, 
and that ſuch procedures were lawful, from the example of 
phyſicians, who impoſe upon their patients in like manner, and 
from the example of Chriſt himſelf. Better had he held his 
peace than defended himſelf thus, in a way which made his 
cauſe appear worſe than it really was, ſince in all probability he 
had only faid ſomething againſt a profligate and an impudent 
Bully, which he did not care to avow, although it was true. 
Vet hence it ſhould ſeem, that the generous candor and open 
ſimplicity, which adorned the youth and the manhood of Eraſ- 
mus, were ſomewhat decayed in his older days; and we ſee that 
from the time that he wanted to paſs for a defender of the 
Church of Rome, his letters are not — free from diſſimu- 
lation and cenſoriouſneſs. 

George Duke of Saxony, hearing of this altercation, wrote 2 
kind * lates to Eraſmus, in which he treats Eppendorf as a worth- 
leſs raſkal, for whom he would do nothing; and Eraſmus tells 
us that the Duke would not ſpeak to Eppendorf, or ſee him, 
when he came to beg an audience; but let him know, that he 
would have no communications with a man, who had the impu- 


dence to deny his own father, and to pretend to be, what he was 
not, of noble extraction, Roafrits 


"IRE —— Ep. 1146. 


OF ERASMUS. 


459 


Eraſmus * hath ſet him forth as one who before the quarrel A. D. 1 528, 


had been his ſecret enemy, and his pretended friend, as a liar, a 
ſhuffler, a diſſipator, a beggar, Who was deeply in debt, a licen- 


tious debauche, who had loſt his reputation, a gameſter, a man 
of conſummate vanity and impudence, who, though of a mean 


family, gave himſelf. the airs of quality. 


In the mean time, Eraſmus had the pleaſure to receive obliging 


letters from the Elector of Cologn, the King of England, and 
the Archbiſhop of Toledo. The two latter invited him to come 
to them; but he excuſed himſelf on account of his bad health, 
and he had juſt cauſe to ſhun the places where the Monks were 
powerful. He lived in much greater eaſe and ſecurity amongſt 
the Reformed, though he treated them little better than he did 
the Monks, whom it was impoſſible for him to appeaſe, as it 
appears from his letter to the Divines of Louvain, Ep. 963, 
859, &c. 


His Creerontanus provoked the Literati in France, becauſe, 
ſpeaking of eminent men in that nation, he had unluckily joined 


together Budzus, and * Badius, a Librarian, who was learned 
enough, for a man of his profeſſion, but in no manner equal to 
Budzus. Brixius wrote him, upon this occaſion, a letter of warm 
expoſtulation and Eraſmus excuſed, or rather juſtified himſelf 
in a laboured apology. But the French were ſtill generally per- 
ſuaded, that he had been influenced by ſpleen and envy to leſſen 


Budzus, who, though inferior to Eraſmus in other reſpects, was 


better ſkilled than he in Greek literature, and was extremely 
beloved and eſteemed in France. Eraſmus had a great regard for 


Badius, and committed ſeveral of his works to the care of this 


3 N 2 famous 


z See his Epiſtle to Goclenius, pre- b Bayle Baprivs. Baillet II. 261. 
fixed to the firſt Volume. Val. Andrez Bibl. Belg. p. 547. Mirzi 
Tom. I. c. 1011. See Maittaire II. Elog. Belg. p. 121. Le Clerc Bibl. 
69. A. & M. XVIII. 408. Maittaire II. 66. 


460 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1528, famous printer: and Budæus did the ſame. Poor Badius ſuffered 


the moſt in this ſilly quarrel. 


Ep. 968, 981, &c. 


In an artful and eloquent letter to his friend Fiſher, Biſhop of 
Rocheſter, a man eaten up with ſuperſtition, he defends himſelf 
and his Colloquies, which had diſpleaſed the Prelate, who wanted 
Eraſmus to make Retractations, after the manner of Auguſtin. 
I correct my works every day, ſays Eraſmus; but St. Auguſtin, 
after all his retractations, left many things ſtanding in his works, 
which if a man had advanced in our days, he muſt have paſſed 


for an heretic. 


Then he laſhes the Monks, and relates ſome of 


their © pious frauds and ridiculous miracles t to delude filly people, 


© Non pendet hodie religio Chriſtia- 
norum a miraculis, nec obſcurum eſt 
quot opiniones invectz ſunt in orbem 
per homines ad ſuum quæſtum callidos, 


confictorum miraculorum præſidio. Que 


ſunt in ſacris literis tanto firmius crede- 
mus, fi non quibuſlibet hominum fabu- 
hs crediderimus. Atque adeo jam nunc 
exoriuntur qui vetus artificium revo- 
cant. Alibi viſum eſt ſpectrum, quod 
a preſbytero flagitaret abſolutionem, quia 
citra confeſſionem deceflerat, non quod 
deeſſet voluntas, ſed quod negata fuiſſet 
facerdotis copia, Quid hic diſcimus, 
niſi abſolvi poſſe qui non confitentur, 
et poſt hanc vitam opus eſſe preſbytero 
iis quibus volentibus defuit confitendi 
facultas? Alibi parochus quidam ſub 
diem Paraſceves clam immiſit in cceme- 
terium vivos cancros, affixis ad latus 


cereolis ardentibus; qui quum reperent 
inter ſepulchra, viſum eſt noctu terribile 


ſpectaculum, nec quiſquam auſus eſt 
accedere propius. Hinc rumor atrox. 
Conſternatis omnibus, parochus e * 


But 


geſtu docet populum has eſſe deruncto- 
rum animas, que Miſſis et eleemoſynis 
flagitarent a cruciatu liberari. Fucus 
ita proditus eſt, reperti ſunt tandem 
unus et alter cancer inter rudera, facem 
extinctam geſtantes, quos parochus non 
recollegerat. Idem aliud machinatus 
eſt. Convivebat illi neptis, mulier bene 


nummata: in hujus cubiculum profunda 


nocte ſolet irrepere, lineo involucro um- 
bram mentiens. Emittebat voces am- 


biguas, ſperans fore ut mulier accerſeret 
exorciſtam, aut ipfa loqueretur. Verum 


illa nimis maſculo animo, clam rogavit 
cognatum quendam, ut unam noctem 
ſecum eſſet tectus in cubiculo. Ille vero 
fuſte armatus pro exorciſmis, ac probe 
potus, quo minus expaveſceret, occuli- 


tur in lecto. Adeſt ſpectrum ſolito more, 


neſcio quid triſte mugiens. Excitatur 
exorciſta: proſilit nondum ſobrius, ag- 
greditur; ibi ſpectrum voce geſtuque de- 
terrere parat. At ebrius ille, Si tu es, 
inquit, Diabolus, ego ſum mater illius, 
et correptum impoſtorem fuſte dolat, 

Occiſurus: 


J 
ö 
0 
bl 


OF FRASMUS. 


461 


But it is not probable that this could quite ſatisfy F iſher, and A, D. 1 1550 


ſet Eraſmus right in his opinion. 
Writing to another friend about theſe pious tricks, he ſneers 
the doctrine of * Purgatory boldly enough. 


To Martin Lipſius, a Divine of Louvain, he repeats the old 


| ſtory, or his defence againſt the Monks. Ep. 979. 


In Ep. 981 he mentions Leonardus * Aretinus, of whoſe abilities 


he ſpeaks moderately in his Ciceronianus. 
He was at this time very buſy in publiſhing an edition of St, Au- 


guſtin, and laboured for little or no profit, to ſerve Froben's chil- 
dren; elſe he declares, that he would not have undertaken ſuch 


a talk for two thouſand franks. 

It appears that he ſometimes did not refuſe to take young gentle- 
men into his houſe, as boarders. He writes to one Hermannus 
Caminga, who requeſted this favour of him. Eraſmus con- 


ſented, and told him that he admitted very few perſons to dwell 


with him, and that he ſeldom converſed with them, except at 


| meal-times, Ep. 98 57 993. 


He wrote to Albertus, Prince of Carpi, who had l a 


book againſt him, and had ſent the manuſcript to him. This 
| Prince, who had loſt his principality, was then in France, 


ſpreading a thouſand calumnies there againſt Eraſmus, who on 
his ſide was meditating a reply. It came out the next year. 


See the laſt Tome of the Works of Eraſmus. Ep. 995. 
He 


occiſurus, ni mutata voce clamaſſet, dæmonum eſſe ludibria. Eg. 974. 


Parce, non ſum anima, ſed ſum domi- Equidem pium arbitror vel orare- 


nus Joannes. Ad vocem agnitam, mu- vel ſacrificare pro defunctis: verum fi quis. 
lier exſilit e leo, pugnamque dirimit. omnino mihi naſus, de ſpectro fabula. 


| Hec præludia. Equidem ut ſemper Monachorum eſt commentum, quibus 
| Plum exiſtimavi pro defunctis vel orare adeſt mentiendi voluntas, at not ſup- 
vel ſacrificare, ita talibus terriculamen- petit facultas. Mirum in modum amant 
tis haud ſane multum tribuerim, etiamſi ignem purgatorium, quod utiliſſimus ſit 
| fucus abſit, qui vix unquam ſolet abeſſe. illorum culinis. Ep. 977. 
Certe Chryſoſtomus putat hæc omnia * Bayle Dict. AxBTIx. 


1 462 THE LIFE 

j A. D. 1528, He dedicated ſome piece to the Cardinal of Lorrain, who 

Wy ordered a very handſome preſent to be ſent to him, which yet 

i was detained by the knavery of ſome of the Cardinal's ſervants, 

10 as Eraſmus * informs him freely, though politely. But from 

1 | find th 5 ſafe at laſt to hi h 

I another letter we find that it came fafe at laſt to his hands, 

l; He was invited by Ferdinand to come and live at Vienna, 

Ii and to accept of a penſion of four hundred florins. But, as he 
3 ſays, it was like going into another world. Ep. 969. 

[4 In a letter to Gattinarius, he obſerves that Luther began to 

i" lower his fails, and make a fort of recantation : but 1 in this he 

th was" miſtaken. Ep. 967. 

bi i Gattinarius, who died in 1 530, was Chancellor to the Empe- 

if ror, a conſtant friend to Eraſmus, a wiſe and moderate man, 

il inclined to a Reformation, and greatly diſpleaſed at the violent 

1 proceedings againſt the Reformers. 8 and Eraſmus 

1 have highly extolled him. 
ji Oecolampadius, ſays he, hath taken to himſelf a wiſe, a pretty 

fl girl. He wants, I ſuppoſe, to mortify the fleſh. Some call 

191 Lutheraniſm a tragedy: I call it a comedy, where the diſtreſs 
411 | . . | 
þ| commonly ends in a wedding. Ep. 951. | 
= He 

11 I 
4 8 ; 
{ # f Ep. 964. ret, cum tamen ne unicus quidem arti- x 
# s Oneravit me tua benignitas tam culus in theſi ſua fit mutatus. — Du- n 
4 gravi ſarcina munificentiæ, ut nec in- bitandum tamen eſt, an ſatis accurate | 
17 veniam qua ratione queam aliqua ex legerit Eraſmus, quæ edita ſunt, an te- m 
4 parte reponere quod accepi, et pudeat mere potius pronunciaverit, dum ad = 
by gratias agere: pro mediocribus enim Gattinaram ſcribit : Indies miteſcit febris qi 
1: beneficiis gratias agere vulgi mos eſt. Lutherana, ades ut ipſe Lutherus de jin- 

WH Non jam loquor modo de ſplendidiſſimo gulis propemodum ſcribat palinodiam, at 

{A planeque regali tuo munere, ſed multo ceteris habeatur ob hoc ipſum hereticus et 5 
1 magis de ſingulari iſtius in me animi delirus. Quos vero intelligat per ct: 5 
id ſtudio atque favore, &c. Ep. 453. ros, divinare nequeo, nif ad Zuinglium 5 
17 c. 1841. aut Anabaptiſtas reſpiciat. Seckendvrf a 


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L. I. p. 108. 
3 Seckendorf L. II. p. 157. 


OF ERASMUS. 


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He again repreſents * Aleander as one of his moſt inveterate A. D. 1528, 


enemies. 
To his friend Vives he hints, that he did not © care to meddle 


With the affair of the King's divorce. He had received a preſent 


from a * Queen; Queen Catharine, in all probability, who was 
always kind and courteous to him. He ſays, that if he were Arbi- 


trator in that affair, he would ſooner * allow the King two wives 


than take one from him. 


To Martinus Lipſius he complains of his Theological Calum- 
niators, who declaimed againſt him from the pulpit. It was 
hardly worth his while to take ſo frequent notice of theſe inſults, 
which have been- common in all times, and will be fo, as long 


as pulpits and preachers exiſt, Ep. 979. 


He tells us a good ſtory of a Monk, who had bene many 
grievous * errors out of the Jerom of Eraſmus, miſtaking the 


N ather for the Editor; ſo that all the blows which he aimed at 


Eraſmus, 


Jam audio multis perſuaſum, ex not. | Eraſmus in his Chri/tian! Ai 
meis ſcriptis extitiſſe totam hanc Ec- oni Inſtitutio, dedicated to Queen Ca- 
cleſiz procellam: cujus vaniſſimi ru- tharine in 1 526, ſeems to have her mar- 


moris præcipuus auctor fuit Hierony- riage in view, and to n. it, when he 


mus Aleander, homo, ut nihil aliud ſays: 


dicam, non ſuperſtitioſe verax. Ejuſ- Prohiberis ducere — uxorem fratris 
dem ſententiæ videtur Albertus Carpo- « tui, fortaſſis vivo fratre: nam mortuo 
rum Princeps. Ep. 971. & fratre ſine liberis, jubetur frater ſu- 


a Negotio Jovis et Junonis abſit ut « perſtes ſuſcitare poſteritatem fratri de- 
me admiſceam, præſertim incognito. cc funqo. Et Herodes a Joanne repre- 


Citius tribuerim uni duas Junones, « henditur, qui fratris uxorem duxerat 


quam unam adimerem. Ep. 975. « „ive fratre. I, V. e. 639. 

n Ihid. eln Monafterio quodam Dominica- 
% Eraſmus, ſays Burnet, favoured norum, Prior in ſuos partitus erat meas 
the divorce, but he would not appear lucubrationes, ut ex his colligeret errata. 
in it, He had no mind to provoke Cuidam forte obvenerat Hieronymus, 
the Emperor, and live uneaſy in his Is, cui non minus ignotus erat Hierony- 
own country.” I. 92. mus quam Eraſmus, ccepit promiſcue 
Whence Burnet collected this, I know notare quicquid offenderet vel in Hiero- 


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THE LIFE 


A. D. 1528. Eraſmus, fell upon poor Jerom, who, if he had been in the 


land of the living, would have pulled the Monk by the noſe, 


for his egregious ſtupidity. 


He makes ſome pretty ? remarks on Cicerbnianiſm in two letters, 


which deſerve to be peruſed, 


nymo, vel in meis ſcholiis : ingentem 


errorum ſylvam congeſſerat ex Hiero- 


nymo. At cum in conventu proferret 
quiſque quæ notaret, hic multum laudis 
ſibi ſperabat, quod nemo plures adferret 
articulos. Tandem cordatior quiſpiam 


ſenſit hominem nullum habuiſſe diſcri- 


men inter Hieronymum et Eraſmum. 


Itaque pro ſperata laude, ludibrium re- 


tulit. Verumtamen hic caſus docuit, 


ex quovis Orthodoxo plures errores de- 


cerpi poſſe, quam ex meis libris, ſi quis 
tales animos ad illos adferat, quales illi 
adferunt ad meos. Ep. 980. | 


Morbus hic primum ex Italia duxit 
originem, nec ulli majores ibi tumultus 
concitarunt, quam qui minimum habe- 


bant Ciceronis. Neque paucos noſtra- 
tium ea lues afflare cœperat, præſertim 
illos qui nobis ex Italia redierunt. Id 


quoniam perſpiciebam vehementer in- 


utile, vel eruditioni ſolide, vel Chri- 


ſtianæ facundiz, paucorum dierum 


opella mihi ſumta eſt, ut eam ſuperſti- 
tionem ab animis juvenum depellerem, 
ab hoc ipſo quod affectatur ſubmoven- 
tem, dum et tot Auctores lectione dig- 
nos faſtidiunt, nec eum, quem unum 
ſibi proponunt, aſſequuntur, &c. 
Suſpicor iſtic eſſe #aaogvarc, quos in- 
tra ſinum urit, quod nego quicquam 


eſſe facundum, quod non ſit Chriſtia- 
num. — Verum adverſus iſtos omni, 


He 


quod aiunt, pede ſtandum eſt, qui moliun- 
tur ut ſub iſto titulo nomineque bonarum 
literarum repullulaſcat Paganitas. Si 


ſumus ex animo Chriſtiani, niki] nobis 


eruditum, elegans aut venuſtum videri 
debet, quod non ſpiret Chriſtum, quoties 


materia poſtulat. Novi quoſdam clan- 


cularios Paganitatis fautores, qui ſi mihi 
ſtomachum moverint, accipientur ut dig- 
ni ſunt. Pro Chriſto ſentient me non 
eſſe timidulum; in aliis non gravate 
concedo quibuſlibet, &c. Ep. 982. 
Multo poſt editum Ciceronianum, com- 
peri hoc ipſum argumentum fuiſſe tracta- 


tum tribus epiſtolis inter Franciſcum Pi- 


cum Comitem Mirandulanum, et Pe- 
trum Bembum; quorum alter fuſius diſ- 
ſerit, alter haud ita multum a me diſſen- 
tit. Negat enim ſe loqui, niſi de raræ 
felicitatis ingeniis: neque hic deterret a 


bonorum auctorum lectione, ſed ad unius 


Ciceronis imitationem invitat, atque 


adeo, quod eſt difficilius, æmulatio- 
nem. : 


Simul atque eodem, ut ita loquar, 
nixu nuper edidimus duos libellos ; al- 
terum de Pronunciatione, alterum de Ci- 
ceronis imitatione : quorum ille, ſicuti ne- 
minem offendit, ita minus invenit ama- 
torum: hic quemadmodum avide diſ- 
tractus eſt, ita apud aliquot non medi- 
ocrem offenſam incurrit, &c. Ep. 1008. 


OF ERASMUS. OY 
Fe gives us 2 * detail of his labours in publiſhing St. Auguſlin, 
Io the Biſhop of Liege he ſends an account of a profane 
fellow, who was firuck dead for playing the fool with the 20%. 


It is a wonder that. he would venture to TO for the truth of 


ſach a ſtory. 


In ſome of this year sletters he ame that Luther was grown 


more mild and moderate, when, as he fays, it was too late. 


quod excudant. Sed cum primis ene- 
cat Auguſtinus, quem totum emendo, 
quum in Hieronymo præter Epiſtolas 


nihil mihi ſumſerim. Hoc laboris mihi 


manibus pedibuſque recuſanti obtruſit 
felicis memoriæ Joannes Frobenius, 
quem ſic amabam, ut pernegare nihil 
poſſem, etiamſi me in foro juſſiſſet 
reſtim ducere. Is operi immortuus eſt, 


quod vereor ne me quoque abſorbeat, 


certe minimo minus exoculavit. Nul- 
lus voluminum modus aut finis, toties 
| legenda ac relegenda eadem. Et ma- 


frequenter in longum circumactæ pe- 
riodi, requirunt attentum lectorem, 
nec ſinunt vel ad momentum temparis 
dormitare. Mendarum autem tantum 
comperi, ut nemo ſit erediturus niſi con- 
ferat, nec hac de re quenquam hactenus 
queſtum eſſe mirum eſt. Nihil addidi- 
mus ſcholiorum, niſi ſicubi vocula quæ- 
piam annotanda fuit ne rurſus depra- 
vetur. Tantum mendas ſuſtulimus non 
ſine veterum præſidio codicum, mate- 


rias congruentes digeſſimus, notha pau- 
cis indicavimus, ea fide, eaque religione, 


quæ fam pio, tam erudito, tam elo- 
quenti Eccleſiæ propugnatori debetur.— 
Quod ſi dabitur huic operi ſupereſſe, tum 
æquum fuerit te non aliter Eraſmo gra- 


359 - He 
tulari, quam folemus diu deſperatis ami- 
cis e longinqua periculoſaque naviga- 


tione proram in patrium litus i impingen- 


tibus. Ep. 981. 


In pago quodam, cui nomen Vetut 


Vicus, ruſticus quidam in diverſorio dum 
Euchariſtiam irridet, ſubito exanimatus 
eſt, Rem ſic actam fuiſſe teſtes docu- 


ere. Mdituus quidam ruſticus perfere- 


bat ſcriniolum plenum panibus conſe- 
crandis quas Hoſtias vocant: huic comes 


erat alter ruſticus, qui quondam fuerat 


ædituus. Ubi ventum eſt ad vicum 


modo dictum, libuit ibi bibere. In di- 
teriarum obſcuritas, ſermonis argutia, 


verſorio petit comes ille ab ædituo hoſti- 
am dono; illo cunctante accepit, et in- 
cipit per ludibrium conſecrare: caupo- 
naria videns increpat; ille, nihil, inquit, 
tua refert, abi, apporta vinum. Ubi 
redit mulier, offendit hominem collap- 
ſum; rogat quid habeat: reſpondent ibi 
potantes in alia menſa, forſitan habet 
illum ſyncopis. Mulier adfert acetum, 


admovent, ſed fruſtra, erat plane mor- 


tuus, Hæc non eſt fabula. Feruntur 
et alii rumores, verum nolui parum com- 
perta ſcribere. Ep. 987. 

s Nunc (Lutherus) ſtultorum exem- 


plo, doctus experimentis, ita ſua mo- 
deratur, ut propemodum canat palino- | 


diam, Ep. 1004. 


8 5 


465 
A. D. 1528. 


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not, yet prudence and decency would probably have reſtrained 


ticizes the ſtyle and manner of Bembus. Le Clerc hath in- 
ſerted this letter in his Bibl. Choiſ. and hath added very good 


Gentilis, who had treated the Cardinal very ſeverely. 


THE LIFE 


He congratulates * Bembus *, for having been happily abſent 
from the ſacking of Rome. 


It is faid of Bembus, that he ſpake contemptuouſly of the 
Epiſtles of St. Paul, and that he derided the doctrine of a future 
ſtate. But, as theſe ſtories come not from the firſt hand, from 
any perſon who pretended to have heard him, we may conſider 
them as falſe, or at leaſt very uncertain rumours. If religion had 


this polite Cardinal from talking at ſuch a rate. 
Lipſius wrote an ingenious letter to Douza, in which he cri- 


remarks of his own upon Bembus, and Lipſius, and upon Scipio 


The ſtyle of Bembus is affected, and not always free from 
modern idioms: but the ſtyle of Lipſius is execrable, in his later 
compoſitions; for in his youth he wrote far better, till he fell into 

a broken, incoherent, ſententious, oracular, and figurative lan- 
guage, not through incapacity of doing better, but through an 
affected and vitiated taſte. He had a few diſciples, who imitated 
him, and wrote ten times worſe than he, becauſe they had not 
his learning, and his fancy, and vivacity; he was ingenious, and 
they were dull. 

Vincentius 


Si Lutherani abſtinuiſſent ab Eucha- T. I. p. 314 — 353. Vita Bembi per 
riſtia convellenda, Miſſa abroganda, Joann. Caſam. Caſa is a polite and 
Imaginibus tollendis, — ſperari poterat elegant Writer. This Life is to be 
lætior exitus. Nunc Lutherus tacet, found i in the Vite Bateſi 7, 


Melanchthon mitigat ; ſed ſero, ut ais, * Bembus et Sadoletus boni Porte, 
ſapiunt Phryges. Ep. 1006. Bembi ſcripta fuerunt affectatiſſima. Sca- 


Boiſfard Icon. p. 235. Pope Blount, Jiger. Son hiſtoire de Veniſe eſt tres- 
p. 390. Baillet, and La Monnoye, I. juſtement blamee par Lipſe d'eftre trop 
86, 313. II. 676. IV. 381. VI. 68. elegante. Tan. Faber. Scaliger. p. 53 
Bayle BEMBUs. Le Clerc, Bibl. Choiſ. 


OF ERASMUS, 


 Vincentius * Contarenus, a Venetian Profeſſor, was highly pro- A. D. 1528. 


voked at the ſeverity with which. Lipſius had treated the works 


of his countryman Bembus; and ſet himſelf to pull to pieces the 
worFs. of Lipſius, by way of repriſals. 


The 948th Ep. is to Joannes Cochlæus, a noiſy Divine, who 


was very active againſt the Lutherans. This man teized and 


pelted Luther with many little books; and Luther deſpiſed him, 
and treated him with inſinite contempt. But Cochlæus had the 
laſt ward, and Luther fairly gave up, * tired with _ conteſt 


and the adverſary. 


« * Zuinglius and Oecolampadius are gone the wrong way. 
« —Cochlzus i is not ſuch a Divine; he is a very ideot, therefore 


s I have hope of him. But Prince George and the Biſhop of 
„Mentz belong directly to the Devil. 


Ep. 990 is from Ludovicus Vives, and news a moſt amiable 


and Chriſtian diſpoſition. 


Ep. 991 is to * Livinus Ammonius, 4 Carthuſian Monk, and 


a —_ man. 


* Eraſmus had, for his ſeal the god Terminus, with the * 
tion Concedo nulli. Hence he was accuſed by ſome of his ſtupid 


* Relat, Gotting. V. III. Faſc. III. 


P. 251. 5 
Bayle Dit. Coch E. Secken- 
dorf I. p. 283. Thuanus L. XI. 
p. 349. 
z Luther's Collog. Menſalia, p. 280. 
a Bayle AMMONIUS (Livixvs. : 


» Quod mihi pro tuo ingenio mo- 


deſtiſſime ſignificas, idem ex aliorum 


Terminum annuli mei ſigillum in calum- 
niam vocant, vociferantes intolerabilis 
arrogantiæ eſſe, quod adjectum eſt ſym- 
bolum, Concedo nulli. — Somniant ab 


and 


Eraſmo dici Concedo nulli. Atqui fi mea 


ſcripta legerent, viderent vix quenquam 


eſſe tam mediocrem, ut illi me præfe- 


ram, citius concedens omnibus quam 


nulli. Jam qui me propius ex convictu 


familiari noverunt, quidvis vitii tribu- 


erent potius quam arrogantiam, — Sed 
fingant animum tam inſolentem eſſe 


1 ut memet omnibus anteponam, 
literis dilucide cognovi, extitiſſe qui 


etiamne tam ſtultum exiſtimant, ut id 


ſymbolo profitear? — Vident illic ſculp- 
tam imaginem, inferne ſaxum, ſuperne 


juvenem capillis volitantibus. An hc 


aliquid habet Eraſmi ? Id fi parum eft, 


1 „ident 


467 


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A. D. 1529. 


THE LIFE 
and malicious enemies of inſufferable vanity, of repreſenting him. 
ſelf as ſuperior to all mankind. The ſeal was not of his own 
contrivance, but an ancient ſeal, given him by his pupil the Arch. 
biſhop of St. Andrews, Eraſmus added the legend, and thought 
it a good ſymbolical repreſentation of Death, which every wiſe 


man ought to have before his you and for 3 he AO hold 


himſelf propre 
A. D. MDXXIX. Etat. XII. 


The Ciceronianus of Eraſmus drew upon wa ch. hs 


vence. Some were diſguſted, becauſe in that treatiſe they had 


not been complimented as much as they deſired ; and others, 
becauſe they had been bps over in filence. Of this he in- 


vident in ĩpſo ſaxo expreſſum, Terminus; 
in quam dictionem fi definas, verſus erit, 
Concedo nulli Terminus : fin hinc incipias, 
erit, Terminus concedo nulli, &c, — Hic 
forte clamabunt, Quid tibi cum fabuloſo 
Deo? Obvenit, non adſcitus eſt, Alex- 
ander, Archiepiſcopus S. Andreæ, cum 
a patre Jacobo, Scotiæ rege, Senis in 
patriam revocaretur, mihi Romam evo- 


cato, velut gratus et amicus diſcipulus, 


annulos aliquot dono dedit, habitz inter 
nos conſuetudinis pynpoouvrory, In his 
erat, qui in gemma ſculptum habebat 
Terminum. Nam hoc prius ignotum 
indicavit Italus quidam, harum antiqui- 
tatum curioſus. Arripui omen, et in- 
terpretatus ſum admoneri me, non pro- 
cul abeſſe vitz terminum : nam id tem- 
poris agebam annum circiter quadrage- 
fimum. Hzac cogitatio ne poſſet exci- 
dere, literis hoc ſignum imprimere cœpi. 


Addidi carmen, ut ante dictum eſt. Ita- 


555 forms 


que ex profano Deo feci mihi fombo- 


lum, adhortans ad vitæ correctionem: 


Mors enim vere Terminus eſt, qui nulli 
cedere novit. Atqui in fuſili imagine 


| adſcriptu um eft Grace, Oea 2 ⁰,ẽ,s 


Bis, id eſt, Specia ſinem longe vite : La- 
tine, Mors ultima linea rerum. Poteras, 
inquient, . inſeulpere defuncti cranium. 
Forſitan accepturus eram, ſi obveniſſet: 


ſed. hoc arrifit, primum quia fortuito 


contigit, deinde quod geminam haberet 


gratiam, alteram ex alluſione ad priſcam 


ac celebrem hiſtoriam, alteram ex ob- 


ſcuritate, quæ ſymbolis eſt peculiaris. 
Habes Apologiam de Termino, ſeu ve - 
rius de lana caprina. Atque utinam iſt 


tandem calumniis ſuis terminum pone- 
rent, Lubens enim cum illis paciſcar, 
ut mutem ſymbolum meum, ſi illi mu- 
tent morbum ſuum, &c. Epiſt. ad A.- 
phonſum Valdeſſum, A. 1528. Tom. X. 
S NN 


OF ERASMUS. 


forms his friend Joannes 


cated this book. He alſo draws up an * elogium of his friend 


c Melch. Adam. 
Dum amicos recenſemus, unum 


non poſtremi loci amiſimus, Jacobum 


Wimphelingum Sletftadienſem, qui qui- 
dem inter felices numerari poterat, niſi 


ſenectus illius in hoc ſeculum multo tur- 


bulentifimum incidiſſet. Nam a teneris 
uſque annis educatus gf (perhaps eſt 


ſhould be left out ) in honeſtiſſimis literis, 


primum Sletſtadii ſub Ludovico Drin- 
genbergio Weſphalo, deinde Friburgi, 
mox Heidelbergæ, Pontificii juris peri- 
tiam cum Theologiæ ſcientia non infe- 


liciter conjunxit, et alioqui nullius ho- 


neſtæ diſciplinæ rudis. Eloquentiæ vero 
tantum præſtitit tum in carmine, tum 
in oratione ſoluta, quantum vel a Theo- 
logo, vel ab illorum temporum homine 
poſſit requiri. Adſcitus Spiram, Eccle- 
ſiaſtæ munus non ſine laude geſſit. In- 
ter hæc vir pius ardens amore rerum 
cœleſtium, eoque pertæſus ſeculi, quod 
teſte Joanne, totum in malitia poſitum 
eſt, de ſeceſſu cogitavit. Ejus propo- 
ſiti conſortem habebat Chriſtophorum ab 
Utenheim, doctum pariter et caſtiſſimæ 
mtegritatis virum. Atque ut nudus ad 
nudum Chriſtum confugeret, quod erat 
Eccleſiaſtici cenſus, erat autem quod ad 
vitæ munditiem ſufficiebat, reſignavit. 


Cæterum hoc conſilium abrupit Chriſto- 


phorus ad Epiſcopi munus retractus, 
amicis ita ſuadentibus futurum, ut ſi ad 
mentem tam piam acceſſiſſet auctoritas, 
plures Chriſto lucrifacere poſſet, quam 
h fe abdidiſſet. Ille tamen (namely 


illum afflixit, 


3 


Wimphelingus) ſua paupertate lætus, 


pergebat quod inſtituerat agere, rurſus 
Heidelbergæ ſacros auQtores enarrans, et 
in his Hieronymum. Ad hc libellis 


editis et adoleſcentiam inſtituit, et ſacer- 
dotes ad pietatis caſtimoniæque ſtudium 


excitavit. Nec gravatus eſt amore pie- 
tatis, agere pædagogum aliquot magnæ 
ſpei adoleſcentibus, quorum præcipuus, 
nunc inter nobiles, doctrina, ſinceritate, 
candore, prudentia Jacobus Sturmus, 


(read Sturmius) cujus conſiliis plurimum 


debet tota pene Germania, non ſolum 
inclyta civitas Argentoratum. Nec in- 
vidia caruit hominis ſancta libertas. Ro- 
mam excitus eſt homo et ſenio et her- 


nia tardus, Monachorum Auguſtinenſi- 
um opera, quod alicubi ſeripſiſſet, Au- 


guſtinum non fuiſſe Monachum, aut 
certe non talem, quales nunc habentur 
Auguſtinenſes, quum hi tamen illum in 
tabulis ac libellis exhibeant promiſſa 


barba, nigra cuculla, et zona coriacea. 


Hoc incendium, ex minima ſcintilla la- 
tius evagaturum, Juliiſecundi preſſit auc- 


toritas, idque bonorum omnium applau- 


ſu. Præter alias adverſitates, quibus 
hominis virtus exercita fuit, hoc fatale 
totius Eccleſiæ diſſidium vehementer 


ac tantum non ad vitæ 
tædium adegit. 


ſeceſſum fruſtra tentatum, ingraveſcert- 


tibus annis egit Sletftadii, in ædibus 


Magdalenæ ſororis; ex qua nepotes 
duos, quos paterno ſemper affectu com- 
plexus fuerat, reliquit, moribus ac literts 

2 eleganter 


Itaque ſolitudinem ac 


469 


Vlattenus, to whom he had dedi- A. D. 1529. 


470 THE LIFE 


A. D. 1529, Jacobus? Wimphelingus, of Sletſtad, who died aged fourſcore 
years. There is a letter of his to Eraſmus, and a very pretty 
| anſwer from Eraſmus, which is not in our Collection, and which 
we will put in the Appendix. 

He gave a new edition of Seneca, reviſed with more labour 
and accuracy than the former, and dedicated it to the Biſhop of 
Cracow, Chancellor to the Crown of Poland. In this addreſs to 
the Biſhop, he gives a large account of this author, and adds 
many elegant and judicious remarks of the Critical kind, which 
deſerve to be carefully peruſed ; although ſome excellent Critics 
have fince laboured ſucceſsfully pn Seneca, as Lipſius, and 
J. F. Gronovius. 

He had committed the care of the former edition to a friend, 
and had dedicated it to Ruthal, Biſhop of Durham. His friend, 

for want of care or want of ſkill, made a poor edition of it, and 


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ſtatui, utrum Wimphelingi mors gra- 
tulatione dignior fit, an deploratione, 
Annum attigit pene octogeſimum, diu- 
tius etiam victurus, fi corpuſculi defici- 
entis rationem ullam habere voluiſſet 
et ſubductus eſt huic ſeculo, quo nihil 
fingi poteſt inquinatius. Poſtremo ni- 
hil addubito, quin vitæ innocenter ate 
præmiis jam fruatur apud ccelites, 
Ep. 1008. | | 

In this, and in other epiſtles, "PO 
| hath highly commended Jacobus Stur- 
mius: and fo hath Thuanus L. XII. 


p-. 377. His life is written by Melch, 


See allo Bayle STURMIVUS, 


the book was not preſented to the Biſhop in due time, by the 
4 fault of the bookſeller; and on both accounts the Biſhop con- 
' ceived a diſlike for Eraſmus, and was never perfectly reconciled 
. to him. 
14 In 
j [ eleganter inſtitutos. — Nondum tamen Wimphelingus publiſhed an edition 


of a poem of Mantuan, called Faſti Sa- 
crorum Dierum, and recommended the 
uſe of it to School - maſters. In this 
edition (which hath not fallen in my 


: way) there is a letter of Eraſmus to 


Wimphelingus, written A. 1517, and 
not inſerted in the edition of Leyden, 
wherein Eraſmus prefers Mantuan to 
Marullus, whom he abhorred as a de- 
bauched profane poet, and a very Pa- 
gan, and ſays, Malo hemiſtichium Man- 


tuani, quam tres Marullicas myriadas. 


* Melchior Adam. 


Maittaire II. 
258, 269, 601. | 


OF ERASMUS. e 

In this Epiſtle he commends * Sigiſmundus Gelenius, the cor- A. D. 1529. 
rector of Froben's preſs, who was of an ancient and honourable 

family, and not only a very learned, but, which is far better, a 

very good man, and who lived and died extremely poor, His 

father was a man of letters, and tranſlated the Moriæ Encomium 

of Eraſmus into the German language. Ep. 1010. | 
There is a memorable fact, which is ſaid to have haſtened 

te the death of Biſhop Ruthal, which, as it ſhews the treachery 

« of Cardinal Wolſey to him, I ſhall relate in the very words of 

« his * Hiſtorian : 

He was commanded by the King to write a Jok concerning the 
« flate of the kingdom, and to deliver it when finiſhed to the Card:- 
« nal, But be had written another book concerning the ſlate of his 
« own affairs, covered and ſtitebed ſo exactly after the ſame manner, 
« that one of them could not upon fight be diſtinguiſhed from the other, 

« Having ordered a ſervant to bring him a book covered with white 
« parchment, he brought that relating to the Biſhop's private affairs, 
« which, without looking in it, he delivered to the Cardinal, «obo, 
« afterward diſcovering the miſtake, vas much pleaſed ; telling the 
*« King, if his Majeſiy had occaſian for money, he might now know 
*« where to be ſupphed : for it appeared by that Prelate's own account, 
that he was worth an hundred thouſand pounds; an immenſe ſun at 
te that time. So ſoon as the Biſhop percerved his error, he was 
i ſeiZed with ſuch a grief, that it is ſaid to have ware his 


«* death. 

i CRY not ſaid, whether the King did take chris of this 
, information; but this we are fure of, that not a great while 

0 : | 
g | ce after, 
a- | | | | | | | | | 8 
£ | ' Huetius De Clar. Interp. p. 225. i There is a ſtory, not very unlike 
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Rios. Pope Blount, p. 459. Thua- man of parts, and .a vile perſecutor of 
on, us L. XIII. p. 405. the Reformed. See Bayle PR Ar, 


* Knight, p. 152. Not. C. 
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THE LIFE 'T | 
after, in the ſame net he laid for others were his own feet 
taken. For the Cardinal's whole. ſubſtance, and the vat 
treaſures he had amaſſed together, were all ſeized for the King's 
uſe, and he himſelf died with grief, Nec Lex eft zuftior ulla.— 
« Biſhop Ruthall was ſaid to be a moſt munificent benefactor 
eto the palace of Aukland, belonging to his fee; as alſo founder 
« of a Free-ſchool at Cirenceſter where he was born, giving an 
e houſe and ſeven pounds per annum for the maintenance of 2 
«© Maſter. Though he was bred at Oxford, we find him incor- 
« porated D. D. at Cambridge, of which Univerſity he was Chan- 
e cellor anno 1503, as you may ſee in Antig. Briton. where his 


0 


* 


0 


* 


* 


arms are quartered with thoſe of the See of Durham.“ 


Whilſt we deteſt the treachery of the Cardinal, we cannot 


afford much pity to the Biſhop, with his hundred thouſand pounds. 
If he had made a wiſe uſe of them, like Archbiſhop Warham, 


who had the honour and the glory to live and die poor, they 
would have been beyond the reach of the King and the Cardinal. 


Extra fortunom eft qui cquid donatur amicis : 


Quas dederis folas ſemper habebis opes. 


Even a Pagan could ſay this. 


Eraſmus publiſhed fome pieces of Chryſoſtom in Greek, and 
dedicated to other friends a treatiſe of Georgius Agricola de Me- 
tallis, and a book of Lactantius of the formation of Man, which he 
corrected from an ancient manuſcript. Ep. 1010, 101, 1514. 
101 

He now had thoughts of departing from Bafil; but knew not 
whether he ſhould repair to Spira, or to Friburg. He feared the 
laſt- mentioned city, becauſe it was too little, and becauſe the in- 
habitants, who were ſuperſtitious, would be offended at him for 
not keeping Lent, although he had a en from the Pope. 
Ep. 1017 1021. 


He 


OF ERASMUS, 473 
He mentions, amongſt his adverſaries, Titelman, whom he A. D. 1529. 
calls a vain and conceited young fellow. But Titelman was infi- | 
nitely ſuperior to Eraſmus, being a Capuchin, a Saint, and a 
worker of miracles, as Val. Andreas informs us, which was more 
than Eraſmus could pretend to do. J 
Whilſt Eraſmus was preparing an wry of | Adil the | 
Archbiſhop of Toledo: fent him a preſent; and this determined | | 
Eraſmus to dedicate that work to him. Ep. 1031, 1032, 1033. 
He deſcribes the revolution at Bafil in this year, and in the 
winter; a fuller account of which may be ſeen in“ Sleidan, and 
in other Hiſtorians. 
In the midſt of the cold denken 45 he, the war amd Idols 
grew ſo exceedingly hot, that not one poor image hath been left 
in the temples. They have alſo entirely aboliſhed the Maſs, and 
all the Eccleſiaſtical ceremonial, ſaving that they preach to the 
people; and then women and children ſing Pfalms compoſed in 
German rhymes, and they diſtribute bread as a ſymbol of the 
Lord's body. The Monks and the Nuns are commanded to quit 
their habit, or to go and live elſewhere. But hitherto no violence 
hath been committed in private houſes, and not one drop of 
blood hath been ſhed, and I hope there never will. So many 
cities in Germany and Switzerland have entered into this alli- 
ance, that, if it comes to blows, I ſhould be glad to. be far off. 
The power of Princes indeed is great : but where will you find 
ſoldiers willing to fight in behalf of Monks and Prieſts, and for 
the ſupport of their rights and profits? Ep. 1032. 
He hath repeated the ſame things, and deſcribed the ſame event 
at large in other places ; and in one epiſtle he adds ", with more 
1 humour 


. * Ep.:L0gt«: 4 | bender L. II. 8 144. Scultet, Anna- 
Du Pin. XVI. 1. Val. Andreas les, A. 1529. 

Bibl. Belg, p. 290. Mirzi Elog. Belg. Tantis autem Judibriis uſt ſunt in 

p. 62. ſimulacra Divorum, atque etiam Cruci- 


* L. VI. p. 1 156. Edi. Franc, Sec= fixi, ut mirum fit, nullum illic editum 
e ; miraculum, 


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uſe, and he himſelf died with grief, Nec Lex eft jiſtior ulla.—. 
« Biſhop Ruthall was ſaid to be a moſt munificent benefactor 
<« to the palace of Aukland, belonging to his fee ; as alſo founder 
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e arms are quartered with thoſe of the See of Durham.“ 

Whilſt we deteſt the treachery of the Cardinal, we cannot 
afford much pity to the Biſhop, with his hundred thouſand pounds, 
If he had made a wiſe uſe of them, like Archbiſhop Warham, 


who had the honour and the glory to live and die poor, they 


would have been beyond the reach of the King and the Cardinal, 


Extra fortunam ef qui quid donatur amicis: 


Vas dederis ſolas ſemper habebis opes. 


Even a Pagan could ſay this. 

Eraſmus publiſhed ſome pieces of Chryſoſtom in Greek, and 
dedicated to other friends a treatiſe of Georgius Agricola de Me- 
tallis, and a book of Lactantius of the formation of Man, which he 


corrected from an ancient manuſcript. Ep. 1010, 1011, 1014, 


1015. 


laſt- mentioned city, becauſe it was too little, and becauſe the in- 
habitants, who were ſuperſtitious, would be offended at him for 


not keeping Lent, although he had a aide from the Pope. 


Ep. 1017, 1021. 


He 


He now had thoughts of departing from Baſil; but knew not 
whether he ſhould repair to Spira, or to Friburg. Hie feared the 


Bi 


OF ERASMUS. 


calls a vain and conceited young fellow. But Titelman was infi- 
nitely ſuperior to Eraſmus, being a Capuchin, a Saint, and a 
worker of miracles, as Val. Andreas informs us, which was more 
than Eraſmus could pretend to do. 


Whilſt Eraſmus was preparing an edition of FP OY the 


Archbiſhop of Toledo fent him a preſent; and this determined 


Eraſmus to dedicate that work to him. Ep. 1031, 1032, 1033. 
He deſcribes the revolution at Baſil in this year, and in the 
winter; a fuller account of which may be ſeen | in ® Sleidan, and 
in other Hiſtorians. 
In the midſt of the cold went 17 he, the war n Idols 
grew ſo exceedingly hot, that not one poor image hath been left 
in the temples. They have alſo entirely aboliſhed the Maſs, and 
all the Eccleſiaſtical ceremonial, ſaving that they preach to the 
people; and then women and children ſing Pfalms compoſed in 
German rhymes, and they diſtribute bread: as a ſymbol of the 
Lord's body. The Monks and the Nuns are commanded to quit 
their habit, or to go and live elſewhere. But hitherto no violence 
hath been committed in private houſes, and not one drop of 
blood hath been ſhed, and-I hope. there never will. So many 
cities in Germany and Switzerland have entered into this alli- 
ance, that, if it comes to blows, I ſhould be glad to. be far off. 
The power of Princes indeed is great : but where will you find 
ſoldiers willing to fight in behalf of Monks and Prieſts, and for 
the ſupport of their rights and profits? Ep. 1032. 

He hath repeated the ſame things, and deſcribed the ſame event 
at large 1 in other places; ; and i in one epiſtle he adds ®, with more 
1 * humour : 


* Ep. 1031. te wade E. U. . 744 Scultet. Anna- 
Du Pin. XVI. x. Val. Andreas les, A. 1529. 

Bibl. Belg. p. 290. Mirzi Elog. Belg. © Tantis autem ludibriis af ſunt in 

p. 02. ſimulacra Divorum, atque etiam Cruci- 

2 L. VI. p. 156. Edit. Franc. Sec= fixi, ut mirum fit, nullum illie editum 

miraculum, 


473 
He mentions, amongſt his adverſaries, | Titelman, whom he A. D. 1529. 


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THE LIFE 


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and even of the Crucifix, with ſuch ſcorn and mockery, that it 
is a ſurpriſing thing that no miracles ſhould have been wrought 
upon the occaſion ; eſpecially fince the Saints in former days uſed 
to be very touchy, and to perform them moſt copiouſly and 
ſeverely, upon the ſlighteſt provocations. As to the mildneſs and 
forbearance of Chriſt and of the Virgin Mary, that is not 
to be wondered at. 


It is to be ſuppoſed that the 1 images, the fragments, and the 
reliques of the Saints wrought juſt as many miracles in the days 
of Eraſmus, as in the days of his anceſtors: but where the 
vouchers of thoſe wonders could no longer perſecute and maſſacre 
thoſe who laughed at them, there the miracles ceaſed of courſe, 

He wrote at this time large apologetical letters, and ſad com- 
plaints, that he was hated and attacked with impunity by all ſorts 
of people. He makes ſome mention of the * Anabaptiſts, and of 

a certain Fanatic of that ſect, who was burnt. He candidly 
i obſerves, 


miraculum, quum olim tam multa ſo- innocentia præ cæteris commendantur, 
leant edere vel leviter offenſi Divi. ſed a reliquis quoque ſectis opprimuntur, 
Ep. $648; -- © non ſolum ab orthodoxis. Ep. 1033, 
Czterum in aras, ſtatuas, et picturas 1035. 
ad internecionem uſque ſævitum eſt, y Accidit hic quiddam, Democritine 
crudeliter quidem, fed citra ſanguinis riſu, an Heracliti lacrimis dignius, tu 
effuſionem. Porro, quum legamus di- judicabis. Sacrificus quidam huc adve- 
vum Franciſcum in rabiem egiſſe, qui nit, is ſimulatque hoſpiti ſuo pecunio- 
ridebant quingue vulnera, quum alios lam, quam debebat, numeraſſet, Vale, 
Divos narrent horrendis exemplis ultos inquit, et age pœnitentiam: moxque 
multorum irreligiofas voces, hic mihi progreſſus in publicum, exhibuit nobis 
ſubiit mirari, neminem e tam multis alterum Tefpouor, clara et articulata 
eſſe, qui tantæ ſtragis auctores ulciſce- voce, ſerio vultu clamans, Agite pœni- 
retur: nam de Chriſti et beatæ Virginis tentiam, imminet vobis manus Domini. 
manſuetudine non miror. Ep. 1069. Cum hoc præconio complures dies per 
* Anabaptiſtæ, tametſi magno ſunt omnes civitatis vias obambulavit. In- 
ubique numero, tamen nuſquam obti- greſſus ſummum templum, ccepit in cor- 
nuerunt propriam Eccleſiam. Hi vitæ ruptam Canonicorum vitam detonare. 
| | Id 


OF ERASMUS. 


obſerves, that many of the Anabaptiſts had then the reputation of A. D. 1529. 


being very ſober and inoffenſive in their life and manners. » Seve- 


put to death this year. 


ral of theſe men, and alſo many Lutherans and Zuinglians, were 


He had received a preſent from the Archbiſhop of Toledo ; he 
returns him * thanks for it, and promiſes to diſtribute part of it 
to his fellow-labourers in the edition of St. Auguſtin. 


$5.2; AI, 


Id ridebant plerique, negligebant alii. 


Tandem ingreſſus dicitur et Oecolam- 


padianorum templa, et in hos multo 
tum liberius tum atrocius vociferatus eſt, 
identidem animarum interemtores ap- 


pellans. Interpellavit illum quidam, 


Heus tu, -vocas ad pcenitentiam, ede 
quid nobis cenſes agendum, et quibus 
modis fit placandus Deus. Ibi, veluti 


numine afflatus, Gorgoneis oculis intui- 


tus percunctatorem, Phariſæe, inquit, 
quid me tentas? non aliud juſſit me 
loqui Spiritus. Dicitur et in monte 
Pellicardi TegSpopor egille, quum nec 
lic quenquam reperiſſet, cui Jiberet 
agere pœnitentiam, ipſe tres menſes 
concluſus carcere, pro omnibus pœni- 
tentiam egit. IIlinc dimiſſus, juxta 
præceptum Evangelicum, excuſſo pedum 


pulvere, huc demigravit, ubi quum multo 


minus arrideret nomen pcenitentiz, duci 
Juſſus eſt in carcerem. Quum ducere- 


tur, nihilo ſegnius clamabat, Agite pœ- Z 
nitentiam. Alter ſatellitum, Ni taces, 


inquit, improbe, hunc pugnum ingeram 
in os. IIle tanto magis clamabat, Agite 
pœnitentiam. Quid actum fit in car- 
cere, non liquido ſcitur. Dimiſſum 
conſtat, hac lege, ne redeat in ditionem 


\ | 
hujus Reipublice. Mox, ut accipimus, 
contulit ſe Luceriam, quæ civitas ſic eſt 


infenſa novis ſectis, ut non alia magis. 


Illic aliquot diebus edꝗ c functus offi- 
cio, in hoc quoque retulit nobis Joan- 
nem Baptiſtam, quod conjectus eſt in 


vincula, in illo diſſimilis, quod ille de- 
collatus, hic exuſtus eſt; nimirum quod 


Baptiſtam male repræſentaret Anabap- 
tiſta. Quæ ſecta quum magis inviſa ſit 
Principibus quam ulla cæterarum, prop- 


ter anarchiam et rerum communionem, 
quam prædicare dicuntur, tamen nec 


templum habent uſquam, nec regnum 
moliuntur, nec ulla vi ſe tuentur; et 


habere dicuntur multos moribus longe 


ſincerioribus quam cæteri. Ep. 1044. 


Gerard Brandt hath given an ample 
account of the Anabaptiſts in his 
Hiſtory, Vol. JI. 


v Seckendorf L. II. p. 145. 


1 Munus, quod tua benignitas ultro 


voluit Auguſtino renaſcenti largiri, cum 
his partiar, qui conferendis exemplari- 
bus, quo labore nihil moleſtius, no- 
ſtram induſtriam nonnihil adjuverunt. 


Ep. 1033. 


473 


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476 THE LIFE 
About the end of April he departed from Baſil to go to * Friburg, 
whither he had ſent the moſt valuable of his effects. King Fer- 
dinand had given him a paſſport and a patent, and had invited 
him to his court. The Magiſtrates and the Miniſters of Baſil, 
though as Proteſtants they had the leſs reaſon to be fond of him, 
yet endeavoured to retain him amongſt them, becauſe of the 
honour, which, as an inhabitant, he did to their city. But the 
apprehenſions of being accuſed by the Romaniſts of colluſion, 
and of having had an hand in the Revolution, made him quit the 
place where he had fo long dwelt. At Friburg he had * apart- 
ments allotted to him in a houſe belonging to the King, but 
not entirely fitted up. Ep. 1066, 1074. 
Louis Berquin was now burnt at Paris for religion. Eraſmus, 
in Ep. 1048, ſpeaks with much reſerve of this cruel and tragical 
affair; but afterwards, 1 in another letter, he adventured to praiſe 


— 


A. D. 1529. 


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r He lived at Friburg ſeven years, 
toto ſeptennio, ſays Beat. Rhenanus De- 
dicat. Origenis. But Eraſmus went to 
Friburg A. 1529, and returned to Baſil 


him, 


commutavit, exuſtus Lutetiæ in Gravia, 


De cauſa nihil certi hactenus potui cog- 
noſcere. Tantum audivi Judicibus duo- 


decim delegatam pronunciandi auctorita- 


armati 


. A. 1535; which will not make ſeven tem. Quum inſtaret dies, hominem 5 
| years, unleſs you count incluſively. fuifle traditum carceri. Hoc parum fe- 
ww s Notatu vero digna ſunt, quæ p. 120, lix augurium. Pronunciatum eſt, ut ex- | 
ä * ſeu in quodam epiſtolio, de Eraſmo Ro- uſtis libellis et abjuratis articulis, lingua 
105 terodamenſi magnifice a Friburgenſibus illi ferro perfoderetur, mox perpetuo car- 

excepto, narrat Franciſcus a Burgundia ceri dederetur. Is audita præter exſpec- 
Faleſius. Act. Erudit. XX. 85. Cre- tationem atroci ſententia, Regem ap- l 
nii Animadv. Pars Quarta. : pellavit et Pontificem. Judices indigne 7 
Friburgi religio quidem vigebat Pon- ferentes appellandi verbum ; Si non reci- L 
tificia ſed aliarum tamen artium, et lin- pis, inquiunt, hanc ſententiam, efficie- c 
guarum ſtudia, Eraſmi imprimis opera, mus ne poſthac quoquam appelles; et = 
non infeliciter tunc erant inſtaurata. poſtridie pronunciarunt illum flammis 0 
Melth. Adam. Vit. Strigelii. | tradendum. Ajunt primum articulum t. 
t Du Pin XIII. 175. See alſo p. 21 12, fuifle, quod ſcripſiflet in rem eſſe pietatis, ri 
219. Beza Icon. Bayle BER MUIN. ut facri Libri in ſinguam vulgarem tran- le 
Amcenitates Literariæ T. IX. p. 651, ſlati legerentur a populo, id quod Sena- ci 
Ludovicus Berquinus vitam morte tus fieri vetuerat. Adhibiti ſunt ſatellites ni 


armati ſexcenti, qui cohiberent fi quid 
oriretur tumultus. Hæc qui retulit, 
præterea nihil certi potuit adferre, niſi 
quod aicbat Guilhelmum Budæum, 


unum, opinor, e Judicum numero, tri- 


duo priuſquam damnaretur, privatim 
egiſſe cum Berquino, ut ab inſanis, ut 
aiebat, erroribus reſipiſceret.— Montius 
noſter, cujus religioſam noſti fidem, ni- 
hil aliud auſus eſt ſcribere, niſi quod 
oculis ſuis cominus vidit: aderat enim 
valde vicinus, quum curru veheretur ad 
ſupplicii locum. Nec vultu nec ullo 
corporis geſtu dedit ullum animi per- 
turbati ſpecimen. Dixiſſes illum in mu- 
ſeo de ſtudiis, aut in templo de rebus 
ceeleſtibus - eogitare, Ne tum quidem 
cum carnifex truculenta voce erimen ac 
ſupplicium pronunciaret, quicquam de 
vultus conſtantia mutare viſus eſt. Juſſus 
de curru deſcendere, nihil cunctatus 
deſcendit alacriter: nec erat tale quic- 


quam in ee vel audaciæ, vel ferociæ, 
quale in maleficis nonnunquam gignit 
Relucebat in eo mentis 
Ante 
mortem verba fecit ad populum, ſed 


immanitas. | 
ſibi bene conſciæ tranquillitas. 


unde nemo quiſquam potuit aliquid per- 


cipere ; tantus erat ſatellitum fremitus, 


quem data opera putant excitatum ſuiſſe. 
Quum ad palum præfocaretur, nullus e 
turba acclamavit nomen Jeſu, quod par- 
ricidis etiam et facrilegis acclamari ſo- 
let. Sic omnium animos in illum ex- 
citarant, qui nuſquam non adſunt, et 
nihil non punt apud ſimplices et im- 


peritos. 
miones iſtos laceſſito. 
ciſcanus quidam, quem adiit Montius, 


flamma vocem 


OF ERASMUS. 


him, and alſo to condemn his infamous perſecutors. They who A. D. 1 529. 
hall read all the TAS e m wrote n this mnt wie find 


Aderat illi Fran- 


rem expiſcaturus num vel moriens agno- 
viſſet errorem. Is aiebat agnoviſſe, aſſe- 


verans ſe nihil omnino dubitare quin 


anima illius tranſierit in quietem. At 


ego Franciſcani dictis nihil habeo fidei, 
præſertim quum hoc ſit iſtis ſolenne, 


poſt exſtinctum hominem ſpargere rumo- 


res, quod in incendio cecinerit palino- 


diam, quo ſimul et vindicatæ religionis 
laudem auferant, et multitudinis invidi- 
am calumniæque ſuſpicionem effugiant. 
Nam quum Bruxellæ primitias immo- 
laſſent exuſtis duobus Monachis Au- 
guſtinenſibus, tertio in carcerem reducto, 


et clam interfecto, quum mira conſtantia 


mortem oppetiſſent, quæ res Judicibus 
gravem movebat invidiam, ſparſerunt 
ridiculam fabulam, unum ex illis appa- 
ruiſſe cuidam Auguſtinenſi, qui nunci- 
aret animas illorum eſſe incolumes, quod 
in extremis reſipuiſſent, videlicet jam in 
ipſo incendio: 
Virginis matris. — Rogatus carnifex, ec- 
quam peœnitentiæ vocem edidiſſent in 
rogo, negavit, ſed quum ducerentur ad 


palum, clara voce teſtati ſunt ſe mori 


Chriſtianos, et alligati palo, admoto igni, 
canere 
Doxologiam, Te Deum laudamus, donec 
intercluderet. Habes 


Berquini fatum, cui mihi natus fuiſſe 
videtur. De cauſa, quoniam mihi pror- 
ſus ignota eſt, non | babeo quod pronun- 

ciem. 


Eat nunc qui volet, et Phor- 


idque factum precibus 


cceperunt Symbolum fidei, mox 


477 


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THE LIF E 


A. D. 1529. him ever uniform! in ſpeaking againſt the Monks; but, with rela- 


tion to the Lutherans, blaming them for the moſt part, and yet 
ſometimes dropping expreſſions in their favour. He fays that he 
had, to the utmoſt of his power, diſſuaded Berquin from con- 


: tinuing to wage war with the Divines, and exhorted him to retire 


into Germany ; but that the poor man, who had an amazing 


courage and intrepidity, always imagined that he ſhould get the 


better "of his enemies. Eraſmus declares, that he cannot approve 


the practice of putting men to death for all ſorts of errors; and 


adds, that he could approve the pious intention of the French, 


if they had as much of ſpiritual diſcernment, as they had of 
pronenels | to ſuperſtition. But, if that had been the caſe with 


- 


ciem. Si non commeruit ſupplicium, 


doleo; ſi commeruit, bis doleo : ſatius 


eſt enim innocentem mori quam nocen- 
tem. IIlud non dubito, quin ſibi per- 


ſuaſerit eſſe pia quæ defendebat, Hinc 


illa vultus tranquillitas. Ex his, qui 
propiorem cum illo habuerunt conſue- 


tudinem, diligenter ſciſcitatus ſum de 


ſingulis. Erant autem alioqui, quod 
ad cauſam attinet, Berquino parum 
æqui, qui aiebant illum annos natum 


plus minus quadraginta, laicum ac coe- 
libem, fed vitz adeo puræ, ut ne ru- 


muſculus quidem impudicitiæ fit unquam 
in illum exortus ; mire benignus in ami- 
cos et egenos, conſtitutionum ac rituum 
Eccleſiaſticorum obſervantiſſimus, puta 
præſcriptorum jejuniorum, dierum ſa- 
crorum, ciborum, miſſarum, concio- 
num, et ſiqua ſunt alia, quæ cum pieta- 
tis fructu recepta ſunt. Alieniſſimus ab 
omni fuco, ingenio libero ac recto, 
quod injuriam nec cuiquam facere vellet, 
neque a quoquam perpeti poſſet, dun- 
taxat inſignem. Ab inſtituto Lutheri 
I - 


them, 


plurimum abhorrebat. Quid multis ? 
Negabant quicquam efle in vita, quod 
non deceret Chriſtianam pietatem. Hoc 


aiebant in eo crimen eſſe graviſſimum, 
quod ingenue præ ſe ferebat odium in 
moroſos quoſdam Theologos, ac Mona- 


chos non minus feroces quam ſtolidos. 
In hos palam debacchabatur, nec ſto- 
machum ſuum diſſimulare poterat. — 
Mox ex libello, quem opinor ediderat, 
decerptæ ſunt aliquot ſententiæ, quæ 


viderentur ad fidei negotium, ac perinde 


ad Theologorum cognitionem pertinere. 


Erant quantum memini hujus fere gene- 
ris; In concionibus incongrue beatam 


Virginem invocari pro Spiritu Sancto, 
nec apte vocari fontem omnis gratiæ; 
et in cantico veſpertino, præter Scrip- 


turarum conſuetudinem, appellari ſpem 


et vitam noſtram, quum hæc magis qua- 
drent in Filium, &c, — Tantum habut 
quod de Berquino ſcriberem, qui ſi de- 


ceſſit cum bona conſcientia, quod admo- 
dum ſpero, quid eo felicius? Ep. 1060. 


OF ERASMUS. 


them, they would never have burnt honeſt men for differences in A. D. 1529. 


religion. He fays alſo of that nation, that hitherto they had 
performed the functions of true and truſty ſlaves to the Roman 
Pontif. Yet we may obſerve, that in point of perſecution 
Charles V had even outdone them. He concludes, that they 
deſerved to have excellent Princes, ſince they faithfully * obeyed 
ſuch as they had, of whatſoever kind they were. 


He dedicated to the Duke of Cleve two treatiſes of St. Ambroſe, 


which had not been publiſhed before. The Prince returned him 
thanks, and ſent him a cup. Ep. 1062, and 353. c. 1744. 

Antonius Fuggerus, whoſe family hath been illuſtrious by its 
liberalities to men of letters, made * great offers to Eraſmus, and 
ſent him a ſilver cup. Ep. 1064, 1043. 

« * The Fuggeri, celebrated German Merchants, to teſtify 
« their gratitude to Charles V, who had done them the honour 
* to lodge at their houſe, when he paſſed through Augſburg, 
« one day, amongſt other acts of magnificence, laid upon the 
_ © hearth a large bundle of cinnamon, a merchandize then of 

great price, and lighted it with a note of hand of the Emperor 
for a very conſiderable ſum which they had lent him.” 

Beatus Rhenanus, in a letter to a friend, hath given a deſcrip- 


tion of the magnificent houſes, or rather palaces, of Antonius 


and Raimundus Fuggerus. Centur. Epiſt. Goldaſti, Ep. 50. p. 195. 
Luther takes notice of the amazing wealth of theſe merchants, 


who could upon occaſion raiſe more money than any Prince 1 in 
Europe, Collog. Menſal. p. 86. | 


e 


3 Digni Principibus optimis, qui, et quotannis tantundem, fi voluiſſem me 
qualeſcumque contigerunt, bona fide conferre Auguſtam: egi gratias et excu- 


ſewiunt, ſavi. Ille, paulo poſt, acceptis literis 
Bayle Dia. Fucctr. Burckhard meis, miſit poculum inauratum perquam 
Comm, de Vit. Hutt. p. 198. elegans, pretio, ni fallor, quadraginta 


Antonius Fuggerus, priuſquam Ba- florenorum. Ep. 350. c. 1742. 
fleam relinquerem, per proprium nun- * Bayle Dit, CHARLES-QUINT, 
eium obtulit pro viatico centum florenos, Not. F. F. 


479 


.... K ans Lon s > 


* 
vt 
(v3 
p 
1 
. 5 
1 
7 
of 
4 
Mi 
1 
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uy 
N 
# 
f 


S ͤ ͤ— ERR, — — 


4.80 


A. D. 1529. 


THE LEFE 
Eraſmus could not obtain the payment of Bis penſion from the 
Emperor, though mountains of gold were offered to him, if he 
would repair to Brabant, where he had no inclination to go. 
This was made a pretext for withholding his ſtipend: but if he 


bad complied, he would probably have found the ſame delays 


and difficulties. It ſeems to be by a certain Fg ads * 
that the Emperor's Court is ever in a ſtate of poverty. 

This year he publiſhed St. Auguſtin, and the 108 th letter is 
a dedication to the Archbiſhop of Toledo, and a warm encomium 
of Auguſtin, who doubtleſs had his good qualities and his merits, 
as well as his defects; but who, as an Author, hath done more 
harm than good to the Chriſtian world. 

Eraſmus had formerly projected to publiſh all the works of 
Auguſtin, by his own labour, and by that of his learned friends, 
to whom he would have allotted their ſeveral parts. But the 


Dominicans began to rail at the undertaking ; ſots and gluttons, 


ſays he, and born not for the pen, but for the plough-tail. De- 


ferring therefore his ſcheme at that time, he wrote a Preface to 


the. Books De Civitate Det, explained and corrected by L. Vives. 

Ep. 4 56. c. 1844. 
He now publüchel a ſmall tract, which was leſs to his 3 
namely a letter amongſt his da intitled, * Epiſtola Def. 
Eraſini 


» Videtur hoc eſſe quodam modo 


fatale aulte Czfarex, ſemper egere. Di- 
cas eſſe Danaidum Dolium. Ep. 1066. 
Auguſtinus eſt magnus diſputator, 


ſed non interpretatur bene Scripturam, 


e p. 40. 


eſt ineptus ſæpe, &c. 
See Huetiana, p. 24. 


4 Eraſmus Note adams qui Baſilea | 
relicta, propter mutatam religionem, et 


vitandæ ſuſpicionis cauſa, Friburgum ſe 


Novembri menſe libellum edit, qui titulo 


tur eſſe factus deterior. 


quidem inſcriptus eſt contra quoſdam 


qui-ſeſe falſo jactant Evangelicos : reve- 
ra autem totum ordinem perſtringit. 
Nam inter alia multa, nullum ſe no- 
viſſe dicit ex illis, qui non ſeipſo videa- 
Huic deinde 
ſeripto reſpondent Argentinenſes Theo- 
logi, quoniam de illis potiſſimum et Ba- 
ſilienſibus ille tractaverat, imprimis au- 


tem de Bucero. Sleidan L. VI. p. 163. 
receperat, Ferdinandi regis oppidum, 


Evangelici ad unum omnes mire hoc 
anno fuerunt deformati eo libello quem 
| | Eraſmus 


OF ERASMUS. 


addreſſeth it to one whom he calls Vulturius Neocomus, and 
whoſe true name was Gerardus Noviomagus, formerly his good 


friend, but his enemy from the time that he had flattered the 


Roman party. The cauſe of this expoſtulation of Eraſmus was, 
that ſome of the Evangelics, in ſome of their writings, had pro- 
duced paſſages from thoſe of Eraſmus, which ſeemed to favour 
them and their cauſe; as for example, that it is unlawful to put 
heretics to death. Eraſmus was afraid leſt Francis, and Charles, 
and Ferdinand, and George, and Henry VIII, and other perſe- 
cuting Princes, ſhould ſuſpect that he condemned their cruel 


conduct; and therefore he now began to maintain, that there 
were certain heretics, who might be put to death, as blaſphe- 
The good man did not conſider, that if he 


mers and- rioters. 
had been ſeized himſelf as an heretic, and the Monks had ſat in 
judgment upon him, he would infallibly have been pronounced 
one of thoſe heretics, who deſerved death, T his treatiſe i is written 


3 Q. : with 


Eraſmus | in gratiam Cæſaris ex lala in fuerant, niſi Lutherus exortus eſet, 
Germaniam adventantis ſcripſit. — Scri- © ac ſtudia hominum alio traxiſſet. 
bit ibidem ſalſe Melanchthonem Lutherum ©* Tota illa trageedia meet Jeimve uveaxy 


ſegui, tanguam Aten Lite, componere ſtu- ec ab ipſo nata videri poteſt. Quam non 
dens quad illa turbavit. 
Hæc Eraſmus, immemor ſui ipſius, et illius factioni, quam nos hic con- 
hoc eſt, præclari judicii hine inde de ſtantiſſime improbavimus ! Que litera 
Evangelicorum virtute et pietate in ſerip- in libris eſt magnopere digna viro 
tis ſuis lati. « Chriſtiano de Juſtificatione, de jure 


ce iniquus eſſe videri alicubi poſſit Ario 


Melanchthon a Joachimo Camerario 
monitus, ut ne quid amplius literarum 
daret ad Eraſmum, reſpondit, ſe morem 
illi geſturum. Et ſcis (inquit) me 
e antea non magnopere ambiviſſe ejus 
«* amicitiam. Vide quantum judicii fit 
4 noſtris inimicis. Illum amant, qui 


„ multorum dogmatum ſemina in libris 
e ſuis ſparſit, quæ fortaſſe longe gravi- 
«* ores tumultus aliquando execitatura 


„ Magiſtratuum? Scultet. Annal. ap. 


Von der Hardt, P. V. p. 151. 


Or rather Gerard Geldenhaur. Bayle 
hath given a large account of this man, 
and of his altercations with Eraſmus, 


who hath uſed Geldenhaur very roughly, 


and who in this controverſy is ſometimes 
in the right, and ſometimes in the wrong, 


GELDENHAUR, See alſo Melch, Adam. 


481 


Eraſini Nor. contra gugſdam, qui fe falſo jactant Euangelicot. He A. D. 1529. 


482 HE LIFE 


A. D. 1 529. with great acrimony, and the ſyſtem of religious politics, which 
it contains, is good for nothing. As in it he defames all the 
Evangelics in general, and ſays all the evil of them that he could 
deviſe, the Miniſters of Stratſburg publiſhed a reply to it. 

He drew up a laboured defence of himſelf againſt the i imper- 
tinent cenſures of Stunica. Ep. 1055. 

He had ſome defire *, even in his old age, to 8 Italian 
more perfectly, for probably he * have known a little of that 
language. 2 

He gives an account to bis friend Bilibaldus of his 5 departure pe 
from Baſil, and thanks him for his preſent of a cup, and of a 
ring. Ep. 1066. 


Ep. 1071 is to Janus nen a learned phyſician, who 
had ſpent a your at Baſil. 

He writes to \ Matyares Roper, the learned and ingenious 
daughter of Sir Thomas More ; ; and ſhe returned an anſwer, 
Ep. 1075 and 352. c. 1743. 

In a letter to his patron Montjoy, be thanks Queen Catharine 
for a preſent which ſhe had ſent him, and ſays, If my health 
were, but tolerable, I ſhould now want neither income nor 

dignity : but, as I remember your Lordſhip uſed to ſay, Fortune 
offers a man bead, when he hath no teeth to chew it, Ep. 1077, 


Better 


Ubi prodierit opus tuum, rem ad- "aliifque e dodi 0 Io con- 
prime gratam feceris, fi codicem unum fluebant. Melch. Adam Vit. Cornarii. 
miſeris, ut et ipſe diſcam Etruſce ur. 1 Crenius hath given us a pretty 
Ep. 1050. | emendation made by. this Lady upon a 

Abiturus eſt et Eraſmus ; ; id factu- corrupted paſſage of Cyprian, The 

rus nimirum in gratiam Principum, qui- words are; ; 
bus devinctus eſt: ſed non perpetuo , Abſit enim ab Eccleſia 1 vigo- 
aberit, ut opinor. Oecolampadius Epiſt. rem ſuum tam profana facilitate dimittere, 


p. 835. et niſi vos ſeverilatis, ee fidet majeſiate, 
F.. venit in familiaritatem tunc 4; 1//olvere. 
non Sen Eraſmi, ſed et qui ad Eraſ- She corrected it ner vos. Animadv. 


mum ſalutandi cauſa, ex Italia, Gallia, Phil. Nas 1699. 
2 


O36 
e. g 


OF ERASMUS. 
Better late than never. | Hath literature been thy choice and thy A. D. 1529. 
occupation £ ? (faith a certain Author) and haſt thou food and raiment ? 


Be contented : be thankful : be amazed at thy good fortune. Art 
thou diſſatisfied, and defir ous of other things? Go, and make twelve 


votes at an Election. 


I ſhall do thee more ſervi ce than fo make a 


Commentary on the twelve Minor Prophets. 
Eraſmus, in a letter to Botzem, * defends himſelf laſt the 
cavils of a young Franciſcan, who had attacked his New Teſta- 


ment. 


What pity Was it, that he ſhould have thrown away 


anſwers. upon ſuch antagoniſts! Ep. 1078. 

In a letter to Stibarus, he ſpeaks of a preſent, which he hel 
received from that young gentleman, whom he hath A com- 
mended in other places. Ep. 181. 

To Alciat he gives an account of a converſation with Longo- 
lius, which is pictureſque, and ſets forth the ſolemn gravity and 
formal vanity of this young Ciceronian, who died! in the flower 


of his age. 


K See Tom, IX, e. 96. 
Longolium immatura morte præ- 
reptum ſane doleo.Quum Lovanii nos 
inviſeret, hominem quanta per occupa- 
tiones licuit, humanitate tractavi. Nec 
divinare poſſum unde hoc ſtomachi in 
me conceperit, niſi quod conjecto duas 
fuiſſe cauſas. Quum expetiſſet ſecre- 
tum colloquium, dedi. Exorſus pro- 
lixam fabulam quomodo Romæ in Ca- 
pitolio cauſam dixerit, magno capitis 
periculo; hie, opinor, viſus ſum parum 


attentus, præſertim quum ſerio vultu 


ſubinde repeteret, admonens ut ejus fa- 
cinoris alicubi meminiſſem in ſcriptis 
meis. Reſpondi, ut ſoleo in re quæ 
mihi leviter eſt cordi. Hoc illum, opi- 
nor, male habuit. Deinde nonnizil 


lebat depravata. 
rat totum diem inſumere, niſi ego per- 
tæſus, pro mea ſimplicitate, ſermonem 


1 


expoſtulavit mecum de epiſtola quadam 


ipſius inter meas excuſa, in qua confert 
me cum Budzo.—Quum oftenderet quæ 


perperam eſſent excuſa, ſic mutavit quæ- 
dam, ut meliora fuerint quæ videri vo- 
Et in hac re decreve- 


abrupiſſem. — Prorſus in illo deſidero 
candorem. Nam geloriz cupiditatem 


ignoſcerem ætati, in fuiſſet immodica; 


ſed hoc vitii vel correxiſſet, vel certe 
mitigaſſet ætas. 
cum egit, nunquam vidi hominem vel 
leviter ſubridentem, ne in conviviis qui- 
dem: quæ res mihi ſane non mediocri 
fuit admirationi. Et tamen in Epiſtolis 


nonnunquam conatur eſſe feſtivus, ne 


3Q 2 


pa rum 


Toto triduo, quo me- 


483 


484 
A, D. 1329. 


Cicero, 


THE LITER 

His letter to Sadolet is very . elegantly rein, „ and fi to be 
ſent to ſo polite a writer. Ep. 1085. 

This year the Reformed in Germany got the name of = Pro- 
leſlants, and the ſweating ſickneſs taged in that country. 
_ . © Viglius Zuichemus, of Frieſland, wrote a letter to Eraſmus, 
extolling his abilities, and requeſting his friendſhip. 
Van Heuſſe publiſhed the Epiſtles of Viglius Zuichemus, a 


Lawyer, who at laſt became one of the principal Counſellors 
<« of the Dutcheſs of Parma, and of the Duke of Alva, in the 


cc Tow Countries. 


His letters are written to Cardinal Bembus, 


< to Perrenot, afterwards Cardinal Granvelle, to Melanchthon, 


e to Alciat, and to others. Although they contain for the moſt 
it part only compliments, or private affairs, or the news of the 
< times, they may be read with pleaſure, becauſe they are well 


*« written, thoſe ee which were addreſſed to learned men. 


parum videatur Ciceronianus, quam- 
quam invita, ſicuti videtur, Minerva. 
Exorta eſt nova ſecta Ciceronianorum, 


quæ mihi videtur non minus fervere 


iſthic, quam apud nos Lutheranorum. 


Poſthac non licebit Epiſcopos appellare 
patres reverendos, nec in calce litera- 
rum ſcribere annum a Chriſto nato, quod 


id nuſquam faciat Cicero. Quid autem 


ineptius, quam toto ſeculo novato, re- 


ligione, imperiis, magiſtratibus, loco- 
rum vocabulis, ædificiis, cultu, mori- 


bus, non aliter audere loqui, quam lo- 


quutus eſt Cicero? Si reviviſceret ipſe 
rideret hoc Ciceronianorum 


genus. Ep. 1083. 

m Sleidan L. VI. 160. 

a Novum etiam morbi genus hoc 
anno Germaniam invaſit, Sudore peſti- 
fero correpti homines, intra vigeſimam 
quartam horam aut exhalabant animam, 


« Theſe 


aut ſi virus exſudaſſent, valetudinem 
paulatim recuperabant, et priuſquam de 
remedio conſtaret, multa perierunt millia. 
Malum hoc, inde ab oceano, per om- 


nem prope Germaniam pervaſit, breviſſi- 
mo temporis ſpatio, et ineredibili celeri- 
tate velut incendium aliquod longe late- 


que depaſcebat omnia. Vulgo dicitur 
morbus Anglicus, nam Henrici Septimi 
Britanniæ Regis anno primo, 1486, 


eadem lues infulam illam invaſit: et 


quoniam in re nova remedium erat in- 


cognitum, ingentem hominum ſtragem 
edidit. Sleidan L. VI. p. 161, Melch. 
Adam Vit. F uchſii, P. 78. 

„Val. Andrea Bibl. Belg. p. 745. 
Miræi Elog. Belg. p. 76. Gallæi Ima- 
Thuanus 
L. LXIV. p. 209. Maittaire II. 800. 
Menckenius Vit. Polit. p. 303, 


gines. Melchior Adam. 


4 
cc 


ce 


cc 


OF ERASMUS. 
Theſe letters were taken from the Library of the College 


which Viglius founded at Louvain, where there are ſeveral 


volumes of them repoſited. The firſt of theſe letters, which 


is to Eraſmus, is printed alſo in the Leyden Edition, n* 101 3. 


From the correſpondence between Viglius and Eraſmus, con- 
tained in the Leyden Edition of the Epiſtles of Eraſmus, it 
appears, that if Viglius from his youth had been charmed with 


the works of Eraſmus, this illuſtrious man conceived alſo a 


great eſteem for young Viglius. | | 


We have alſo here ſome emendations for five Epiſtles of 


Eraſmus contained in the Leyden Collection. As the letters, 


there publiſhed, were tranſcribed from originals, or from copies. 
« written: in a bad hand, many faults enſued. 


« Honeſt Eraſmus, without queſtion, concluded that Viglius 
was no bigot, and wrote to him with much freedom concern- 


« ing the falſe Monks, and the falſe Divines, who had attacked 


* 
cc 
cc 
| cc 
cc 


cc 


b qui cum initio Belgii liberta- Ordinum odium incurrit — vir alioqui. 


him. It is indeed improbable, that a man of a ſuperſtitious 
diſpoſition would have eagerly ſought the friendſhip of Eraſ- 
mus, and much more that he would have profeſſed his abomi- 
nation for all the enemies of Eraſmus, as Viglius in one of his. 
letters declares concerning himſelf. Yet this? Frieſlander had 
a much greater ſhare than became him in the deceitful and: 


cruel proceedings of Margaret of Parma, and Ferdinand of 


Toledo. Our Civilian ſeems to have been one of thoſe poli- 
ticians, who, though not deſtitute of equitable ſentiments in. 


the ſpeculative way, yet, when it comes to practice, adhere | 
to the uppermoſt party, and run all lengths along with it. It is 


ſomewhat entertaining to ſee Eraſmus giving his prudential and 
political advice, concerning the new religious ſects, to a Lawyer, 
« who 


tem defendere viſus eſſet, eoque nomine omni laude et propter integritatem et: 
gratiam ſuorum promeritus, poſtea ad ſummam prudentiam dignus, &c.. Thus 
Hiſpanorum partes inclinare creditus in ann.. 


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486 
R. D. 1529. 


illos contendere. 


credit Eccleſia, 


THE LIFE 


ce who had ten times more craft and more diſſimulation than 


c 


A 


oy 


he, and who by his conduct afterwards in public ſtations ſhewed, 
that he did not want to be * tutored by Eraſmus. 
« Van Heuſſe hath alſo given us an abridgment of the life 


© of Zuichemus.” Le Clerc Bibl. A. & M. XI. 263. 
Eraſmus diſcuſſes the queſtion, whether Henry VIII was 
really the author of the book againſt Luther, and inclines to the 


* Illud, pro mea in te pietate, moneo 


rogoque, ut a Sectarum contagiis in 


totum abſtineas, nec ullam illis anſam 
præbeas, ut per occaſionem ſpargere 


valeant Zuichemum eſſe ſuum. Etiam 
ſicubi dogmatibus illorum adſentiris, 


diſhmula, Nolim tamen te adverſus 
Satis eſt Jureconſulto 
ſic eludere eos, quemadmodum quidam 
eluſit Diabolum moriturus. Diabolus 
ſuggeſſit, quid crederet? Ait, quod 
Tum ille; Quid cre- 
dit Eccleſia? Quod ego. Quid tu cre- 


dis? Qued Eccleſia. Spero hanc ad- 


monitionem eſſe ſupervacaneam; verum 
ſi liceret coram, efficerem ut intelligeres 
me non fruſtra monere. Ep. 374. 


1 


r Jam quod ſubdubitare videris, an 


| libellum, ac duas epiſtolas, quas ſcrip- 


ſit adverſus Lutherum, ſuo Marte con- 


fecerit Rex Angliæ, id tibi cum multis 


commune eſt, Nec mirum, quum hac- 
tenus prodigii ſimile fit habitum, præ- 


ſertim apud Germanos, Principem ſcire 
Cæterum, ut non contenderim 


literas. 
neminem ſcribenti fuiſſe auxilio, quum 
eruditiſſimi quique viri nonnunquam 
utantur amicorum ſubſidiis; ita non du- 
bitem affirmare ipſum eorum, quæ edit, 


affirmative; ; 


parentem et auctorem eſſe. Savidem 
patre natus eſt, quo vix alium reperias 
exactiore judicio. Mater item erat ſa- 
niſſimi ingenii, planeque ſingulari qua- 


dam tum prudentia, tum pietate : puel- 
lus admodum ſtudiis admotus eſt. In- 


genium erat vividum, ereCtum, et ad 
quodcumque ſe vertiſſet ſupra modum 
habile. Neque quicquam attentavit un- 


quam, quod non abſolverit. Fanta na- 
ture dexteritas eſt, ut et in iſtis vulgari- 


bus, velut equitandi jaculandique peritia, 


neminem non a tergo reliquerit. Dicas 


illum ad omnia natum. Nullum eſt 
Muſices genus, in quo non exceſſerit 
mediocritatem. Mathematicarum item 
diſciplinarum mire docilis. Nec un- 
quam omiſit ſtudia; quoties per regni 
negotia vacat, aut legit aliquid aut diſ- 
putat, quod ſolet perlibenter, mire comes 
ac placidus in certamine; dicas hic ſo- 
cium eſſe, non regem. Ad eas con- 
flictatiunculas nonnunquam præparat ſe 
lectione Scholaſticorum auctorum, ve- 


luti Thomæ, aut Scoti, aut Gabrielis. 


Jam quod ad dictionis facultatem atti- 


net, mitto tibi guſtum, unde conjicere 
poſſis quantum tot annis acceſſerit: to- 


tam enim hanc epiſtolam ſuapte manu 


deſcripſit adoleſcentulus. Quum agerem 


Ve netiæ, 


OF ERASMUS. 
afficmative ; not denying however that he might have had the A. PD. 1529. 


aſſiſtance of ſome learned men. 


« There is one thing unjuſtly added to the praiſe of More 
« and Fiſher, or rather feigned on deſign to leſſen the King's 
« honour, that they penned the book which the King wrote 


« apainſt Luther. This Sanders firſt publiſhed, and Bellarmin 


« and others ſince have taken it up upon his authority. Strangers 
« may be pardoned ſuch errors, but they are inexcuſable in an 


« Engliſhman. For, in More's printed works, there is a letter 
« written by him out of the Tower to Cromwell, in which he 


« gives an account of his behaviour concerning the King's divorce 
« and ſupremacy. Amongſt other particulars one is, that when 


8 the N ſhewed him his book againft Luther, in which he 
cc had | 


gentis, et immutantis. Agnoviſſes ſin- 


Venetiæ, literis ad illum miſſis, deplo- 
rabam mortem Philippi Regis, mei 
Principis, hoc ferme exordio; nam ex- 
emplar mihi ſervatum non eſt: Allatus 


eft hic rumor triſtior quam ut verum eſſe 


credere libeat, ſed idem conſtantior quam 
ut omnino vanus videri poſſit, Philippum 
Principem in fata conceſſiſſe, &c. Ag- 
novit ille protinus ſchematis gratiam, 
et ſuam epiſtolam, ut vides, ſimiliter 
exorſus eſt. Equidem manum agnoſce- 
bam. Cæterum, ut ingenue dicam, 
tum nonnihil ſuſpicabar, in ſenſibus, ac 
verbis, alienis ſuppetiis adjutum fuiſle, 
Eam ſuſpicionem quum Gulielmus 
Montjoius mihi nullis argumentis poſ- 
ſet excutere, ceſſit ac diſſimulavit, do- 
nec efiet ſatis inſtructus ad cauſam. 
Quumque forte ſoli confabularemur, 
protulit multas ejus epiſtolas, quum ad 
alios, tum ad ipſum Montjoium, et in 
his etiam illam, qua mem reſponderat. 
In his exſtabant manifeſta ſigna com- 
mentantis, addentis, detrahentis, corri- 


gularum primam manum ac veluti deli- 
neationem, agnoviſſes ſecundam ac ter- 
tiam, nonnunquam et quartam. Quic- 
quid erat diſpunctum, aut adjectum, 
ejuſdem erat manus. Ibi quod tergiver- 
ſarer, prorſus nihil habebam, ſed ipſa 
re victus omnem poſui ſuſpicionem. Nec 


dubito quin tu, mi Cochleie, [Ed. Baſ. 


Cochlze] facturus ſis idem, ſi propius 
noſſes illius Regis longe feliciſſimam na- 
turam. Ep. 1038. 

Exſtat libellus Regis Anglia, quem 
Rome et hic quidam falſo ſuſpicantur 
eſſe meum. — Opinor conjecturam na- 


tam ex flylo: nam Rex adhue puer ni- 


hil diligentius legit quam meas Jucubra- 
tiones, e quibus fortaſſe contraxit non- 


nihil male phraſeos, fi quid tamen ha- 


bet meum. Ep. 645. 


See alſo Ep. 650. c. 762, 763; in 


which he ſays that the ſtyle is the 
King's. 


* Burnet I, 356. 


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THE LIFE 
« had afferted the Pope's Primacy to be of divine right, More 
« defired him to leave it out; ſince, as there had been many 
« conteſts between Popes and other Princes, ſo there might 


« fall in ſome between the Pope and the King; therefore he 
« thought it was not fit for the King to publiſh any thing, 


* 


which might be afterwards made uſe of againſt himſelf: and 
 « adviſed him either to leave ont that point, or to touch it very 


« tenderly; but the King would not follow his counſel, 


being perhaps fo fond of what he had writ, that he would 


e rather run himſelf upon a great inconvenience, than leave out 
« any thing that he fancied ſo well written, This ſhews that 
« More knew that book was written by the King's own pen: 
<« and either Sanders never read this, or malicioufly concealed it, 
<« leſt it ſhould diſcover his foul dealing. 3 


But Burnet afterwards talks in a different way, and ſays; 
« t It was a maſter- piece in Wolſey to engage the King to 


e own, that the book againſt Luther was written by him, in 


which the ſecret of thoſe, who, no doubt, had the greateſt 
ce ſhare in compoling it, was ſo cloſely laid, that it never broke 


© out, Seckendorf tells us that Luther believed it was writ by 
c Lee, who was a zealous Thomiſt, and had been engaged in 
« diſputes with Eraſmus, and was afterwards made Archbiſhop 


* of York. If any of theſe, who till adhered to the old doctrines, 


© had been concerned in writing it, probably when they ſaw 
*« King Henry depart from ſo many points treated of in it, they 


* would have gone beyond ſea, and have robbed him of that falſe 
% honour and thoſe exceſſive praiſes which that book had pro- 


* cured him. It is plain More wrote it not — and in a letter, he 


40 * he was a Sorter of that book. This ſeems to relate only 


<« to the digeſting it into method. and order. 


No 


x Burnet III. 171. 


* A On . A A a...” A * * 


EEOQQe ˙ — » Ä˙·’—Ü— ¾ͤ oe as 6. 


00 


OF ERASMUS. 


ce a No doubt this book was wrote by the King, as other books A. D. 1529. 


c were under his name; that is, by his Biſhops, or other learned 
0 men. Sir Thomas More, who muſt have known the authory 


gives this account of it in his manuſcript Life by * Roper; 


« That after it was finiſhed by his Grace's appointment, and conſent 


« of the makers of the ſame, I was only a Sorter out, and placer of 
« the principal matters therein contained. So it ſeems others were 
© makers, and Sir Thomas More only a ſorter. By the ſtyle, it 


was gueſſed by ſome to be wrote by Eraſmus ; and he, in mirth 
« I ſuppoſe, owns, the King might have hit upon his {tyle, 
« ſeveral letters having paſſed between them. 

« More was only a ſorter, and Fiſher could be no more than 
« one of the makers, though ſome have aſſerted it to be his work 
« alone. But, as to More's teſtimony, I think it may with 
e much more reaſon be taken from Roper his ſon-in-law, who 


married his beloved daughter, and knew his inward thoughts, 


« than from a letter to a Miniſter of ſtate, where loquendum cunt 
C vulgo, Your Lordſhip is a very able judge of ſtyle, and of 
e the elegancy wherewith this book is wrote. You have given 
« us a ſpecimen of the King's ſtyle, in the marginal notes of the 
« laſt page of this volume. I dare appeal to your Lordſhip, 
e whether you think the ſtyle to be the ſame. The laſt words 
e are ſo elegant, that I cannot forbear reciting them: Cum qua 
« nec Pontifex Romanus, nec quivis alius Prælatus aut Pontifex, 
* habet quicquid agere, praterquam in ſuas Dioceſes. 
« However, I am very willing the King ſhould enjoy the 
« honour of this. book, provided I am allowed to enjoy my 
opinion.“ 5 
« 7 Eraſmus made a preſent of his picture to Sir Thomas 
More, and ſent it over by * Holbein, who had drawn it. It 
3 R 6 18 
I An to Burnet by an anony- Knight, p. 307. | 


mous writer, Vol. III. Ne IV. p. 399, 2 See the Life of Holbein, y Patin, 
404. prefixed to the Excomium Moriæ. T. IV. 


x See Roper; P 77. c. 390. 


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490 
AD. 1529: * 


THE LIFE 
is now in the poſſeſſion of Dr. Mead, the date 1 52 3 agreeing 


9 05 the time it was finiſhed at Baſil. — More, in return to 
« Eraſmus for his preſent, had a picture copied by Holbein, of 
« himſelf and his whole family, from an original that Holbein En 
had juſt before finiſhed, and ſent it to Eraſmus by this Painter, 


„ Eraſmus expreſſed great ſatisfaction at the preſent, in an epiſtle 


A. D. 1530. 


« to Margaret Roper, eldeſt daughter of Sir Thomas. The 
« original of this picture was lately 1 in the family of the Ropers 


« at Eltham in Kent; the copy 1s in the Town-hall at Baſil, 


ec where it 1s en with great care. Ep. 88 


i D. MDXXR, | Etat. LxIII. 


This year Ei was buſied in tranſlating divers treatiſes of 
st. Chryſoſtom, and in exhorting his learned friends to do the 
like, that a complete edition might afterwards be publiſhed of the 


works of this Father in Greek and Latin. He alſo wrote long 


letters to Tonſtal and to Sadolet, wherein he defends himſelf, 
and vigorouſly attacks his old enemies. When he writes to the 
Romaniſts, he often ſeems to favour the Proteſtants; and when 
he writes againſt theſe, he appears zealous for the doctrines of 
the Roman Church. Yet it ſhould ſeem probable, that his true 
ſentiments were thoſe in defence of which he got no profit, and 
by declaring which he incurred the diſlike of the Romiſh party, 
from which he was not willing to ſeparate himſelf. Ep. 1091, 
1092, 1093, 1094. 

To the Biſhop of Hildeſheim he dedicated one 3 a 
Benedictin Monk of the twelfth century, who wrote on the Sacra- 


ment of the body and blood of Jeſus Chriſt againſt Berenger. 


Eraſmus ſays, that by the peruſal of this book he had been con- 


firmed in the opinion of a real preſence. It would, I believe, 
produce 


a Knight hath given us a print of v Val. Andrea Bibl. Belg, p. 133 
it. | -——  daaittaire II. 732. | 


OF ERASMUS. 


produce the quite contrary effect upon others; and it is not to be A. D. 1 530, 


forgotten, that Eraſmus could have eaſily embraced the ſentiments 
of Zuinglius and Oecolampadius, if his Mother the Church would 
have given him leave. Accordingly he was ſuſpected of not 
having quite ſo much implicit faith as he talked of, as it appears 
in other epiſtles. Ep. 1095. 

In a letter to Tonſtal he declares his opinion, that, in the primi- 
tive times, the Faithful uſed ſometimes to conſecrate bread and 


wine, and communicate together, without a Preſbyter to perform 


the office. Rigaltius © and Grotius adopted this opinion, which 
gave occaſion to a diſpute. Ep. 1092. 


To the remarks which we have made upon Tonſtal, in p. 104, 
&c. let us add theſe; 


« Now were committed (A. 1559) unto Archbiſhop Parker 8 
cuſtody divers Popith Biſhops, as Cuthbert Tonſtal, Biſhop of 
« Durham, having been deprived 1 in July, who died in the Arch- 
« biſhop's houſe at Lambeth, in November following, being 
« eighty-five years of age. But before his death, by the Arch- 
e biſhop's means, he was brought off from Papiſtical fancies. 
« And he declared it his judgment, that the Pope's too far 


« diſtended power ought to be reſtrained within his own dioceſe 


« of Rome. Letters to which purpoſe he had long before written 
« to Cardinal Pole. Unto which mind he now returned again, 
e after his compliance with the Pope under Queen Mary. And 


not above fourteen days before his death, while ee with 


« the Archbiſhop, he teſtified to him and to others thoſe letters 
* to Pole to be his. — Tonſtal alſo allowed of the marriage of 
“ Prieſts, as permitted by the word of God. To all which I 
% may add his judgment in point of Juſtification, which was 
according to the doctrine of the Reformed, &c. Stryßpe's Lite 
of Parker, B. I. ch. 10. 88 

1 In 


N. 


© See Bibl. Univ, I. 133, 134. IV. 94. 


4.91 


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492 
A. D. 1530. 


THE LIFE 
In a letter to the Biſhop of Augſburg, Eraſmus complains 
much of a boil on his navel, which grievouſly incommoded him, 


Speaking of his beſt patron Warham, who was then fourſcore 


years old, he ſays to this Biſhop; If he dies, you muſt ſupply 
his place. My two penſions from England produce about two 
hundred florins yearly: but this money comes to my hands 
greatly diminiſhed by the merchants who remit it, and ſometimes 
detain a fourth part. At other times other perſons curtail it. If 
the Archbiſhop ſhould die, I ſhall never ſee a penny more of it. 
There is a man (Petrus Barbirius) to whom I could have truſted 
all things, even my own lite, who hath begun to intercept the 
penſion which I have in Flanders from a Prebend which I 


reſigned. During my abſence the Emperor pays me nothing, 
and hardly would he give me any thing, though I were to go to 


Brabant, notwithſtanding all the fine promiſes with which they 


feed me. Thus Eraſmus will ſoon be reduced to a ſtate of Evan- 


gelical poverty ; ; though, by the blefling of God, he is not alto- 
gether 1 in that condition as yet. Epiſt. 1112, 1117. 


In a * letter to George of Saxony he inveighs bitterly againſt 


Luther for having very roughly attacked that Prince, with whom 


Luther had great altercations. Ep. 1113. 


He mentions © Trapezuntius amongſt learned men. He hath 
alſo commended * Beſſarion in ſome other place. Ep. 1100. 

He * lived at Friburg upon very good terms with the Franciſ- 
cans, who dwelt ſo near him, that he could fing along with 
them in his chamber, without going to Church, 


10 


See Seckendorf L. II. p. 149. perinde ac ſi eſſem in templo. Summa eſt 
© Hodius De Græc. Illuſtr. 102, &c. inter nos amicitia, quia nulla eſt inter 


Huetius De Clar. Interpr. p. 238. eos malitia. Habent concionatorem 


Hodius, p. 136. Huetius, p. 237. probum ac modeſtum, qui Eraſmum 
Hic Franciſcanos habeo tam vici- interdum etiam honorifice citat in i concio- 
nos, ut in cubiculo audiam canentes, nibus. Ep. 1102. 


2 


OF ERASMUS. 


To Melanchthon he ſays; 


upon this ſubject. Ep. 1123. 


God alone, my dear Philip, c can A. D. 1530. 
unravel the intricate plot of the Tragedy which is now acting. 
Ten Councils aſſembled together could not do it, much leſs can 
ſuch an one as I. If a man ſays a reaſonable thing, it is ſtraight- 
way called Lutheraniſm, and this is all his recompence. He 
makes the ſame remarks elſewhere; and yet he flattered the 
party that acted in this outrageous manner, and fell foul upon the 
Evangelics, as in a reply to the Miniſters of Stratſburg, in the 
laſt Tome of his works, which he addreſſeth to the Brethren of 
the Lower Germany and of Eaſt Frieſland. It is the work of 
a man who was in a paſſion, becauſe he had been cenſured for 
inconftancy and want of courage. Ep. 1117, 1119. 


He dedicated his Chriſtian Widow to Mary Queen-Dowager 
of Hungary, who wrote him a letter of thanks with her own 
hand. Eraſmus was not entirely ' ſatisfied * his 83 


Melanchthon ſent him a letter from Augſburg, where the 
Diet was held, and where he preſented the Confeſſion of faith of 
the Lutherans, which afterwards took its denomination from that 
He prays Eraſmus to continue the charitable office of 
exhorting the Emperor to moderation. Eraſmus replied with 
ſome peeviſhneſs and reſentment, ſaying, that he would not 
concern himſelf in behalf of the Evangelics. However, he was 
* better than his word, and did write to Cardinal Campegius, 
deſiring him to diſſuade the Emperor from making a religious 


war. Ep. 1125, 1120, 1129. 


» Bayle HoxORIE (MARIE, RxIxE 


i Mitto ſimul Yiduam Chriſtianam, 
quam rogatus dicavi Mariz Czfaris 
germanz, quondam Hungariz Reginz, 
In hoc argumento mihi non admodum 


He 


placeo, quod nec ſimplex videatur, nec 
admodum congruens puellæ, quæ, ni 
fallor, alitur conjugio. Verbis tamen 
explevi chartas. Ep. 1024. 


k See Seckendorf L. II. p. 196, &c. 


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494 
A. D. 1530. 


THE LIFE 
He returns thanks to Rinckius, who had ſent him a cup, 
He received alſo a handſome preſent from Conrad Biſhop of 
u To this Biſhop he warmly * recommends a young 


friend, * Daniel Stibarus, to whom he gives. an an 
character. | 


He publiſhed : as many of the wotka of Chryſoſtom as he could 


collect, and dedicated them to Stadius, the Biſhop of Augſburg. 


He alſo gave a pretty accurate life of this * Father, taken from 


the Hiſtoria Tripartita, Palladius, and Theodorus Diaconus. In 


Etiamſi tam vile ſuiſſet munuſculum, 


quam illud tua facit modeſtia, tamen 


animus iſte tam aureus ac gemmeus, et 
epiſtola nihil ſpirans niſi meros amores, 
poterat illud ita commendare, ut pro 
quamvis magno acciperetur. Nunc 
quum tale ſit, ut vel a Rege non inde- 


core donari potuerit, tamen quæ tua 


modeſtia eſt, rogas ut boni conſulam. 


Mihi potius rogandus eras, ut libellum 


extempore fuſum, ac velut abortu ejec- 
tum, boni conſuleres. Sed in hac parte 
video mihi rem eſſe cum Hercule, quem 
in tuo poculo conſpicio: quam enim 
lle viribus et clava fuit invictus, tam 
Rinckius officiis aut beneficiis ſuperari 
non poteſt. Nec male quadrat in te 


aquilæ ſymbolum, quod habet tuus cli- - 


peus. Nemo tam velox eſſe queat ad 
bene merendum, quem tu non prævo- 
les. Solus animus mutuus mihi ſuffici- 
ebat. Epiſtola tam amica magni mu- 


neris loco eſſe poterat. At his non con- 


tenta, tua benignitas addidit poculum 


et opere et pretio non vulgare. Do 


manus Herculi, nec contendam ultro, 


niſt hoc ſolum, ne videar amando in- 


ſerior. Ep. 1124. 


this 


m 


Nec ſuffecit animo iſti tuo mu- 


nus qualecunque, ſed plane regium do- 


nare voluiſti, magis reputans quid te 
deceret dare, quam quid Eraſmum acci- 
pere. Auget doni pretium, quod nec 
promerito, nec ambienti, ac ne exſpec- 
tanti quidem ultro detulerit tua benigni- 


tas. — Scribit Homerus non eſſe rejici- 


enda Deorum munera ; ego vero talium 
Principum ſpontanea dona, ceu facra 
quædam monumenta apud me libenter 
ſervo, ac veluti pro teſtimoniis oſtendo, 
quibus me non mediocriter ornatum ar- 
bitror. Iiſdem interdum me ipſum con- 


ſolor adverſus quorundam inauſpicatiſſi- 


morum hominum pravitatem, qui nec 
de benemeritis bene loqui poſſunt, nec 
his benefacere a quibus beneficentia ſunt 
provocati. Ep. 1127. 

n Ep. 1107. 

o Melchior Adam. 

» Chryſoſtome, le meilleur "A Peres 


Grecs,— Ca eſte un orgueilleux villain. 


Falloit-il faire ce qu'il a fait? Il a efte 
banni, & avec raiſon. Infinita pulchra 


habet et optima in Novum Teſtamen- 


tum. Scaligeran. p. 92. 


2 OF ERASMUS. 40 5 


this Life of Chryſoſtom, Eraſmus hath let us DG that he had A. D. 1530. 
little“ faith in the“ miracles of the fifth century, and in thoſe 
aſcribed to Epiphanius. Ep. 1150, 

He dedicated a tranſlation of Xenophon's Hiero to Antonius 
Fuggerus, who returned him thanks. Ep. 388... 1744 3 and 
Ep. 357. c. 1740. 

Andreas Critius, who is called Epiſcopus Plecenſi 5s, ſent him a 
ring * with a ruby : and his friend Olahus made him a preſent of 
a ſpoon and a fork. Ep. 1142. 

Ep. 1103 is remarkable, as it gives an account of the oreat 
civilities and liberalities which he received from his illuſtrious 

Patrons; 


Anu- 


Jam ut miracula recipiamus, de eo 


qui ſe mortuum ſimulavit, pauloque 


poſt vere mortuus repertus eſt; quod 


ad Epiphanium attinet, nullum erat 
miraculum. — Et potuit eſſe ovunloue, 
Sed ad illius monumentum pellebantur, 

ut fertur, Dæmones. Id magis arguit 


neum 7 


ad tui imitationem me provocat. 

lus aureus gemmam habebat figura cor- 

dis, colore rutilo. Quid amplius op- 

tare poſſis homini Chriſtiano, quam ut 

cor habeat ſapientia illuſtre, charitate ig- 
Ep. 1132. | 

t Cæterum, ab ignotis ae: ſemotis- 


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fidem vivorum, quam merita defuncto- 


| accipere literas adeo mihi novum non- 
rum, ut ne quid hic tribuamus impio- 


rum ſpirituum præſtigiis, utque demus 
eſſe vera quæ memorantur: nam Mo- 


nachorum genus, et ſimplex hominum 


vulgus hoc genus fabulis ſolet penn 
indulgere. c. 1337. y 

P Putaverunt Veteres ſe poſſe regnum 
Dei provehere mendaciis et falſis mira- 
culis, in quo graviter errarunt. Scali- 
geran. p. 263. 


Porro quod Martinus anulum quo- 


que reddidit Celſitudinis tuæ munus, 
vereor ne ille immodico quodam mei 


ſtudio dixerit aliquid, quod illi non 


Mihi quidem ſymbolum 


mandaram. 


fauſti cujuſdam ominis viſum eſt, et 


vel hoc nomine fuit gratiſimum, quod 


eſt, ut pene fit quotidianum : a doctis, 


a magnatibus, ab Epiſcopis, ab Abba- 


tibus, quos ego natos non noveram, ſub- 
inde veniunt literæ: a Regibus, a Prin- 
cipibus, ac Præſulibus ea dignitate, ut 


nulli poſſint eſſe ignoti, non tantum li- 


teræ veniunt, ſed etiam ſplendida mu- 
nera. A Cæſare Carolo multas habeo 
epiſtolas tam honorifice, tam amanter 
ſcriptas, ut eas pluris faciam quam illius 
in me benignitatem, cui tamen bonam. 
fortunæ partem debeo. A Rege Ferdi- 
nando, nec minus crebras, nec minus 
amicas, non ſine munere honorario. A. 
Rege Galliz quoties quam amplis con- 
ditionibus invitatus ſum ? Rex Angliz- 
et crebris literis ac muneribus ultro miſ- 


4 3 


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THE LIF E 


G. D. 1530. Patrons; amongſt whom Francis I promiſed him preferment, if 


is, declarat favorem ac benevolentiam 


in me ſingularem. Nec illi facile cedit 
fœminarum, quas hæc ætas habet, op- 


tima, Catharina illius Regina. Rex 


Poloniæ Sigiſmundus miſit epiſtolam, 


cum ipſo munere vere regio certantem. 
Dux Saxoniæ Georgius crebris me lite- 
ris appellat, sz d ces Y ewres, Quid 


memorem Gulielmum Archiepiſcopum 
Cantuarienſem, quid Cuthbertum nuper 
Epiſcopum Londinenſem, nunc Dunel- 


menſem, quid Joannem Epiſcopum 
Lincolnienſem, qui, præter epiſtolas 


omnibus gemmis pretioſiores, quotannis 
veluti tributum amicitiæ mittunt nec 
petenti nec exſpectanti? Ab Alberto 
Cardinale Moguntino habeo præter li- 
teras egregium benevolentis animi mo- 
numentum, quemadmodum et a Philip- 
po a Burgundia Epiſcopo Trajectino 


nuper vita defuncto, item a Joanne Card. 
Lotharingiæ fratre Ducis. Bernardus 


Epiſcopus et Card. Tridentinus, præter 
honorarium munus, idque non exigu- 
um, crebro miſit literas tam amicas, 
adeoque ſolatii plenas, ut quamvis de- 
jectum animum poſſint erigere, ampliſ- 
ſimis inſuper conditionibus invitans ad 
convictum, a quo et hodie literas accepi 
eadem pollicentes quæ olim detulit, ac 
fortaſſis, ut nunc res ſunt, utar illius ob- 
latis. Archiepiſcopi Toletani ad me 
literas jam excuſas arbitror te vidiſſe: 
quid his fingi, quid optari poteſt aman- 
tius aut honorificentius? Nec defuit 


illius vel fortuna vel animo digna be- 
nignitas. Nuper Guilielmus Princeps 
Dux junior Clivenſis ac Juliacenſis, ado- 


he 


leſcens virtuti natus, ſcripſit literas amo- 
ris plenas, addito poculo magnifico. An- 
tonius Fuggerus ſimul atque ſenſiſſet me 


Baſileæ moliri abitum, miſit viaticum 
centum floren. aureorum, pollicens in 


ſingulos annos tantundem et. amplius, fi 
vellem Auguſtam me recipere. Ubi 
reſpondi id mihi non eſſe commodum, 
miſit poculum in primis elegans, pignus 
initæ inter nos amicitiæ. Ante paucos 
dies Chriſtophorus a Stadio Epiſcopus 
Auguſtenſis, vir tum nobilis, tum ap- 
prime doctus, itinere ſeptem dierum, nec 


eo ſatis tuto, huc ſe contulit non ob 
aliud, quemadmodum ipſe prædicabat, 


niſi ut videret Eraſmum, videlicet homi- 
nis umbram. Candorem illius prædico, 
non mea merita: attulit ſecum duo po- 
cula regia, cum ducentis flor, aureis, 


_ deferens inſuper omnium facultatum 


ſuarum communionem. Dum hxc ſcri- 
bo, veniunt literæ a Jacobo Sadoleto 
Carpentoractenſi, Deum immortalem, 
qua doctrina, qua morum integritate, 
qua auctoritate vira! Solitus eſt et ante 
ſubinde nos doctiſſimis epiſtolis appellare. 
Exciderat ille, niſi epiſtola forte tum 


reddita commonuiſſet. Nec dubito quin 


plures nunc non veniant in mentem. 
Venit interim in mentem Petrus Epi— 


ſcopus Cracovienſis, vir ſumma doctrina 
parique auctoritate, ejus Regis Cancel- 


larius, qui ſuam erga me pietatem et 
literis amantiſſime ſcriptis, et magnificis 
donariis declaravit. In eadem Polonia 
eſt Andreas Critius Epiſcopus Plocen- 
ſis, qui me frequenter et humaniſſimis 
literis et eruditiſſimis carminibus recreat 
excitatque, 


OF ERASMUS, 


he would come to his Court; but ad not make bm "ny preſent, A. D. 15303 


though he was a liberal Prince. | 


He ſays to Sadolet, to 8 to Alciat, and to others, 
that Albertus Pius, inſtigated by Aleander, was buſy in writing 
againſt him; and he repreſents them as tWo men united together 
by their bad qualities. He adds, that Albertus Was aſſiſted, in 


point of ſtyle, by Sepulveda. He alſo deſends himſelf largely, 


as to Budæus, in a letter to their common friend Brixius. 


Ep! 1094, 1132, 1135, 1137, 1148. 
He beſtows great and juſt commendations on *Gibertus Biſhop 


of emer who had * given the public, at his own expence, an 
EE | 3 8 os edition 


excitatque, ne hic quidem Logos, Ha- 


beo cubiculum  epiſtolis differtum ab 
eruditis, a magnatibus, a Principibus, 
a Regibus, a Cardinalibus, ab Epiſco- 
pis: habeo ſcrinium plenum donariis 


poculorum, lagenarum, cochleariorum, 


horologiorum, quorum aliquot ex puro 
ſunt auro; anulorum magnus eſt nume- 
rus, omnium autem major longe futu- 
rus, niſi pleraque donata redonarem 
aliis ſtudia provehentibus. Et in his, 
qui hæc donant, ſunt multi non doctrina 
modo, ſed et vitæ ſanctimonia præſtan- 
tes, velut Archiepiſcopus Cantuarienſis, 
Epiſcopus Londinenſis, Epiſcopus Au- 


guſtenſis; et in primis Joannes Epiſco- : 


pus Roffenſis, qui fugerat, quemadmo- 
dum fugerat et Epiſcopus Uratiſlavienſis 
Joannes Turzo, qui miſerat ſcrinium re- 
bus elegantiſſimis refertum Antuerpiam, 
ubi tum agebam, quum ego nunquam 
audiſſem aut ſomniaſſem Uratiſlaviam 
aut Turzonem. In hujus locum ſuc- 
ceſſit frater, Epiſcopus Olmucenſis. 


Learned will ſay Annen. 


F 


Et indies accreſcit alum numerus, quum 
ego nullius benignitatem invitarim, in- 


genue præ me ferens mihi ſatis eſſe fa- 
cultatum ad hanc vitæ ſobrietatem, cu- 
jus adeo nie non pœnitet, ut citius ſim 


aliquid detracturus quam additurus. Et 
tamen tanta eſt ultronea illorum libera- 


litas, ut ſi nulli ſint reditus (ſunt autem 
etiam præter Cæſaream penſionem ali- 
quot) hæc ſola meis ſtudiis alendis ſuffi- 
ceret. Mediocrium dona ſemper rejeci, 


quoties licuit incolumi amicitia : aut fic 


accept, civilitatis gratia, ut abunde pen- 
ſarim. Ep. 1103. 
» Maittaire II. 391. 


* Præſuli iſti Veronenſi bene Karig 


* 


omnes Superi, qui de privato ſuo curat 


utilitatem publicam, ſuiſque impenſis 


tam inſigne beneficium parat ſtudioſis 


omnibus. Utinam hoc exemplum æmu- 


lentur Abbates et Epiſcopi noſtri prædi- 
vites, &c. Ep. 1135. 


It is a good Utinam, to which all the 


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496 28 THE LIFE 


A. D. 1530. Patrons; amongſt whom F rancis I promiſed him preferment, if 


fis, declarat favorem ac benevolentiam 

in me ſingularem. Nec illi facile cedit 

fœminarum, quas hæc ætas habet, op- 

tima, Catharina illius Regina. Rex 

Poloniæ Sigiſmundus miſit epiſtolam, 

cum ipſo munere vere regio certantem. 

Dux Saxoniæ Georgius crebris me lite- 
ris appellat, d adwess & ewroes, Quid 
memorem Gulielmum Archiepiſcopum 
Cantuarienſem, quid Cuthbertum nuper 
Epiſcopum Londinenſem, nunc Dunel- 
menſem, quid Joannem Epiſcopum 
Lincolnienſem, qui, præter epiſtolas 
omnibus gemmis pretioſiores, quotannis 
veluti tributum amicitiæ mittunt nec 
petenti nec exſpectanti? Ab Alberto 
Cardinale Moguntino habeo præter li- 
teras egregium benevolentis animi mo- 
numentum, quemadmodum et a Philip- 
po a Burgundia Epiſcopo Trajectino 
nuper vita defuncto, item a Joanne Card. 


Lotharingiæ fratre Ducis. Bernardus 


Epiſcopus et Card. Tridentinus, præter 
honorarium munus, idque non exigu— 
um, crebro miſit literas tam amicas, 
adeoque ſolatii plenas, ut quamvis de- 
jectum animum poſſint erigere, ampliſ- 
ſimis inſuper conditionibus invitans ad 
convictum, a quo et hodie literas accepi 
eadem pollicentes quæ olim detulit, ac 
fortaſſis, ut nunc res ſunt, utar illius ob- 
latis. Archiepiſcopi Toletani ad me 
literas jam excuſas arbitror te vidiſſe: 
quid his fingi, quid optari poteſt aman- 
tius aut honorificentius? Nec defuit 
illius vel fortuna vel animo digna be- 
nignitas. Nuper Guilielmus Princeps 
Dux junior Clivenſis ac Juliacenſis, ado- 


miſit poculum in primis elegans, pignus 


parique auctoritate, ejus Regis Cancel- 


he 


leſcens virtuti natus, ſcripſit literas amo- 
ris plenas, addito poculo magnifico. An- 
tonius Fuggerus ſimul atque ſenſiſſet me 
Baſileæ moliri abitum, miſit viaticum 
centum floren. aureorum, pollicens in 
ſingulos annos tantundem et amplius, ſi 
vellem Auguſtam me recipere. Ubi 
reſpondi id mihi non eſſe commodum, 


initæ inter nos amicitiæ. Ante paucos 
dies Chriſtophorus a Stadio Epiſcopus 
Auguſtenſis, vir tum nobilis, tum ap- 
prime doctus, itinere ſeptem dierum, nec 
eo ſatis tuto, huc ſe contulit non ob 
aliud, quemadmodum ipſe prædicabat, 
niſi ut videret Eraſmum, videlicet homi- 
nis umbram. Candorem illius prædico, 
non mea merita: attulit ſecum duo po- 
cula regia, cum ducentis flor. aureis, 
deferens inſuper omnium facultatum 
ſuarum communionem, Dum haæc ſcri- 
bo, veniunt literæ a Jacobo Sadoleto 
Carpentoractenſi, Deum immortalem, 
qua doctrina, qua morum integritate, 
qua auctoritate viral Solitus eſt et ante 
ſubinde nos doctiſſimis epiſtolis appellare. 
Exciderat ille, niſi epiſtola forte tum 
reddita commonuiſſet. Nec dubito quin 
plures nunc non veniant in mentem. 
Venit interim in mentem Petrus Epi— 
ſcopus Cracovienſis, vir ſumma doctrina 


larius, qui ſuam erga me pietatem et 
literis amantiſſime ſcriptis, et magnificis 
donariis declaravit. In eadem Polonia 
eſt Andreas Critius Epiſcopus Plocen- 
ſis, qui me frequenter et humaniſſimis 
literis et eruditiſſimis carminibus recreat 

excitatque, 


FLY 


OF FRASMUS, 


497 


he w would come to his Court; but did not make him any preſent, A. P. 15305 


though he was a liberal Prince. 
He ſays to Sadolet, to Campegius, t to Alciat, and to others, 


that Albertus Pius, inſtigated by Aleander, was buſy in writing 


againſt him; and he repreſents them as two men united together 
by their bad qualities. He adds, that Albertus Was aſſiſted, in 
point of ſtyle, by Sepulveda. He alſo defends himſelf largely, 
as to Budæus, in a letter to their common friend Brixius. 


Ep. 1094, 1132, 1135, TI37, 1148. 
He beſtows great and juſt commendations on Gibertus Biſhop 
of Verona, who had * given the public, at his own expence, an 


| N 


excitatque, - ne hic quidem A. Ha- 


beo cubiculum epiſtolis differtum ab 
etuditis, a magnatibus, a Principibus, 
a Regibus, a Cardinalibus, ab Epiſco- 
pis: habeo ſcrinium plenum donariis 
poculorum, lagenarum, cochleariorum, 
horologiorum, quorum aliquot ex puro 
ſunt auro; anulorum magnus eſt nume- 
Tus, omnium autem major longe futu- 
rus, niſi pleraque donata redonarem 
aliis ſtudia provehentibus. Et in his, 
qui hæc donant, ſunt multi non doctrina 
modo, ſed et vitæ ſanctimonia præſtan- 
tes, velut Archiepiſcopus Cantuarienſis, 
Epiſcopus Londinenſis, Epiſcopus Au- 
guſtenſis; et in primis Joannes Epiſco- 
pus Roffenſis, qui fugerat, quemadmo- 
dum fugerat et Epiſcopus Uratiſlavienſis 
Joannes Turzo, qui miſerat ſcrinium re- 
bus elegantiſſimis refertum Antuerpiam, 
ubi tum agebam, quum ego nunquam 
audiſſem aut ſomniaſſem Uratiſlaviam 
aut Turzonem. In hujus locum ſuc- 
ceſſit frater, Epiſcopus Olmucenſis. 


edition 


Et indies accreſcit talium numerus, quum 


ego nullius benignitatem invitarim, in- 


genue præ me ferens mihi ſatis eſſe fa- 


cultatum ad hanc vitæ ſobrietatem, cu- 


jus adeo me non pœnitet, ut citius ſim 


aliquid detracturus quam additurus. Et 
tamen tanta eſt ultronea illorum libera- 


litas, ut ſi nulli ſint reditus (ſunt autem 
etiam præter Cæſaream penſionem ali- 
quot) hæc ſola meis ſtudiis alendis ſuffi- 
ceret. Mediocrium dona ſemper rejeci, 


quoties licuit incolumi amicitia: aut fic 


accepi, civilitatis gratia, ut abunde pen- 
farim, Ep. 110 3. 
Maittaire II. 391. 
Præſuli iſti Veronenſi bene faxint 
omnes Superi, qui de privato ſuo curat 


utilitatem publicam, ſuiſque impenſis 


tam inſigne beneficium parat ſtudioſis 
ae e Utinam hoc exemplum æmu- 


lentur Abbates et Epiſcopi noſtri prædi- 


Ep. 1135. 


vites, &c. 


It is a good Utinam, to which all the 
Learned will lay Amen, 


CEE Es . ⁵˙ 1122 


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498 
4 D. 1530. edition of Chryſoftom's Commentaries on St, Paul's Epiſtles; 


THE LIFE 


Donatus wrote a Dedication of it to Clemens VII, A. 1529. 
He obſerves of Franciſcus ? Aretinus, that he had tranſlated 


ſome pieces of Chryſoſtom very poorly. 


He received a friendly letter from Alciat, who exhorted him 


to take no farther notice . of his adverſaries, and not to honour 
them and vex himſelf with replies. The advice was good, and 
Eraſmus ſeemed to ſtand in ſome need of it. Ep. 1143. 


Eckius, the Divine, wrote him a letter very ſawcy and imper- 


tinent, and full of Theological pride, which Eraſmus treats as 
it deſerved, in one to Cholerus. Ep. 1141, 1146. 


He * complains, that his bad health obliged him to a beha- 
viour ſeemingly rude, to perſons of the higheſt rank, who con- 
deſcended to viſit him. 

He makes mention here of a Romiſh Saint, who was his name- 
ſake; and he hath, if Iam not miſtaken, ſpoken of him elſewhere, 
The Saint is not ſo well known as the Scholar. Tillemont hath 


very honeſtly informed us, that the old accounts concerning 
Saint Eraſmus are ſuperlatively bad, and highly improbable. 


Ribadeneira, as I remember, amongſt other Lives of Saints, hath 
drawn up that of St. Eraſmus, which is a ſhort one, but con- 
tains as many fooliſh: lies, as could handſomely be crouded into 


ſo 


Y Bayle Dict. Ax E TIN. acceperim quam Mallarium, quippe 
Verum hzc valetudo me cogit, ut quem nec ad convivium, nec ad pocu- 
in totum ab hoc officiorum genere tem- lum invitarim, \ nec ſæpius quam bis 
perem, adeo ut quum nuper huc veniſ- mei conveniendi copiam fecerim. Odi 


ſet Chriſtophorus a Stadio Epiſcopus ego hanc non inhumanitatem, ſed inhu- 


Auguſtenſis, vir non ſolum natalium manitatis ſpeciem. Verum aut hoc 
imaginibus illuſtriſſimus, verum etiam ferendum incommodum eft, aut negli- 
eruditione exacta, cæteriſque Epiſcopo genda vita. Interdum forticulus conor 
dignis virtutibus ornatiſſimus, non ob agere bellum hominem, ſed mox Præſto 
aliud, niſi ut videret Eraſmum, adferens of Ate. Ep. 1147. 

ſecum munus honorarium, quod non 2 Sce Tillemont H. E. T. V. 'Þ 1277 
indecorum fuiſſet quamvis potenti Regi 636. 

dare Magnati, multo frigidius hominem 


ay ——Y " «7 Wh _ m— ah a wy =_ AG 05” 


OF ERASMUS. 


Jo ſmall a compals, This Saint is ſappoſed to have ſuffered about A. D. 1530. 


the beginning of the fourth century. 
He * relates Cardinal Wolſey's fall, and gives him no good 


character. 


From a letter of Zaſius, it ſhould ſeem that * Eppendorf 
threatened to proſecute Eraſmus at Friburg ; and Zaſius, with the 
zeal of a friend, and the ſpirit of a lawyer, declares that he 
would plead the cauſe of Eraſmus, and treat the raſkal as he 
deſerved, uf he dared to proceed, and to open his mouth, or ſhew 


his face at Friburg. 


Eraſmus mentions * Hervagius, who mani Froben's TRA 
and carried on the buſineſs of the preſs at Baſil, and gives him a 


good character. Ep. 1149. 


The * ſweating ſickneſs raged this year in Germany, amongſt 


other calamities, And the affairs of the poor Proteſtants were ſo 


_ » Cardinalis Eboracenſis {ic offendit 
animum Regium, ut ſpoliatus bonis et 
omni dignitate, teneatur, non in car- 
cere, ſed in quodam ipſtus prædio, ad- 
hibitis triginta duntaxat ſeu-famulis ſeu 


cuſtodibus. Proferuntur in illum que- 


relæ innumeræ, ut vix exiſtiment effu- 
gere poſſe capitis ſupplicium. Hie eſt 
Fortunæ ludus; ex ludimagiſtro ſub- 
vectus eſt ad regnum; nam plane reg- 
nabat verius quam ipſe Rex, metueba- 


tur ab omnibus, amabatur a paucis, ne 


dicam a nemine. Paucis ante diebus 
quam caperetur, curaverat Richardum 


Pacæum conjiciendum in carcerem, ac 


minitabatur etiam meo Archiepiſcopo 


Cantuarienſi. Ante ruinam exaltantur 


ſpiritus, ait Solomon. Archiepiſcopus 
Cantuarienſis vocatus, imo revocatus eſt 
ad Cancellarii munus, quo non aliud in 


bad, 


Anglia majus: ſed is excuſavit ætatem, 
jam imparem tanto negotio. Itaque 
provincia delegata eſt Thomæ Moro, 


magno omnium applauſu, nec minore 


bonorum omnium lætitia ſubvectus, quam 


dejectus Cardinalis. Ep. 1151, 
Vale; et qui tibi minitatur, ſe in- 


tenturum formulam injuriarum, ne time. 
Veniat, fi ſalte m venire auſit, et Zaſium 


experietur advocatum tuum in ſuam 


perniciem. Fribrugi es, non Baſileæ, 
ſub Principe es juſtiſſimo; caveat ad- 
verſarius tuus, ne hiſcat Maiden. Ep. 


360. c. 1748. 
. ©. Baillet I. 382. Nei * 


+ Nuſquam pax, nullum iter tutum 


eſt, rerum caritate, penuria, fame, 


peſtilentia laboratur ubique, Sectis diſ- 
ſecta ſunt omnia: ad tantam malorum 


Lernam acceſſit lethalis — multos 
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A. D. 1530. bad, in all appearance, that Melanchthon was quite dejected, 


THE LIFE 


and overwhelmed with ſorrow. Luther, who had more courage, 


wrote him many excellent letters of conſolation. 


Eraſmus wrote a letter to Joan. Alex. Braſſicanus, who had 
publiſhed a book of Adages, and had made ſome apology to him 
for undertaking that ſubject. Eraſmus had no * great eſteem 


for his performance. This man had once aſked Eraſmus, what 


* ſhonld do, to become a good ſcholar; and Eraſmus, in anſwer, 
i gave him an advice, of which he ſeemed to ſtand in need, 


Ep. ! 1108. 


One Ludovicus Carvajalus wrote a fooliſh thing againſt Eri. 


mus, who replied to it; and Carvajalus * renewed the attack. 


Ep. 1104. 


intra horas octo tollens e medio, et 
cerebro quos reliquit brevi intervallo re- 
petens, nec id ſemel, ſed bis, ter, qua- 


ter, donec in hydropem aut epidemiam, 


aut aliud morbi genus verſus, tandem 
extinguat miſeris excarnificatum modis. 


* 1149. 


f Steidan L. VII 186. 
"2 Brafſicanus was of the Lutheran 


party. See Amanitates e Tom. . 
p. 298, 306. | 


Eraſmus did Brafficanus the honour 


to make him a ſpeaker in that excellent 
1 Dialogue, wherein Reuchlin is cano- 


nized. 


7 7 


* Braff canus aut concepit * irritas © 


ras, aut pudore obrutiis eſt. Jactarat 


- non deeſſe quod colligeretur poſt Eraf- 
mum, quam \friginra, ſere broveibia 


om» 


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A.D, 


ſumſerit ex meis. Deſiit ad me ſcribere, 


quod facile fero. Nihil enim illius 


epiſtolis ſtomachantius, et convitiis ad- 


miſcebat tam blanda, ut aliquoties deſi- 
derarim in eo ſobriam mentem, Ep. 


372. c. 1757, 


Braſſicanus rogavit Eraſmum, qua 


ratione doctus poſſet fieri. Reſpondit 
ex tempore; Si doctis aſſidue convive- 
et; ft doctos audiret non minus ſub- 
miſſe quam honorifice; ſi doctos ſtrenue 
legeret; ſi doctos diligenter ediſceret; 
denique, fi ſe dotum numquam putaret, 


Centur. Ep it. Goldafti. Ep.*44. p. 169, 


* Dulcoratis amarulentiarum Eraſ- 
mice reſponfion onis ad apologiam Fratris 
Lodovici Carvaiali ab eodem Lodovico 


edita. Maittaire 1. 495. 


0 29. 
1 v4 
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a * 44 % & 1 * LE 1 * 7 


OF ERASMUS. 


A. D. mpxxx1. Etat. Lx1v, 


501 


Some perſons had been deſirous that Eraſmus ſhould repair to A. D. 1531. 


the Diet of Augſburg: but he excuſeth himſelf, 


I could not have gone (ſays he) without running the riſque of 
my life; and therefore I choſe rather to live, I knew very well 
that if I went there, I ſhould bring miſchief upon my own head, 
without being able to compoſe the diſſentions and tumults. I 
alſo knew upon whoſe judgment the Emperor relied ; upon 
Divines, in whoſe opinion whoſoever ſhall dare to open his mouth 
in favour of piety is a Lutheran, and worſe than a Lutheran. I 
am by nature void of diſſimulation, and ſomewhat free of ſpeech. 
If I had ſuited myſelf to the paſſions of certain people, I muſt 
have ſaid many things againſt my own conſcience. So I have 


ſome obligations to my bad ſtate of health, which furniſheth me 


with a plea for abſence. Ep. 1152. 


To John More, ſon of Sir Thomas, he dedicated the works 
of Ariſtotle, printed in Greek by Froben's heirs; and to Charles, 
ſon to Lord William Montjoy, the hiſtory of“ Livy, augmented 


with five books which had not been printed before. They were 


diſcovered by Simon Grynæus in a manuſcript belonging to the 


Monaſtery of Lorſe. Ep. 1159, 1160. 


In 

He might have ſaid with Salluſ u See Fabricius Bill, ar. Tom. I, 
Scio ego, quam difficile atque aſpe- p. 196. 

rum factu fit conſilium dare regi, aut * Viſum eſt tuo nomini Sun Titum 


imperatori, poſtremo cuiquam mortali, Livium — quinque libris modo repertis 


cujus opes in excelſo ſunt: quippe cum auctum; quos bono quodam genio in 


et illis conſultorum copiz adſint; neque bibliotheca Monaſterii Lauriſſeni, aut, 
de futuro quiſquam ſatis callidus, ſatiſ- ut vulgo, Lorſenſis, reperit Simon Gry- 
que prudens fit, Quinetiam ſæpe prava næus, vir ut in omni genere literarum 
magis, be bona conſilia proſpere citra ſupercilium eruditus, ita provehen- 


eveniunt : quia pleraſque res fortuna ex dis liberalibus Rudiis natus. Id autem 


Jubidine ſua agitat. Sailu/tins Orat, II. Monaſterium eſt e regione Wormaciæ, 
ad Cal. | tive 


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THE LIFE 
In Ep. 1159, Eraſmus beſtows many commendations on Bebe- 
lius, the Printer. See Maittaire II. 342, &c. 


five Borbetomagi trans Rhenum, a Ca- 


rolo Magno ſeptingentis abhinc annis 
et eo amplius exſtructum, ac librorum 


copioſiſſima ſupellectile inſtructum: nam 
hæc olim præcipua cura Principum fuit, 


et hic ſolet eſſe chariſſimus Cœnobio- 
rum theſaurus. Archetypum erat ad- 


mirandæ vetuſtatis, priſco more per- 


petua literarum ſerie ita depictum, ut 
difficillimum fuerit verbum a verbo di- 
rimere, niſi docto, attento, et in hoc 
ipſum exercitato. Unde non parum 
negotii fuit in parando exemplari, quod 
typographicis operis traderetur utendum. 


Nec minore cura quam fide advigila- 


tum eſt, ne uſquam in deſcribendo ab 
archetypo recederetur. Quod ſi pridem 
magna ſtudioſorum gratulatione merito 


exceptum eſt qualecunque fragmentum, 


quod nobis dedit Moguntia; quanto 
plauſu excipi par eſt tantam Livianæ 
hiſtoriæ acceſſionem? Atque utinam 
faxit Deus Opt. Max. ut hic Auctor 
totus et integer nobis reſtituatur. Ejus 
rei ſpem nonnullam præbent rumores 
per ora quorundam volitantes; dum 
hic apud Danos, ille apud Polonos, 
alius apud Germanos, haberi Liviana 
quædam nondum edita jactitat. Certe 
poſteaquam haſce reliquias præter om- 


nium ſpem objecit fortuna, non video 
cur deſperemus et plura poſſe contingere. 
Atque hic mea quidem ſententia Prin- 


cipes viri rem ſe dignam facerent, ſi 


præmiis propoſitis, eruditos ad perveſti- 


— 


He 


gandum tantum thefaurum ſollicita- 
rent, aut etiam ad editionem perpelle- 
rent: ſi qui forte ſunt, qui rem publicæ 


utilitati paratam gravi ſtudiorum jac- 


tura premunt abduntque. Vehementer 
enim abfurdum videtur, homines ut 
parum auri argentive inveniant, tantis 
impendiis tantiſque periculis ad ipſos 
pene inferos terræ viſcera perfodere; 
et hujuſmodi theſauros tanto illis pre- 


tioſiores, quanto corpore præſtantior eft 


animus, prorſus negligere, nec ulla 
veſtigatione dignos judicare. Mida- 
rum hic animus eſt, non principum. 
29. 1160. 

L' edition de Tite Live de Froben ef 
aſſez bonne; mais Sigonius y a bien 
corrige. C'eſt grand cas qu' Eraſme a 
trouve cinq livres de Livius, & celui 


qui les a deſcrits, ne les a ſceu lire. On 


a cherche toutes les bibliotheques de la 
Chreſtiente, in n'y a plus rien, Scali- 


geran. p. 246. 


De tempore quo verſiones ſuas con- 
fecit Argyropylus mire fallitur Eraſmus, 
quum in Præfatione (i. e. Epiſt. 1159) 
ait illum eas confeciſſe, poſtquam ab 
Aldo Opera Ariſtotelis fuiſſent edita: 
h. e. poſt an. xD xcv. (read MCCCCXCV) 
&c. Hodius De Græc. Illuſtr. p. 208. 


Aldus, as Fabricius informs us, pub- 
liſhed a Greek Edition of Ariſtotle, 
A. 1498, which was become very ſcarcg 
even in the days of Erafmus. 


OF ERASMUS, 
He again gives an * account of the ſweating ſickneſs. 

He writes a letter of excuſe to the poet Eobanus Heſſus, who 
took it ill that he was not mentioned and complimented in the 
Ciceronianus. Eobanus had tranſlated Theocritus, and was about 
Homer, on which undertakings Eraſmus makes ſome ? juſt obſer- 

vations. The tranſlating of poets into other languages, and into 
verſe, ſeems to be an occupation beneath a good poet, a work in 


which there is much labour, and little honour. The tranſlator 
perhaps will reply, I wart to get _ 18 — Go on, and 


good luck attend you. 
Ep. 1158, and Ep. 368, c. 1752, are to Petrie Gies, 


a young Frenchman. Caſtellanus in his younger days went to 


Baſil to converſe with Eraſmus, who recommended him to Fro- 
ben for an aſſiſter; and he was of great ſervice in correcting not 


mw errors of the preſs but even ſome errors of * Eraſmus him- 


» Nova lues, jam olim uni Britan- 


niæ peculiaris, ſubito ſe ſparſit per uni- 
verſas nationes; atque initio quoniam 
malum erat ſubitum et horrendum, vi- 
delicet intra horas viginti quatuor, ſæpe 
pauciores, exanimans quem invaſerat, 
animos omnium terrore perculit, adeo 
ut multis metus et imaginatio morbum 
conciliarit: corripuit plurimos, pau- 
ciores tamen extinxit quam ſolet jam 
nimium orbi nota epidemia; mox nulli 
fere periere, niſi per imperitiam medi- 
corum, aut neglectam ægroti curam. 


Ep. 1154. 
 Quod Theocritum reddidiſti Latino 


carmine, miror ſi Siculam illam Vene- 


rem aſſecutus es. Homerum opinor 
experiris tractabiliorem: in utroque ta- 
men argumento vereor ut fama labori 
reſpondeat, Ep. 1164. 


ſelf. 


5 Bayle CASTELLAN, Gallandius 
Vit. Caſtellani. Bayle Aug us TIN, 
Not. G. Sammarthani Elog. L. I. 


p. 27. Maittaire I. 291. II. 454. Hiſt. 
Steph. 144, &c. 


Hic juvenis Eraſmicæ gloriæ æmu- 


503 
A. D. 1 531. 


latione, et ejus ſalſis in ingenia Gallica, 


quibus parum in literis tribuebat, cavil- 
lationibus incenſus, notes et dies in 
Græcarum literarum, Theologiæque at- 
que omnis humanioris doctrinæ com- 
mentatione ita verſabatur, ut Eraſmum 
ſatis præcipitanter commentantem, et e 
Greco non probe intellecta in Latinum 


ſermonem male vertentem, frequenter 
ſuorum erratorum admoneret. Quæ 


ille, qui plurimum Caſtellani opera ute- 


retur, cum agnoſcere atque emendare 


ejus admonitu cogeretur, plurimum illi 
tribuebat atque deferebat. Memini 
Caſtellanum 


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804 THE LIFE 


A. D. 1537. ſelf. After this he was a great favourite of Francis I, who made 
him a Biſhop. He had as bad an opinion of the Court of 
Rome as Eraſmus and Luther, and had contracted it, not from 
hear- ſays, but from his own obſervation, He was a ſort of free. 
thinker, as to Popery, and this diſpoſition he might perhaps have 
caught from converting with his friend Eraſmus: but he was 
for maintaining the Catholic Religion, and for keeping the 
Reformed undermoſt; for which they hated him, as an ambi- 
tious hypocrite, and repreſented his death as a divine judgment. 
So Beza, H. Stephanus, D'Aubigne, and other good Proteſtants 
thought about it. Eraſmus had a ſingular love and eſteem for 
Caſtellanus, and writes to him in a molt affectionate manner, and 
wiſhes him either a good wife, or a good Biſhoprick. The latter 


happened 


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Caſtellanum mihi frequenter dicere Eraſ- perſuaſiſſimum ne Pontifices quidem 
mum in literis Græcis ſupra vulgus tum Romanos religionis et ſacrorum antiſti- 
parum promoviſſe, in auctoribus qui 
ab uſu communi remoti eſſent inſigni- 
ter hæſitaviſſe. Itaque quæ ex illis 
vertebat aut commentabatur, majore ex 
parte adjuvantibus doctis, qui ei hanc 
operam navabant, præſtitiſſe. Gallan- 


dius Vit. Caſt. 


tes, tot ſuis ſuorumque flagitiis ſceleri- 
buſque contaminatos, vere et ex animo 
Chriſtum colere; quæ autem in religi- 
one facerent, retinendæ dominationis 
cauſa, veluti larva ad fallendum appo- 
ſita, egregie ſimulare. Gallandius. 


Ego (ſays Luther) Romæ non diu 


s Memini eum aliquando, cum Pon- 
tificum Romanorum ſupinas libidines, 


avaritiam, et rapacitatem, religionis 


contemtum, ſuperbiamque Cardinali- 
um, luxum et ignaviam, nundinatio- 


neſque, cauponationes, et flagitia reli- 
qua aulicorum Romanenſium deſcribe- 


ret, et cetera quæ tunc vidiſſet com- 
memoraret, ita animo concitari et in- 
dignatione commoveri conſueviſſe, ut ei 
non modo in facie color, ſed et toto 
corpore geſtus motuſque immutarentur; 
ut etiam mihi frequenter diceret ſibi eſſe 


dor, exſecrer illas. 


fui, ibi celebravi ipſe, et vidi celebrari 
aliquot miſſas, ſed ita, ut quoties recor- 
Nam ſuper men- 
ſam, inter alia, audivi Curtiſanos quoſ- 
dam ridendo gloriari, nonnullos in ara 
ſuper panem et vinum hæc verba pro- 
nunciare, Panis es, panis manebis : vi- 
num es, vinum manebis, De hac pro- 
fectione in colloquiis familiaribus ſæpe 
eſt ſibi gratulatus Lutherus ; dixitque 
mille florenis ſe eam non commutatu- 


rum, HMelch. Adam Vit. Luth, P- 495 
t Bayle Not, Q. 


OF ERASMUS. 


with Eraſmus, in preferring Jerom very much to Auguſtin, and in 

having no great eſteem for the latter; and poſſibly his friend 

Eraſmus had ſome ſhare in leading him into this ſentiment. 
Caſtellanus, in a funeral ſermon upon his good Patron, 


Francis I, declared his hope that the King was gone directly to 


Paradiſe, This gave great offence to the Sorbonne, which ſent: 
deputies to complain of it at court. But they were coldly 
received: and Mendoza, the King's ſteward, told them, that he 
knew his old maſter's temper better than they ; that he never 


could endure to remain long in any place; and that if he went 
into Purgatory, he only ſtopped there juſt to take a gill of wine, 


or ſo, in his paſſage. 


« From the letters of Eraſmus to ) Caſtellinus, we learn that 


2 they both wrote a very bad hand. As to Eraſmus, his manu- 


11 « ſcript 


E Latinis (Patribus) divum Hie- 
ronymum plurimi faciebat, non modo 
quod cæteris eloquentior eſſet, verum 
etiam quod omnibus artium liberalium 
ſcientia facile anteiret. Nam ut divum 
Auguſtinum contra hæreticos de homi- 
nis Chriſtiani juſtificatione diſputando 
proxime ad divi Pauli ſententiam ac- 
ceſſiſſe fatebatur, ita linguarum igno- 
ratione ſomniaſſe frequenter atque etiam 
deliraſſe ſacra explicando aſſeverabat; 
cumque bonarum artium magis non 
ignorans quam peritus dici poſſet, non 
ſatis idoneum eſſe judicabat cui de arti- 
bus diſſerenti legendo tempus ab eo 
tranſmitteretur qui minime otio abun- 
daret. Eam quoque ſtyli Auguſtiniani 


anfractuoſam ſinuoſitatem eſſe et ſer- 


monis omni elegantia vacui impurita- 
tem addebat, ut ab homine liberaliter 
in litexis educato citra faſtidium legi 


vix poſſet. Gallandius, p. 44. 
* See Thuanus L. III. p. 87. 


Here is the place in the Sermon, 


which Bayle hath not given us: 
J'entens, que conſideré la vie du feu 
Roy, pleine d' actes vertueux & louables, 
&c. j'entens donc que fa vie, telle que 
jay dict, & ſa mort plus louable que 
je ne ſcauroye dire, & l'infinitè peſee 
de la grandeur & multitude des miſeri- 
cordes de noſtre Seigneur, peult induire 


une inclination en noſtre entendement 


pour penſer qu'il eſt en Paradis, comme 


choſe qui n'eſt point incroyable, ny in- 


eſtimable, felon la ſignification commune 
de ces mots, encores que le jugement 
certain de la verite ne ſoit en homme 


mortel, quel qui ſoit, par aucune per- 


ſuaſion ou conjecture humaine. See 
Gallandius, p. 265. 


E 
happened to be his lot. Caſtellanus was alſo of the ſame opinion A. D. 1531. 


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THE LIFE 


I'S: 8 1531 « ſcript of the Lingua was ſuch a ſcraul, that he himſelf could 
« hardly decypher it, when he attempted, by the help of his 


306 


« copy, to correct the faults which had flipped into the edition 
« of 1525. This he tells us himſelf at the head of the Errata,” 
Bayle CASTELLAN, Not. D, and Rem. Crit. p. 3099. 
Eraſmus complains that mere worldly means were projected for 
removing the ſchiſm in the Church. Charles V, united with 
the Pope, required that the Proteſtants ſhould reeſtabliſh every 
thing upon the old foot, and threatened them with war, if they 
refuſed to comply. The Pope was contriving to execute the 
fame project, by the aſſiſtance of the Princes, and by multiply. 
ing the number of Cardinals: and this, in the opinion of Eraſ- 
mus, Was to provoke God more and more. He wiſhed that 
the Rulers of the Church would begin a reformation at home, 
and corre& their own ſcandalous miſdemeanors, which, inſtead 
of diminiſhing, daily increaſed. 

He obſerves how * ſtrangely Oecolampadius was Aan from 

a ſuperſtitious Monk to a free-thinking Reformer. 

He wrote an excellent letter to * Auguſtinus Steuchus, critici- 
fing this author's works, and defending himſelf againſt his cenſo- 
rious cavils. This man had faid that Germany produced moſt 
impious blaſphemers: Eraſmus bids him look at home, and 
remember that in profaneneſs the Italians far ſurpaſſed the 

Germans. 
The 


Auguſtinus Steuchus Eugubinus, quos in- 
ter luctandum cum ſtudiis et anguſtioris 
vitæ miſerlis, ſæpe videre fuit ad ellych- 


2 Quis exſpectaſſet tantam in Oeco- 
lampadio mutationem? Ante cucullam 
plane Monachus erat, et ſuperſtitione 


noſtro ſodalitio ſubmoleſtus: nunc quan- 
to alius ſit, obſcurum non eſt. Ep. 1163. 
= Non ſecus omnino, ac olim fecere 


maximi illi viri, Euclides dum noctu 
Megaris Athenas proficiſceretur ad au- 


diendum Socratem. —Adrianuſque præ- 
terea ejus nominis Pontifex ſextus, et 


nios noctu in templis aut compitis collu- 
centes legendi deſiderio acceſſiſſe. Nau- 
dæus Pent. Quæſt. Iatroph. p. 91. 
' Fieri poteſt, ut in Germania ſint, 
qui non temperent a blaſphemiis in 
Deum; ſed in hos horrendis ſuppliciis 
animadvertitur. At ego Roma his au- 
ribus 


OF ERASMUS. 507 


The following letters are no leſs remarkable, in which he A. D. 1531. 5 
complains of his adverſaries, who had obliged him either to ſpend 
his time in drawing up apologies for himſelf, or to ſtand con- 
demned as a vile heretic. He ſays that Albertus Pius, Prince of 
Carpi, died whilſt his anſwer to Eraſmus was in the preſs at 
Paris; and he adds merrily, that though Albertus had been 
deprived of his Principality, he had till retained a © right to his 
title of Princeps Carpen/is; a carpendo, becauſe he was always 


carping and cenſuring what he did not underſtand. 


He was 


buried in a Monk's doublet. Ep. 1175, 1176, 1177. 


3 2 


ribus audivi quoſdam abominandis blaſ- 
phemiis debacchantes in Chriſtum, et in 
illius Apoſtolos, idque multis mecum 


audientibus, et quidem impune. Ibidem 


multos novi, qui commemorabant ſe 
dicta horrenda audiſſe a quibuſdam Sa- 
cerdotibus aulæ Pontificiæ miniſtris, id- 


que in ipſa Miſſa, tam clare, ut ea vox 
ad multorum aures pervenerit. Ep. 1175. 


Hoc argumentum ſerio rurſus trac- 
tavit Albertus Pius, cujus ingens volu- 
men excudit Badius, quum opus, ut 
audio, non ſit Alberti, ſed per multas 
operas conductitias conflatum: nec mi- 
nimum contulerunt Franciſcani Pariſi- 
enſes; habent enim quendam inſigniter 
ercTiuuder, Petrum Cornuenſem. Ipſe 
Pius rem fecit oppido quam ingenio- 
ſam, infixit aculeum, ac ſeſe proripuit : 
deceſſit enim multis (perhaps it ſhould be 
non multis) ante diebus, quam Badius 
opus abſolviſſet. Dicebatur Carpenſis, 
et quanquam ditione fuiſſet exſutus, 
cognomen idem manebat, licet ratio 
cognominis fuerit diverſa: prius enim a 


« Baldus 


Carpis erat Carpenſis, poſt a carpendi 


libidine. Atque ut intelligas illum non 
ſine cauſa dictum Pium, triduo quam 


moreretur, induit amictum divi Franciſci, 
in ea veſte Franciſcanorum humeris de- 
portatus eſt ſolenni pompa per vias, facie, 
manibus et pedibus nudatis, et in mo- 


naſterio ſepultus. Non inſector religio- 
ſum hominis affectum: vulgatum eſt 


hoc apud Italos; ſed demiror Patres 
illos, quum non ignorent cujuſmodi ſit 


hoc ſeculum, ejuſmodi ceremoniis, ne 


dicam ſuperſtitionibus, irritare in ſe orbis 
invidiam, plus ſatis jam flagrantem ſua 
ſponte. Sed Alberti manibus precor 
lucem et quietem. Ep. 1176. 

Exiit ingens volumen Alberti Pii, 
quondam Carporum Principis, poſt ex- 
ſulis apud Gallos, deinde ſycophantæ, 
poſtremo Franciſcani, Nec puduit ho- 
minem Principem, ſenem, ac diutina 
valetudine moribundum, denique jam 
Seraphico ſodalitio deſtinatum, mani- 


feſtis mendaciis proximo capitalem ſtru- 


ere calumniam. Ep. 1195. 
1— 


508 
A. D. 1531. 


in the habit of a Cordelier. 


« q dead? 


THE LIFE 


ee 4 Baldus in the year 1400, Chriſtophorus Longolius in 
« 1522, and Albertus Pius in 1530, were buried, at their requeſt; 
Marot, in one of his poems, 
« hath ridiculed Albertus, to, ſays he, turned Monk gfter be 


This calls to mind a ory; which I have ſeen Minen A 
certain Prince, who had led a very wicked life, was carried to 
his grave in the humble diſguiſe of a Monk. A woman, whoſe 
huſband he had murdered, ſeeing the maſquerade go by, cried 


to him, Ah you Dog! you think that you are finely concealed 
under that habit: but Jeſus Chriſt will find you out. | 

P. Jovius hath given a great character to Albertus Pius, and 
alſo ſome account of his life and misfortunes. Vit. Alphonſ. p. 194; 


— 196, and Elo. p. 154. 


Budæus was now much ont of humour with Eraſmus, and 
had kept two of his letters by him unopened for two years, 


Ep. 1166. 


Eraſmus ſtill kept up his correſpondence with his old patron 

Montjoy. Ep. 1174. 
He tells Urſinus Velius, that he intended in his old days to 
turn Ciceronian himſelf, and to try if he could it imitate the happy 


Menagian. IV. . 

* Vacat audire novarum rerum ali- 
quid? Accipe : Quanquam inter d νοντν 
numerari ſcio ſenis mutare linguam, ta- 


men ego meditor mutare ſtylum. Ac 


primum applicui memet ad exemplar 


ſtructuræ Budaicz : legi pleraſque illius 


epiſtolas feliciter elaboratas, anniſus 
ſum ſedulo, ſed conatus ſucceſſu caruit. 
Nunc in effingendo Cicerone ſum totus. 


Dices, Quid accidit? Huc exſtimula- 
runt me trium hujus ætatis in dicendo 


leliciſſimorum epiſtolæ, Jacobi Sadoleti, 


rem inoffenſe labuntur, nulla ſalebra, 


eloquence 


Petri Bembi, et Julii Pflug, quorum 
poſtremum nuper amicum habere ccepi, 
ex re mala magnum nactus bonum. 
Phraſis horum ita conſentit, ut dicas a 
teneris unguiculis eodem in ludo doctos 
et educatos. Deum immortalem! qui 
candor orationis, quam felix facilitas, 
quanta ſenſuum ſanitas, quam omnia 
cohærent, amniſque limpidiſſimi in mo- 


nullo vortice lectorem remorante! Tales 
Ciceronianos toto pectore poſſum amare, 


utinam et allequi liceat. Sed arbitror 
conſultius 


OF ERASM Us. 


eloquence of Sadolet, Bembus, and Julius Pflug, in his opinion, A. P. 1537. 
the three beſt writers of that age. A pure and elegant ſtyle was 
perhaps the ſmalleſt of Sadolet's accompliſhments: he was a man 
of piety, probity, and moderation, affable, and good-natured. 
There was a rumour that Bembus, Sadolet, * Contarenus and 
Campegius died of poiſon, and were diſpatched, becauſe they had 
contracted a familiarity with ſome Proteſtants, and were ſuſpected 


of being too favourably diſpoſed towards that party. Sadolet 


was ſeventy years old when he died, and Bembus was much older. 
Surely it was not worth the while | to poiſon either of them at that 


time of life. 


Seckendorf hath collected ſome things, which ſhew the 
* Chriſtian temper of Sadolet, and are much to his honour, 


conſultius ut ſexagenarius ab his comitiis 
abſtineam, ne per juventutem tumultu- 
antem iam depontanus. Ep. 1170. 
Cum annum ætatis ſeptuageſimum 
attigiſſet (Sadoletus) in febrim lapſus, 
diem poſtremum obiit Rome, non ſine 
dati veneni ſuſpicione. Quatuor enim 
hi Cardinales, viri docti et boni, Bem- 


bus, Sadoletus, Caſpar Contarenus, et 


Campegius properata morte feruntur 
occubuiſſe: cauſam ignorant multi, niſi 
quod forte cum iis qui a Romana reli- 
gione diſcordant, aliquam familiarita- 
tem habuiſſe credantur. Boiiſſard. 
 Mortuus eſt Contarenus anno I 542, 
non fine veneni ſuſpicione. Qui fami- 
liariter illum noverunt, de Juſtificatione 
hominis recte ſenſiſſe dicunt, Fuit vir 
cumprimis doQus, et exſtat ejus de Ma- 
giſtratibus atque Republica Venctorum 
liber. Sleidan L. XIV. 381. See P. 
Jovius Elog. p. 184. Pope Blount, 
p. 427. Vita Contareni auctore J. Cala, 


rentur. 


Julius 


It is in the Vite Buteſii. F. Paul B. I. 


F. 66. p. 159, and Dr. Courayer. 


Contarenus declared to Peter Martyr, 


that he had a great eſteem for Melanch- 


thon and Bucer. Aelch. Adam Vit. 
Buceri. 


b Ex Raynaldo percipitur, Evangeli- 


cam doctrinam Avenione, &c. progreſſus 


quoſdam habuiſſe anno 1539 Pontifi- 
cem vero Jacobo Sadoleto mandaſſe ut 
hæreſes illas extingueret, data ei po- 
teſtate puniendi, qui culpabiles reperi- 
Subjungitur Sadoleti ad Cardi- 
nalem Farneſium epiſtola, in qua ſe die 


et noctu ſollicitum eſſe ſcribit, ut ca- 
veat ne heretici in ditionem Pontificiam 


ſeſe conferant. —Ait tamen, ſe poteſtate 
in diplomate Pontificio conceſſa non 
facile uſurum, cum validiora ſint reme- 
dia veritas ipſa, et manſuetudo Chri- 
ſtiana, qua errorum confeſſio corde ma- 
gis quam ore prolata exprimatur.— 


Sadoleti pium et mite ingenium in illa 
2 


509 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1531. ipſa cauſa Thuanus laudat L. VI. Pro- 


duxit etiam Raynaldus Sadoleti ad Far- 
neſium aliam epiſtolam, qua Pontifi- 
cem reprehendit, quod cum Luthera- 
nos perſequatur, Judæis nova indies 
privilegia in ditione Avenionenſi conce- 


dat, quibus ad injurias ſubditis inferen- 


das veluti armentur, et inter hos ut lupi 
graſſentur. Quomodo, ait, hoc accipi 
putatis a nationibus trans Alpes Et poſt 
pauca: In tantane defectione animorum 
emnium a nobis gentium ( plane enim 
dico omnium, quod ego ita eſſe intelligo, 


vos haud ita ſentitis, propterea quod au- 


ribus veſtris vulgo homines blandiuntur ) 

in tantane inguam defectione omnium, ei 
prope exſecratione auctoritatis Eccleſi- 
aflice, magno reipublice præſidio futu- 
rum putatis, fi fic alueritis, fi ſic extule- 
vitis Judæos FE 


Hanc viri inter Cardinales ob eru- 


ditionem, moderationem et pietatem 
laudatiſſimi confeſſionem, de univerſali 
odio orbis terrarum in regimen Ponti- 
ficium, neſcio an ſatis caute, produxit 
tamen Raynaldus; quæ opponi poteſt 
paraſitis aulæ Romanæ veteribus et 
novis, qui ſolius Lutheri ferociæ tri- 
buunt, quod tot gentes dominatum illum 
excuſſerint. Seckendorf L. III. p. 244. 

Exſtat Sadoleti epiſtola, a Cochlæo 
edita, ad Joannem Sturmium, in qua 
comiter ſcribit, multa ſe in Commen- 
tario ejus ad reformationem a Cardina- 
libus (inter quos Sadoletus fuerat) ten- 
tatam, homine libero et erudito digna 
reperiſſe, elegantiam inprimis Cicero- 
nianam, quam optimi judicii ſignum 
eſſe, eoque nomine Sturmium a ſe mi- 
rifice diligi ait, etſi in ſententiis quibuſ- 


dam de ſancta catholica fide ab eo diſ- 


ſentiat; profitetur ſe mejorum monu- 

mentis et ſeculorum legibus acquiefcere, 
nova vero aſpernari, quæ apud æquos et 
peritos judices ſuſtinere ſit perdifficile; 
favere ſe tamen dicit etiam Melanch. 
thoni et Bucero, hominibus doctiſſimis. 
Reprehendit deinde convicia, quæ a 
Sturmio intermixta eſſe dicit nitori ora. 
tionis, et putaſſe ſe ſcribit, Luthero ſal- 
tem id proprium eſſe. Laudes, quas 
Clementi VII dederat, defendit, et lite. 
ris ita dicit inſtructum illum fuiſſe, ut, 
cum Pontifex factus eſſet, omnibus ad- 
mirantibus Latine loqui didicerit, quod 
antea non ſecerat; fatetur tamen culpa 
miniſtrorum illum a priſtino more et 
bonitate nature non minimum diſceſ- 
ſiſſe. Finit, repetita benevolentiæ in 
Sturmium et duos ſupra nominatos ſig- 
nificatione. Seckendorf Suppl. LXIV. 


Sadoletus, ut erat pio et miti ingenio, 


perbenigne ſupplices ¶ Valdenſes] acci- 


pit, et quæ ultra ea capita libro com- 
prehenſa de ipſis ſpargantur, ad invidi- 
am conficta et meras nugas eſſe ingenue 
declarat: cæterum oblato libello videri 
multa ineſſe, que partim integra ſen- 
tentia in melius mutarf, partim acerbius 
in Pontificem et Præſules dicta tempe- 
ratiore ſtylo mitigari poſſint: ſe nihilo 
minus eis bene velle; minimeque ex 
animi ſui ſententia futurum, ft cum his 
hoſtiliter ageretur : — ad hæc verba pro- 
penſæ nec fictæ erga eos voluntatis ſig- 
nificationem addidit, legato Avenionen- 
ſium, qui cum manu armata adventa- 
bat, repreſſo, et ut retro cederet, admo- 
nito. Thuanus L. VI. p. 189. 

Romæ obierunt (A. 1547) Petrus 
Bembus, Patricius Venetus, & Jacobus 
Sadoletus Mutinenſis, Carpentoracti Epi- 

ſcopus, 


OF ERASMUS. 511 


Julius Pflug was alſo a learned and candid man, who, like A. D. 1 531. 
Eraſmus and Melanchthon and Bucer, was very deſirous to 
contribute towards pacifying the religious differences in the 
Chriſtian world, and laboured at it during the whole courſe of b 
his life. He was at this time Counſellor to George Duke of | 
Saxony. He was one of the authors of the famous * Interim, or 
the Decree concerning an accommodation, or a truce, to be 
obſerved between Papiſts and Proteſtants, which gave great 
offence to both ſides, becauſe each thought that too much was 
conceded to the adverſary. The tenor of it was in general very 
favourable to the Romiſh doctrines, ſomewhat ſoftened, diſ- 
ouiſed, and palliated. The only conceſſions to the Proteſtants 
were the uſe of the Cup in the Euchariſt, and of marriage to 
the Clergy ; and even theſe were only conditional and temporary, 


and to continue till a general Council ſhould decide about it. 
This paſſed in the year 1548. 


Pflug was made Biſhop of Naumburg, and then ejected by 
the Elector of Saxony, and at laſt reſtored. He was a Prelate 
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ſuſtinebat. Utriuſque in diſpari morum argento donatus eſt. Michael Sidonius 1 
inſtituto fortuna tamen par fuit, &c. Epiſcopatum Merſeburgenſem deinde eſt 9 
Bembus (deceſſit) ex vulnere in latere conſecutus. — 

ad parietem accepto, dum equo vehe= Vide Crenium De Wels. Scripte- 

retur, &. Thuanus L. III. p. 99. rum, p. 15. 


i Burnet II. 355. Camerarius Vit, l Pfugius reſtitutus eſt, quietamque 
Melanchth. p. 196. Du Pin XIII. 157, inde ad mortem uſque poſſeſſionem ha- 
172. Seckendorf L. III. p. 220, 387, buit. Præfuit autem ſubditis inſigni cum 
305. Perizonius, p. 288, 289, 390. integritate et æquitate. Nihil duri ad- 
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THE LIFE 


H. D. 1531. of great moderation, of a ſweet temper, and benevolent diſpo- 
ſition, and ſuſpected by the Papiſts of Lutheraniſm, and by 4 
Lutherans of timidity and diffimulation. 


Ep. 1198 is to Georgius Agricola, whom he hath alſo com- 


mended in Ep. 1014. This learned man was once much ned 
to Proteſtantiſm, 


« Four things, in the opinion of Melchior Adam, hindered 
the converſion of Agricola: 1. the indiſcreet writings of ſome 
Proteſtant Divines: 2. the ſcandalous lives of ſome of the 
Reformed party : 3. the breaking of the Images, and the rebel- 


lion of the Peaſants: 4. the natural inclination which Agricola 


had for pomp and ceremony in divine worſhip. 
<« Of theſe four cauſes the three firſt entirely alienated Era. 
mus from Proteſtantiſm. Many other perſons, who longed 


for a Reformation, were caught, like him, in the ſame ſnare: 


and hence it is that Beza, in his Hiſtory of the Churches, meets 
ſo many in his way, who had taſted of the good ſeed, and 


© then fell off, Reaſonable men will tell you, on this occaſion, 
that, as things then ſtood, there was no poſſibility of carrying 


on a Reformation by mere patience, and gentleneſs of ſpeech 
and manners, that therefore the divine Providence left the 


combatants to their own temper, with a deſign, as it ſhould 


ſeem, that neither party ſhould ſo completely prevail as utterly 
to ſubvert and deſtroy the other. The obſervation is good: 
there are certain means, which, by being very proper to accom- 


« pliſh 


ſecuti erant ; et rare moderationis ex- ſed et ei non parum addictum fuiſſe: 
emplum eſt, quod quadraginta fere cives cur vero eam publice profiteri noluerit, 
Cizenſes, qui patria emigrare, quam Deus noverit, cui faCti ſui quiſque ratio- 
Hlum Principem agnoſcere, maluerunt, nem reddere cogitur, &c. Obiit anno 
levi mulQa Senatui ſoluta, in gratiam 1564, ætatis 61, Seckendorf L. III. 
receperit; ſinguli enim non niſi unum p. 395. | 

florenum ſolverunt. — Ex his aliiſque = Melch, Adam, Thuanus L. XVI, 
viri dictis et factis judicari poteſt, Evan- 498. 

gflice veritatis ſatis gnarum non ſolum, 


2 


OF ERASMUS. 


« whole.” Baylke AGRICOLA (GEORGE. ) 
In a letter to Mallarius, Eraſmus tells him the ſtory 
Divine, who had ſtuck 


chamber, only to have the pleaſure of ſpitting upon it. 


of a 


* — 
+ 


* He hath made ſome fair and equitable remarks on Budzus 
and Longolius, and pointed out their defects without any malig- 


nity and aſperity. 
He publiſhed his uſeful and entertaining collection of Apo- 


phthegms, and dedicated them to the Duke of Cleve. This Prince 


ſent him a cup, for which Eraſmus returned him thanks. 
Ep. 12117. 


Julius Pflug wrote to Eraſmus, exhorting him to uſe all his 


intereſt with the Chriſtian Princes, that by their authority the 


Romiſh Clergy might be induced to relax in favour of the 


| Lutherans as much as could be ſpared of the Eccleſiaſtical 
Conſtitutions; hoping that on the other fide ſome wiſe and 


moderate Lutherans, ſuch as Melanchthon, might ſhew the ſame. 


up the picture of Eraſmus in his 


condeſcenſion. 


30 


n Quo ſeribis eſſe i qui fibi 
bonam felicitatis partem deeſſe judicant, 
quod Eraſmum non viderint, quum 
corporis effigiem ære fuſam exoſculen- 
tur, eaque conſpecta ad ſtudiorum amo- 
rem inflammentur, puto non omnino 
vanum eſſe: quanquam tu conſolandi 
mei gratia rem, ni fallor, verbis am- 
plificas. Sed ne poſſim iſtiuſmodi favo- 
ribus inſoleſcere, facit quorundam di- 
verſus affectus. Dicam enim quod ri- 


deas: Eſt quidam Doctor Conſtanſien- 
ſis, qui mei effigiem in charta impreſ- 
ſam habet in conclavi ſuo, non ob aliud 
niſi ut quum inambulat, quoties eam 
preterit conſpuat : percunctantibus odii 


cauſam, reſpondet ſe mihi acceptum 
ferre hoc calamitoſum ſeculum. Ep. 1176. 

o Si Longolius hoc operæ temporiſ- 
que dediſſet Græcis auctoribus, quo ſe 
excruciavit Rome, ut tandem inter Ci- 
ceronianos ac cives Romanos ſcribere- 
tur, rectius, ni fallor, tum ſibi, tum 
publicis ſtudiis conſuluiſſet. Sed illud 
ingenium invida fata terris tantum oſten- 
dere voluerunt. 
malus, et ſi quid in quem ſtomachi con- 
cipit, magis id facit alieno impulſu quam 
ſuapte natura, et alioqui placabilis inge- 


nii, nec unquam uſque ad virulentiam 


excandeſcentis. Ep. 1177. 


But, 


Budæus vir eſt minime 


513 
« pliſh half of the work, are incapable of accompliſhing the A. D. r53r, 


514 
A. D. 1531. 


THE LIFE 


But when open war is waged between two parties, of which 
the one wants abſolute and arbitrary dominion, and the other is 
reſolved not to be enſlaved, there is no * ſuch thing as compo. 
ſition and accommodation. This Luther knew very well, and 
therefore diſcountenanced and rejected all ſuch palliating ſchemes, 


and, like the Pope, was determined never to yield an inch, 


Ep. 1180, 1170. 


Luther, this year, paid ſome * compliments ty Charles To 
repreſenting him as naturally courteous and merciful, and not 
inclined to hurt the Proteſtants, if his Eccleſiaſtical Counſellors | 
did not irritate him. 


Bilibaldus Pirckheimerus died this your, - it Eraſmus hath 
drawn up the character of his deceaſed friend, who was of an 
illuſtrious family, very wealthy, much eſteemed by Maximilian 
and Charles V in peace a moſt uſeful and ſkilful Counſellor and 
citizen, in war an excellent officer, a man of learning, honour, 
courage, probity and piety, generally beloved and eſteemed, and 
very little expoſed to cenſure. Ep. 1187. 

He excuſeth himſelf from undertaking the office which Plus 
had recommended to him, and repreſents the faults of both 
parties, which rendered the attempt impracticable. Indeed he 
had already offered his advice to the public upon this ſubject to 
no manner of purpoſe: the Romiſh Court had been much 
offended at it, and the Emperor would not deign even to hear 

FR; it. 


p Fur, 125 {0t, A, CUMN LOT , dN. 
25 K b N Ng & Jie 5 Tisd, &c. 


Homer II. X. 261. 


2 Cæſaris inſignem modeſtiam et dsArinam, cui tam multi celebres et 
clementiam in Comitiis et Hiſpania prejlantes viri adhæreant. Refert etiam 
oſtenſam ſummopere laudat Lutherus, dictum Cæſaris: &i ſacerdotes officuum 
quia edicta nova poſtulantibus morem feciſſent, nibil opus fuiſſe Luthero inagiſtro. 
non geſſerit, et dixiſſe feratur : dix fihi Seckendorf L. III. p. 6. 

perſaaderi „ adeo malam ct ' impiam 72 


OF ERASMUS. ory 


In this Epiſtle he gives a charming character to Melanch- A. D. 1531. 
Sen He not only excels, ſays Eraſmus, in learning and elo- 
quence, but by a certain fatality he is a general favourite. Honeſt 
and candid men are fond of him, and even his adverſaries can- 
not hate him. 


Happy is the perſon, whom this deſcription mts! It is not 
' fafe to attack him: the Public will revenge his wrongs, and 
take his part againſt you, Others there are, who are doomed to 
be generally abhorred. But, in both in theſe caſes, there is no 
occaſion to have recourſe to * fatality. The cauſes are obvious 
and viſible, and every one is » the artificer of his own fortune. 


Eraſmus judges very * prudently concerning the uſeleſsneſs of 
a General Council. 


30 2 5 In 


r Pieps Melanchthon, præter in- dandæ tempeſtatis, incolumi etiam Pon- 
ſignem eruditionem et raram eloquen- tificis ac Theologorum auctoritate. Adeo 
tiam, habet gratiam quandam fatalem, receptum non eſt, ut me propemodum 
quam genio ſuo debet potius quam in- oppreſſerit ſuſpicio, haud alio nitens ar- 


genio, ut quum ſit omnibus candidis gumento, quam quod ſermo eſſet paulo 
gratiflimus, ne apud hoſtes quidem ha- Latinior. Ep. 1195. 


beat quenquam cui ſit admodum exoſus. 
Is Auguſtæ ſedulo tentavit quod tu ſua- 
des: ubi ſi per morbum licuiſſet adeſſe, 
lubens meum qualecunque ſtudium cum 


S Parcendum eſt autem maxime cari- | 
tati hominum, ne temere in eos dicas, 


qui diliguntur. Cicero de Orat. II. 58. 


Os FH ie Gp t = Vis abdita quædam. 
illius opera conjunxiſſem. Sed quid ille 18 5 
Sidus, et occulti miranda potentia fati. 
profecerit, obſcurum non eſt, Erant v 
tum illic qui quoſdam integerrimos nee Sui cuique mores fingunt fortunam. 
extreme dignitatis viros clamarent ha- * Sunt qui flagitant Synodum 9iue- 


reticos, non ob aliud, niſi quod aliquo- , ſed arbitror nihil futurum: nec 
ties cum Melanchthone' miſcuiſſent col- ſane video quid bonz rei ex eo Concilio 
loquium : quid dicturi, fi Eraſmus cre- ſit oriturum ſi fiat, præſertim hoc rerum 
bro cum illo contuliſſet? id enim erat ſtatu. Altera pars de regno nihil ſuſti- 
neceſſe. —Apud Coloniam Agrippinam, net remittere, altera dogmatibus citius 
quum peſtis hæc nondum hucuſque in- ſit aliquid additura. Si quis de tempe- 
cruduiſſet, prodiit conſilium quoddam ramento mutire incipiat, protinus audit 
indicans moderatas aliquot rationes ſe- novæ hereſeos auctor. Ep. 1193. 


516 
A. D. 1531. 


Cardinalis Campegii præſidio. 
reor ne hominis fortitudo bonas literas 
magna gravet invidia, ſi modo vera 


antur. 
eſt, quod Theologis ac Monachis hac- 
tenus feliciter oppedit, idque Cæſaris 


THE 


LIFE 


In a letter to Pole, he mentions the death of Lupſet. Pp. 1 I 197, 
And in the following letter he ſpeaks of Cornelius” Agrippa, with 


whom he was not yet acquainted, 


He bought a houſe at Friburg, and was obliged ; in his old days 


to put it in repair: he often talks of this raſh undertaking, no 


De Cornelio Agrippa quidam amici 
docti ad me ſcripſerunt e Brabantia, 
ſed ſic ut nec hominis violentiam pro- 
bare, et plus illi in colligendo ſtudii 
quam in deligendo judicii tribuere vide- 
Nonnullis illud non ingratum 


umbra, cui ſe profitetur a conciliis, et 


Sed ye- 


ſunt, quæ narrant amicorum liter. 
Librum illius nondum videre contigit, 


nec ad me ſcripſit unquam. Ep. 1198. 


2 Ne nihil novæ rei putes eſſe, mer- 
catus ſum ædes honeſti nominis ſed ini- 
qui pretii. Exhauſimus quicquid erat 
præſentis pecuniæ, et adhuc ædifica- 
mus. Tantum ſenſi tædiorum in lici- 
tando, contrahendo, ſtipulando, emi- 
grando, immigrando, rixando cum fa- 


bris et furibus, ut malim decennium in 


libris verſari, quam unicum menſem 
hec devorare catapotia. Ep. 1194. 


Sed de nobis accipe quod rideas. Si- 


quis tibi nunciaret Eraſmum jam prope 


ſeptuagenarium duxiſſe uxorem, nonne 
terque quaterque te ſignares crucis ima- 
gine? Faceres fat ſcio, et equidem non 
injuria, Atqui nunc, mi Rincki, rem 
fect nec minus operoſam, nec minus 
moleſtam, nec minus ab ingenio ſtudi- 


leſs 


iſque meis alienam. Emi domum ſpe. 
cioſi quidem nominis ſed parum æqui 
pretii. Quis nunc deſperet amnes, verſo 
in diverſum curſu, relapſuros ad fontes 
ſuos, poſteaquam Eraſmus, qui hacte- 
nus per omnem vitam omnia poſthabuit 
otio literario, factus eſt licitator, emtor, 
ſtipulator, cautor, ædificator, ac pro 
Muſis rem habet cum fabris lignariis, 
ferrariis, Japidariis, vitrariis ? Hz curæ, 
mi Rincki, a quibus meus ſemper ab- 
horruit genius, me tantum non exani- 
marunt tædio. Et adhuc peregrinor in 
propriis ædibus, quod, ſpatioſæ licet, 


nullum habeant nidum, cui tuto poſſim 


hoc corpuſculum committere. Unicum 


conclave paravi exſtructo fumario et 


contabulatis ſolo pariter ac lateribus, ſed 
ob virus calcis nondum auſim me illi 
credere. Brevi tamen immigrem opor- 
tet, quod felix fauſtumque ſit. Ep. 1200. 

Vereor ne loci novitas et inſolitæ 


curæ magnum aliquod malum accerſant 


valetudini : jam enim, ut omittam alia, 
lævum pedem corripuit podagra, aut 
aliquid podagræ affine. Nimirum hi 


ſunt 78 Yara7s õZMνH veredarii. 
Acceſſit hodie dyſenteria. 


Ep. 1199. 

« A certain poet, ſays an ingenious 
« writer, having purchaſed a houſe, the 
poëtical Senate was ſummoned to 
& deliberate upon this ſurpriſing no- 


oy and ; and the moſt eminent poets 


40 having 


death. 


his Cicerontants. 


« having declared that they had always 


&« dered to diſpoſe of his houſe imme- 
e diately. Here is the Tale in Latin: 
« Memini me olim legiſſe elegantem 
« ingenti luſum, ſuperiori ætate excu- 
& ſum, cum Inſcriptione : Poeta domum 
« emit. Argumentum libelli eft, neſcto 
& quis pozta, qui cum propriam domum 


« exempli, ad pottarum Senatum delata, 
« gcerbe judicata eſt, Præſes Senatus 
« Eobanus Heſſus conſtitutus, cui aſſe- 
« Jerunt Celtes, Huttenus, Bebelius, 
Braſſicanus, alii. Cum ſententias di- 
« cerent, nemo ex omnibus fuit, qui vel 
« Maæcenatum gratia, vel ingenii felici- 
tate tantum profecerit, ut ædes propri- 
as vel hereditate vel emtione poſſede- 
© rit;, omnes rei familiaris incurii, in 
conducto ſe vixiſſe et faſſi ſunt et glo- 
« riati, Juſſus igitur eft quamprimum 
ædes revendere, pecuniam vero in fym- 
Paſium conferre, qua immanem hanc 


ce dyelt in hired lodgings, he was or- 


ce emiſſet, res ea tanquam novi et peſſimi 


culpam elueret, et ubique habitare e 


OF ERASMUS. 
leſs diſagreeable than expenſive. 


He had a ſight of the * firſt Oration of Julius Scaliger againſt 
He ſuſpefted © Aleander to have been the 
author of this piece; but he was quite miſtaken. Eraſmus is 
* (aid to have collected and deſtroyed, by his friends and emiſ- 
faries, all the copies of the firſt and ſecond Oration of Scaliger, 
which were afterwards reprinted, But the ſecond Oration was 


never 


ee fine curis vivere poetice diſceret. Jo. | 


* Valentinus Andreas.” Bayle TRIs- 
TAN, Not. B. = 55 
Scaliger publiſhed the firſt Oration 
in 1531, and the ſecond in 1537. 
b Beza Icon. Menagian. III. 454. 
IV. 271. Anti-baillet I. 336. Sam- 


marthanus Elog. L. I. p. 28. Pope 


Blount, p. 423. Huetiana, p. 8. Thu- 
anus L. XXI. p. 645. 

Ex phraſi, ex ore, et loquutione 
convictus Aldini, aliiſque compluribus, 
mihi perſuaſi hoc opus, maxima ſaltem 
ex parte, eſſe Hieronymi Aleandri: nam 
mihi genius illius domeſtico convictu 
adeo cognitus perſpectuſque eſt, ut ipſe 
ſibi non poſſit eſſe notior. Continuo 
per literas cum illo expoſtulavi: verum 
is ex Ratiſbona literis amanter ſcriptis 
ſancte dejerat ſe ſemper fuiſſe amicum 
et futurum. In Apologiis adverſus Pium 
frequenter attactus eſt, licet ſuppreſſo 
nomine. Hunc dolorem ulciſci voluit. 


Ep. 370. c. 1755. 
4 Note to Ep. 1205. 


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517 
But hence it appears, that the A. D. 1531, 
liberality of his friends had ſupplied the deficiences of his penſions, 
which were ill paid, or not paid at all. At the ſame time he had 


a fit of the gout, warning him, as he ſays, of the approaches of 


518 THE LIFE 
A.D. 1531. never publiſhed, till after the death of Eraſmus. * Bayle hath 
given an account of the quarrel, and rectifies fome miſtakes of 
Joſeph Scaliger upon that affair. Ep. 1205, 1218, &c. 
" Theſe two Orations of Scaliger, and ſome Epiſtles of his, 
relating to the ſame ſubject, were publiſhed at Thoulouſe, A. 162 KG. 
with a recommendatory Preface or Dedication, by * Mauſſac, 
(though he did not put his name to it) who was much to be 
| blamed for reprinting and extolling ſuch ſcandalous ribaldry. 
This Preface of Mauſſac is not ſuch as one would expect from a 
man of his erudition; it is not well written, and it contains no- 
thing that is worthy of notice. 
There is ſomething ridiculouſly diverting i in the pompous 
exclamations and the tragical complaints of Scaliger. One would 
imagine at leaſt that Eraſmus had called Cicero fool and knave, 
and had made water upon his aſhes : and yet all his crime was, 
to have beſprinkled the ſervile imitators of Cicero WR” a little 
Harmleſs banter. 
After the firſt Philippic, Scaliger compoſed a "ak rather 
more ſcurrilous than the former. He was doubly enraged, for 
many good reaſons : for, | 
1. Eraſmus, in ſome letters to his Skis had taken the 


"I to call him a liar, and a calumniator : 
2, He 


e ERASME, Not. . K, L, M. manus volitat, ſed altera, quæ rarius 
* Amongſt the works of Melchior reperitur, qua ſe prioris auctorem profi- 
Adam, there are, Notæ in Orationem tetur, non minore acerbitate ſeripta: ſed 
Fulii Caſaris Scaligeri pro M. T. Cicerone virum a gente vere generoſum poſtea præ- 
contra Ciceronianum Eraſmi, Bayle cipitis impetũs pœnituit, ſibique dolere 


_ Apam (MELCHIOR.) ſcripto teſtatus eſt, quod non ante mor- 
5 Colomeſius Bibl. Oboiſ p. 450, or tem cum eo reconciliatus eſſet, cujus 
116. ſummam doctrinam cum ſingulari pie- 


h .— acerbius contra Eraſmum, tate conjunctam, et exquiſitum in literis 
fortaſſe juſtam ob cauſſam, ſed quæ ta- et de literis judicium, atque adeo par 
men tales viros inter ſe committere non numinibus i ingenium, ſupra omnes admi- 
decuit (read debuit) invectus eſt, non rabatur. Thuanuz, 
ſolum ea oratione, quæ per omnium 


like a voluntary cuckold, 


of Letters. 


been no diſgrace. 


1 Corretorium munus (ut antea no- 
tavi) non ſecus ac typographicum profi- 
teri neutiquam erubeſcebant viri inter 


Medicorum, et Juriſconſultorum clariſſi- 


tus Pius et Julius Scaliger ipſum Aldi 
heri ſui officinæ miniſtraſſe, et ibidem 
quæſtum feciſſe corrigendis exemplari- 
bus. Is factum, quod objiciebatur, ne- 
gabat et diluebat his verbis; An ille mi- 


videtur reſponſo, tantum abeſt, ut a ſe 
amoliatur Correctoris officium, ut po- 
tius hoc typographico anteponendum 
cenſeat. — Nolo interim diſſimulare, 
ud multi in eruditorum claſſe non ig- 
nobiles, ut ſuam inopiam levarent, hu- 
juſmodi quæſtum literarium, non pu- 


literatos ex omni ordine Theologorum, 


mi. Eraſmo quidem objecerunt Alber- 


niſter, &c, Eraſmus igitur eo, ut mihi 


OF ERASMUS. 
He declared that he had only caſt his eyes upon the A. D. 1531. 
i and that he never would anſwer it, or even read it: 


3. He had ſuppoſed that Scaliger was not capable even of 
writing it, bad as it was, and that he had lent: his name to others, 


Therefore Scaliger in the ſecond Oration defends his Wadde 8 
right to the firſt; d in both, though they be compoſed with 

learning and ſtrength, yet there is a mixture of laboured ſtiffneſs 
and obſcurity, and a ſtyle which can by no means paſs for Cice- 
ronian; and the whole is ſeaſoned with arrogance, vanity, ſelf- 
applauſe, ſpite and ſcurrility, the uſual ornaments, not of a meek 


and quiet ſpirit, but of a Ruffian and a Bruiſer in the Republic 


Ile ſaid that Eraſmus had been a Corrector of the WY in 
Italy, which was not true; and, if it had been true, would have 


dendum, non illiberalem et ſordidum 
Feciſſe. Maittaire I. 295, who, inſtead 
of quod multi, ſhould have ſaid multos. 
Exſpatiatur (Albertus Pius) in laudes 
Aldi, quem, ut ait, nimis ingrate taxo 
et irrideo, —Sed ubi ingratitudo ? Citra 
cujus, inquit, contubernium certe nun- 


quam tu tam bellus fuiſſes. Negare enim 


non potes, quin Venetiis apud ipſum, cum 
illius offiiine miniſtrares, in utrague lin- 
gua multum profeceris. Ita Pius. Neſcio 
an ſentiat me Græce Latineque didiciſſe 
ab Aldo, quod nec Aldus ipſe, ſi vive- 
ret, ſine riſu ſit auditurus. De doctrina 
Aldi nihil addam: amavi vivum, non 
Izdam mortuum. Hoc unum poſſum 
vere dicere, me cum venirem in Itali- 
am melius ſciviſſe Græce ac Latine 
quam nunc ſcio. Congeriem ac ſylvam 
totius 


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THE LIFE 


It appears from the above-mentioned Epiſtles of Scaliger, that 
ſome of his friends were much diſpleaſed at the ſcandalous man- 
ner in which he had treated Eraſmus, and deſired him to give 


totius operis (Adagiorum) adduxeram 
mecum ex Anglia Venetiam, una cum 


ſarcina librorum præcipue Grzcorum, 


in quos notaram. Ambii, fateor, ut 
opus hoc exiret ex officina celebri, Id 
Aldus cupide recepit. Vixi in ædibus 
Aſulani menſes ferme octo, opus fimul 
et ſcriptum eſt et excuſum paucis men- 
ſibus. Ubi interim ſpatium diſcendi 
Græce et Latine? Tantum erat labo- 


raum, ut vix otium eſſet ſcalpendis 


auribus. 


Aldus ſæpenumero deset ſe ad- 
mirari, qui tantum ſcriberem ex tem- 


pore, idque inter tumultus circumſtre- 
pentium. 


Operis mei formas extremas 
caſtigavi, tantum in hoc ſi quid vellem 


mutare. Nam opus alioqui ſuum ha- 


bebat caſtigatorem conductum, nomine 


Seraphinum. 


Aldus poſt me legit, cum rogarem 
cur hoc laboris caperet, interim, inquit, 
ſtudeo. In hoc mihi profuit Aldus, 
quod codices aliquot manu ſcriptos ſup- 
peditavit, ſed non ille ſolus, fecit idem 
Janus Laſcaris, M. Muſurus, Baptiſta 
Egnatius, Urbanus Regius. 
miniſter eſt officinæ, qui proprio adeſt 
operi? Neque enim aliam operam Aldo 


addixeram, officina mihi potius erat mi- 


niſtra. Sed uſus ſum illius menſa. Ve- 


rum, quia ſecus non potui, ſtudens 


opus quamprimum abſolvere. Cæte- 


rum menſa et tota domus erat Andreæ 
2 


Aſulani. 


An ille 


et in Gallia, et in Germania. 
in Italia non vacabat, cujus viſendæ 


In a letter —— to Jacobus Ompbalius, 


a —— 


Aldus nihil erat niſi opera. 
Sed illa menſa peperit mihi calculum, 
ignotum antea malum. Et niſi me ar- 
dor abſolvendi operis alligaſſet, ſæpius 


humaniſſime ad ſuæ domus menſæque 


conſortium invitabat Janus Laſcaris, et 
mihi ſatis erat pecuniæ ad biennium vi- 
vendum Venetiæ, etiamſi nihil acceſſiſ- 
ſet e patria. Cum periclitarer inſueto 
victu, rogavi Aldum, num Aſulanus 
æquo animo pateretur me mihi parare 


victum in cubiculo; ubi reſpondit paſſu- 


rum, nunquam uſus ſum menſa Aldina. 
Et hoc tempore dicit Aldum fuiſſe herum 
meum, cum ne hoſpes quidem fuerit. 
Romz non ſuſtinebam habere Cardinales 
heros, licet tam commodis moribus, ut 
ſodales commodioribus optare non poſſes, 
et inſciens Aldum habui herum? An 
ille me pro ſervo habuerit neſcio, certe 
ceſſit locum in menſa, et faſſus eſt ſe 
multa ex me didicifſe, deditque operam, 
ut poſt opus abſolutum per hyemem 
adhue retineret, cupiens nonnihil exer- 


ceri in rhetoricis. Ego nihil literarum 


mearum debeo Italiæ, utinam deberem 
plurimum. Erant illic a quibus potuiſ- 
ſem diſcere, ſed tales erant et in Anglia, 
Verum 


gratia tantum eo me contuleram. Eraſ- 
mus Reſp, ad Albertum Pium, T. IX. 
c. 1137. | | 


OF ERASMUS. 521 
2 common friend to them both, he declared himſelf, though in A. D. 1531. 
a proud and aukward manner, willing to be reconciled. 

To do him juſtice, it ſhould be obſerved, that * he was ſorry at 
laſt for his rudeneſs to Eraſmus, and wrote a copy of verſes in his 
praiſe, when he heard that he was dead. The-verſes are none 
of the beſt, and ſhew his repentance rather than his poetic ſkill. 

In the Amentates Literariæ, Tom. VI. p. 508. VIII. p. 554, 
there is a collection of fixteen letters of Scaliger upon this Cice- 

| ronian quarrel, in which he rails at Eraſmus and Doletus, and 
extols himſelf, according to cuſtom. One of theſe letters is to 
the infamous Beda, the calumniator and perſecutor of Eraſmus; 
and it is full of compliments to the former, and of invectives 
againſt the latter. There are ſeveral faults in theſe letters, either 
of the tranſcriber or of the printer, and I wonder that the Editor 
ſhould have paſſed them over. I could eaſily correct moſt of 
them ; but ſhould be loth to beſtow any labour upon. ſuch per- 
formances, which, when they a are ſet to rights, are good for 
nothing. 

Scaliger had in him the love of FER 0] and the ſpirit of con- 
tradition, Becauſe poor Cardan had ſaid of the parrot, that he 
was an handſome bird, Scaliger would have it that he was very 
ugly; and becauſe Homer was univerſally admired, he treated 
him as a deſpicable poet. His animoſity againſt Homer puts 
me in mind of a ſtrange remark of the Abbe Longuerue : 

There are two books upon Homer which I eſteem more 
te than Homer himſelf. The firſt is the Antiquitates Homerice 
© of Feithius, wherein he hath extracted from Homer all that 
« relates to manners and cuſtoms, The ſecond is Homeri Gno- 
" mologia by Duport. With theſe two books we have all that is 
* uſeful in Homer, without the fatigue of going through his 

be Canterbury Tales. | Longueruan. II. 3. 


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THE L IF E 
His contempt of Homer is ridiculous, and his judgment upon 


Feithius is not ſuch as one would have expected from a learned 
man. The book of Feithius is the work of a boy, full of inac- 


curacies and miſtakes, 


Eraſmus ſpeaks in a very unfriendly rr manner of the death of 
Zuinglius and Oecolampadius. The ® impetuous Luther did the 
ſame: but Sadolet a ſhews more moderation and candor on this 
melancholy occafion. Luther ſhould have loved Zuinglius, even 
for the ſake of his undaunted ſpirit and heroic courage; in which 
they greatly reſembled one another. 


1 Bene habet quod duo Coryphæi pe- 

rierunt, Zuinglius in acie, Oecolam- 
padius paulo poſt febri et apoſtemate. 
erat de nobis. Ep. 1205. 
m Luther accounted the death of 
| Zuinglius, and the defeat of his coun- 
trymen, to be a judgment upon them, 
for having rejected the doctrine of the 
real preſence in the Euchariſt, See 
Seckendorf L. III. p. 38. 

Cum Tigurinis, more gentis, pro- 
fectus eſt et Zuinglius, ſed pene invitus, 


quia belli iſthoc modo gerendi rationem 


minime probabat, — Morti (Zuinglii et 
Oecolampadii) nollem tam inclementer 
inſultaſſet, credulaſque adeo communi- 
um inimicorum fabulis et rumoribus 
temere tunc ſparſis, quaſi Oecolampa- 
dius necem ſibi ultro conſciviſſet, aures 


præbuiſſet Lutherus, quum utique et j 
ipſe poſtea ſimilibus plane mendacijs ab 


ejuſdem generis hominibus ſic ſatis ſue- 
rit proſciſſus. Perixonius, p 17. 


Eraſmus 


doctrina hominis poſtulabant, niſi ex- 


ſtitiſſet ille in alio genere pernicioſus, 
. 
Quod fi illis faviſſet *Eyvanios, actum 


In cxforum numero fuit Tingle 
Nam Tigurinorum ita fert conſuetudo, 
cum in hoſtem exitur, ut Eccleſiæ Mi- 
niſter primarius una prodeat. Zuinglius 
etiam, vir fortis alioquin et animoſus, 
cum ſecum reputaret, quod ſi domi re- 
ſideret, ac prælium forte fieret adver- 
ſum, fore ut magnam iple ſuſtineret in- 
vidiam, quaſi concionibus quidem accen- 
deret hominum animos, in ipſo autem 
diſcrimine remolleſceret, voluit omnino 
communem ſubire martem. In corpus 
autem exanime valde ſævitum fuit, et 
vix etiam illius morte potuit odii acerbi- 
tas exſaturari. Natus erat annos qua- 
draginta quatuor, — 

Oecolampadius e vita diſceſſit. Ex 
interitu Zuinglii maximum animo per- 
geperat dolorem, eaque res morbum 


etiam aux iſſe ꝑutatur, erant enim con- 


junctiſſimi. Natus fuit annos quadra- 


n Oecolampadium extinctum utinam 
poſſem dolere jure: fic enim literæ et 


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OF ERASMUS. 23 


Eraſmus addreſſed to the Divines of Louvain a defence of his A. D. 1 531. 
Colloquies, againſt the 1 of falſe doctrine and hereſy. 

Ep. 1206. 

The Proteſtant Princes at this time, writing to the Kings of 

France and England, remind them that the corrupted ſtate of the 

Church had been lamented and cenſured by two excellent men, 

Gerſon in France, and Colet in England. 


nius, p-. 192. 


and bitterneſs, in a long letter. 


Ep. 516. c. 1919. 


P. 0% „ | 
Zuinglius, cum ut paſtor, ex veteri 


ſas comitaretur, nec ipſe armorum ex- 
pers eſſet, occubuit. Deceſſit etiam 
Oecolampadius. Utriuſque mors vart is 
ſermonibus cauſam dedit, et Lutherus 
de eorum fatis haud benigne judicavit. 
Seckendorf L. III. 17. | 

Ipſe Zuinglius in primis ordinibus 
fortiter pugnans occubuit, &c, Thua- 
us L. L p. 28. 


more, copias civitatis ad pugnam egreſ- 


This year there was a dreadful inundation in | the Netherlands; ; 
and after it a terrible earthquake at Liſbon, deſcribed by * Paul 
Jovius. * Sleidan ſpeaks of the ſame inundation, and refers us 
to Jovius, to Guicciardin, and to Barlandus, dee allo Perizo- 


Eraſmus, as we obſerved before, wrote a very free and elegant 
letter to Auguſtinus Steuchus Eugubinus, and cenſured many 
things in his works. Steuchus replied, with much vehemence 


He ſeems to have been of the 


true perſecuting ſpirit, and a thorough enemy to all reformation ; 
for the reſt, a man of good abilities and erudition. Ep. 1175. 


Eraſmus ſent Hervagius a collection of his Epiſtles, which 
he might publiſh, if he thought fit. 


3X 2 A. D. 


probantur doctis. Sieden L. VIII. 


Zuinglius had the ſame love for mu- 
fic, and ſkill in it, which we have no- 
ted in Luther, p. 126. He received a 
moſt courteous letter from Pope Adri- 
an VI, and might have had any fa- 
vours, if he had declared himſelf a 
friend to the See of Rome. He always 
ſtudied ſtanding. See Melchior Adam. 

o Sleidan VIII. 192. 

5 L. XX. 180. 2 L. VII. 182. 


r Mitto Epiſtolas aliquot florentulas, 
Scio te mirari, quid hoc ſit tituli. Sed 


nihil 


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A. D, 1332, | 


THE LIFE 


A. D. MpxxxiI. Etat. Lxv. 
Eraſmus publiſhed St. Baſil in Greek, (i. e. without a Latin 
verſion) and dedicated the work to his friend Sadolet, then Biſho 
of Carpentras. He highly extols the eloquence of this Father, 
and he obſerves that Froben's heirs had been the firſt who 
adventured to publiſh in Germany a Greek book, which had 
not been printed before, and that they began with Baſil, intending - 
to continue the ſame undertaking. Sadolet failed not to return 
thanks to Eraſmus, and adviſed him to compoſe a book, wherein 
he ſhould excuſe or retract ſome of the bolder ſentiments of 
his youth, and explain his notions in a ſenſe ſo Catholic, that 
they might ſtand free from juſt cenſure; and afterwards to hold 


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his peace, and diſregard his adverſaries. Ep. 1215, 1220. 


In a letter to Bernard, Cardinal and Biſhop of Trent, Eraſ- 
mus makes * grateful mention of his obligntons to him, and to 


nihil magnz rei eſt, nequid fallas teip- 
ſum. Vix hoc opellz per turbulentas 
emigrandi occupationes licuit ſumere, 
ut ex immenſo Epiſtolarum acervo fl 
culis notarem, quas expediret excudi; 
quanquam vix ullas in hoc ſcribere ſo- 
leo. Hoc quicquid eſt libelli, quale 
quale eſt, tibi certe bonum eſſe cupio: 

erit autem, ſi in diſtrahendo ſenſeris 


tuum vet ERHαęe tibi fuiſſe pro- 


pitium, qui precor ut tibi viam com- 
monſtret compendiariam T&s 7yv A- 

7570019, — Ep. 362. c. 1749. 

He Epiſtole florentulæ, aut florulen- 
tæ (ut in Editione Wecheliana) ex- 
cudebantur a Chriſtiano Wechelo, anno 
1531. Ille, cujus Eraſmus mentionem 
facit, ect e Egyuins, fuit Hervagii 


King 


Inſigne Typographicum, Mercurii tri- 


Cipitis truncus columnæ 
Maittaire II. 360. 

5 Jam ſemel atque iterum in literis 
admonet tua pietas, ut aliquid nomina- 
tim petam ab amiciſſimo Rege, te cu- 
raturum ut optatis potiar. Utinam iſtue 
ad me perſcripfiſſet ſummus ille Monar- 
cha Chriſtus: permulta forent quæ ab 
eo peterem, ſed nihil prius quam men- 
tem ipſo dignam. A Rege Ferdinando 
vix video quid petam, præter ea quæ 
ultro præſtat illius eximia bonitas. Ex- 
ceptis ſtudiis, quibus immori libet, ad 
omnem vitæ functionem ſum inutilis. 
Dignitas nihil aliud jam eſſet mihi quam 
ſarcina equo collabenti; opes congerere 
Jam Ones vite ſpatio, nihilo minus 

abſurdum 


impoſitus. 


OF ERASMUS. 


the Cardinal, who kindly promiſed to obtain for him from that 
Prince any favour that he ſhould aſk. I wiſh, ſays Eraſmus, that 
my Lord and Saviour would make me ſuch an offer. I would 
aſk him many things; and above all, that he would create in 
me a heart not unworthy of his acceptance.—To procure Digni- 
ties and Preferments for me, would be like laying a new burden 
upon a poor animal ſinking under that which he carries.—I am 
almoſt uſeleſs ; or only fit to continue thoſe ſtudies, which I have 
hitherto purſued, and which, I hope, will accompany me to the 
grave. I ſhould be glad to have a calm and quiet evening of 
life, if I cannot enjoy a healthy and a chearful one. To ſecure 
me from the infirmities of age, or to give me a ſtronger conſti- 
tution, is not in the power of the Great. I wiſh they could ſtop 
the Mouths, which are — 3 me. Even chat is not 
in their power. | 
Eraſmus ſent his copiſt Prbyphemus (fo he uſed to call him, 
becauſe the man had only one eye) to different places in Ger- 
many, to collect free-will- offerings. A Count of Eiſemburg, a 
chearful man, who had heard much talk about the cenſurers and 
calumniators of Eraſmus, preſented a very handſome dagger to 


Polyphemus, and bade him tell his maſter, that this was the pen 


with which he uſed to combat ſaucy fellows. Eraſmus returns 
thanks to the Count for his kind preſent, and tells him that all 
the arms of the Emperor would not be ſufficient to defend him 
againſt the Legions of Monks, who had conſpired to. ruin his 


reputation, I am weak, ſays he, becauſe I have not that dignity 
of 


abſurdum fit, quam fi quis confecto dinem corrigere, nec ſummus Pontifex, 
itinere augeat viaticum. Parvo alitur nec Principum maximus Cæſar poteſt, 
frugalitas, quæ mihi ſemper grata fuit, quum habeam utrumque mihi benevo- 


nunc etiam eſt neceſſaria. Optarim lentem. Utinam ſaltem oblatrantium 


tamen tranquillam ſenectutem, ſi negata ora poſſent obturare. Ne id quidem 
eſt hilaris et florida, quam multis video illis in manu eſt. Ep. 1221. 
contingere. Senium depellere, valetu- 8 


525 


king Ferdinand, and replies very ingeniouſly and pathetically to A. D. 1532. 


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526 THE LIF E 
R. D. 1 552 of ſtation, and that authority, Which would put ſuch enemies to 


flight, as the ſmoke drives away waſps. I am all alone, becauſe 


I never attached myſelf to any party, and never will, whilſt God 
N me my underſtanding. 


He writes not ſo frankly to Cardinal Cajetan, who, me a true 
Cardinal, exhorted him to correct his works, and retract ſuch 
errors as he might have formerly adopted, and ſhew more mode- 
ration. He contents himſelf with complaining of his inveterate 
calumniators, and with declaring, in general terms, that he had 
already done all this, and would continue to do ſo. Ep. 1224, 


1227. 
He ſoon afterwards found * Polyphemus to be as great a rogue 


as his nameſake the Cyelops and diſcharged him from his ſervice. 


t Polyphemus, quum ifſthinc diſcede- 
ret, noluit quenquam ſcire quo iret. 
Ivit autem recta ad Lutherum ac Me- 
lanchthonem; ac literis commendatitiis 
onuſtus, venit ad Joannem Saxoniæ 
Ducem, fingens ſe eſſe famulum et 
intimum amicum Eraſmi. Magnifice 
tractatus eſt aliquot menſes. Tandem 
abeunti Dux dedit elegantem equum et 
aureos quadraginta. Inde Coloniam. 
Illic apud Tielmannum ſummum ami— 
cum meum potavit aliquot menſes. 
Poſt hue venit futurus cuſtos domus 
meæ. Ego extruſi illum in legationem 
ad Ratiſbonam : illic bibit ſex hebdo- 
madas, et extorſit multum pecuniarum. 


| Ratiſbona rediens obiter inviſit ipſum 


Auguſtenſem. Ab eo extorſit equum et 
coronatum. Decreverat cum ſuo clau- 
do equo commorari in meis ædibus. 
Equum excluſi, ipſum exceptum decem 
ferme dies dimiſi non admodum volen- 


tem. Voluit adire Angliam: diſſuaſi. 


Froben's 


Deinde Poloniam. Ita rediit Coloni- 
am, unde diſceſſit cum peſſima gratia 
Tielmanni hoſpitis, qui dicit multa fce- 
da illic de eo ſpargi. Venit Francfor- 
diam cum literis meis, petiturus Polo- 
niam. At ego curaram ut literz com- 
mitterentur negotiatori. Hoc ubi videt 
Polyphemus, rediit in Heſſiam, et pe- 
tit commendationem Cancellarii Ducis, 
qui ſinceriflime me amat. Res illi ne- 
buloni rediit ad incitas; nec dubito 


quin brevi habiturus ſit miſerum exi- 


tum. Ep. 1233. 

The Colloquy called Cyclops 5 a 
Dialogue between this man and Cannius, 
another amanuenſis of Eraſmus; and 
Polyphemus is ridiculed in it. Tom. I. 
c. 831. He is introduced with the New 
Teſtament of Eraſmus in his hand, and 
declaring that he had a great zeal for the 
Goſpel, How ſo? ſays Cannius, 

Po. Dicam. Franciſcanus quidam 
apud nos non deſinebat e ſuggeſto de- 

blaterare 


OF ERASMUS, 


Eraſmus dedicated them to John George Paungartner, ſon of 
John Paungartner, a very rich Gentleman of Augſburg, with 
whom he had contracted a friendſhip fince his removing to Fri- 
burg, as it appears from ſeveral letters, and who had preſented to 
Eraſmus ſome gold, as it came out of the mine. Thus Eraſmus 
endeavoured to procure Froben's heirs a good fale for their books ; 
and his officious kindneſs was ſo much the greater, becauſe he 


would take no money of them for compoling thoſe dedications, 


and for afliſting them in the editions; though it may be ſuppoſed 
that what the perſons gave him, to whom he addreſſed thoſe 


books, he might keep as his own profit. He obſerves that Cicero 


and Demoſthenes are two authors, whom very young ſtudents 
in Latin and Greek can neither underſtand nor reliſh; and 


that they are only fit for thoſe, who have made a progreſs in 


literature. The remark is juſt and true. Ep. 1228. 
The Biſhop of Olmuts, Staniſlaus Turzo, to whom he had dedi- 


cated an Expoſition of the thirty-eighth Pſalm, ſent him his | 


compliments, and a Cup of filver gilt. Ep. 1229. 


In Ep. 1230, he * derides the Franciſcan Monks with much 


humour and vivacity, Hence it appears, that he was far from 
acting 


blaterare in Novum Teſtamentum Eraſ- cis hiſtrionibus, qui me toties occiſuny 
mi: conveni hominem privatim, læ- lingua, denuo iſthic ſepelierunt, vide- 
vam ier capillis, dextra pugilem egi, licet ictum fulmine, ſimulatque non 
ſugillavi illum magnifice, totamque fa- ſum veritus in ſacroſanctum Franciſci 
ciem tuber reddidi, Quid ais? non Ordinem debacchari. Ego vero nec in 
eſt hoc favere Evangelio ? Deinde ab- aurigarum Ordinem unquam ſum de- 
ſolvi illum a commiſſis, hoc ipſo codice bacchatus, tantum abeft ut Franciſca- 


ter in verticem impacto, fecique tria tu= num Ordinem inceſſiverim. Quos ego 


bera, In nomine Patris, et Filii, et noto, reor ipfi Franciſco magis inviſos 
Spiritus ſancti. Ca. Satis quidem eſſe, quam ſint ulli mortalium.—Putant 
Evangelice. Iſtuc nimirum eſt Evan- mihi Franciſcum iratum, quod eos no- 
gelium Evangelio defendere, tarim, qui cœlum promittunt jis, qu 
Riſi ſatis quod ſcribis de Seraphi- in veſte Franciſcana ſepeliuntur. Atqui 
nuper 


527 
Froben's heirs publiſhed alſo the works of Demoſthenes, and A. D. 1532, 


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628 
A. D. 1532. acting chat mean and deſpicable part to which he was ungene- 
rouſly exhorted by his friends, the Prelates of the Roman Church, 

| namely, 


THE LIFE 


nuper in ſomnis mihi po/? mediam noctem 


apparuit beatus Franciſcus, vultu ſereno 
atque amico, egitque gratias quod ea 


traducerem corrigenda, quæ ipſe ſem- 


per fuiſſet deteſtatus, meque inter Ordi- 


nis amicos numeravit. Nec erat eo 
cultu, quo nunc illum depictum oſten- 


tant: veſtem habebat non ex lana di- 


verſi coloris permixtam, ſed ex lana 


fuſca, quemadmodum ab ovibus deton- 


detur intincta, ſeu Græce mavis «Caqwn, 
nec habebat roſtratam cucullam, ſed ca- 
peronem tunicæ a tergo affixum, qui 


poterat in caput revocari, ſi forte plu- 


via vehementior fuiſſet oborta, quod 
hodie quoque videmus in cultu quorun- 
dam Hibernorum. Nec funis habebat 
nodos arte factos, ſed enodis ac ſimpli- 
citer ruſticanus erat funis: nec tunica 
defluebat uſque ad terram, ſed palmo, 
aut eo amplius ſupra talos erat. Nec 
calceos habebat feneſtratos, ſed plane 
nudis erat pedibus. Quingue vęſtigio- 
rum, quæ pingunt, nullum omnino vidi 
veſtigium. Abiens dixit, dextra por- 


recta, Milita ſtrenue, brevi meorum 
eris. Quamquam de cultu non arbitror 


laborandum, ſi modo Patriarcham ſuum 
iis virtutibus referant, in quibus ille ſi- 
tam exiſtimavit ejus Ordinis perfectio- 


nem. IIIi /e alas Seraphicas appellant. 


Primum eſt omnimoda Obedientia, ſe- 
cundum Paupertas Evangelica, tertium 
Caſtitas immaculata, quartum Humili- 
tas profundiſſima, quintum Simplicitas 
pacifica, ſextum Charitas Seraphica. 


Hæc utinam omnes in pectore circum- 
ferant, quemadmodum circumferunt in 


ſinu. Tum illos haud ſecus atque An- 
gelos pacis, non mulierculæ tantum, 
ſed cordatiſſimi quique complecterentur. 
Nunc quam rari ſunt, qui pure doceant 
Evangelicam Philoſophiam ? quanta por- 


ro turba per aulas Principum, per divi- 


tum domos oberrantium, qui nec docent, 
et iis ſunt moribus ut ædes, in quibus 
verſantur, nihilo fint puriores ? Intelli- 
git hic prudens lector quid hie ſileam, et 


quid ſilendo magis loquar. — In longin- 


qua profectione flagitant pecuniam, quam 
linteolo tamen excipiunt, non contin- 


gunt nuda cute. Quis hoc cordatus 


abſque riſu videre poſſit? Jam et illud 
a nonnullis repertum eſt, perſuadent di- 


vitibus imperitis animam agentibus, non 


tantum ut ſepeliantur in veſte Franciſ- 
cana, dataque mercede veniant in con- 


ſortium omnium ab Ordine bene geſto- 


rum, verum etiam ut teſtamento jus fa- 
ciant omnibus et ſingulis, qui de grege 
ſunt Obſervantium, ad illorum ædes di- 


vertendi, vocatis et invocatis ut ſit lo- 


cus. Ac primum hic hæredi ſua liber- 
tas, quam ſuæ cuique domi falvam 


eſſe par eſt, eripitur, præter naturæ jus 


ac civile. An non gravis eſt ſervitus, 


hominem, cui ſunt liberi, adoleſcentes 
ac puellæ, uxor ætatis integræ, pediſſe- 


quorum chorus, obſtrictum eſſe, uti, ve- 
lit nolit, ſubinde recipiat in ædes ſuas 
homines ignotos, Hiſpanos, Italos, Gal- 
los, Anglos, Scotos, Hibernos, Ger- 

| | manos, 


OF ERASMUS. 5 529 


namely, to retract all cenſures of that kind, which he had fo A. D. 1532. 
liberally beſtowed upon ſuch Eecleſiaſties. However, he highly 
extols one Monk, named Theodoric. His jeſting upon the guin- 
que ſtigmata, the five weunds miraculouſly made in the body of 
St. Francis, myſt have given infinite offence to the Monks, and 
to moſt of the zealous Romaniſts; Fleury, in his Eccleſiaſtical 
Hiſtory, treats it as a true ſtory, T. XVI. P- 574. Some people, 
ſays Montaigne, attribute the wounds of St. Francis to the force of 
imagination, B. I. ch. 20. 
In a letter to Quirinus Taleſius, who had been formerly his 
Amanuenſis, and was then Penſionary of the city of Harlem, he 
informs him that he was reviſing his Adages for a new edition, 
and had augmented his Apophthegms with two books, and was 


correcting ſome other of his works. He complains, that whilſt | 
the number of his enemies was increaſing, that of his friends — 
was diminiſhing. Warham died this year, and Sir * Thomas 1 
More, juſtly - abhorred by the Lutherans, had reſigned his poſt [ 
of Chancellor, On the other hand, Lee was made Archbiſhop | 
of York, and Aleander had got a ſecond Buboprick added to the | 
firſt, Ep. 1237, 1248. 0 
« * Eraſmus gives Warham an excellent charadier i in his firſt i 


ebook of his Ecclefaftes, which being written after the Arch- 
2 biſhop 8 death, cannot fall under the imputation of flattery. It 
— 3 * 888 ſeems 


—ů ——— 


manos, et Indos, etiamſi in eadem civi- 
tate habeant Seraphici ſodalitii monaſte- 
rium? &c.— 

What he ſays of St. Francis appearing 


0 him after midnight, is an allaſia on to 


Horace: 

— — — Quirinus 

Poſt mediam noctem viſus, cum ſomnia vera. 
* See the account which More gives 

to Eraſmus of his reſignation. Ep. 1223. 
? Opinor Morum meum impetraſle 


ab humaniſſimo Rege, ut graviſſimo 
Cancellarii munere exoneraretur. Lu- 
therani jactant illum vere depoſitum, et 
ſuffectum illi quendam Nobilem, qui 
ſtatim quadraginta Evangelicos libera- 


vit a carcere, quo Morus eos detruſerat. 


Ef 1233. 


Knight, p. 233. See above, p. 40, 


and the Prefaces of Eraſmus to Jerom, 


in the Appendix. 


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THE LIF E 
ſeems that, though he paſſed through” the higheſt and moſt 
wealthy places both in Church and State, yet he fo little 
minded his own advantage, that he left no more win was 
ſufficient to pay his debts and funeral charges . It is ſaid 
that, when he was near his end, he called upon his ſteward to 
know what money he had in his hands, who telling him that 


he had but thirty pounds, he chearfully anſwered, Satis viatici 


ad cœlum; that was enough to laſt him to heaven. — 


<« Tt may not be thought amiſs to mention the ſeveral prefer- | 
ments and honours that Archbiſhop Warham paſſed through, 


* which cannot but raiſe the admiration of the Reader, when he 


reflects upon the ſlenderneſs of his inventory, ſince he was 
(what all Churchmen were then obliged to be) a ſingle man, 


The Primate was born of a genteel family (and ſo probably 


had ſome paternal eſtate left him) at Okely in Hampſhire; 

ſent to Wykeham or Wincheſter School, from thence removed 
as Fellow of New College, Oxford, in 1475. He went out 
Doctor of Law ſoon after (which Mr. Wood doth not mention.) 
He was Rector of Barley, Hert. Dioc. Lond. collated by 
Biſhop Alcock of Ely, in 1488, and ſoon after became an Ad- 


vocate in the Court of Arches, and Moderator in the Civil 


Law School in the Univerſity of Oxford. In 1493 he had 
the Chantorſhip of Wells, and the fame year he was conſti- 
tuted Maſter of the Rolls. The year following he went upon 
an embaſſy to Philip, Duke of Burgundy, on the affair of 
Perkin Warbeck : after his return he was Biſhop of London, 
and Keeper of the Great Seal; the ſame year he was made 


Lord 


Waramus — mortuus ſupra quam 
quiſquam credat pauper, niſi quod non 
defuit unde diſſolverentur debita, neque 
ita multum defuit, ſed poſt impenſa 


juſta funeri non admodum multum 


ſuperfuit. — Qui fi viſus eſt in fine 


ad dandum ſegnior, ipſa res indicat 


impares facultates, non imparem ani— 
mum fuiſſe in cauſa, Eraſini # p. Mera, 

I long ſearched for this letter to no 
purpoſe 3 but found at laſt that Knight 
had made a miſtake, and that it is nat 
a letter of Eraſmus to More, but of 


More to Eraſmus, Ep. 466. c. 1856. 


A 
* 


College near Wincheſter.” 


2 bodes his own. 


b 


rens, totuſque mihi diſplicens, quod 
certum audiſſem incomparabilem illum 
Heroa Guilhelmum Waramum vitam 
commutaſſe morte, imo ut melius di- 


mortalemque vitam emigraſſe. Meam 
deploro vicem, non illius. Is mihi erat 
vere ſacra ancora. Inieramus inter nos 
ſœdus ovyamoIrnoxotor, promiſerat com- 
mune ſepulcrum, nec dubitabam quin 
ille, licet annis quatuordecim major, 
mihi ſuperſtes eſſet futurus. Certe nec 
ſenectus nec morbus illum nobis ade- 
mit, ſed caſus infelix, non tam quidem 
ill, quam ſtudiis, quam religioni, quam 


Hæc ſcripſi gemens ac mce- 


cam, ex hac vitæ umbra in veram im- 


OF ERASMUS. 
Lord Chancellor; and in 1 504 tranſlated to the See of Canter- A. D. 1 532. 
bury, where he fat twenty-eight years, dying very aged at 
« St. Stephen's near Canterbury, Aug. 22, 1532. He was buried 
« on the north ſide of Thomas a Becket's tomb, and had a decent 
monument ſet over him, which with others in the ſame place 
were demoliſhed in the late times. He did, beſides his many 
c epiſtles, ſend over his picture to Eraſmus at Baſil; probably a 
* copy of. that at Lambeth, which: was drawn by Holbein, and 
is ſaid to be among other curioſities preſerved in what they call 
« Eraſmus's Cloſet at Baſil to this day. Eraſmus in return ſent 
him one of his own. He left his Theological books to All 
« Souls College Library, his Civil and Canon Law books to New 
College, and all his books of Church Muſic to e 


» This year Eraſmus wrote a letter to Charles Blunt, Son of 
Lord Montjoy, which is inſerted in his Adagia, c. 1110, and in 
which he paſſionately eher the death of e and fore- 


3 Eraſmus 


regno, quam eccleſiæ. Tanta erat ho- 
minis pietas, tanta in conſiliis pruden- 
tia, tanta in juvandis omnibus benigni- 
tas. Nunc illa cœleſtis anima, pro bona 


ſemente, quam hic fecit, meſſem apud 


Chriſtum optimam metit. Ego interim 


ſemianimis hic hæreo, promiſſæ fidei 
debitor, quam, niſi me fallit mentis præ- 
ſagium, brevi ſum exſoluturus. PaCtio 


videri poterat comitatis, ſed res clamat 
ſerium fuiſſe conventum. Adeo morte 


illius collapſus eſt animus, nec ullis avo- 


camentis erigi poteſt : ſed ipſo etiam 
tempore, quod acerbiſlimis doloribus 
ſolet mederi, vulnus hoc magis ac ma- 


gis incrudeſcit. ns multis ? Appel- 


lari 


291 


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532 


A.D. 1532. 


THE 


Eraſmus dedicated Terence to Joannes and Staniſlaus Bonerus, 


LIFE 


two young gentlemen of Poland. In this dedicatory epiſtle he 
prefers © Terence to Plautus, as greatly nd in art and Judg- 


ment. Ep. 1238. 


 Quirinus Taleſius having ioc a widow; Braimus ſends 


him a * ludicrous letter on the occaſion. 


— 


* Morrhius, a printer, who lived in the Sorbonne, e approves 


the wiſe reſolution of Eraſmus not to anſwer the foul-mouthed 


Scaliger. 


lari me ſentio. Commort juvabit hic 


incomparabili et irrecuperabili patrono, 
modo per Chriſti miſericordiam illic 
liceat ei convivere. Præclarum ille 
ſidus fuit eccleſiæ, nunc præclarius ac- 
ceſſit cœlo: utinam mihi contingat ve- 
luti minutam ſtellulam adjungers foli 


INCO, — 
* 


Nec enim * cauſa Critico- 
rum ſuffragia artem huic Auctori tri- 
buere ; plus enim exacti judicii eſt in 
una Comcedia Terentiana, abſit Neme- 
ſis dicto, quam in Plautinis omnibus. 
4 Quod bonis avibus uxorem nactus 
ex animi ſententia, mi Quirine, mi- 
randum in modum gaudeo : qui mihi 
hoc nomine videre felicior, quod, juxta - 
Poetam Epigrammaticum, quod es, eſſe 
velis. Precor autem, ut quemadmo- 


dum hie Junonem habuiſti propitiam, 


ita faveat et Ilithyia. Quod viduam 
duxifti, non eſt quod te pceniteat. Id 
malunt qui uxorem ad uſum rei domeſti- 
cz dueunt potius, quam ad voluptatem. 
Et qui equos ad uſum quærunt, malunt 
domitos, quam indomitos. Quod fi illa 


genuit priori marito, tu magni mali 


metu liberatus es, ne ſterilem duxeris. 


Hen. 


Morus mihi ſæpenumero narrare ſolet, 


ſe, ſi centum uxores eſſet ducturus, nul- 
lam ducturum eſſe virginem; nunc ha- 


bet vetulam nimium vivacem; que fi 
migraſſet, potuiſſet ille opulentiſlimz- 


clariſſimæque fœminæ maritus eſſe. Hoc 
incommodi eſt, quod Epiſcopus nun- 
quam eſſe poteris, niſi prius fias Mona- 


chus. Pro munuſculo tuæ conjugis gra- 


tiam habeo maximam; libenter relatu- 
rus, ſi detur occaſio. Scripſiſti noctu, 
reclamante uxore. Hic riſum non 
tenui. At Montjoius, omnibus pediſ- 


ſequis male precantibus, ſolet poſt me- 
dium noctis venire ad lectum. Saltem 
bi guſtaſti ſervitutem, ſed illa jus ſuum 
merito poſtulat. Quod adhuc ſpiras 


Galliam amore ſtudiorum, ubi ſic pu- 
pugeris THY , ut illi turgeſcant 


ilia, facile impetrabis a Magiſtratu, ut 
menſes aliquot agas Aurelii.— Salutat te 
- Gilbertus meus. —Recepta eſt Marga- 
reta furax, rapax, bibax, mendax, lo- 


- quax. Ep. 1237. 


© Getardus Morchius Campendis. 


Maittaire II. 559, 739. 


| f Quod ad Scaligeri calumnias (quem 
Jacobus Colinus, Abbas D. Ambroſi 


et 


od © awd YI 


— 


OF ERASMUS. 


Hen. * Corn, Agrippa wrote a letter to Eraſmus, in anſwer to 
one which he had received from him. Ep. 365. c. 1751. 
Colſter had aſked Eraſmus his opinion concerning a certain 


author, and Eraſmus gives it in a letter to him. Ep. 1248. 
This author, who is not named there, was Agrippa. 


« The book of A grippa de Incertitudine et Vanitate Scientia- 
« rum hath been praiſed => ſome, and blamed by others; and 

« Fraſmus hath given his judgment of it to Abel Colſter. 
„ Amongſt the Epiſtles of Agrippa and his ' correſpondents, 
L. VII. 40, there is one which begins, Scripſi pridem ad te 
et paucis, and which aſſuredly was written by Eraſmus. No one 
« will doubt of it, who ſhall compare it with a Letter of Eraſ- 
„ mus to Charles Utenhovius, (which is 1060 in the Leyden 


« Edition.) Concerning Agrippa fee Naudzus, &c.” 4 


Paul Jovius was either fooliſh enough to entertain, or diſh inge 
nuous enough to pretend a belief, that Agrippa was a Necro- 
mancer, and that his black dog, whom he uſed to call Monſieur, 
was a DVD 2 in maſquerade, walking upon all four, 


et Regius dveyrecys, facta literarum 
viTavyigu Sacrilegum appellare ſolet) 


nihil omnino reſpondere conſtitueris, 


video optimos quoſque ſummopere pro- 
bare: nam quiſquis is fuerit, nihil aliud 


quam ſcurra eſt, et ridiculus anilium 


deliramentorum exaggerator. Sunt hie, 
qui in auctore etiam communem ſenſum 
deſiderant. Ep. 366. c. 1752. 

5 Bayle Ach PA. Melch. Adam. 
Boiſſard Icon. 297. Pope Blount, 
p. 387. Colomeſius. Burnet I. gs, 
and Bayle's Remarks on Burnet Not. O. 
P. Jovius Elog, p. 186. Remarques 
fur Bayle, in the Relat, Gotting. Vol. III. 


Joh n 


Faſc. I. p. 92. Amcnitates Literariæ, 
Tom. II. p. 513, 553. 

Oh. ke Colomeſius Bibl. Choiſ. p. 470 or 
157. 


i De viro, de: quo quid ſentiam ro- 


gas, magnificentius cenſeo quam ut de 


ejus ingenio cenſuram ferre poſſim. Ex 


ejus libri qualicunque guſtu deprehendi 
hominem eſſe ardentis ingenii, varia 


lectionis, et multæ memoriæ, alicubi 
tamen majore copia quam delectu, ac 


dictione tumultuoſa verius quam com- 


poſita. In omni genere rerum, vitupe- 
rat mala, laudat bona. 


* Appendix. 


A. D. 1532. 


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A. D. 1538. 


with great contempt. 


HE LIFE 


John, Elector of Saxony, died this year. He had been a 
good friend to Luther, Who nt his death, and preached 


his funeral ſermon. 


Luther himſelf was very ill, and given up by his hyficins: 
he was perſuaded that his diſeaſe was cauſed by the Devil, and 
confident that he ſhould recover, and diſappoint the boaſts of 


the Papiſts. 


In a letter to Cholerus, Eraſmus mentions (Oſwaldus) My- 


conius. 


Melch. Adam, in the life of this Myconius, obſerves 


that he was intimately acquainted with Eraſmus and Glareanus, 


and much eſteemed by them both. But Eraſmus ſpeaks of him 
In the ſame letter he gives an account 


of Lambertus Campeſtris, who had adulterated his Dialogues, 


Ep. 1233. 


Thomas Poly wrote a friendly 4 letter from Lande to Eraſ- 
mus, and hoped that he ſhould pay him a viſit at Baſil. He 
had ſeen the Defence of Eraſmus againſt the Sorboniſts, whom 


he calls Nebulones Pariſienſes. He is, I ſuppoſe, the perſon who 


is called Polus, in the Colloquy Exorciſmus, and is there repre- 
ſented as a merry fellow, who acted the Ghoſt, to ſcare a filly 


A Seckendorf L. III. p. 30. 

m Idem Li. III. p. 38. 

Baſileæ in locum Oecolampadii 
ſurrogatus eſt Myconius, homo ineptus, 
et quondam ludimagiſter frigidus. 


* In civitate quadam, Zorſt opinor 


dicitur, æqualis Argentorato, ditionis 


Ducis Juliacenſis, Lambertus Campefter, 


qui olim Lutetiz edidit Colloquia mea 
velut a me emendata, perſuaſo typo- 
grapho rem eſſe vendibilem, et ſub no- 
mine meo prxfatus, et admixtis per 
totum opus miris emblematibus, qui- 
bus meipſum accuſabam, omnia plena 
ſcurrilis cujuſdam ſtoliditatis; quo per- 


and 


acto fugit Ludgunum; et ſimulans ſe 
ſummum Eraſmi amicum, reperit patro- 
num, cui mox ſuffuratus trecentos coro- 
natos fugit, et in fuga deprehenſus eſt 
inter aliquot puellas, ſuffigendus in cru- 
cem, niſi ſacra cuculla Dominici ſervaſ- 
ſet eum: is, inquam, multis aliis flagitiis 
ac ſceleribus deſignatis, tandem in ea 
civitate, excuſſa cuculla, docet Evange- 
lium, hoc eſt, meras ſeditiones. Dux 
petiit, ut hominem ejicerent. Reſpon- 
derunt, ſe non poſſe carere ſuo Eccle- 


ſiaſta. 
. 1795, 


OF ERASMUS 535 
and ſuperſtitious Prieſt. It is an excellent ſtory, but probably a A. D. 1532, 
little embroidered. FR I. e. 749. 


A. D. MDXXX111, 1 2 Etat. LxvI, 


Eraſmus aſcribes the book of Scaliger to Aleander, and ſuppoſes A. D. 15331 
chat Bedda and Julius Camillus had ſome hand in it. Ep. 369, 


370. c. 1754. 
Alciat relates that Julius Camillus, a man of learning, had 
made an offer to Francis the firſt, to teach him in a month's time 
to compoſe in Greek and Latin, in proſe and in verſe, with as 
much elegance as Demoſthenes and Cicero, Homer and Virgil. 
He only required that the King would allow him one hour in a 
day, to give him his leſſons. But he deſired that he might be 
permitted to be alone with the King, ſince ſo noble a ſecret was 
fit only to be communicated to a crowned head, and that his 
Majeſty would diſcover it to no perſon. For his reward, he 
modeſtly propoſed as much preferment as would amount to two 
thouſand crowns a year. His great confidence induced Francis 
to think that he had ſomething to communicate that was worth 
the knowing. So he took two leſſons of him, and then diſ- 
miſſed him, with a PR of ſix hundred crowns, Bayle 
FRANCo1s I. 


From this ſtory it may be collected that Camila was a hungry ; 
and a bold fellow, and a true Charlatan. N N ; 


Eraſmus had been well acquainted with him in | Italy, and | 
repreſents him as a learned man, in his Reply to Curſius. T. X. 1 
e. 1. | ran | 
Eraſmus dedicated to Theobaldus Fettichius the 8 of 
Ptolomy, and to Joannes Emſtedius a Commentary on the Pſalms 


by Haimon, an author of the ninth century. Theſe books were 
publiſhed by Froben's heirs, 


a | In 


3 — — 2—[—E . — N ————— Tae — ——— . A — 5 : 2 — — GI, ** _ — 


536 


A. D. 1533. 


THE LIF E 
In his addreſs to Emſtedius, who was a Carthuſian, he beſtow; 


high commendations upon thoſe Monks, who lived ſuitably to 
their profeſſion, and were dead to the follies and vices of the 
world, As to honeſt * Haimon, he fays that his piety fully com- 
penſates for the homelineſs of his diction, and that he now 


reliſheth ſuch writers much better * he did in che My of 
his youth. Ep. 1242, 1243. 


The ſon of John Paungartner wanted to make him ſome pre- 
ſent. Eraſmus tells him that it was needleſs, that he had alread 
received one from his father, a cup, a proper gift to be ſent to a 
Dutchman ; but, ſays he, 1 am not able to drink Patavice, g a 


Hollandoiſe. Ep. 1249. 


This year he pubücbed an rn of the Apoſtles Creed, 
of the Decalogue, and of the Lord's Prayer, in form of a Cate- 


chiſm, and to be a kind of Confeſſion of Faith; and Sadolet, 


dicam citharam pulſans, Angelicum 


amplectatur ſententiarum pietatem. Hoc 


to whom he ſent it, honoured it with his approbation. T. V. 
1 


The States of Holland made him a preſent of two hundred 
Franks, the firſt compliment which he received from his own n 
country, which paid him more honour an hundred years after 
his deceaſe, than during his life. This friendly civility was 
highly agrecable, and the more acceptable to him, becauſe he 


had made no application or intereſt for it. He had alſo this 


year received a preſent from the Senate of Befangon, for which 
he returns thanks. Ep. 1244, 1251, 1269. 


He informs us, that ſome ſtrolling knaves, having Jearned 


from his writings the names of his illuſtrious friends and corre- 


ſpondents, 


eo admoneo, quod ſuſpicer multos eſſe 
tales, quales ego fui olim, qui nauſeant 
ad omnia, quz carent rhetorum condi- 
mentis et ornamentis. Sed quum eſſem 
parvulus in Chriſto, ſapiebam ut parvu- 
lus: atque utinam nunc quoque prorſus 
evacuaſſem ea quæ ſunt parvuli. C. 1464. 
_ 


4 Ad Haymonem redeo,. qui Davi- 


cœtum veſtrum ad fpirituales excitabit 
choreas, ut in hymnis et canticis Do- 
mino pſallatis in cordibus veſtris. Ne- 
mo faſtidiat dictionis ſimplicitatem, ſed 


OF ERASMUS. 537 

ſpondents; had gone about in Germany, Italy, and Poland, pre- A. D. 1533 
tending to be bis diſciples, or his domeſtics, and had got many 
good preſents by this ſtratagem. Of this he gives remarkable 
inſtances, which ar at the fame time how. much he was 
were to bei! any mne of obliging Kip wk af Ea 
their love of literature. This is matter of fact, though at preſent 
it may look like a Miteſian Fable and a Fairy Tale, Ep. 1247, 
12588 a 

In one of theſe — — he hath hes occaſion to ſpeak very 
' affeQtionately of the Engliſh. 

To Francis I he dedicated his Paraphraſe on St. Mark, which 

he had formerly inſcribed to the Cardinal of Sion, in 1521. In 

it he ſpeaks with freedom enough of the, duty of Kings and of 

Eccleſiaſtics, and of the obligation incumbent upon them to 

imitate Jeſus Chriſt, the ſupreme King and Paſtor of the Church, 

an obligation to which few of them paid any regard. 

He had received a very handſome. preſent from Damianus à 

Goes, for which he thanks him; and deelares to him that he 
never had meddled, and never would meddle in the affair of 
the Divorce, for ſeveral good reaſons: . and he hath ſaid enough | 


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: Majorem in modum doleo Anglis 
negotium exhiberi a Scotis. Videor 
enim mihi plus illi region! debere, que 
mihi tot eximios peperit amicos, quam 
ei quæ me genuit. Vehementer tamen 
angit me Hollandia, cet 2 
modis. — c. 1467. {REIT 
* Quad ais Lovanii Bauen 4 a ne- 
ſcio quibus, me ab his ſtetiſſe, qui — 
bant 4£To5&949, gανν! dv, quæriſque quid 


ht talibus xeſpondendum : quid aliud 


reſpondeas, optime Damiane, quam 
illud e Plalmis, Dentes æarum arma et 


ſagittæ, et lingua eorum gladius acutus ? 
Quanquam ſatis ſcio tibi nequaquam 
iſtud a viro gravi fuiſſe auditum, ſed a 
ſpermologo quopiam et acritomytho ra- 


bula, quo peſtilentiſſimo hominum ge- 


nere nunc undique ſcatet mundus. Nul- 
lus unquam mortalium ullam ſyllabam 
ex me audivit, approbantem aut impro- 


bantem hoc factum. Hoc apud omnes 


ingenue præ me tuli, mihi non vulgari- 
ter moleſtum eſſe, Principem alioqui 
feliciſſunum in eum labyrinthum inci- 
diſſe, cui — cum Cæſare per 

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538 


A. D. 1533. to Juſtify himſelf from the reproaches which ſome have ſince 
caſt * his memory, becauſe he did not take part with the 


THE LIF E 


omnia convenire, quod intelligerem id 


ad publicam orbis tranquillitatem ſum- 


mopere conducere. Quæ fuiſſet autem 


mea non dicam temeritas, ſed amentia, 
ſi nec poſtulatus, nec rogatus,.de re tam 
ardlua pronunciaſſem, de qua tot eruditi 
apud eam gentem Epiſcopi, atque ipſe 


adeb Begatus Apoſtolicus Laurentius 


Campegius, vir utriuſque Juris callen- 
tiſſimus, ferre ſententiam cunctabantur ? 


Merito amo 7%» Mo; dn, ut cujus ani- 


mum Temper propitium ac faventem ſum 
expertus. Quanquam ab eo tempore, 


quo cœpit hoc negotium agi, nihil ab 


eo .beneficii accepi præter animi bene- 

ö * ; \ 9 ed 7 ,. | 
volentiam. Tu dures ovrotxoy multis de 
cauſis diligebam ac diligo, idque, ni 


fallor, cum bonis omnibus, quam arbi- 


tror nec ipſfi'Baomas inviſam elle. : Cæ- 
ſari Principi-meo, cut juratus ſum Con- 
ciliarius, præclate de me ſtudiiſque meis 
merito, niſi me agnoſcam omnia debere, 
aut vehementer ſtolidus ſim, aut inſig- 


niter ingratus. Unde igitur mihi mens 
tam læva, ut ultro me tam invidioſo. 


negotio involverem, ad quod ſi fulſſem 
vel rogatus vel flagitatus, manibus pedi- 


buſque fuerim reeuſaturus? Nullus un- 


quam Principum ſuper hoc argumente 


meam requiſivit ſententiam. Tantum 
ante annos duos adierunt me duo ex Aula 
Ceſaris-nobiles, uno atque altero collo- 


quio urgentes me, ut quid de ea cauſa 


fentirem,'exponerem. Reſpondi id quod 
erat res, me nunquam ad eam quæſtio- 


nem tatendiſſe animum, de qua vide- 


tem ſummes tum auctoritate, tum eru- 


hs virtuous 
ditione viros tot annis ambigere. Fa- 


cillimum eſſe pronunciare quid ego op- 
tarem, at pronunciare quid jus divinum 


atque humanum concederet, negaretve, 
non modo multorum dierum conſidera- 
tionem requirere, verum etiam circum- 
ſtantiarum cauſæ cognitionem. Illi pro- 
fell ſe nihil ex mandato Cæſaris agere, 
diſceſſerunt. Præterea, nemo mortali- 


um me ſuper hoc interpellavit negotio. 
Ergo cum fit impudentiſſimum menda- 


cium, quod nugator ille, quiſquis fuit, 


ad te pertulit, ſuſpicor unde arripuerit 


occaſionem. Ei, quem ò Babs dici- 
tur ſocerum adſciſcere, Sir Thomas. Bul- 


leyn, afterwards Lord Rochford, and then 


Earl of Wilthire and Ormond) dicaram 
Pfalmum vigeſimum ſecundum, idque 
ante annos complures, ut id facerem, 


ab ipſo rogatus. Eſt enim vir, ut uno 


ore prædicant omnes, unus prope inter 
nobiles-eruditus, animoque plane philo- 


ſophico. Hoc officium meum grato am- 


plexus animo, petiit ut aliquid ederem 
in Symbolum quod dicitur Apoſtolorum. 
Feci quod voluit, eoque lubentius, quod 

res ad omnium utilitatem facere videre- 


tur. Hic nullum verbum eſt, quo 


(read quod) ad 53 dTogacis'cauſam at- 


tinet, eujus tamen: wir ille, ut accipio, 


nec auctor, nec inſtigator fait, utpote 
quietis quam opum aut honoris aman- 
tior. Quum Cæſar et Franciſcus Gal- 
liarum Rex bellis inter ſe conflictaren- 
tur, utrique dicavi meas lucubrationes, 
neque quiſquam exſtitit, qui: clamitaret 
me ab hoſte Galan ſtare. Ep. 1253. 
Pontifex 


ſeveral perſons. 


** U 


neat cum Regina in marirali contubernio, 
donec; Rome pronuntiatum fuerit de 
cauſa. Quis non intelligit eam litem 
nunquam finiendam vivis conjugibus ? 
fam octo fant anni quod agitur hoc ne- 
gotium, et Rex non Tong cauſa habet 
cravatam conſcientiam, quum ducenti 
DoQores Scripturis et argumentis pro- 
barint matrimonium illud nec humano 
nec divino jure potuiſſe coire, * Quod fi 
Pontifex pronunciarit non eſſe matrimo- 
nium, primum offendet Cæſarem, de- 


diſpenſarit contra fas. Tales cauſæ quæ 
multum adferunt nummorum Romam, 
quæque Principes S. D. N. reddunt ob- 
noxios, non ſolent finiri. Et fortaſſis 
aliud quiddam eſt, quod urit Regis ani- 
mum, quod efferri non vult. Ep. 372. 
c. 1757. 

t See Knight, p. 252. 

» Oppidum, de quo tibi narratum 
eſt, Germanis dicitur Schiltach: abeſt a 
Friburgo octo millibus Germanicis bene 
magnis: de quo an omnia vera fint, que 


vulgo jactantur, non auſim affirmare. 


Illud nimis verum eſt, totum ſubito con- 
flagraſſe, mulierem confeſſam ſupplicio 
affectam. Conflagratio accidit quarto 
Idus Aprilis, qui dies erat Jovis ante 
Paſcha, anno 1533. Quidam ejus op- 
pidi cives apud hujus urbis Magiſtratum 
rem ita geſtam pro comperto narrarunt, 


inde damnabit ſedem Romanam, quæ 


OP ERASMUS. 


virtuous and unfortunate Queen Catharine, for whom he had the 
higheſt regard and eſteem, as he often declared. 

In the ſame epiſtle, he tells his friend a ſtrange ſtory of the 

Devil's burning the town of Schiltach, as it Was e by 


© 4 oo - 8 þ ; 
4 4 $28 061 Bug? . WM : 1 , > © 


Pontifex jubet ut Rex Angliæ ma- 


quemadmodum mihi retulit Henricus 
Glareanus, quantum meminiſſe poſſum: 


Dæmon ſibilo ſignum dedit, e quadam 
ædium parte: Caupo ſuſpicans eſſe fure m 


aſcendit, neminem reperit. Sed idem 
ſignum rurſus ex altiore cœnaculo reddi- 


tum eſt, Et huc conſcendit caupo fu- 


rem perſequens. Quum nec illic quiſ- 
quam apparet, ſibilus auditus eſt e faſti- 


gio fumarii. IIlico tetigit cauponis ani- 
mum eſſe Dæmoniacum quiddam: jubet 


ſuos eſſe præſenti animo. Acciti ſunt 


Sacerdotes duo, adhibitus exorciſmus. 


Reſpondit ſe eſſe Dæmonem. Rogatus 


quid illic ageret, ait ſe velle exurere op- 
pidum. Minitantibus Sacrificis, reſpon- 
dit ſe pro nihilo ducere minas illorum, 


quod alter eflet ſcortator, uterque fur. 
Aliquanto poſt, mulierculam, quicum 
habuerat conſuetudinem annis quatuor- 


decim, quum interim illa quotannis et 


confiteretur, et acciperet Euchariſtiam, 
ſuſtulit in aèrem, impoſuitque fuma- 
rii faſtigio. Tradidit ollam, juſſit ut 
inverteret. Invertit, et intra horam to- 
tum oppidum exuſtum eſt. An Dæ- 
mon indignatus ob inductum rivalem 


cauponis filium, et oppidum perdiderit, 


et mulierem prodiderit, certum non au- 
divi: non eſt tamen veri diſſimile. Hu- 


jus facti vicini tam conſtans eſt fama, ut 


fictum videri non queat. Feruntur et 
alia hujus generis, ſed not libet aures 
tuas vulgi fabulis remorari. c. 1473. 


539 


A. D. 1533. 


518 THE LIFE 
The Imperial Court ſeemed now to deſire his company in 
good earneſt; for he had an invitation from the Emperor to 
Brabant, and money remitted to him for his travelling charges. 
! Aleander, ſays he, lives at preſent like an nn yet 
not without dignity. 
„ Aleander owed the beginning of his riſe to nn VI, 
© who had a deſign to make him ſecretary to his ſon, the Duke 
« of Valentinois, (Cæſar Borgia) which yet was not done. As 
© he was ſkilled in the languages, Lewis XII called him to 
« Paris to teach the Belles Lettres. Afterwards, going to Rome, 
ce he was employed by Leo X in many Nunciatures; then made 
« an Archbiſhop ; and, laſtly, a Cardinal by Paul III. He was 
« named for one of the three Preſidents at the Council of Trent, 
« but died, before the opening of it, in 1542. He had once 
< been a friend of Eraſmus, but afterwards they had great con- 
« teſts; and Eraſmus hath beſtowed no good character upon 
« him. He was a man of extenſive knowledge, but ſeems to 
ce have had far leſs judgment than erudition.” 


A.D. 1533. 


Eraſmus complains of ſwarms of * fleas in his houſe at Friburg, 
by whom he was bitten as much as by the Monks, 
wp | After 


r 
1 75 


KRevocatus ſum in patriam a Re- 
gina Maria, Cæſare, ſummo Cancella- 
rio et Duce Arſcoti, miſſo etiam viatico 
trecentorum florenorum, et præſtituto 
lalario tanto in annos ſingulos, jamque 


paratis equis accinctus eram ad iter. 
Sed imbecillitas cogit exſpectare ver. 


Ep. 12 56. 

Aleander nunc Venetiæ plane vivit 
Epicureum, non ſine dignitate tamen. 
Ep. 1258. 

Pr. Courayer on F. Paul, Bk J. 
§. 15. p. 26, See above p. 28, and 
243. 


Audi rem mihi moleſtam, ſed tibi 
tamen riſui futuram. Præter alia incom- 
moda, quibus æſtas et autumnus me 
afflixit, fuit in ædibus meis tanta im- 
probiſſimorum pulicum vis, ut per eos 
nec dormire liceret, nec legere, aut 
ſcribere. Quod malum nondum factum 
eſt mitius. Soleo per jocum amicis 
dicere, non eſſe pulices ſed dæmones. 


Non erat ille jocus, ſed divinatio. Si- 


quidem ante dies aliquot exuſta eſt mu- 
lier, quæ quum haberet maritum, octo- 
decim annis furtivum commercium ha- 
buit cum rivale Dæmone. Ea inter 

ns — . 


OF ERASMUS. 


civility, who promiſed to be a ſecond Warham to him; 
he names ſome illuſtrious friends, whoſe favour made his loſſes 


ſit the leſs heavy upon him. 


and 


He hath given a large account, and drawn = noble character 
of © Paungartner, which may ſerve as an inſtruction to men of 
high ſtations and great wealth (if they have ears to hear) how 


they ſhould employ the gifts of fortune to the beſt advantage, both 


for 


alia crimina et illud confeſſa eſt, quod 
per amatorem ſuum in hoc oppidum 
miſerit aliquot magnos ſaccos pulicum. 
Nomen vici, ubi exuſta eſt, dicitur 
Kylchove; abeſt hinc duabus leucis. 
Hæc ſtans ſcribo, et tamen undique 
pungunt, in caligis, in induſio circa 
collum, et pungunt more inſolito, tam 
pauſilli ut prendi non queant. Tantumne 
permiſſum eſſe maleficis? Ep. 1260. 
This ſtory of the fleas, and that of 
Schiltach, may ſerve as examples of his 
credulity. 

b Burnet Hiſt. of Ref. Beza Icon. 
Melchior Adam, p. 1. Strype's Life 
of Cranmer. 

Cranmer was a ſingular fr end to the 
Learned, to Bucer, P. Martyr, Ochi- 
nus, Alexander Aleſs, Dryander, Juſtus 


Jonas junior, Melanchthon, Sleidan 


&c. 

„He was a great Patron to all 
learned and pious men, eſpecially 
« thoſe of the Reformation; cheriſh- 
« ing thoſe not only of his own coun- 


« try, but foreigners and ſtrangers alſo. 


% — Such as came te him, he gave 
% honourable harbour and maintenance 
to, keeping them at his own coſt, 
« till he had made proviſions for them 


& either in the Church, or Univerſity, — 
« P. Martyr and his companion 
“ Ochinus had their annual allowances 


„ from the King (Edward VI): and 


„% fo, I ſuppoſe, had all other learned 
“ foreigners here. Melanchthon alſo, 
« who was now expected over, was in- 
ce tended ſome more extraordinary gra- 
„ tuity. Unto this noble Chriſtian 
e hoſpitality and liberality Biſhop Lati- 


* mer, the great Court-preacher, ex- 
<« cited the King in one of his ſermons 
before him. The paſſage may de- 


“ ſerve to be repeated: I hear ſay, 
& Maſter Melanchthon, that great Clerk, 
& fhould come hither, 
« and ſuch as he is, two hundred pounds 
© A year. 
&« it in his coffers at the year's end. There 


c is yet among us two great learned men, 


* Petrus Martyr and Bernard Ochin, 


< which have an hundred Mark a piece. 


ce I would the King would beſtow a thou- 
ce ſand pounds on that ſort,” Strype, 


p. 400, 401. 


Such were the ſentiments of this moſt 
venerable Prelate and Martyr, the pious 
Latimer. 


© Melchior Adam; who calls hind 
Ba umgartnerus. 
1 


I would wiſh him, 


The King ſhould never want 


541 
After lamenting the death of Warham, he ſpeaks of Cranmer's A. D. 1533. 


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342 


THE 


LIFE 
A. D. 1533. for this life, and for the next. We will inſert this Epiſtle in the 


* Appendix, together with a generous * letter of Paungartner to 


Eraſmus. Ep. 1261. Ep. 383. e. 1773. 
He ſpeaks of Alexander ab ee as of a "PR quite 


unknown to theAearned world. 


* He bitterly cenſures Simon Gryneus whom he had for- 
merly as much commended, It i is in a letter of ſecreſy to Viglius 


Appendix. Appendix. 
Demiror quis fit ille Alexander ab 


Alexandro. Novit omnes celebres Ita- 


liz viros, Philelphum, Pomponium Lz- 
tum, Hermolaum, et quos non? Om- 


nibus uſus eſt familiariter, tamen ne- 
mo novit illum. Laurentium Vallam 


odit, ſubinde Grammaticum appellans. 
De 

s Scio Thomam Morum, Tonſtal- 
lum, ac reliquos eruditos eſſe peſiime 
animatos in Grynæum. Extorſit a me 
commendationes iturus in Angliam : 


commendavi paucis, ſed invitus. Ad- 


monui, ut ſi quid affectus erga Sectas in 
Anglia diſſimularet. Hoc ille adeo non 
fecit ibi manens, ut auſus ſit etiam 
multis epiftolis eo miſſis tueri Zuing- 
liana; nec veritus eſt de his ad Mo- 
rum crebro ſcribere. Poſtremo decre- 


verat Platonem ab ipſo multis locis de- 


pravatum Moro dicare, et feciſſet, ni 
diſſuaſiſſem. Quo nomine Morus mihi 
magnas agit gratias. Sed me inſcio 
Euclidem inſcripſit Tonſtallo: at ego 
certum ſcio Morum et Tonſtallum non 
odiſſe pejus anguem quam iſtos addictos 


Sectis. Nuper admonui Grynæum ne 


ſcriberet familiariter ad eos, qui prorſus 
abhorrent a dogmatibus que ipſe tuetur. 


Zuichemus 


Nunc hoc agit ut ab Archiepiſco Cantu- 
arienſi impetret annuam penſionem. Et 
quod eſt ſuavius, cuidam epiſtolæ ſux 
adjecerat hæc verba, Redte ſeceris, ſi tu 
jam plena hirudo mihi famelico cęſſeris 
penſionem Cantuarienſem, Quum me 
vocat hirudinem, ex ſuo me æſtimat in- 
genio: et homo diverſe Religionis, ni - 
bil unquam de me meritus, petit ut ipſi 
cedam ducentos Florenos annuos, quod 
vix frater a fratre propitio auderet petere, 
Hinc collige quid ille frontis habeat, 
quum miram ore præ ſe ferat probita- 
tem. Ep. 374. c. 1760. 
k Beza Icon. Melch. Adam. Slei- 


dan L. XIV. p. 362. Pope Blount, 


p. 402. Bayle GRyYN Us. Maittaire Il, 
117. Wood Vol. I. c. 58. Gerdeſius 
Hiſt. Evang. Renov. Tom. II. p. 378. 

Simon Grynæus eſtoit un gentil per- 
ſonnage: il a fait de ſi belles prefaces 
ſur Pollux & autres beaux auteurs. II 
a bien travaille ſur le grand Pline. Sca- 
ligeran. p. 179. 

Ci verboſiſſimus et paraphraſte 


ſimillimus interpres. Huetius De Clar. 


Interp. p. 225. 

Grynæus natus eſt 1493.— A. 1523, 
Heidelbergæ literas Græcas docuit, — 
A. 1529, Oecolampadio auctore Baſi- 

leam 


OF ERASMUS. 543 


Zuichemus, which begins with "Averyivaoxe jppivos, Bayle knew A. D. 1533- 
nothing concerning this diſguſt.of Eraſmus, which probably went 
off afterwards: for Grynzus was with him at his death. 


He recommends ' Philippus Montanus to Bonvalot. Ep. 1264. 


In Ep. 1265, he makes a kind of Apology for his ſentiments, 

and refers thoſe, who might ſtill doubt of his orthodoxy, to his 

Explications oppoſed to the Cenſures of the Pariſian Divines, 

and intitled Declarationes, which however he will by no means 
allow to be Retractations; and he hopes that no honeſt man will 

ever conſider them as ſuch. By theſe and other letters to his 

friends, we ſee that he had not changed his ſentiments, though 

he had in ſome meaſure changed his language, to appeaſe the 
Romaniſts, whom the Monks had irritated againſt him. 


This year he gave a third edition of St. Jerom, whom he had 


twice dedicated to Warham. To this edition he added a new 
* Preface, in which he extols the virtues of his illuſtrious Patron 
in a manner which -will do honour to Warham as long as the 


works of Eraſmus ſhall live. 


Eraſmus wiſhed that the ſucceſſor to Watham. nigh be 


William Knight. 


« Knight was born at London, and cs in Wickhim's 
« ** Schoal near Wincheſter, and choſen F ellow of New College. 


tam invitatur ad docendum.— A. 1584, 
Tubingam vocatur. Biennio poſt Baſi- 
leam reverſus Eraſmo morienti adfuit. 


— A. 1541, ex vita migravit. Melch. N 


Ham. 


1 Val. Antrez/Bibl, Belg. p. 689. 
* Appendix. 


Laudat Eraſmus ſuum Waramum, 


quod triginta aureorum tantum ſumma 
(quamquam locuples illi tum fuerit ſedes 
ita) parve ſane, morienti ſupereſſent, ex 
tanta abundantia, copiæ. At idem non 


( He 


commemorat quantas a ae 
poſſeſſiones conſanguineis ſuis paraverat 


vivus: e quibus unum, ipſt Eraſmo no- 
tum, ad equeſtrem ordinem evexerat. 


The J. Life of Parker, in Strype, —— 


pP. 164. 

The Palace of Otford was built by 
Warham, and coſt him thirty: three 
thouſand ꝓounds. ee of Crap 
mer, B. H. c. 9 21 


» Knight, p. 239. 


A. D. 1533. 


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THE LIF E 


c He was made Secretary to Henry VII, and afterwards to 
« Henry VIII, who ſent him on an embaſſy to Maximilian. 
© This Emperor liked him fo well, that he made him many 
« preſents, and gave him a coat of arms. He was Archdeacon 
of Huntington, Prebend of St. Stephen's, Weſtminſter, Arch- 
« deacon of Richmond, Archdeacon of Cheſter, and, in the 
„ year 1541, Biſhop of Bath and Wells. He died in 1547. 
* He bequeathed forty pounds to New College, and twenty 
* pounds to Wickham's College.” 
Eraſmus this year wrote a commentary on the eighty-fourth 
Pſalm, in which with much piety and moderation he propoſed 
his ſcheme to heal the differences amongſt Chriſtians, and to 
bring things to an accommodation; but he gave ſatisfaction to 
neither party, and Luther and Muſculus cenſured his ſyſtem, 
Seckendorf hath given a large extract from this treatiſe; and 
remarks of his own and of other perſons upon it. 

Georgius Wicelius wrote a very civil letter to Eraſmus, in 
which he cenſures Luther and * Jodocus Jonas. | 

? Wicelius had been a Lutheran for ten years, and then deſerted 
the party. He was ſuſpected of being an antitrinitarian, and of 
eſpouſing the opinions of Michael Servetus. He went about, 
railing not only at the doctrine, but at the morals of Luther, for 
which he was extolled by. Cochlæus, and others of the ſame 
ſtamp. He was confuted by Luther and Balthaſar Raida. William 
Forbes hath commended him, as a prudent and moderate 
Divine. Ep. 371. c. 1750. | 


« In the year 1533, there came forth a book in Latin, called 


N the King's Book, intituled, The diference between the Kingly and 
| e Eecle faftical 


* 


725 Ane cee editio, 

Jonas, tibi olim 8 nunc v Seckendorf L. III. p. 66. 
hoſtis tuus, ſcripſit in me, cum aliud 2 Si plures fuiſſent Caſſandri et Wi- 
non ſuppeteret, mendacia et convitia, celii, non opus fuiflet Luthero aut Cal- 
Ego reſpondi, ſed nondum parata eſt vino. See Bayle Forngs, 


OF ERASMUS. 545 


te Ecelgfiaſtical Prawer reported to be made, as Bale writes, by Fox A. D. 1533. 
« the King's Almoner: which was tranſlated into Engliſh, and 
« put forth by Henry Lord Stafford in King Edward's days. The 
« King (Henry VIII) affecting to be thought learned, affected 

e alſo to have books called by his name; not that he was always 
« the author of them, but that they came out by his authority, 
« and had undergone his corrections and cen Strype's 
Life of Cranmer, B, I. c. 13. 

There was this year a Phænomenon in the air, hich; Luther 
accounted to be a prank of the Devil. 

_ « + Eraſmus, from Friburg, in the year 1533, dedicates his 
ce expoſition of the twenty-ſecond Pſalm to an Engliſh Noble- 
ce man, then of great intereſt and power in the Court; to Tho- 
© mas Lord Viſcount Rochford, father to the unfortunate Anne 
“ Bulleyn. He was firſt no more than Sir Thomas Bulleyn, 

c then Viſcount Rochford, but after his daughter became the 
« King's Conſort, he was created Earl of Wiltſhire and Ormond, 
« as appears by another of Eraſmus's dedications to him. He 

* married Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Duke of Norfolk, and 
te was related to ſeveral of the chief gentry in Norfolk. His own 
« family had intermarried with the houſe of Ormond, which is 

c the reaſon that title was alſo conferred upon him. By the 
« general account we have of him, as well as by what we have 
« from Eraſmus, he appears to be a perſon of virtue and good- 
« neſs; otherwiſe he would not probably-have put Eraſmus upon 
ce this pious work of commenting upon this Pſalm. He is there- 

4 A 6“ fore 


r Ex literis Jonæ (conſtat) Octobris 
hora decima nocturna ad duodecimam 
uſque, multis adſtantibus, in quatuor 
cceli partibus et regionibus volitare viſa 
eſſe multa millia facularum ignearum, 
vere flammei et ignei coloris, et Lu- 


therum dixiſſe, ſe nihil in vita ſimile 


vidiſſe; alio die, eodem fere tempore, 


frepifis in acre concurſantium 3 


ercituum auditos fuiſſe. Ad hc notat 
Jonas, Lutherum, contemtorem Dia- 


boli, et tentationes expertum, omnia pro 
Diaboli præſtigiis habuiſſe, falſis terrori- 
bus, cum veris non poſſet, homines ex- 


terrefacientis. Sectendorf L. III. 66. 
s Knight, p. 245. 


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546 
A. D. 1533. 


cc 


THE LIFE 


fore mentioned with great honour by him, that though ſo 
great and powerful, ſo nobly deſcended, and who had the 
world at will, yet, amidſt all theſe amuſements and dazzling 


vanities, he conld apply his mind to religion, and the more 


durable riches. He tells him how he was affected with pious 
thoughts whilſt he was about this little work, and if he in 
reading ſhould receive the ſame impreſſions, he ſhould not be 
a little pleaſed that he had put him upon this taſk, He con- 
feſſeth that ſome of the Fathers had written upon the ſame 
Pſalm, but what they had done were rather ſhort notes than an 
expoſition; and moreover adds, that he had made little or no 


uſe of them in this work; and concludes with his deſire of its 
being ſerviceable to religion. This Epiſtle is dated Aug. 1 537; 


in the London Edition ; which, as it was the year after the 


death of Eraſmus, we muſt bring it back to the year 1532, 


or 1533: eſpecially fince we have another Epiſtle to this Lord, 


dated 1533; wherein mention is made of the aforementioned 


Expoſition, and of the encouragement he received from his 


kind acceptance of that work, to gratify him in that of 


expounding the Creed, or any other work which he ſhould 
deſire from him: and therefore, though St. Cyprian and other 
ancient Fathers had done this before, yet he would not excuſe 
himſelf from obeying his commands, eſpecially fince his Lord- 
ſhip's deſign was for the: general benefit of. religion, not ſo 
much for his own uſe, as for the inſtruction of thoſe who were 
novices in religion ; that, for his part, he was very indifferent 
as to the reputation he might get or loſe by it, his aim being 
the good of thoſe who were not ſufficiently inſtructed in 
Chriſtianity, — He concludes with earneſt wiſhes, that God,. 
who had inſpired his Lordſhip with that zeal and affection for 


religion, would give good ſucceſs to it. Once more this great 


man put Eraſmus upon a. third pious work, of Preparation 


1 for Death, Eraſmus readily , and told him that it 


«© Was 


OF ERASMUS. 


547 


ce was the very ſubject he was engaged in, for his own private A. D. 1533. 


« 


uſe, when he received his commands, which ſhould be obeyed 


« now, in making it more publicly ſerviceable to the world; and 


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he hopes that God would proſper it to both their ſatisfaction. 
This Engliſh Peer, as well as Eraſmus, was in an advanced 
age, and conſequently the meditation on death was proper 


4 for them both: and ſoon after this we find that this good Earl 


had occaſion enough for conſolations of this kind, having his 


beloved daughter beheaded, and his fon George, Lord Roch- 
ford, (created ſo upon his father being made Earl of Wiltſhire) 

impriſoned in the Tower firſt, and then taken off, as his ſiſter was. 
ce The aforementioned Nobleman was a great favourer of 


« learned men; amongſt others (as Wood fays) Robert Wake- 


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field, a great linguiſt, was patronized by him. Biſhop Burnet 


hath retracted his miſtake, that this Lord was one of thoſe 


who fat in judgment upon his daughter, which would have 


" impeached him of great unnaturalneſs. 


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« There is one Nobleman more, whom I may here 4115 men- 


tion, who was a great admirer of Eraſmus, Henry Lord 


Stafford, the only ſon of Edward Duke of Bucks (attainted 


and executed for treaſon in 1521.) He was one of the 
moſt accompliſhed perſons of his time, and though not 
the inheritor of his father's honours, yet he was a man of 


great virtue, piety and learning; his education was chiefly at 
Cambridge, to which place his father was a benefactor, where, 


under good inſtruction, he profited ſo much as to become a 
finiſhed ſcholar. The Oxford Antiquary, who lays claim to 
art of his education, ſays, that he wrote ſeveral things both in 


proſe and verſe, but mentions not what they were; only that 


he tranſlated a piece of Biſhop Fox, entituled, De vera dife- 


rentia Regie poteſtatis et Ecclefiaſtice : as alſo two Epiſtles of 


cc © Eraſmus, wherein is declared the brainſick headineſs of the 


« Lutherans, &c. Lond. 1523. He died in 1 5 58. 
4A — « Tt 


548 
A. P. 1533: 


A. D. 1534. 


Wetſten. Proleg. ad N. T. p. 33. 


THE LIFE 


e Tt was an ambition in all our countrymen of note, as well 
« as in others abroad, to court Eraſmus for his friendſhip, and 
ce to affect to have ſome mention made of them in his immortal 
cc works, &.“ 


A. D. upxxxlv. Etat. LxvII. 


After all the proteſtations of Eraſmus concerning his innocence; 
he ſtood juſt as he did before in the opinion of the Monks. He 
ſays to Cholerus; Theſe animals are omnipotent at the Emperor's 
Court. Mary is a mere puppet, maintained by our nation; Mon- 
tigny, a man of authority, is a tool of the Franciſcans ; the Car- 


dinal of Liege is an ambiguous friend, and when he takes offence, 


a violent enemy; the Archbiſhop of Palermo 1 is a giver of good 
words, and nothing elſe. 


After this, it is needleſs to conjecture why Eraſmus could not 


get his penſion duly paid, and why he would not go to Brabant. 
He dictated and wrote this letter, which he ſent to his friend 


Cholerus, voce propria, manu aliena, Ep. 1266. 
The beginning of this year he was very ill of the gout, and 


loſt almoſt the uſe of his limbs: ſo that we have few letters 


written or ſent by him. 


t Sepulveda, who is mentioned up and down in ſome epiſtles 


Written about this time, and a little before it, was an enemy to 
Eraſmus, and a man of tolerable erudition. This Wretch figna- 


lized himſelf in defending the curſed conqueſts and the Diabolical 
behaviour 


Bibl. Univerſ. XXIII. 198, Du commendamus, interpretationum fideli- 


Pin T. XVI. 64, and 113, &c. Thu- tatem repudiare ſe declaraſſet, aditum 
anus L. LIV, at the end. Baillet III. ſibi ad hujus artis perfectionem obſtruxit. 
61. Maittaire II. 400, 5 12. Bayle Al- Huetius de Clar. Interpr. p. 235. 


CYONIUsS, Not. B. ARIS TO TE, Not. R. Pp. Jovius compliments and extols 


him Elog. p. 225. 
Sepulveda, cum caſtigatam, quam : 


OF ERASMUS. 


behaviour of his countrymen the Spaniards in America; for which A. D. 1 5346 


his memory ought to ſtink for ever. Du Pin, though he hath 
not treated him with the aſperity which he deſerved, yet hath 
ſufficiently intimated his diſlike of him. Thuanus hath done the 
fame. Eraſmus treats him with much * contempt. Sepulveda 
died A. 1573, aged 73. 

From a letter of Sepulveda to Eraſmus, it appears that Stunica, 
who was dead, had drawn up ſome new animadverfions upon 
Eraſmus, and had ordered the manuſcript to be tranſmitted to him, 
giving him leave and power to make ſuch uſe of them as he 
thought proper. Sepulveda exhorts Eraſmus to ſele& ſuch as 
were to the purpoſe, and to make honourable mention of the 
| Deceaſed. After profeſſions of reſpe& and eſteem for Eraſmus, 


he takes the liberty * to tell him, that he had not ſufficiently 


applied himſelf to the ſtudy of Geography. 


u Stunica periit, ſed illi ſucceſſurus 
videtur Sepulveda, Alberti Pii alumnus, 
et Stunicæ ſodalis, Hiſpanorum omnium 
glorioſiſſimus, cujus libellum in me opi- 
nor te vidiſſe, inſigniter ſtultum et con- 
tumelioſum. Itali quum inſaniunt, in- 
ſaniunt luculenter. Auguſtinus Eugu- 
binus reſpondet epiſtolæ meæ, ſed fu- 
rioſe et indocte. Ep. 1266. 


Sepulveda rediit in ſuam Hiſpaniam 


in comitatu Inachi, Cardinalis et Epi- 


ſcopi Burgenſis, cujus fideli opera nactus 
ſum Notationes Stunice in Hierony- 
mum, et in Annotationes meas in No- 


vum Teſtamentum, quas moriens reli- 


quit, non edendas, ſed ad me tranſ- 


mittendas. Quod tamen per Sepulve- 


dam nunquam fuiſſet factum, ni Ina- 
chus id diligenter curaſſet. Mire placet 
{ibi de ſuo Libello, quum nihil fit ſto- 


lidius. Nihil legit meorum; tantum 


quæ in fabulis audivit, exaggerat. In 
literis tamen ad me ſuis, fatetur quædam 
odioſius dicta, non ex ſuo ſtomacho, ſed 


in gratiam Pio faventium. Annon bella 
purgatio? — 
Valde laborat ut doceat Pium a nullo | 


adjutum, quum ex iis, quos ad hoc 
negotium conduxerat, quidam ad me 
ſcripſerint, quidam hie apud me confeſſi 
n. © 1958, 

x Cxterum hic locus admonet, ut 
pro mea in te ſingulari benevolentia et 


obſervantia illud te horter, ne cum tibi 
eſt de oppidorum ſitu diſſerendum, oſci- 


tanter agas, ſed Strabonem, Melam, 
Plinium, aut Ptolemæum reviſas: nam 
his paucis diebus dum Hieronymi Epi- 
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lia tua, ubi multo etiam magis diligen- 
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THE LIFE 
Le Clerc hath alſo obſerved that Eraſmus had neglected to 


make himſelf maſter of that part of literature, and cenſures ſome 
of his Geographical errors, in the Ars Critica, P. I. C. I. F. 1, 3. 


Baker, in his Reflections upon Learning, defended Eraſmus; 


and attacked Le Clerc with a virulence, which one would not 
have expected from a man, who, as I remember, was accounted, 
and who deſired to be accounted, a candid, genteel, and polite 


3 But party zeal guided his pen: 


Tantum relligio potuit ! 


Lee Clerc gave him a ſhort anſwer, in the Index to the fourth 
Edition of the Ars Critica, under the word Eraſmus. 


Baker hath one chapter upon Metaphy/ics, in which he hath 


made no mention of Locke; juſt as if a man ſhould write the 


lives of the Greek and Latin poets, and only omit Homer and 


Virgil! 


tiam tuam deſideravi. Scribis enim in 
Epiſtola ad Evagrium, Rhegium eſſe 
oppidum in Græcia, Conſtantinopolim 


in Macedonia, cum hæc haud dubie, 


quæ prius Byzantium dicebatur, ſit in 


parte Thraciæ, a Macedonia prorſus 
averſa, Rhegium in Brutia, qua parvo 


freto Italia disjungitur a Sicilia; quod 
ſi ad Magnæ Græciæ Ciceroni quoque 
vetus vocabulum ſpectaſti, tamen me- 


miniſſe debebas, qui Græciam ſimplici- 
ter dicit, hunc non partem Italiæ videri, 


ſed Atticam, et finitiſſima loca deſig- 
nare. Memini etiam, ſed locus exci- 
dit, me legere in alio tuo ſcholio Ur- 
bem Nicopolim nuncupatam ex Au- 
guſti victoria, eſſe urbem in Thracia, 
quam eſſe conſtat in Epiro prope Ac- 
tium, ad quod Antonius fuit prælio ſu- 
peratus navali. Sed tibi videlicet im- 


He 


poſuit, quod altera eſt Tewry dH 


& Ti Oegxig. In Libello Ciceronis de 
Senectute adſcriptum a te notavi Capu- 


am eſſe urbem in Apulia, quæ tamen 


caput eſt Campaniæ, et olim prater 
Romam Italiæ nobiliſſima. Nec eſt ab- 
ſimile hujus incuriæ, quod in Ciceroni- 
ano me, quem Cordubenſem eſſe ſciebas, 
Luſitanis annumeraſti. — Ac de his qui- 
dem, quæ tamen leviſſima ſunt, tum 


tibi, duntaxat non dormitanti, facilli- | 
ma, ſed indicantia magnam negligen- 


tiam, te amicitiæ, ut dixi, officiique 
gratia admonendum putavi. Tuum erit 


omnia in bonam partem accipere : quod 
fi a te ſecus factum intellexero, non 
amplius tibi officiis ingratis ero moleſtus. 


Ep. 376. c. 1761. 
* t. ſhould be S Hdvvles. 


2 


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| OF ERASMUS. © FRF 
He obſerved, c. 16, that there was little or nothing left for A.D. 1534. 

the ſagacity and induftry of modern critics; and thereby he 

ſhewed that he was no critic himſelf, and not at all acquainted 

with the true Rate of — books, and particularly of Greek 

authors. 

_ ? Egnatius, a learned Profeſſor at Venice, wrote a civil * letter 
to Eraſmus, recommending Sabinus to him : in it he declareth an 
high efteem for Eraſmus, who alſo hath ſpoken as favourably of 
Egnatius. But Egnatius, in a former letter to a friend, in the 
year 1518, had undervalued Eraſmus as much as he hath here 
extolled him. The cauſe of his diſcontent was this: A diſpute 
aroſe between Budzus and Portius concerning the coins and the 
meaſures of the Ancients. It happened that Egnatius, ſome- 
where in his Commentary on Suetonius, followed the calcula- 
tions of Portius ; and Eraſmus, publiſhing a Preface: to a new 
edition of Suetonius with this Commentary, obſerved expreſsly 
that Egnatius was not in the ſentiments of Budæus. Egnatius 

was ſadly afraid of provoking Budzus, and extremely angry that 
Eraſmus had made ſuch a remark, and awakened a ſleeping cat. 
He therefore addreſſed himſelf to * Grolierus, a conſiderable man- 


in 


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4 Bayle EcnaT1Vs. Maittaire II. ego ab initio ſuſpicatus eſſem, affecitque 
29. III. 640. Thuanus L. XII. p. 377. me vis minime exſpeQata, uti ſolet, non 


Menckenius Vit. Polit. p. 82. admiratione ſolum, verum etiam mo- 
* Ep. 1272. leſtia. Quæ enim mihi cum Budzo- 
* Bayle Bupf, Not. X. ſtudiorum diſſentio eſſe poteſt, ubi tanta 
d Appendix. ſit animorum conjunctio? aut que teſti- 


Cum nudius tertius in Tranquil- ficatio mea honeſtior aut amplior eſſe 
lum Cæſareſque meos Baſileæ nuper potuit tum benevolentiæ erga Budæum 
excuſos annotationes, et in his neſcio meæ, tum judicii, quam ea, quæ a me 
quid ab Eraſmo noſtro de nummis ſcrip- in eis annotamentis adhibita eſt? Uti. 
tum legiſſem, ubi' diſſentire me a Budæo facile declararim me tantum in hoc ſtu- 
doctus alioqui vir et amiciflimus aſſere- diorum genere Budæo tribuere, quantum 

dat, dum Portium ſequor; animadverti mihi ipſi vix optarem: ut fi aliter vel 


aliquanto altius vulnus deſcendiſe, quam Budzus vel — ſentit, nz ambo 
cum 


$52 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1534. in France, intreating and adjuring him by all that was good, to 
reconcile him to Budæus; and then he diſchargeth his ſpleen 


upon Eraſmus in uncourteous terms, and with much contempt. 


Egnatius is deſcribed by Eraſmus, and by others, as a * 


cum ſummo animi mei mcerore id ſen- 
tiant. Quare ego te, Grolierie, per eam 


animi propenſionem, quam in doctos 
præ te fers, oro; per humanitatem et 
divinam iſtam tuam beneficentiam ob- 
teſtor; per eam pietatem, quam tibi 


reliquæque genti debeo, adjuro, uti 
hunc Budæo ſcrupulum per literas etiam 


tuas eximas, meque illi ita concilies, ut 
intelligat vir doctiſſimus, eſſe in terris 
hodie neminem, cujus ego doctrinam 


magis admirer, de cujus ingenio liben- 


tius prædicem, quemque ego pluris fa- 


ciam. — Quare non poſſum non vehe- 


menter admirari, quid tandem Eraſmo 
in mentem venerit, ut etiam aliud agens, 
de ſtudiorum diſſentione noſtrorum, 
præſertim falſa, publicandum ſibi cen- 


ſuerit, cum Budæi veſtigia me ſequi 


profitear, cum doctrinam hominis tan- 
topere laudem, et ejus præſertim libros 
quinque de Aſſe. Sed homo alioqui 
doctus cum numerorum rationem non 
probe calleat, et ſcriptione multa ſeſe 
oblectet, et ſibi plus æquo placeat, 


dummodo aliquid edat, quid tandem 


dicat non ſatis penſi habuit. Ita fit ut 


dum verborum copiæ ſtudet, minus res 
obſervet. od ſi maturare bi pate- 
retur diutius ea quæ parturit, pareret 
ille ſæpe eos liberos, qui et vitales eſſent, 


nec vitioſi illi et morboſi ſæpe in lucem 


prodirent. Fee Bayle Buy, d Not. X. 


* 


man, not leſs eminent in virtue than in erudition. 


© Virum non minus probum et inte- 


grum quam eruditum et eloquentem no- 


minaſti, ſed cui Tulliani cognominis 


honorem negant doctorum ſuffragia, g 
DoRe loqui maluit quam Ciceroniane; 


et quod voluit UG e eſt. Cicero- 
met 16541) 

E GN AT IU in the letter above- 
mentioned, (Ep. 1272) amongſt other 
handſome compliments to Eraſmus, 
lays ; 

Tu igitur, qui  Germoni: tuis princeps 
hanc literarum facem prætuliſti — 

There is nothing particular in this 
uſe of the word princeps for fir/t : but it 
reminds me to do juſtice to a paſſage in 
Cicero, which hath been miſinterpreted, 

Here is the paſſage, De Legibus II. 6. 

Sed ut vir doctiſſimus fecit Plato, atque 
idem graviſſi imus philoſaphorum amnium, 


qui princeps de republica conſeripſit it, dem- | 


que ſeparatim de legibus ejus. — 


Here is the miſinterpretation: 
Plato, — who wrote beſt of a republic, 


It ſhould have been tranſſated : who 
wrote firſt of a republic "and it can ad- 
mit no other ſenſe. MEN god 


"When princeps means beſt, it cannot 
mean the adverb beſt, (oþtime,) but the 
adjective be, (optimus.) Come then, 
try it, and ſubſtitute optimuis in the room 
of; of Prep a hn 

GUO STU DILIGE 


. gp! 


1 


OF ERASMUS. 


Plato, — qui optimus de republica con- 
ſcripſit.— 

This, I think, will not paſs for a 
Ciceronian phraſe, 
aſide, and proceed. 

Plato (ſays Cicero) wrote firſt of a 
republic : and- he hath ſaid the ſame in 
another place of this treatiſe, as his 


learned editor Davies obſerves. Prin- 


cipem Platonem de republica d: Hulle, 
teſtatur nofter infra. 

It is in III. 6, 

Nam wveteres verbo tenus, acute illi 
quidem, fed non ad hunc uſum popularem 
atque civilem, de republica diſſercbant. 


Let us throw it 


Gorgias princeps ex omnibus auſus 905 A. D. 1 534 


&c. Acad. 44. 
Theſe citations I take, as I find them 


in Nizolius. 


Lucretius I. 94. 


Nec miſer@ prodeſſe in tali tempore guibat, 
Quod patrio princeps donarat nomine regem. 


Horat. Carm. III. 17. 
Qui Formiarum mania dicitur 
Princeps, et innantem Marice 

Litoribus tenuiſſe Lirim.— 
Lambin knew that princeps conſcripſit 
could only mean writing ; and there- 
fore he propoſed to alter the place, be- 
' cauſe, ſaid he, Plato did not write fiſt 


Ab hac familia magis iſia manarunt, Pla- concerning a Republic. Falſum ęſi Pla- 
tone principe. Poſt Ariſtoteles, &c. tonem principem, id eft, primum de re- 


Plato then, according to Cicero, was publica ſcripſiſe. But this was not a 


the firſt, who treated the ſubject in an ſufficient cauſe for attempting an emen- 


extenſive, uſeful, and practical way. Ci- dation, as Lambin might have ſeen, 


cero hath alſo hinted the ſame thing in if he had conſidered the caſe a little 


another treatiſe: 

Atque his libris adnumerandi ſunt ſex 
de Republica, quos tunc ſcripfimus : — 
magnus locus philoſophieque proprius, 
Platone, Ari/totele, Theophraſio, totaque 


better. 
Horace ſays of himſelf, Carm. III. 30. 
Princeps olium carmen ad Italos 


Deduxiſſe modos. 
He meant that he was the ff And 


Peripateticorum familia tractatus uber- yet here it might be objected, that, 


rime. De Divin. II. 1. ſtrictly ſpeaking, he was not the firſt; 

Princeps is he, qui primum capit, and ſince Catullus, before him, had compo- 
in its original ſignification it means ſed ſome Sapphic Odes. But either 
the fir/t in time or order; and then, by Horace did not recollect it, or he might 
a very eaſy metaphor, it means the chief, think that Catullus had not done enough 
beſt, and maſt excellent, that way to earn the name of a Lyric 


In Princeps exit, reditt, 7 ripfit, in- poet. 
venit, ſententiam dixit, verba fecit, in The perſon, whoſe interpretation of 


theſe and ſuch- like expreſſions, princeps Cicero is here examined, hath alſo in- 
means firſt, and not bel. To many formed us, ex abundanti, that as prin- 


paſſages collected in Gelner, theſe may ceps, ſo likewiſe primus is uſed for be/? or 
be added: chief: which he gravely proves from 


Sicilia princeps fe ad amicitiam popu Virgil, An, I. 27. 
Romani applicuit. Cic. de Cl. 17 I. b — veteriſque memor Saturnia belli, 
— princeps ex Latinis has tradtavit Prima quod ad 7. rojam pro charis geſſerat Argis. 


De Orat. 1 54. 4 B There 


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A. D. 1534. 


THE LIFE 
Luther attacked Eraſmus again, and Eraſmus replied, as ' Sleidan 


informs us. 


This year * Clemens VII died, leaving behind him no good 
character. He is repreſented as a niggard and a poltroon. 
Burnet hath publiſhed part of a paper written by Luther to 


Bucer, in which the former is willing to make ſome conceſſions 


| There is a paſſage in Terence, which 
would ſuit him better; Eunuch. II. 


„ 


Eſt genus hominum, qui efſe primos ſe 
" omnium rerum volunt, 


Nec ſunt. 


Where primus certainly and undeniably 


means ſummus, præcipuut. 
Quomodo ſcriptis adverſariis ege- 


rint Lutherus et Eraſmus, de libero 
arbitrio, dictum eſt libro quarto : ſed 
hoc anno recruduit ſimultas, et Luthe- 


rus, per occaſionem epiſtolæ cujuſdam 
amici, graviter incuſat Eraſmum, quaſi 
Religionem Chriſtianam in dubium 
vocet, rideat et condemnet, adductis 
etiam aliquot ipſius lucubrationum locis, 
demonſtrare illud conatur, et in ſcri- 


bendo flexiloquum eſſe docet, et elo- 
quentia ſua tyrannidem quandam exer- 
cCere dicit: et quoniam in rebus divinis 


ad eum modum ludat verbis ambiguis, 


cum apertius loqui poſſit atque debeat, 


adverſus ipſum interpretanda eſſe omnia 


contendit. Huic deinde ſcripto reſpon- 
det Eraſmus, et aſpere quidem: nam 
omnium rerum maxime timebat, ne 


gratiam et auctoritatem amitterent ſua 
ſcripta. L. IX. p. 221. See alſo Sec- 
kendorf L. III. p. 77; and Scultet, in 
Von der Hardt, P. V. p. 197. 


to the Zuinglians: but Luther, as Seckendorf obſerves, had no 
ſuch inclination, and hath been miſunderſtood, 


The 


* Du Pin XIII. 88, 149. Sleidan 


L. IX. 226. Seckendorf L. I. 287. 


L. III. 74, 519. Jovius Vit. Pomp. 


Columnæ, p. 157, &c. 164. Hiſt, 
L. XXXII. p. 234. Vit. Ferd. Davali, 
p. 384. 


s Non poſſum hic bona fide 1 


quod ſcriptum Lutheri ad Bucerum a 
Burneto in laudatiſſimo opere Hiſtoriæ 


Reform. Part. II. Collect. L. I. num. 


XXXIV. p. 166, adductum, quod ex 


Ms. Collegii Corporis Chriſti Cantua- 


riæ (he ſhould have ſaid, Cantabrigiæ) 
nactus eſt, cujuſque mentio fit in Actis 
Erud. Lipſ. an. 1687, p. 63, nihil aliud 


ſit quam pars quædam Inftruftionis — | 
quam paulo ante retulimus. 


Sed non 
ſaltem mutila, verum etiam interpolata 
eſt: cujus quidem facti culpa Burnetum 
facile abſolvere poſſumus, qui aliorum 
de Manuſcripto relationem videtur eſſe 
ſecutus. 


clara ejus verba, ſupra fideliter et inte- 


gre allegata, ita refertur, ac ſi mediam 
ſententiam probaret, et per eam litem 


ſopire velit; cum plane ab illa compo- 


ſitione abhorreat. Error et æquivocatio 
eſt in voce nibilominus, qua in ſcripto a 


Burneto producto concedi aliquid vide- 
tur. Sed Lutherus ſcripſit nihil minus, 


et 


Senſus enim Lutheri, contra 


, . 


OF ERASMUS. 


The Franciſcans at Orleans, being offended at a lady who died, A. D. 1 534 


and at her own requeſt was buried privately, and hating her 
huſband alſo, ſuborned a young fellow to perſonate the ghoſt of 


the woman, and to declare, by ſigns, that ſhe was tormented in 


hell, &c. The Ghoſt and two Fathers were ſeized and convicted, 


and put into jail, and the Ghoſt honeſtly confeſſed the whole 
matter: but they were diſmiſſed without any farther puniſhment. 


Sleidan L. IX. The fame ſtory is related in Luther's Collog. 


Menſal. p. 31 5, where it is ſaid chat the boy, who acted the ghoſt, 


was baniſhed from France. 


About this time Calvin left France, after havin g publiſhed at 
Orleans a book againſt thoſe, who taught that the ſouls of the 


dead ſleep till the day of judgment. See Bayle CaLvin, Not. E. 
In the year 1536, Calvin ſettled at Geneva, as Preacher and Pro- 
feſſor. Bid. Not. A A. 

Florimond de Remond tells us, that Bucer preſented Calvin to 
Eraſmus at Baſil, who having converſed with Calvin, told Bucer 
that this young man would prove a pernicious creature to the 
Church. Others have adopted this idle ſtory from Florimond. 
It is a romance, and its author is a writer of no credit, veracity, 
and conſiſtency. Florimond, ſays ſomebody, was a man, who 
judged without conſcience, wrote without learning, and built houſes. 


without money. Of theſe three accompliſhments, the firſt and 


ſecond are far more common than the third. One cannot help. 
admiring the decent manner, in which the illuſtrious Thuanus 


hath * ſpoken of Calvin. | 
h 4B2 In 


et Germanice in feine wege, innuens præſentia corporis et ſanguinis Chriſti in 


nullo modo fieri poſſe ut media ſenten- ſacra Cœna argumentis, relatum, ex 


tia ineatur; tolerare tamen tunc volu- illa quam exhibui Inſtructione. Secken- 


iſſe videtur ad tempus utramque. Ita- dorf L. III. p. 80. 


que pro Manuſcripto Lutheri id non —— Acri vir ac vehementi ingenio, 
poteſt haberi, quod dicto loco aſſervari et admirabili facundia præditus; tum in- 


dicitur, cum nihil fit niſi fragmentum, ter Proteſtantes magni nominis Theo- 
et quidem ſenſu inverſo, et omiſſis pro logus. L. XXXVI. 287. 
uh, | 


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556 THE LIFE 
In a letter to Melanchthon, Eraſmus highly commends Georgius 
Sabinus , who afterwards married Melanchthon's daughter. 
Ep. 1273. 

Ep. 1267 is Gor Eraſmus to his friend Grapheus, 3 in which 
he repreſents himſelf as quite worn down with age, pain, and 
ſickneſs. 

“ Cornelius Gripheus, 1 Schryver, of Aelſt or Aloſt, and 
ee Secretary of the town of Antwerp, a man of uncommon learn- 
ee ing, a good poet, and a dear friend of Eraſmus, fell into great 
ce troubles on account of religion. What befell him on account 
<« of a preface writ ſome years before, and a relation he publiſhed 
« of the cruelty of his Judges, who turned him out of his employ- 
* ment, notwithſtanding his modeſt behaviour and ſubmiſſion, 
may be ſeen in a certain * Latin letter which he writ from 
« Bruſſels, then his priſon, to Carondiletus, the Archbiſhop of 
« Palermo, and Chancellor of the Court of Brabant. The ſaid 
& letter, which fell into my hands accidentally, and which 
ce deſcribes the miſerable ſtate of thoſe times in ſuch eloquent 
« terms, and ſets it before our eyes in ſo pathetical and moving 
*© a manner, will, I make no doubt, be read with as much 
« ſatisfaction by others, as it is here tranſlated by me, &c. 


. 183ʃ. 


c What effect this letter produced, does not appear to me. 
* But among the Epiſtles of Eraſmus we meet with one written 
about twelve yu aſter, in which he takes notice, that the 

80 affairs 


i In reditu Eraſmum Friburgi agen- 


tem ſalutavit Sabinus, cui ab Egnatio 
literis accurate ſcriptis erat commenda- 


tus: ac vidit ſummum iſtum virum et 
venerandum ſenem in extrema ſenecta: 
cum jam et corpus ejus et oculi, et ipſæ 
ingenii vires langueſcere, et quaſi in 
declinatione eſſe videreũtur. Milch. 
Adam. Vit. Sabini. 


The Letter is a very good one, hut 


too prolix to be here inſerted. It ſets 
forth the brutality of the Eccleſiaſtical 
perſecutors, and confirms the character 
which Eraſmus gives to Hulſt, the Car- 


melite and the Inquiſitor, that he deſerved 


to be hanged. This letter of Grapheus 
is dated 1552: but it is a fault of the 


preſs, and ſhould be, I ſuppoſe, 1522, 


| Eraſm, Ep. 1207. 
2 


„ $,o@ &a 


OF ERASMUS. 557 
ce affairs of Grapheus were in a better condition.) — 6. Brandt, A. D. 1534. 
Vol. I. p. 42. 


As has MDXXXV. tat. XVIII. 


There is a CMS}! Epiſtle, aſcribed to Eralnus, and dated A. D. 1 535. 
this year, which, as Le Clerc obſerves, is ſpurious in all proba- | | {500 
bility. However, it ſets forth that Cardinal Matthæus was returned 8 Wl 
to Germany ;, that Eraſmus wrote to a friend, who was one of 
the Cardinal 8 domeſtics, to know whether any ſchemes of pacifi- | 
cation were carried on at Rome; that the Cardinal, hearing this 
letter read, ſent Eraſmus a preſent of a gold cup elegantly wrought, 
which he happened to be ſhewing to ſome company at that time; 
and ordered his Domeſtic to inform Eraſmus, that Paul III (who 
| had ſucceeded Clemens VII in the year 1534) had promiſed to 
call a Council, with a view to appeals the religious quarrels. 
This Eraſmus writes to Petrus Curſius, Profeſſor of Rhetoric at 
Rome, to ſhew him that the Cardinals and other great men were 
far from deſpiſing him. 

This Curſius had railed at Rome againſt Ecaſcauss, for having 
faid, under the proverb Myconius calvus, that it was an ironical 
expreſſion, juſt as if you ſhould ſay, Learned as a Scythian, Honeſt 
as a Carthaginian, Warlike as an Italian; Ttalum bellacem. Here- 
upon Curſius made a Declamation, to extol the valour of the 
Italians, and to depreſs that of the Germans. Eraſmus anſwers | 
in this epiſtle, that it was a mere fault of the preſs; that he had 10 


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written Attalum bellacem, and that it ſhould be thus corrected in 9 

the next edition of his Proverbs. He adds, that one of the 1 
= TRE IN ACN, work-men es 

m Nuper enim eum inter imprimen- exacturum, ni darem: atque id p profes | 

dum excuſores aliquot conqueſti fuiſſent veterator tam egtegie effecit, ut aureis 


me fibi xenia nondum perſolviſſe, ex- nummis trecentis redimere eam igno- | 
ortus eſt inter eos quidam cæteris vino- miniam voluiſſem. Cum enim in Vidua 
lentior, qui profiteretur ſe poenas a me mea, quam Sereniſſimæ Hungariæ Re- 
ginæ 


558 THE LIFE 


B. D. 1535. work-men at the preſs, vexed that Eraſmus would not give him 
money, had revenged himſelf moſt maliciouſly, and, by a ſmalt 
alteration of a word in the text of his Vidua Cor os; had made 
him utter a groſs © obſcenity. 


But by the Defence which Eraſmus drew up againſt Curſius 
at the end of the Tome of his Apologies, it appears that the letter, 
of which we are ſpeaking, muſt be a forgery : for Eraſmus 
there defends himſelf in a quite different manner. He doth not 
change Talum into Attalum, but he ſays that he took the word 
o bellax in a bad ſenſe, not for a man of valour, but for one who 
had the luft and the rage of fighting; and accordingly the word 

Ialum was not altered. This is his defence; and, to ſay the 
truth, it is an excuſe, which could hardly appear ſatisfactory to 
an Italian. The letter to Curſius was not in Froben's Edition, 
but was inſerted in that of London: and perhaps this is the very 
letter which Eraſmus diſclaims, and denies to be his, in the 
above-mentioned * Apology. 


Eraſmus 


ginæ dedicaveram, ad laudem cujuſdam 
ſanctiſſimæ fœminæ, inter alia liberali- 
tatem illius in pauperes referrem, hæc 


verba ſubjunxi: Atque mente illa uſam 


cam ſemper fuiſſe, que talem faminam 


deceret. Unde ſceleſtus ille animadver- 
tens ſibi vindictæ occaſionem oblatam 


eſſe, ex mente illa, mentula fecit. Ita- 
que volumina mille fuere impreſſa. 
Ep. 1276. 

u Bayle makes mention of a typo- 
graphical blunder, in citing a paſlage of 
Scripture, which makes a ſenſe horri- 
bly profane. ECCHELLENs1s, Not. F. 
 ® Thus he alſo ſays, Ep. 1279: 
Hoc interpretantur, quaſi notarim 
[talos quod ſint imbelles, quum his ver- 


bis Italia laudata fit, non vituperata; 
Edere, bibere, loqui, verba ſunt media: 
edacem, bibacem, ac loguacem eſſe, ſonant 
in vitium. Ita bellacem elle, non eſt 
Jaudis, ſed vituperu. 


? Finxerunt prolixam epiſtolam velut 
a me ſcriptam ad Petrum Curſium, ple- 
nam ſcurrilibus ineptiis: eamque multis 
exemplaribus per urbem ſparſerunt, af- 


fingentes id ita me fieri juſſiſſe: imitati 


ſunt manum meam, atque etiam phraſim. 
In ea faciunt Eraſmum hoc ſuppliciter 


agentem cum Curſio, ut premat ſuam 


apologiam, me proxima editione caſti- 


gaturum ea quibus offenditur. Tom. X. 
0. 17 58. 


| 


OF ERASMUS. 


Eraſmus ſeems to have ſeen this forged letter, or to have heard A. D. 1535. 


an account of it, and * complains of it as of a piece of ſcurrilous 
impudence in Ep. 1279. 

The writer of this letter, ſays Le Clerc, bach imitated the 
ſtyle of Eraſmus well enough. I am of a different opinion, and 
think that the ſtyle is laboured and affected, and by no means 
the ſtyle of Eraſmus. Bayle takes it for granted that this letter 
is genuine, and that the ridiculous ſtory contained in it is true. 


HoNGRIE (MARIE REINE DE) Not. H. So doth enn 
Parerg. Critic. p. 56. 


In the Vidua Chriſtiana of Eraſmus, there is no fuch paſſage to 


be found as, Atque mente illa gem eam, &c. or wy thing that 
looks like it. 


In Ep. 1277, he complains of ſome young men, who had 


publiſhed ſcurrilous libels againſt him in favour of Ciceronia- | 


niſm, and amongſt others of Doletus and Julius Scaliger. 
Petrus Tomicius, Biſhop of Cracow, had ſent him a preſent of 


thirty ducats, for which he thanks this Prelate. He laments his 


death ſoon afterwards in a letter to Critius, Archbiſhop of Gneſna. 
Ep. 1277, 1278, 1293. 

Bembus congratulates him upon the hiph regard which the 
Pope had for him, and hopes that it would end in great prefer- 
ment, meaning probably a * Cardinal's Hat; for the words of 
Bembus are ſo * expreſſive, that they can hardly denote any thing 
leſs. The enemies of Eraſmus have affirmed, that the Court 
of Rome never deſigned him ſuch a favour : Eraſmus hath 


affirmed the contrary, So it comes to, Uri creditis, Quirites? 
* . 
He 


2 Rome ſparſerunt epiſtolam, quaſi 0 Itaque, modo recte valeas, neque 


a me ſeriptam, plenam jocis ſcurrilibus. te imbecillitas impediat tua, mihi ſpes 

De Eraſmo in Collegium Cardina- eſt te ab eo omnia ſumma honoris et 
lium cooptando actum fuerat. B. Rhe- dignitatis inſignia brevi conſecuturum. 
nanus Vit, Eraſmi. ä 19 75 


559 


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r 


THE LIFE 


He wrote to Paul III, ſoon after his promotion to the Pon- 
tificate, and Paul returned him a very civil anſwer, thanking him 
for his prudent and moderate counſels, and exhorting him to 
defend the Catholic faith. Ep. 1280. 

Paul was accounted by ſome people to have been not in- 
Saber in wickedneſs and debauchery to Pope Alexander VI. 
His ſucceſſor Julius III was a Pontif of the ſame ſtamp. The 
infamous lives of theſe Popes contributed doubtleſs very much 
| to the increaſe of Proteſtantiſm. Thuanus ſays that Paul was a 
| man of prudence and of erudition =” 

Eraſmus received a letter from Barth. Latomus, which could 
not fail to give him ſome pleaſure, as it informed him that his 
þ old calumniator * Bedda had been obliged in France to do public 
| | | penance for his ſaucy behaviour and his ſeditious diſcourſes. 
Ae claims Longolius as a Dutchman, and an honour to that 
nation, 


560 
A. D. 1535. 


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t See Sleidan L. XXI. p. 616. L. XIX. 
547. Perizonius, p. 400, 401. Sec- 
kendorf L. III. p. 74. Thuanus L. IV. 
p. 130, 131. L. VI. p. 178, 181. 
 L RV. p. 456, 

Vir fuit prudentiæ ſummæ ac mode- 
rationis, adhzc rarz, ut erant illa tem- 
pora, in que juventus illius incidit, 
_ eruditionis; ſed, &c. Mortuo plurima 
etiam editis libris et per Italiam ſparſis 
vitio criminoſe data. — Quz five vera, 


five propter odium a pleriſque credita, 


magnum mortuo ac familiæ dedecus in 
Italia, longe vero maximum ſedi Ro- 
manæ apud Germanos et Anglos ad of- 


fenſionem proniores infamiam peperere. 


Thuanus, 
v Bayle JoLEs Ul. 
* Bedda tuus fecit amendam, ut vo- 


cant, honoratilem, cum hac confeſſione, 


vir apprime doctus mihi narravit. 


quod contra veritatem et Regem locutus 


eſſet, quæ verba ante ædem Divæ Vir- 


ginis magno populi concurſu præeunte 
præcone palam pronunciavit ; ne forte 
Lutheranum illum fuiſſe putes. Sed ta- 
men detinetur adhuc in carcere, detru- 
dendus in Monaſterium aliquod, ut fe- 
runt, ubi et quando Regi viſum fuerit. 
Ep. 1283. 

Longolium hinc Galliæ fbi vendi- 
cant, hinc Mechlinia ſibi aſſerit, quum 
revera fuerit purus putus Hollandus, 
prognatus e patre Hollando, in oppido 
celebri Hollandiæ, cui hortorum pulchri- 
tudo nomen dedit, Schoonhovia. Hic 
ne quis mihi protinus obſtrepat, quod 
dico patruus ipſius Petrus Longolius 
Non 
arbitratus ſum committendum ut hoc 
decoris Hollandiæ præriperetur: et ipſius 
Longolii 


1 Law | wat Ky bas s tab gon 2 a md ann. fo dl} momnnd a” pe — 1 AN 


* 8 


he zern no o More to Frihurg. 


OF ER ASM Us. 


In his dedicatory leiter to the 


E 4 0: wife foi gn 7 Biſhop, 


Longolii gloriam illuſtrat, quod in ea 
regione natus, tantus evaſerit, Ep. 1284. 


z Friburgi Univerſitas eſt, ut vocant, 
cum primis celehris, et omni ſtudiorum 


genere ſatis florens; nec illibenter vive- 
bam in ditione Regis Ferdinandi, cujus 
haud vulgarem in me favorem multis 
argumentis ſum expertus. Sed ejus loci 


cœlum mihi ſemper viſum eſt meo cor- 


puſculo parum amieum, atque ipſa eti- 
am domus, quamvis elegans, nonnihil 
ſuſpecta fuit. Hic aliquanto minus male 
habeo: nam bene habendi ſpes omnis 
ademta eſt, in hac quidem vita. Siqui- 
dem a puero fui delicati corpuſculi, ra- 


riſſimæque, ut medici loquuntur, tex- 


turz, eoque cceli injuria facilius offen- 
debar: ſed vigor ætatis partim neglige- 
bat, partim vincebat hæc incommoda. 
Nunc poſteaquam non Jabores tantum, 
ſed multo magis tot lethales calculorum 
nixus, et his ſuccedentes articulorum 
diri cruciatus, abſumto corpore præter 
cutem et offa nihil reliquerunt, conſen- 
taneum eſt ut indies corpuſculo magis ac 
magis attenuato, facilius offendar auræ 
incommodis. Sic plane fio cœleſtis, ut 
ad omnem cceli habitum pejus aut com- 
modius habeam : ſed levius feruntur 
mala, qui non poſſunt eſſe diuturna. 
Ep. 1287 

Articularis morbus, quo Friburgi con- 
flictatus ante fuerat, fic hoiminem lecto 


ſub autumnum rurſus afflixit, ut hunc 


raro ſit egreſſus, cubiculum ſemel tan- 
tum. Et tamen in tantis membrorum 


cruziatibus, ſi quando vel minimum con- 
quieviſſent, nunquam ſeribere deſtitit. 


Teſtis eſt Commentariolus De Puritate 


Eccleſiæ, et hæc Origenis recognitio, 
B. Rhenanus Præf. ad en 


Eraſmo Baſileam reduci, et vitæ ibi- 


dem cataſtrophen exſpectaturo, vinum 
honorarium officii cauſa offerebat Joan- 
nes Oporinus. In mutuum complexum 
poſtquam veniſſent, et dextras junxiſſent, 
Eraſmi manum Oporinus durius com- 
preſſit. Ille, ut erat chiragricus, gra- 
viter ſe lædi exclamat. Sive ſerio ſive 


joco hoc ab Eraſmo factum, Oporinum 


conſtat attonitum obmutuiſſe. Id ani- 
madvertens Eraſmus, amice compellat, 
vinum infundi jubet, et ut animum re- 
cipiat hortatur. Conſedit cum ſuo co- 
mitatu, qui ob Eraſmi adventum fre- 
quens erat, Oporinus; et ſemel atque 
iterum in orbem redeunte poculo, ad ſe 


quoque reverſus, docta et gravi oratione, 


atque Eraſmo ipſo digna, Eraſmum ex- 
cepit. Digreſſi ſunt non abſque mutui 
amoris fomite, quo veræ benevolentiæ 
ſancte cultæ igniculos ſemper aluerunt. 
Melch. Adam Vit. Oporini. 

Thuanus gives a good character to 


| Opor inus, L. XLIII. Pe 528. 


561 

This year he printed his Ecele/gfes;, or a Treatiſe on the man- A. P. 1535. 
ner of preaching, which is in the Vth Tome, and is dedicated to 
Chriſt. Stadius, the Biſhop of Augſburg. As this book was in 
the preſs at Baſil, Eraſmus went thither to take care of the edition, 
and alſo, to try whether he could recover his loſt health; and 


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| 562 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1 535. Biſhop, he deplores the death of his Ng een friends, particu- 
larly of Fiſher and More. 
In many places Eraſmus highly commends Sioifmundus Gele- 
| | | | nius, who was Corrector of Froben's preſs. His uncommon. 
| ce.rucdition, ſays he, and the probity and ſincerity of his manners 
ZE render him worthy of a much better fortune. And yet I dare 
| not wiſh that he were rich. Why ſo? you will fay. Leſt it 
5 ſhould make him indolent, and leſs active in advancing the cauſe 
| of literature. Poverty is a great ſpur to induſtry. _ 
This may be true: but when a learned and a modeſt man 
hath long drudged in occupations which are really beneath him, 
and hath ſhewed evident marks of his attachment to literature, 
of his zeal to. ſerve the public, and of his capacity of doing 
greater things, if he were more at his eaſe, and at liberty to 
chuſe ſuch works as beſt ſuited his abilities, he is ſurely worthy 
| of ſome recompenſe; and it is a ſcandalous thing when ſuch 
| favours are only beſtowed upon people, who procure them by 
ſolliciting, by flattering, &c. Ep. 1284, 1292. 
| Eraſmus at this time was very uneaſy on account of the news, 
| which had reached him concerning the impriſonment and death 
| of e and of More, and other troubles in England. My 


| | ſurviving 


Quando Præſul Roffenſis mihi in- parens. In tanta calamitate duz mihi 
felici fato ademtus eſt, viſum eſt hoc, res præciꝑue dolorem leniunt, Primum, 
quicquid eſt laboris, felicibus tui nomi- dum cogito nos brevi felicius apud Chri- 
nis auſpiciis in manus hominum emit- ſtum jungendos eſſe: deinde, dum re- 
tere. Quid igitur hac tempeſtate cru- puto quam inſignem amicorum. chorum 
delius, quæ me tot ſpectatiſſimis amicis mihi dederit Auguſta Vindelicorum, cu- 


ſpoliavit? Pridem Guilhelmo Waramo 


Archiepiſcopo Cantuarienſi, nuper Gail- 


helmo Montjoio, Epiſcopo Roffenſi, et 


Tboma Moro, qui fuit ejus regni ſupre- 
mus Judex, cui pectus erat omni nive 


candidius, ingenium quale Anglia nec 
habuit unquam, nec habitura eſt, alio- 
qui nequaquam infelicium ingenioram 


jus Tu ut primus es, ita longe ſinceriſſi- 
mus, niſi quod tecum paria facere ten- 
dit magnus-ille Joannes Paungartnerus, 
cui proximus eſt Antonius Fuggerus, 
benigniſſimus ſtudiorum altor. Hic eſt 
funiculus triplex, quem Solomon negat 
facile rumpi: ſed is fit firmior acceſſions 
Joannis Choleri, &c. | 


OF ERASMUS. 
ſurviving friends, ſays he, who uſed to write me letters and A. D. 1 335. 
ſend me preſents, now neither write nor ſend, becauſe wy are 


afraid. Ep. 1217, 1284, 1286. 


He ſays alſo, that having, by the advice of Lud. Berus, written 
to Paul III, the Pope, before he had unſealed his letter, had 
ſpoken of him in a moſt honourable manner. He had reſolved 
to add to the College of the Cardinals ſome learned men, of 
whom he might make uſe in the General Council which was 
to be called: and J, ſays Eraſmus, was propoſed to be one. But 


to my promotion it was objected, that my bad ſtate of health 
would make me unfit for that function, and that my income 


402 Was 


1 Byſhop of Rome, to ſtrengthen 
the See of Rome againſt the Lutheri- 
ans, made dyvers learned men Cardi- 


nals about this time, as Contarenus, 


Reginald Poole, John Bellay, Frideric 
Frigoſe, and ſhortly after Sadolete, Ale- 
ander, Bembus, and once appointed 
upon Eraſmus: ſome talk he preferred 
theſe learned men, becauſe he was very 
ill talked of for his two young nephews 
which he made Cardinals in 1 534. 
Cooper's Chronicle. Knight, p. 324. 
Paulus III, initio ſui Pontificatus, in 


Cardinalium numerum allegerat ſuos 


nepotes: cum autem hoc nomine minus 
bene audiret, alios quoſdam nobilitate 
ac doctrina præſtantes viros hoc etiam 
eſt honore dignatus, partim ut invidiam 
et offenſionem leniret, partim ut ido- 
neos haberet propugnatores, qui ſcriptis 
et eloquentia valerent. In his erat Caſ- 
par Contarenus, Reginaldus Polus, Jo- 
annes Bellaius, Fridericus Fregoſus, 
quibus deinde per intervalla temporis 
adjunxit Sadoletum, Aleandrum, Bem- 
bum. Sed et de Eraſmo cogitavit, ut 


quidem in epiſtola quadam ad amicum 


Eraſmus ipſe refert. Exſtant etiam Sa- 


doleti quædam ad Eraſmum literæ, ubi 
de Pontificis egregia voluntate multa lo- 


cutus, fore dicit, et brevi quidem, ut 


ipſum ad ſummam dignitatem perducat, 


Contarenus erat Patricius et Senator Ve- 


netus, magni nominis, propter doctri- 


nam; et præter omnem exſpeCtationem 


dicitur, cum nihil ambiviſſet, ad hunc 


fuiſſe gradum evectus. Sleidan L. XI. 


p. 298. 

Ferunt illi a Pontifice oblatam Cardi- 
nalitii ſtatus dignitatem, quam cum re- 
cuſaſſet, cum miraculo a ceteris Patri- 
bus Eccleſiaſticis exceptum fuiſſe hunc 
contemptum, vocatumque Eraſmum ſa- 


Pientem beſtiam, qui tantam dignitatem, 


tamque ſpecioſos et fructuoſos titulos 
imprudenter reſpueret, quos alii ſummis 


votis et laboribus ambirent, et quovis 


pretio ſibi compararent. Boiſſard leon. 
p. 222. 

See alſo Bayle, who ſuppoſes that 
there was ſuch a deſign, ER ASME, 


Not. N. 


563 


— 


2 


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| 564 5 H E LIFE 
A. D. 1 535. was not luffcient: for it is ſaid, that by a Decree of the ſacred 
College none can be admitted, whoſe annual revenues are leſs 

than three thouſand ducats. So at preſent they think of loading 

me with preferments, that I may be qualified for the red hat. 

This is, as the proverb ſays, To dreſs a cat in à goum and petti- 

coat. He declares that his health would not permit him to accept 

ſuch favours, and that he could ſcarcely ſtir out of his chamber 

with ſafety; and he refuſed every thing that was offered to him. 

Indeed he was on all accounts unfit to be a Cardinal; a creature 

which, according to the definition of Guy Patin, is Animal 

rubrum, callidum, et rapax; capax et vorax omnium beneficiorum. 

A good Commentary might be made upon this Text of Guy 
Patin, which (excepting the rubrum) is applicable to other people 


beſides Cardinals. But in this caſe the fault, 1 think, is as much 
in the Freder, as in the Eater. 


The Pope had appointed him, as he fays, Provoſt of the 

College of Canons at Deventer: but he declares that he would 

have nothing to do with preferments; and that, as he muſt ſoon 
die, he would not now. take a burden that he had refuſed all 
his life long. Ep. 1286, 1287, 1288, 1289, 1291, „ 


The Cardinals above-mentioned, together with ſome eminent 
Prelates, of whom Aleander was one, were employed by Paul III, 
m 1537, to draw a plan for a *©' reformation of abuſes in the 
Court and in the Church of Rome. The Lutherans treated wy 
with the utmoſt ſcorn this farce of a half-reformation, which at | 
laſt came to nothing. i 
75 We 


Feli, aiunt, crocoton. aureorum reditum tribuere dicebatur. 
Quoſdam novi, qui in extremo vitæ Melch. Adam. ep 
magnis impendiis redemerunt galerum * See Sleidan L. XII. p. 303. Sec- 
cardinalicium, ut in ſepulcro titulus ad- kendorf L. III. p. 163, &c. Relat. 
beriberetur. Adag. c. 1146, A. Gotting. V. III. Faſc. II. p. 372. 

4 See B. Rhenanus, Vit. Eraſm. Amen. Literariæ, Tom. VII. p. 263, N 

Præpoſitura — quæ ſexcentorum &. F. Paul, B. I. §. 56, 57. P. 135» | 


*% — & 837 


OF ERASMUS 


mus: upon which Luther ſaid ; Hath Eraſmus alſo fallen under 
your correction? I wiſh he were alive: he would give you ſuch 


an anſwer as ſuch infamous wretches deſerve, and expoſe your 


pious grimaces to ſome purpoſe. 


Eraſmus, as he had falſely aſcribed to Aleander, whom he 


could not endure, the book of J. C. Scaliger, was miſtaken in 
aſcribing to him alſo a * book of Doletus in favour of Cicero- 
nianiſm. Ep. 1288. 
Doletus, a printer at Lions, was dn at Paris, in 1546, for 
Atheiſm or Lutheraniſm, aged about 39. He had applied him- 
ſelf cloſely to the ſtudy of the Latin tongue, but never acquired 
a very good ſtyle : of the Greek language he ſeems to have had 
little knowledge. 


{ed of plagiariſm by ſome, and defended by others. His proſe is 


tolecable ; his verſes, of which he voided a conſiderable quantity, 


are deteſtable; and one may apply to this Ciceronian thoſe lines 
of Martial: 


Carmina quod ſeribis Mufis et Apolline nullo, 
Laudari debes; hoc Ciceronis habes. 


Gruter inſerted the Latin poems of Doletus amon oft his Delicie, 


&c. But this learned man was himſelf a wretched mart and 


underſtood poetry as much as a Hottentot. 
Julius 


A proper man, no doubt, to vindicate Cicero, 
and to cenſure the compoſitions of Eraſmus ! He hath been accu- 


? Doleti Dialogus de imitatione Ci- 
ceroniana pro Chriſtophoro Longolio 
contra Eraſmum, apud Seb. Gryphium 
Lugduni, 4to, 1535 et 1536. Mait- 
zaire II. 568. III. 18. 


h Bayle DoLE T. Baillet I. p. 372. 
II. 65x, III. 109. IV. 379, and the 


notes of La Monnoye. Gallandius Vit. 
Caſtellani, p. 62, 63. Baluzius, p. 157. 


Scaligeran. p. 127. Geſner's Theſau- 
rus. Diſſert. de Lexicis. Maittaire III. 
9, &c. 


i Others ſay A. 1545, aged 36. 


565 


We have ſpoken of it under the year 1522, and of the cenſures A. D. 1 535. 
which theſe Reformers paſſed on the Colloquies of poor Eraſ- 


566 


A. D. 1535. 


THE LIFE 


Julius Scaliger hath repreſented Doletus as the moſt contemp- 
tible and execrable of all writers, and as a moſt profligate Atheiſt. 
In Bayle's opinion, Scaliger fell into this fit of railing, becauſe 
Doletus had preſumed to write for Ciceronianiſm, and againſt 


Eraſmus, after he himſelf had undertaken the cauſe and exhauſted 


the ſubject. Scaliger alſo thought that Doletus had pillaged his 


divine Orations, and had ſtolen * hints and pretty thoughts 
out of that treaſure. 


Gallandius, in his elegant Life of Caſtellanus, hikes remarked 
that his friend Caſtellanus was for obſerving a due medium between 
cruelty and lenity towards heretics, ſays, that he delivered poor 
Doletus from priſon, by his intereſt with Francis I; and that a 


Cardinal (probably the Cardinal of Lorraine) cenſured him for 
it, and called him a patron not only of Lutherans, but of 


probare ſtudet auctor. 
bus, quæ hic contendunt, fit honorifi- 


Atheiſts. 
ſpirit, made a warm reply *, 


* Doletum non atheiſmi, in quem 


relapſus ſit, ſed Lutheraniſmi crimine 
damnatum, ſuſpenſum, combuſtum eſſe, 


[Utrum parti- 


centius, non dixerim: multa Chriſtiano 


certe homine indigna in (Doleti) La- 
tinz linguæ Commentariis, præſertim in 


digreſſionibus illis, quarum index eſt in 


fronte Tomi II, leguntur. Non bene 


ſibi ominatum hominem, apparet ex 
precatione illa, [It is cited by Mait- 
taire III. 101.] quam intexuit To. II. 


p. 1328, quamque ob ſummam libri 


raritatem huc repetere non piget : 


te Superi, rerum omnium præpoten- 
5 tes Superi, hanc mihi unam, hanc 
&< unam largimini felicitatem, ut mea 
& nunquam exiſtimatio, mea nunquam 


To this accuſation Caſtellanus, who was a man of 


Baluzius, 


ec ſalus, mea nunquam vita (fortunæ 


& bona, ut caduca et inania, curis 


<< veſtris digna non cenſeo, neque vos 
pro 11s prece ulla velim obtundere) ex 
& judicum pendeat ſententiis. Bonis 
& omnibus abundaſſe, felicitate omni 
& cumulatus, voluptate omni in vita 
6e colliquiſſe mihi ſane quidem videbor, 
* ft hoc precibus a vobis aſſequor.“ 

An ita precatur homo ſanus, et non 
male ſibi conſcius, et Chriſtianus ? ] 
Remarques ſur Bayle, in the Relat. Got- 
ting. Vol. III. Faſc. I. p. 101, 

The moſt charitable thing that can 


be ſaid for the author of ſuch a prayer 


is, that he was mad: and probably it 
was the truth of the caſe. Perpetual 
application to ſtudy, continual quarrels, 
violent paſſions, poverty, a ſeries of 

calamities, 


OF ERASMUS. 567 
Baluzius, in his notes on Gallandius, affirms that Doletus was A.D. 1535. 
burnt, not for atheiſm, but for Lutheraniſm. Beza probably 
thought the fame, elſe he wonld hardly. have honoured him with 
a civil and pompous epitaph, He was firſt 8 5 and then 
Barn. 
His Commentaries on the Latin tongue were fold, at Bridges 
auction, for nine guineas. 
' Melanchthon warmly cenſures the book. of Doletus againſt | | 
Eraſmus. . | | 
«© Maittaire,- in his Annales Typographict, hath collected many 0 
things concerning the perſon and the works of Doletus, who = 
« was ſkilled in the Latin language, but very conceited, and | 
« yery cenſorious. He was a Ciceronian, or one of thoſe who 5 
« pretended that Cicero was to be cloſely imitated by writers 
l of Latin: yet Doletus was for joining Cæſar to Cicero, as a 5 N 
* model for ſtyle. Againſt theſe men Eraſmus wrote his Cice- N 
« ronianus, a work abounding with wit and good ſenſe. Julius | 
Scaliger, one of the above-mentioned pedants, wrote againſt | [ 


| © Eraſmus; and Doletus did the ſame, which drew upon Him | 
| «© the. indignation of Scaliger, who treated his proſe and his verſe | 1 
« with the utmoſt ſcorn. Doletus, who by nature was nothing = 
« leſs than long-ſuffering, paid him in kind, and alſo railed | 


« plentifully againſt him in converſation, as Maittaire ſhews. } 
% Quarrelfome and ſcurrilous, he drew upon himſelf a multitude 
« of enemies, and offended the Parliament of Toulouſe, which 
e put him in priſon, whence however he was diſmiſſed. Many 
on | relating to theſe tranſactions are collected by 
* this ment who alſo en us ſeveral W of his works. 
| cc At 


calamities, and infinite pride and vanity, „ Vidiſtine Doleti petulantiſimum 
had ſowered his temper, heated his ſcriptum contra Eraſmum? Curavi ut 
blood, and ſhattered his brains. Pride reſpondeatur, A. 1535. Ep. XLII. 
alone hath turned many a man's head, p. 9I, | 
without the other affiſtants. 


A. P. 1535. 


THE IFR 


© At length he was burnt at Paris; ſame fay, for making "Y 
ce feſſion of atheiſm; others, for Lutheraniſm or Calviniſm. But 


« it is hard, as Maittaire hath ſhewed, to prove that he was an 
« Atheiſt. - He uſed to ſpeak with great contempt of Eraſmus, 


« ag of a writer, whoſe works could not poſſibly deſcend to 
<« poſterity : and as for his own, they, were, in his opinion, ſecure 


« of immortality, He was quite miſtaken both ways. The 


* works of Doletus, never being printed a. ſecond time, are 


« become ſo ſcarce, that few perſons have ever ſeen them: the 


« works of Eraſmus are to be. found in all Plages, and are ſtill 
« read, and read with pleaſure. als 
« Yet, his Commentaries on the Latin tongue. might deſerve 
the favour of being reprinted. They are a kind of Dictionary 
of that language, not diſpoſed according to the letters of the 
alphabet, but ranged under diverſe heads and common. places. | 
Le Clerc, Bibl. A. & M. XXV. p. 74. 
Calvin * hath repreſented Doletus as a man of no religion. 
Maittaire bath given us a copious account of him, and alſo large 
extracts from his proſe, and abundance of his verſes, which, if 


4. 


they entertain the Reader, it muſt be, not with their beauty, but 


with their deformity. And indeed poems may be ſo extravagantly 
and execrably bad, as to become diverting ; like a Monkey, 
whoſe uglineſs is his merit. Here are two, which for vanity, 
effrontery, hobbling and pamuſical agen, falſe quantities, falſe 


* 


w Agrippam, Villanovanum, Dole- guſtato Evangelio, ade cæcitate ſunt 
tum, et ſimiles vulgo notum eſt tan- percuſfi, Cur iſtud ?- niſi quia ſacrum 
quam Cyclopas quoſpiam Evangelium | illud vitæ æternæ pignus facrilega lu- 
ſemper faſtuoſe ſpreviſſe. Tandem eo dendi aut ridendi audacia ante profana- 
prolapſi ſunt amentiæ et furoris, ut non rant. Calvinus. 
modo in Filium Dei exſecrabiles blaſ- Goveanus fuit doctus 18 Cal- 
phemias evomerent, ſed quantum ad, vinus vocat illum atheum, cum non 
animæ vitam attinet, nihil a canibus et fuerit: debebat illum melius noſſe. Sca- 
porcis putarent ſe differre. Alii, ut ligeran, | | 
Rabelæſus, Deperius, et Goveanus, Bayle Govea, Not. H. 

＋ | 


OF ERASMUS. 


569 


meaſure, and nonſenſe, are incomparable. The * firſt he had A. D. 1535. 


the aſſurance to addreſs to Hieronymus Vida: the . is to 
Salmonius Macrinus. 


Maittaire hath alſo inſerted e poems in pale of Doletus, 


written by Salmonius Macrinus, Nicolaus Borbonius, and others. 


But Maittaire did not ſuſpect, what moſt readers will diſcern, 


that theſe Poets bantered Doletus, and that their extravagant 

praiſes were ironical. Buchanan did him juſtice, when he ſaid; 
Carmina quod ſenſu careant, mirare, Dolkti, 
Quando qui feripfit carmina, mente caret ? 


Eraſmus, ſoon after his return to Baſil, ſold the houſe which 
he had purchaſed at Friburg, where he had never enjoyed his 
health. Froben's heirs were ſo glad to have him again at Baſil, 
that they had built a chamber on er to accommodate him. 
Ep. I 8 


n Colluſimus, quæ ft Criticus putat 
Jejuna, componat Criticus vera 
Exempta Criticis: mihi ipſe 
Concino, non Critieis probanda. 
Quod fi Heſperæ oræ me minus audient, 
Nec me ſcient vatem Auſoniæ ſcholæ, 
Teftabitur tamen poëtam 
Gallia chara ſuum Doletum. 


0 Nullum negaverunt mihi verſus genus 
Muſæ. Fundo Elegos tam facile, 
Quam quiſquam alius: Heroico bombo, bf libet, 
Diſtendo guttur feliciter : 
Sapphon ſui cantus genere laceſſere 
Poſſim, æquareque ſperem: denique 
Nullum negaverunt mihi verſus genus 
Muſz : fed Iambicum placet 
Plus cæteris verſus generibus mihi, 
Quod ſenſa animi plurimo 
Splendore verborum efferat pulchre foras, 
Nec eloquium noſtrum impediat. 


4 D | | There | 


IEC CE oe TO SIR DETECT: 


Fr 


— 0 ” . _ — — vv ˙⅛ — Chg 20-00 
ann ce, err - r I . . r REES. NED CTC IDE i= ao ur, 
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U 


370 
A. D. 1535. 


tiſts ſwarmed in Germany: 


THE LIF E 


There is a letter this year, under the name of Nucerinus, 
giving an elegant and pathetic account of the * death of More, 


and of Fiſher, which hath been commonly aſcribed to Eraſmus, 


Ep. 378. c. 1703. 


He ſays of More; I wiſh he had never meddled with that 
dangerous affair, (of the Divorce, I ſuppoſe, and the Supremacy) 
and had left Theological points to thoſe who ar of the Theo- 
logical order. In the ſame Epiſtle he obſerves how the Anabap- 


and he ſpeaks very coldly of his. 


Ecclefiaſtes, and owns that he never was much pleaſed with Wat: 


performance, 


In Maittaire's Annales we find 3 
Eraſmi Carmen in Martyrium Rof- 
fenfis Epiſcopi et Thomæ Mori, 4to, 


1536. Bibliothec. Carlſonian. p. 158. 


Ann. Typ, II. p. 855. 
There is no ſuch poem to be found 
in the Editions of the works of Eraſ- 


mus; and no ſuch poem, I dare ſay, 
was ever compoſed by him. 


He was 
not in a verſifying humour at this time. 

2 Tota inferior Germania mire in- 
fecta eſt a RetinQis ; in ſuperiore diſſi- 
mulantur. Turmatim huc affluunt; 
quidam Italiam petunt. — Non arbitror 


Galliam ab hac colluvie eſſe liberam : 


fed muſſant 
Ep. 1286. 
Oppidum Weſtphaliz Amr, 


iſthic formidine fuſtis. 


quod occuparant Retincti, vi expug- 


natum eſt, animadverſum in omnes 
qui duodecimum exceflerant annum, 


Ea lues nonnihil compreſſa eſt verius 


quam extincta. Ex Hollandia Anabap- 
tiſtæ turmatim in has regiones affluunt, 
nec diſſimulant ſuam profeſſionem; fe- 
runtur, ac diſſimulantur, ſi nihil mo- 


argumentum nunquam arriſit. 


pius ad eum jocer; modum, 


In 


veant tumultus, — Multorum ſententia 


non minus operz pretium feciſſet (Cæ- 
far) ſi Germaniam inferiorem ab iſtis 
peſtibus defendiſſet, quam expugnando 
Guletam. Neque enim res jam intra 
Aoyouayias conſiſtitz ſed ferro et ſan- 
guine graſſantur AiCager, inſidiis, dolis, 
ac vi civitates occupant, cæde ac violen- 
tia invitos ad ſuam ſectam adigunt, cre- 
ant novos reges ac reginas, condunt no- 
vas leges pro ſua libidine. Ep. 1287. 

See above, p. 355, &c. 

r Prodit. Concionator meus, 8 
bonis avibus: nam mihi quidem hoc 
Feſti- 
vum eſt quod adfers de puellis, quæ joco 


nonnunquam recipiunt, quod cum do- 


lore coguntur reddere; optaſque ut ſæ- 
Verum, 
illud quoque nonnunquam evenit puellis, 


ut quod per luſum receperunt abortu 


cogantur rejicere,. aut in ipſo partu 

emori. Quorum poſterius metuebam, 

prius illud evenit. Ep. 1286, 
See alſo Ep. 1287. 


OF ERASMUS. 
In Ep. 1292, he tells us __ he did not underftand the Italian A. D. 1 535. 


1 


language. FEA 
This year an edition of Livg was pruned at Baſil, with 6 
299 of Eraſmus. e 


% 
=” ; r * 
& 4 


Wer p. MDXXXVI. ( — Fiat. LXIxXx. 


We are now come to the laſt year of the life of Eraſmus, who 
this winter publiſhed, his Commentary on the fourteenth Pſalm, 
which he intitled, Of the purity of the Chr: tian Church. It is in 
the fifth Tome of his works ; and it conſiſts of allegorical inter- 


pretations, and moral reflections upon the text. He alſo repub- 


liſhed his Letters, adding ſeveral which he had received from 
Popes, from the Emperor, from Kings and Princes, and men of 


high ſtations, to let the world ſee that, though deſpiſed by ſome 


and inſulted by others, he had enjoyed the approbation and the 
eſteem of the Great: — 


Cum magnis d ! invita lar uſque 
nvidia, 


He ſays that for ſome time nk he had negleQed to is 


copies of his own letters, becauſe they were ſo numerous that 


his Amanuenſes were not able to tranſcribe them. Many were 
found after his death, and were retrieved whilſt the Leyden 
Edition of his works was carried on. It were to be wiſhed that 
Jo taken the pains himſelf to range his Epiſtles in a proper 
order. 

He complains that, whilſt he was reviſing them, he had found 
that within the ſpace of ten years many of his beſt friends and 


old correſpondents were dead; which made him meditate on 


the ſhortneſs and uncertainty of human life. Ep. 1295. 


4D 2 He 


* Baſileenſis editio eximia, cum Si- fol. apud Frobenium. Fabricius Bibl. 
giſmundi Gelenii et Beati Rhenani no- Lat, Tom. I. p. 196, 
tis, atque Eraſmi præfatione, A. 1535, 


A. D. 1536. 


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572 


A, D. 1536. 


THE LIFE 


He ſays that Petrus Tomicius, Biſhop of Cracow, was dead in 
Poland, and Zaſius at Friburg, and that all his Engliſh friends 
were either dead, or in a manner dead to him, through fear of 


correſponding with him in thoſe dangerous times. Dangerous 
indeed: for in 1535 Fiſher and More were executed, the Mo- 


naſteries were ſuppreſſed, and many Papiſts and Proteſtants 
ſuffered together; and in 1536 Anne Bulleyn and her brother the 


Lord Rochford were put to death, the King's marriage with her 


was annulled, the Engliſh nation abounded with diſcontented 


people, and inſurrections and rebellions enſued. 


The later times of Henry VIII may be compared well enough 


with thoſe of the Emperor Conſtantius, who, as Ammianus 
Marcellinus obſerves, was cruel towards all, who, truly or falſely, 
Were charged with treaſon. Any accuſation, (ſays this Hiftorian). 


how light ſoever, ſerved to ruin a man; and his ſubjects were 
ſo far from daring to tell their dreams, leſt they ſhould have a 
treaſonable interpretation put upon en, that bac # durſt not 


oyyn that they ever flept. 


They, ſays Eraſmus, who paid me 1 ons, now excuſe 
themſelves: but yet Thomas Cromwell, the King's Secretary, 
and the perſon who is moſt in his favour, hath ſent me, I know 
not why, twenty angels, the Archbiſhop of Canterbury ( Cran- 
mer) eighteen, and the Biſhop: of Lincoln fifteen; but none of 
them have ſent me a letter. This he ſays to Gilbertus Cognatus 
(Couſin) who had been his ſervant and Amanuenfis, and who 


was then a Canon, in ſome place of Franche-Comte. 


Eraſmus boaſts that, amongſt other benefits which he had con- 


ferred upon Cognatus, he had taken care to preſerve him from 


the infection of the Lutherans and the Reformed. I know not,. 
| | ſays. 


t Boiſſard Icon. p. 127. Burnet * Bayle Dict. Cos. AR, Erudit. 
Hift. of the Ref, Suype's Life of Cran- XIIIII. 146. Maittaire II. 357. 


mer. 
1 


OF ERASMUS. 


ſays Bayle, what might be the ſentiments of Cognatus during the A. D. 1836. 
life of his friend Eraſmus ; but I dare ſay that afterwards he was 
either a Proteſtant, or a favourer of Proteſtantiſm. Bayle gives us 


no reaſons for his opinion : but I find in * Baluzius, that the poor 
man fell under the Pope's indignation, and * in a jail, for 


hereſy. 


The Adages of Cognatus give us great wick to ſuſpect kim of 
Proteſtantiſm. See, amongſt the reſt, the Un intitled, Magis 


Plantaſticus quam Pape mula. 


This year Hermanus, Archbiſhop of Cologn, held a Council 
for reforming the Church in his dominions. Afterwards he 
became a Proteſtant. Eraſmus wrote a letter of compliments 
to him, and received from him a courteous anſwer, in the year 


1528. Ep. 945, 959. 


See an account of this illuſtrious Prelats in Bayle, Wipa 


(HERMAN DE.) 


Seckendorf * hath given us an account of a woman, who was 


ſaid to be poſſeſſed with a Devil, and of Luther's ſentiments 


upon it, A. 1536. 


* Notari quoque meretur Pii V 
Breve adverſus Gilbertum Cognatum, 
Eraſmi quondam librarium, et ob hæ- 
reſin in carcerem detruſum, in eoque 
mortuum. Act. Erudit. 

Y Bayle, Tom. IV. p. 3100. Rem. 
'«"; ; 

Above, p. 442. 

Ancilla quædam, Lebuſii prope 
Francofurtum ad Viadrum nata, Ger- 
trudis Fiſcheria, a Dæmone mire vexata 
fuit, ut, illo ſuggerente, numiſmatibus, 
quoties vellet, gr 5 replere poſſet, 
dein illa manducaret et devoraret, idque 
toto menſe faceret; poſtea enim acicu- 


Damianus 


las deglutivit. Promiſerat ei Satan, ſe 


tantam pecuniæ copiam illi daturum 
eſſe, ut, quod in proverbio dicitur, com- 
edere illam poſſet. Sexcenties id ſe vi- 
diſſe cum plurimis ſive univerſis, ut ſcri- 


bit, aliis, teſtatur Jodocus Willichius, 


Profeſſor Francofurtenſis, in Commen- 
tariolo in prophetam Jonam anno 1549 
ſcripto, quo tempore Gertrudin illam 
adhuc Francofurti vivere et famulari aſſe - 
verat. Accitus eſt a ſuperſtitionis vete= 
ris tenacibus ſacerdos Romanenſis, ut 
exorciſmis liberaret miſeram, ſed fruſtra 
fuit: poſt multas deinde deliberationes 
relatum eſt ad Lutherum negotium, qui 

ſententiam 


573 


— . " 2 
> OT ee ET one 7 ES oi, 


574 


A. D. 1536. 


Etiam bonum eſſet, fi vitia ſua, que 


write his life. 


THE/LIFE 


Damianus * à Goes tells Eraſmus, that, if he outlived him, 
he ſhould be glad to print his works at h his own expenſe, and to 


Ep. 381, c. 1771. 


The © Colloquies had been prohibited at Dole, by the credit of 
two Franciſcans, as Eraſmus tells Franciſcus Bonvalot, to whom 
he was obliged for a preſent of wine. Ep: 1297. 


ſententiam ſuam hace epiſtola Eberto 


6 
tu ſcriberes, cum hie narrarentur, 
ec 


cc 


cc 


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e 
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1 


aperuit: 


“Multis videntur incredibilia, que 
tu {cribis, mi Andrea, et, antequam 


ipſe quoque putabam me audire jo- 
cum quendam aut fabulam. Sed fi 


ita res habet, uti tu ſcribis, arbitror 


oſtentum eſſe, quo Deus permittat 
Satanam oſtendere figuram et ima— 
ginem quorundam Principum, qui 
rapiant et vorent undecunque opes, 
et tamen nihil proficiant. Cum ergo 
jocularis ſit iſte Spiritus, et otio ſuo 
ſecuritatem noſtram rideat, nobis pri- 


mo ſerio pro puella eſt orandum, 


quze propter nos cogitur iſta pati. 


Deinde ipſe Spiritus viciſſim eſt con- 


temnendus et ridendus, nec ullis ex- 
oiciſmis aut ſeriis tentandus, quia 
omnia iſta ridet ſuperbia Diabolica. 
Sed perſeveremus in oratione pro 
puella, et contemtu in Diabolum, et 
tandem, favente Chriſto, ceſſabit. 


hoc oſtento indicantur, emendarent 
Principes, in quibus ille nequam Spi- 
ritus ſignificat ſeſe potenter et ſecure 
dominari. Rogo te, quandoquidem 


res iſta digna eſt evulgari, omnia ve— 


lis certiſime explorare, ne ſubſit ali- 


lant. 


At 


* 


c 


** 


quid doli: et imprimis, an moneta- 


„ ſeu nummi iſti ſint veri nummi, et 


e uſum fori ſuſtineant. Nam ego tot 


„ fucis, dolis, technis, mendaciis, ar- 


ce tibus, hactenus ſum exayitatus, ut 


„ cogar difficilis eſſe ad credendum om- 


nia et omnibus, niſi quæ ego ſcio me 
« facere et dicere, Tanta eſt Diaboli 
vis, mundi malitia et hominum con- 
ce fidentia hodie, Quare vide et pro- 


« ſpice tibi, ne quoque fallare, et ego 


ce per te fallar. Experto crede Ruperto, 
ut eſt proverbium.“ 

Ebertus, ad quem ſeribit,— Evangeli- 
cam doctrinam Francofurti profitebatur, 
et ancillam illam in cœtum ſuum adduci 
fecerat. Numiſmata, quorum certitu- 
dinem explorari volebat Lutherus, mi- 
nutioris monetæ erant, greſſi et nummuli, 
groſchen und pfennige. Conſilium autem 
Lutheri ſucceſſum habuit, licet aliquam- 
diu reniteretur Satanas, et Ebertum, cum 
Chriſti nomen invocaret, foedis proſcin- 
deret convitiis, L. III. 136. 

» Gallæi Imagines. 


© Nemiror Dolæ tantum poſſe duos 
Franciſcanos. Colloquia et venduntur 
et excuduntur Lutetiæ, et Dola exſu- 
Qui dicunt in illis aliquid eſſe 
hzwreticum, ſive docti ſunt, five indocti, 
mentiuntur, 


OF ERASMUS. 


till after his deceaſe, with a. Preface of Beatus Rhenanus, con- 
taining a ſmall abridgment of his life. | 


chuſes to call Origen's Hexapla rather Exapla than Hexapla ; upon 
which La Monnoye hath made the following remarks : 
Every one knows the true origin of the word Hexapla : 


« Origen, he chuſeth rather to write it Exapla, becauſe, ſays he, 


* aſpirate in any manuſcript, it may be better to write EE, 
« from #ZanAd, to intimate that the word *EZarAZ comes not 
« from the number of columns, but from this, that the volume, 


* to the reader. To this it is obvious to. anſwer, that e&Zanaa, 
« for gar, in the manuſcripts, is a fault; and that, if we 
argue from the ſignification of eZa7A%@, to unfold, we may by 
« parity of reaſon give the name of C to the Terrapla, 
© Heptapla, and Ofapla, unfolded in the fame manner before 
the eyes of the reader. This notion of Eraſmus hath found. 
© no followers, and the learned Montfaucon hath not even men- 
* tioned it in his Preliminaries to the Hexapla of Origen.” Me- 
nagian. IV. p. 131. 

Eraſmus had been ill at Friburg, and he continued ſo at Baſil. 
Rhenanus and Amerbachius ſay that he intended, from the pre- 


miſed to Mary, Queen of Hungary, who had ſent him long before. 
a ſum of money to defray the charges of the journey. But, 
from the letters of Eraſmus, it may be queſtioned whether he 


entertained ſuch a deſign. ; 
| n 


Eraſmus hath given an account of Origen, and * his works, 
in Ep. 457. c. 1846. Towards the end of this Epiſtle, he 


« Eraſmus knew it, and yet in his Preface to his edition of 


although it ſhould ſeem beſt to ſay EE, with relation to 
the / columns, yet ſince the firſt letter is not found with an 


« being unfolded and laid open, preſented the whole at one view. 


ceding year, to depart from Baſil' to Brabant, as he had pro- 


575 


At this time he was reviſing and printing the works of Origen, A. D. 1536. 
and adding a few ſhort notes. But this work did not come forth 


576 
A.D. 1536, 


plainly that his diſeaſe would prove mortal. 
for ſeveral months, that he could not hold out long; and he 


Leyden Edition ; but it is in Eraſm Vita 


vix credendam.—Libellum de Puritate 


_ THE LIFE 
In the ſummer he grew worſe, and the laſt letter which we 


have of his writing is dated June 28, He ſubſcribes it thus, 
0 Eraſmus Rot. ægra manu. It is a letter to his old friend Go. 


clenius, who had adviſed him to write to a Lady of the houſe of 
Naſſau. If you had known exactly, ſays he, the ſtate of my 
affairs, you would have ſent word to this Lady, that I had been 


obliged to depart from Friburg, on account of my bad health, 
with a deſign to go to Bezangon as ſoon as I had finiſhed my 
Ecclefiaftes, that I might {till continue in the Emperor's territories, 
But my diſeaſe growing worſe, I have been obliged to paſs the 
winter at Baſil: for although I am here with my beſt friends, 


and ſuch as I could not have at Friburg, yet becauſe of the 


difference of religious ſentiments, I could have been glad to 
end my days elſewhere. I wiſh Brabant Were nearer at hand, 
Ep. 1299. 

„He was for almoſt a month ill of a dyſentery,” and he ſaw 
He had foreſeen 


foretold it again three days, and then two days before his death. 
Amerbachius, Froben, and Epiſcopius coming in to pay him a 
viſit, he told them that in them he beheld Job's three friends, 


and aſked them ſmiling, why they had not rent their clothes, and 


put aſhes upon their heads. The reſt of his time he con- 


ſtantly implored the mercy of almighty God, and of Jeſus Chriſt, 


without ſpeaking of thoſe minute * devotions that he had fo much 
derided and blamed in the Monks, and he preſerved his reaſon 
| | 0 


Tabernaculi adfixus leo ſcripſit, adhoc 
Origenem recognitum ſcholiis illuſtra- 
vit. — Sanctiſſime vixit, ſanctiſſime mor- 
tuus eſt, Ep. Amerbach. in Tom. I. 
In many paſſages of his writings he 
declares himſelf no friend to auricular 
confeſſion, though he ſpeaks cautiouſly, 
after his accuſtomed manner, 


4 This ſubſcription is omitted in the 


et Epiſt. by Scriverius, 1649, p. 390. 
* dee Rhenani Dedic. Origenis, which 
is in the Firſt Volume of Eraſmus. 
Vidiſſes in ſummis cruciatibus tole- 
rantiam mirabilem, et manſuetudinem 


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OF ERASMUS. 


to the end of his life. He * died calmly on the twelfth of July, A. D. 1 1536, 
and was buried with a great concourſe in the Cathedral Church | 
of Baſil, where his tomb is to be ſeen, with a Latin inſcription 


on the marble, of which a copy is inſerted in the firſt Tome of 
his works. The Monks might juſtly have ſaid, according to 
their accuſtomed jargon, which Eraſmus hath derided more 
than once, that he died, Sine crux, fine lux, ſine Deus: and they 
did not fail to ſay it. 

« A learned man was ſaying that Charles V, 9 arrived at 
« Baſil, two or three days after the burial of Eraſmus, ordered 
© his body to be taken up, and interred again with more ſolem- 
* nity, and aſſiſted himſelf at the obſequies. I ſhewed him 
„that Charles was at that time preparing to enter into France, 


and had on this very month reviewed his army in the plain of 


% Cony.” Longueruana I. 215. 


John à Laſco generouſly offered centum aurebs, an hapdred 
pieces of gold, to Froben and Epiſcopius, to aſſiſt them in pub- 
liſhing the works of Eraſmus. Ep. 38 5. c. 1775. 


Eraſmus had made his will in February, in which he left 


handſome legacies to ſeveral friends, and the reſidue he ordered 
to be diſtributed by his executors, to relieve the ſick and the 
poor, to marry young women, and to aſſiſt young men of good 
character, and ſuch as they ſhould judge to be neceſſitous and 


deſervin g· 


With his accuſtomed 8 and prudence, he choſe for 


his executors Amerbachius, Froben, and Epiſcopius, men of 


| honour, Robi. and generoſity, who fulfilled his orders exactly, 


4 E 7 and 


Anus Morellus Grineus egerat bo- Eibe #grotanti ac morienti ad ex- 
nam adoleſcentiæ partem apud Helvetios tremum uſque halitum adfuit Simon 
in Eraſmi contubernio, cui ad Baſileam Grynæus. Melch. Adam Vit. e, 
clauſit oculos, et honorifico carmine pa= h Appendix. 
rentavit. Sammarthanus Elog. L. III. i Ep. Amerbach. ad Paungartnerum, 


p. 78, This is not Simon Erynæus. in the firſt Vol, 


2 


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A. P. 15 36. and more than exactly, and to their own mne in diſtributing 


THE LIFE 


his charitable donations. 

From his teſtament it appears, that he was not in low circum. 
ſtances, nor ſo bad an Oeconomiſt as he ſometimes ſeemed, 
between jeſt and earneſt, to repreſent himſelf. We cannot too 


much extoll the liberality of the Engliſh Nobles and Prelates, 

and of other illuſtrious perſons, who enabled him to live decently, 
and to ſerve the public by ſuch ſtudies and ſuch works as ſuited 
his own genius and inclination beſt, His generoſity to his old 
friends, and his charities to the poor, were infinitely more laudable 


than the pretended piety of thoſe ſuperſtitious perions, VO leave 


their effects to Monks, who are to pray to God for them after | 
they are deceaſed; as if the Almighty could be ſuppoſed to 
ſhew any regard to prayers bought and ſold, and ſung or ſaid 


after a man is in his grave! 


Such was the laſt will of Eraſmus, and thus he departed this 
life, aged * fixty-nine, in the arms of his deareſt friends, who yet 


were then in the religious ſentiments of Zuinglius and Oecolam- 
padius. If it had been his lot to die in a Catholic country, he 
could not have eſcaped teizing ſolicitations of officious Prieſts to 


make ſome ſort of ſordid retractation, or to perform ſome act of 
minute ſuperſtition, which would have tarniſhed his memory, 


and which he could not have eaſily ſhunned, if he would have 


received the Sacraments of the Church, and then have ſlept | in 


holy ground. 


He hath drawn his own character in his letters, from which 


we have principally collected this account of his life; and he 
hath performed it in ſo maſterly a manner, that we could not 
have wiſhed for better materials to work upon. He may be 


juſtly cenſured for one thing, for his weakneſs in flattering a 


party, whoſe ſentiments and kl he in many things diſap- 
proved, and in finding fault with thoſe, whom upon the whole 


* Almoſt, 


OF ERASMUS. 579 
he reſembled much more than he did their adverſaries. But if A. D. 1536. 
he deſerved ſome blame upon this account, they who compelled 

him to diſſemble in this manner, who hated the very name of 


a reformation, and who treated as vile heretics all thoſe who 
dared even to with for ſome amendment, were beyond meaſure 


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more blameable. 


There was the ſame difference between them 


and him, as between a tyrant and his poor ſubjects, who are 
obliged to humour him, that they may ſave their lives and effects, 


and to do what they would never have done, if violence had not 


conſtrained them. The overbearing maſter is the chief cauſe of 
all the wrong ſteps which they take, and hath the heavier 


account to give for it hereafter. 


courage, they who took advantage of his infirmity were far more 
deficient in honeſty and piety. 


If Eraſmus was deficient in 


He died i in a n and | charitable diſpoſition towards i Pelli- 


Conradum Pellicanum, Tigurinum 


tunc Eccleſiaſten, cum quo acriter diſ- 


putaverat, comiter ab eo, dum decum- 


beret, exceptum fuiſſe, rogante, ut of- 
fenſas ſibi condonaret, nec quicquam 
hoſtile poſthac a ſe exſpectaret, Bullin- 
geri etiam honorificam mentionem fe- 
ciſſe, Hoſpinianus annotavit. Hæc non 
ſunt viri, qui diſſentientes a Romana 
Eccleſia, et diverſa publice docentes, 
pro damnatis haberet. 

Pietatis haud exigua documenta ex 
teſtamento ejus, tum aliis geſtis dictiſ- 
que circa finem vitæ colligi poſſunt. 
Seckendorf L. III. 137. 

John d Laſco, in a letter to Pellicanus, 


A. 1544, ſays : 


de tuo in Eraſmum animo non 


dubitavi unquam, neque ullam inter te 


et illum, cum una eſſemus, ſimultatem 


canus 


deprehendere potui, niſi quod, cum 
doctrinam Oecolampadii de Cœna Do- 


mini ſibi nondum ſatis probari poſſe 


diceret, non ferebat, ſi quis ſe cum 
Oecolampadio idem docere affirmaſſet; 
tametſi tu in doctrinam Oecolampadii 
tum propenderes, ille vero non tam 
damnaret illam, quam diceret potius, 
ſibi illam nondum ſatis probari poſſe, non 
ideo tamen amicitiam veſtram diſſolutum 
iri putabam; præſertim cum Eraſmus 


ipſe pro ſua apud me libertate, non ob- 


ſcure teſtaretur, ſe certam habere non 


poſſe etiam doctrinæ ſuæ rationem. Fa- 
tebatur enim eſſe quædam, quæ in ſua 
ipſius doctrina offenderent; fed ſe non 
habere, rurſum dicebat quidquam ſoli- 


dum, cui inniteretur, ſi doctrina ſua ſibi 
mutanda eſſet. Et proinde ſe in veteri 
ſententia permanere malle affirmabat. 

422 Aye 


580 


THE 
A. D. 1536. canus and ® Bullinger, two Proteſtant Divines, with the firſt of 
whom he had been at variance, as we have obſerved. 


LIFE 


: rA Ed RN Anus hath given 1 us a deſcription of his perſon, 


| temper, and behaviour : and tells us that he was low of ſtature, 


but not remarkably ſhort; that he was well-ſhaped, of a fair 
complexion, with hair, in his youth, of a pale yellow, grey eyes, 
a chearful countenance, a low voice, an agreeable elocution ; 


Atque ita ego tum Eraſmum reliqui : 


atque in eadem ſecum, ut verum fatear, 


ſententia quoque fui. Nihil tamen du- 


bito, quin Eraſmus haud dubie, fi nune 


viveret, æquior multo nobis futurus eſſet. 


Sed habet quiſque donorum ſuorum mo- 


dum, ut non omnes poſſimus ubique 


omnia. Noſtrum eſt de iis nobis gra- 


tulari, quæ Deus, prout vult, juxta fidei 


noſtræ menſuram, conferre in nos dig- 


natur. Ita et de Eraſmi donis, quæ 
ſane et plurima et maxima fuiſſe negare 


nemo poteſt, gratulari nobis merito, 


Deumque in illis agnoſcere debemus. 
Si quid autem amplius aſſequuti vide- 
mur, id quoque a Domino nobis datum 
eſſe cogitemus. 
las ad me attinet, fateor illum libere 
nonnunquam multa ad me ſoripſiſſe, tu 
enim ipſe teſtis es, ut me amarit, ac 
tui quoque non raro meminiſſe; ſed 
putabat omnino te auctore id fieri, ut 


idem cum Oecolampadio ſentire dice- 


retur. Neque vero id tam grave erat, 
quam ille grave videri volebat; ſed hoc 
ille rebus ſuis vehementer noxium eſſe 


putabat, et nolebat præterea nomen 
ſuum hac opinione gravari. 


: Deinde 
habebat fortaſſis inſtigatores ſuos, qui- 


bus id potius quam Eraſmo ipſi impu- 


tandum eſſe cenſeo. 


Quod ad illius Epiſto- 


that 


Vid. Hottinger. 
H. E. P. II. p. 34, 36. 

m Melchior Adam. | 

n Statura fuit infra proceritatem, ſu- 


pra tamen prorſus notabilem humilita- | 


tem. Corpuſculo ſatis compacto et ele- 


ganti, ſed quod eſſet tenerrimæ com- 


plexionis, et minimarum rerum muta- 
tione, puta vini, cibi, ccelive, facile of- 
fenderetur, in ſenio crebris quoque cal- 
culi doloribus obnoxium : ut de pituita 
nihil dicam, alioqui perpetuo communi- 
que ſtudioſorum omnium malo. Cute 
corporis et faciei candida, capillitio in 
juventa ſufflavo, oculis cæſiis, vultu 


feſtivo, voce exili, lingua pulcre expli- 


Cita, cultu honeſto et gravi. Fuit in 
retinenda amicitia conſtantiſſimus. Me- 
moria feliciſſima. In egenos liberalis, 


quos, ut alibi, fic a facro domum rediens 


per famulum nunquam non munerari 
ſolebat: maxime vero in bonæ ſpei et 


indolis adoleſcentes ſtudioſos, ſi qui ad 


ſe viatico deſtituti veniſſent, largus, be- 
nignus, et munificus. 
mis et ſuavis citra omne ſupercilium. 
Vit. Eraſimi. 

Solitus (erat amicus quidam) me joco 
calvum dicere, quod eſſem raro capillitio. 
Eraſinus, Tom. I. c. 441. 


In convictu co- 


1 


1 


Bhs ting WEE od I $ID | 
Do INS SIN 22 IE REED 2 * g 
5. Pc 


* 


o ERASMUS. 


581 


chat he was neat and decent in his àpparel; that he had a very A. D. 1536. 


tender and infirm conſtitution, and a vaſt memory; that he was 
an agreeable companion, a very conſtant friend, generous and 


charitable, &c. Eraſmus hath declared of himſelf that he was 


not fond of money, and U bee to every one who knew him. 


We have obſerved in many places that Eraſmus could not 


endure even the ſmell of fiſh, and had a moſt Lutheran ſtomach. 


Our learned Aſcham reſembled him i in this, and obtained a Diſ—- 


penſation from Cranmer. 15 
« Roger Aſcham, the Orator By the 1 of Cambridge, 


e was a man of a weak conſtitution, and had contracted more 
« frailty by reaſon of a long ague that then hung about him, 


« and his complexion | became melancholy by the relics of that 
« ſtubborn diſtemper. He had alſo. in his nature a great averſe- 
« neſs to the fiſh-diet. Upon theſe reaſons he addreſſed his 
« letters to the Archbiſhop with an humble? ſuit, very handſomely 


* penned, that he might be diſpenſed with as to abſtinence from 
0 fleſh· meats, Lent and. Fiſh- days being. then ſtrictly obſerved in 


« the Colleges. And this Licence he defired might be, not 
« only temporary, but perpetual, — which was ſomewhat extra- 


ordinary. But to incline the Archbiſhop to yield to his ſuit, 
« he told him; That it was not to pamper his fleſh, nor out of 


an affectation of doing that which was unuſual, or againſt com- 
mon cuſtom, but only for the preſerving his health, and: that he 
might the more freely purſue his ſtudies. That theair of Cam- 


bridge was naturally cold and moiſt, and ſo the fiſh-diet the 
more unwholſome. He deſired, therefore, that by his authority 


he might no longer be tied by that Tradition, which forbad the 
uſe of certain meats at certain times. He ſaid, That thoſe who 


granted this liberty to none but ſuch as laboured under a deſperate 


diſeaſe, 


Nemo fuit unquam tam iniquus jectum exprobrarent. Tom. IX. c. 100. 


mei judex, ut pecuniæ ſtudium mihi im- lt is amongſt the Latin Epiſtles of 


pegerit. Fuerunt complures, qui neg- Aſcham, L. | II. P. 248. 


582 


THE LIFE 

A. P. 1536. diſeaſe, did like them who never repaired their houſes, but when 
they were juſt ready to fall down by age. Thrifty houſekeepers 
did otherwiſe : ſo did ſkilful Phyſicians, who did not uſe to pre- 
ſcribe their phyſic when it was too late, but always put a ſtop | 
to beginnings. That they who never would impart the uſing of 


this liberty of eating fleſh to any, but when all health was 


deſpaired of, knew not what good a prudent foreſight did in 
all commonwealths, &c.— Then he ſubjoins a paſſage from Hero- 
dotus in his Euterpe, concerning the Egyptian Prieſts, from 
whom iſſued originally all kinds of learning and arts, and who 
were always converſant in learned ſtudies. Theſe, ſaid that 
Author, religiouſly tied themſelves from all eating of ? Hass. No, 

doubt for this only cauſe, faith Aſcham, Ne i 1gnea vis ingenii atgus 


preftantia, ullo frigido ſucco, quem efus piſcium ingeneraret, extin- 


gueretur : That the wits of men, that have a noble fiery quality 
in them, might not be quenched by ſome cold juice, which 
the eating of fiſh might ingender. 


proved, and thence derived themſelves, firft to the Greeks, then 
to the Romans, and afterwards to our times, through that fink 
of Popery, that that fingle worthy counſel and remedy of thoſe 
moſt learned men, enjoined for the enlarging and ſpreading of 
learning, ſhould be debarred us to follow ; and that by ſuch as 
were either unlearned themſelves, or ſuperſtitious men : whereby 


the beſt Wits received ſo great prejudice and damage. That 4 
none knew better than his Lordſhip whence this cuſtom aroſe, 
by whom cheriſhed, and by what kind of men brought down to 
us. And, laſtly, how unwholeſome and unfit all eating of #eþ 


was in the ſpring-time. And that, if he might obtain this favour, 
he would uſe it without giving o_—_ or making any common 
ſpeech 


4 Fleſb. It ſhould be PI IX, guſtare nefas eſt illis. 1 II, 


J ll. bes. re Nc. De piſcibus p. 102. 


And that it was ſomewhat 4 
unjuſt, he adds, that when fo many kinds of fuperſtition lowed ® 
in ſuch a plentiful meaſure from the Egyptians, as might eaſily be 


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thanks for this favour, p. 260, 


OF E R ASM Us. 


hankſiving, 

This letter he got bis friend Poinet, the Archbiſhop” 8 Chap- 
* lain, (the fame I ſuppoſe who after was Biſhop of Wincheſter) 
« to put into his Grace's hand, and to further his requeſt what 


he could. The iflue whereof was to his heart's deſire ; for 
« though the Archbiſhop knew him not, nor was cafily drawn 
* fpenſe with the Church's ancient diſcipline and rites, yet 


« he received his ſuit with all humanity ; and ſuch he found to 
« be the modeſty and ingenuity, of the. man, and what he 
« requeſted to be grounded upon ſuch reaſonable and juſt cauſes, 
e that he readily vielded to it. And whether he thought! it out 
« of his power to grant a Licence of that latitude, to diſcharge a 
« perſon, for all time to come, from, the obligation of keeping 
« Lent, or to, avert the cenſure he might mcur, if he ſhould 
© have done it by his own authority, or reckoning it a matter of 


„Law rather than Religion, he put himſelf to the trouble of 


*« procuring the King's Licence under the Privy Seal for this 
« man: and when he had done that, conſidering an Academic's 
61 poverty, he releaſed him of the whole charges of ng it out, 

« paying all the fees himſelf. 

« And indeed the Archbifhop's opinion concerning Ph made 
* way for his more ready yielding to Aſcham's requeſt ; for he 
held the keeping of Lent, as founded in a poſitive Law, rather 
« than as a religious duty, and thought it neceſſary that fo the 
« people ſhould be taught and inſtructed.” OE s Life of 
Cranmer, B. II. c. 6. | 

Concerning Licences to eat fleſh in Lent, in the year 158 5, 
ſee ad wb Life of Whitgift, B. III. c. 15. p. 246. 


0 Al. THE learned men of Baſil, ſays Moreri, carried Eraſ- 
« mus N their ſhoulders to the Cathedral Church, where he 
© was 


Aſcham returns him a letter of * Bayle Exaons, Not, A A. 


ſpeech of it, with quietneſs and filence, with abſtinence and A. D. 1536. 


584 


A. D. 1536. Was buried. 


THE LIFE 


his n muſt at leaſt have been as 
« big as the bed of Og, the king of OY mentioned in 


If ſo, 


ws; Deuteronomy.” 


In. THE year 1557, Farellus and Beza attacked the memory 
and reputation of Eraſmus, at Bafil, with much malignity and 


effrontery ; upon which the Heirs of Eraſmus treated them as 
they deſerved, and gave them the lie in a public manner. 


« »ERASMUS was not leſs abuſed and inſulted by the Catho- 
« lics, both living and dead, as it may be ſeen in the book of 


oy Caſpar Chicotius, &c.“ 


Wr WILL nad ſays Le Clerc, with a ſymbolical repre. 
ſentation which was exhibited before Charles V, and his brother 
Ferdinand, at Augſburg, in 1530, at the time when the Luthe- 
rans preſented their Confeſſion of faith to that aſſembly. 


As the Princes were at table, a company of perſons offered 
to act a ſmall Comedy for the 


t Intelleximus haud ita dudum, Fa- 


relle et Beza, hic in publico Sylveſtris 


Hominis diverſorio, ante prandium vos 
multis audientibus in D. Eraſmum Ro- 
terodamum debacchatos: et a te nomi- 
natim, Farelle, diſertis verbis Eraſmum 
omnium mortalium deterrimum, impro- 
biſimum, nequiſſimum, ſceleratiſſimum 
ac impuriſſimum nebulonem: a te vero, 
Beza, eundem Arianum appellatum 


fuiſſe. 


moriz defuncti exiſtimationem tot pu- 
dendis atrocibuſque conviciis conſulto 
laceraſtis, Nos ſubſcripti factum veſtrum 
improbum ac puram putam calumniam 
dicimus, ut qui confidamus, perſuaſiſſi- 


Id ſi feciſtis, ſique ſanctæ me- 


entertainment of the company. 
They 


mumque habeamus, eum ipſum Eraſ- 
mum, vere ac pro meritis, a quoquam 
probo, bono et integro viro ejuſmodi 
calumniis conviciiſque laceſſiri aut pro- 
ſcindi nec poſſe nec debere. Hæc, pro in- 
tegerrimi viri memoria exiſtimationeque 
tuenda, ne diſſimularemus, legibus etiam 
civilibus admonemur. Dat. Baſileæ, 
Bonifacius Amberbachius, mea manu. 
Hieronymus Frobenius, mea manu. 
Nicolaus Epiſcopius. 
Wetſtein. Prolegom. ad N. T. p. 120. 


u Bayle ExAzME, Not. T, and 
SAWICKI. & 


J. L. Fabricius de Ludis Scenicis, | 
p. 142. — 


OF ERASMUS. 


They were ordered to begin; and firſt entered a man in the dreſs A. D. 536. 


of a Doctor, who brought a large quantity of ſmall wood, of 
| ſtraight and crooked billets, and laid it on the middle of the 
hearth, and retired, On his back was written the name of 
Reuchlin. When this actor went off, another entered, apparelled 


alſo like a Doctor, who attempted to make fagots of the wood, 


and to fit the crooked to the ſtraight ; but having laboured long 


to no purpoſe, he went away out of humour, and ſhaking his 


head. On his back appeared the name of Eraſmus. A third, 
dreſſed like an Auguſtinian Monk, came in with a chafing-diſh 
full of fire, gathered up the crooked wood, clapped it upon tke 
fire, and blew till he made it burn, and went away, having upon 
his frock the name of Luther. A fourth entered, dreſſed like 
an Emperor, who, ſeeing the crooked wood all on fire, ſeemed 
much concerned, and to put it out drew his ſword, and poked 
the fire with it, which only made it burn the briſker. On his 
back was written Charles V. Laſtly, a fifth entered, in his Ponti- 


fical habit and triple crown, who ſeemed extremely ſurpriſed to 
ſee the crooked billets all on fire, and by his countenance and 


attitude betrayed exceſſive grief. Then looking about on every 
ſide, to ſee if he could find any water to extinguiſh the flame, he 
caſt his eyes on two bottles in a corner of the room, one of which 
was full of oil, and the other of water, and in his hurry he unfor- 
tunately ſeized on the oil, and poured it upon the fire, which 
made it blaze ſo violently that he was forced to walk off. On 
his back was written Leo X. 


This little Farce wanted no commentary: but if the merry 


Actors had taken it into their heads to repreſent the whole 


conduct of Eraſmus, they ſhould have introduced him a ſecond 


time, and have repreſented him as conſtrained by the menaces 
of Leo X to take up the ſtraight wood, and burn it n with 
the crooked, | 


eee I FIXED 


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586 


A. D. 1536. 


THE LIF E 


I FIXED the birth of Eraſmus to the year 1467, truſting 
almoſt implicitly, I confeſs, to Bayle, to Le Clerc, and to many 
others; but I find no reaſon to depart from this date, which is 
as probable as any other, Upon this computation, Eraſmus lived 


ſixty-eight years, eight months, and ſome days, i. e. he was in 


his ſixty-ninth year, or almoſt ſixty- nine complete. 
The year of his birth is uncertain : Eraſmus himſelf knew it 


Not, and in his letters ſets it ſometimes higher and ſometimes 


lower, from 1464 to 1467; and in one of his letters declares 
himſelf uncertain whether he was of ſuch an age at that time, or 


a year older. 


In his Compendium of his own Life, he names not the year of 


his birth, but only the month and the day. 


In the Inſcription of the Statue at Roterdam, he is ſaid to be 


born October 28, 1467; and to have died July 12, 1536. This 


I think will juſtify our choice; and it ſeems not improbable that 
his fellow-citizens, who erected this monument to his memory, 
might find the yur of his birth or baptiſm 1 in ſome record, public 
or private. 

The Epitaph compoſed by his friends and executors ſays that 


he died in 1536, jam ſeptuagenarius. This is a vague expreſſion, 


and may ſuit a man who died almoſt ſeventy, or almoſt ſeventy- 
one years old. But it agrees not with the enn of the 
Statue; it places his birth A. 1466, or 1405. 

Eraſmus, in a 7 letter to Curſius, dated Jan. 9, 1535, ſays that 


he was ſeventy years old: but nothing can be collected from. 
this, ſince there is great reaſon to ſuſpect that the letter is ſpurious. 


Du Pin is of opinion that we can only fix the time of his 


birth to 1465, or 1466, or 1467. 


Dr. Knight (pag. 3) ſays that he was born in the year 1467, 


on the eve of St. Simon and Jude ;. and (pag. 349) that he died 


on the 12th of July 1536, having lived leventy years, eight 


months, 
ä I27S. See above, p. 557. 


OF ERASMUS. 


587 


months, and fifteen days. Dr. Knight forgot himſelf; and theſe A. D.! 536, 
two accounts will not tally together, Other writers have made 
the very ſame miſtake. 


As the year of the birth of Eraſmus, ſo the day of the month 


ſeems alſo to be uncertain, Eraſmus, in the Compendium of his 
own life, ſays that he was born in Vigilia Simonis et Jude, that 
is, October 27: but in his poem to Copus, he ſays that he was 

born on the fifth of the Calends of November, that is, Octo— 
ber 28. Perhaps he had been told that he was born October 27, 
at midnight, and ſo was in doubt on which day to fix it. 


« NoTHING hath made the city of Roterdam more famous 
than her having given birth to the great Eraſmus : nor hath 
ſhe been inſenſible to this honour, or in the leaſt degree defi- 
cient in duty and reſpect to the memory of the illuſtrious 
perſon, from whom ſhe hath received ſuch ſplendor. 

« Tf Homer had been as much eſteemed during his life, as 
after his deceaſe, in vain would ſo many cities have claimed 
him; for the true Parent would have made her title to him 


clear and indiſputable, before length of time could have fur- 
niſhed rival cities with matter for conteſt and chicanery, 
Therefore we find none of theſe litigations concerning the 
birth-place of Eraſmus. The great reputation which he 
enjoyed in his life-time hath prevented them. Roterdam was 


ſoon attentive to her own intereſts, and ſo fully eſtabliſhed her 
rights, and the reputation annexed to them, that ſhe is in 
ſecure poſſeſſion. Indeed there was no time to loſe : length of 
years would have involved in darkneſs a birth like his, ſince 
his mother, a perſon of ordinary rank, had repaired to Roter- 
dam, on purpoſe to conceal her lying-in. As to the place of 
his conception, it muſt be ſurrendered to the town of Tergou, 


* which alſo accounts this no ſmall advantage. How much 


greater would this advantage have been, and more to be boaſted 
1 « of, 


2 See above, p. 27. 


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588 THE LIFE 

A. D. 1536, of, it this conception had not been ſullied with a double 
| 

| 


-. 


« original fin? or rather with aCtual added to original fin ? There 
« was a Burgomaſter of Tergou, who attempted to honour his 


* own city with the nativity of Eraſmus, and to allow Roterdam 
& 


a 


only the credit of his education. This man was a phyſician, 
called Reynerus Snoyus, who had ſeveral good poſts, who 
wrote ſeveral books, and who had been a friend of Eraſmus, 
Val. Andreas Deſſelius, in his Bibliotheca Belgica, ſays that he 
had peruſed this atteſtation of Snoyus amongſt the papers 
e belonging to the Monaſtery of Stein, where Eraſmus had 
« reſided many years. But to little purpoſe hath Snoyus affirmed 
this, and depoſited his falſe teſtimony in the regiſters of the 
Convent of Stein: all the world is firmly perſuaded that Eraſ- 
« mus is not a native of Tergou, but of Roterdam. Here is a 
« = full acknowledgment of it, made by the intereſted parties, 
« and contained in a Letter of the Burgomaſters and Counſellors 
of Tergou, inſerted in a Deſcription of the Low Countries, 
<« tranſlated from the Italian of Guicciardin, 
a « In the Library of Tergou they ſhew a Head of Eraſmus, 
| *« which may paſs for a public monument of this City's renun- 
« ciation to all pretences of being the birth- place of Eraſmus; 
« for the legend which is round the head teſtifies that he was 
* conceived at Tergou, and born at Roterdam. | 
« Almeloveen hath lately * renewed the diſpute of theſe two 
e cities, by a curious incident. He pretends that Eraſmus is 
rather a burgeſs of Tergou than of Roterdam, becauſe, accord- 
ing to the laws, the place where children are born accidentally 
« js not accounted their country, If a woman, upon a journey, 
*" brought to- bed in a town where ſhe hath no deſign to 


« remain, 


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* Oriundus etiam hac urbe magnus mater ſe certa de cauſa contulerat, in 
ille Deſiderius Eraſmus, Goudæ enim lucem editus eſt. 


conceptus et utero geſtatus, Roteroda- b In his Amenitates Theoogics-Phi- 
mi, quo cum ad pariendum vicina eſſet lolrgice. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


is not reckoned a citizen or burgeſs of that town, but belongs 


properly to the place where his parents have a ſettlement. 


Upon theſe principles, Eraſmus ſhould rather have been called 
Goudanus than Roterodamus; for his parents dwelt at Tergou, 


and if his mother was not delivered of him at Tergou, but at 


Roterdam, it was by accident. She abſented herſelf to hide 
her fault, and was concealed for a few days in a neighbouring 


city, till ſhe had depoſited a BREE, which to her diſgrace ſhe. 
carried in her boſom ©. 


« ] ſhall obſerve by the way, that * French Ae 


founding their pretenſions on a moſt antiquated right, I mean, 
on the old Geography, and the Diviſion of Gaul mentioned 
in Cæſar's Commentaries, have claimed Eraſmus for a country- 


man. Robert Cenalis, Biſhop of Avranches, in his Hiftoria 


Galliz, hath ſaid expreſsly that France is the country of Eraſ- 


mus. Eraſmus hath thrown out ſomething to favour this. 


pretenſion, having ſaid ſometimes that he belonged to Gaul ; 
and ſpeaking of the honour which the learned Budzus did 
to France, he * claims a ſhare in it, as being himſelf a French- 


man. This excited the jealouſy of ſome Germans, who, as 


* Eraſmus informs us, humbly beſought him not to ſuffer 
France to deprive them of their right to him. His anſwer, 
expreſſing much affection for literature, and no leſs modeſty, 


amounts to this, that he was born in the confines of Gaul 


cc and 


| © See a Letter of a Lawyer called 


Cofterus, written to Almeloveen upon 


this ſubject, and inſerted in his Amæ- 


nitates. 

4 Et priſtinam illam laudem noſtræ 
aſſeras Galliæ. Nihil enim vetat eun- 
dem ditione Germanum eſſe, et veterum 
Coſmographorum deſcriptione Gallum. 


e Ne patiar ut Gallia ſibi me aſſe- 


rat, ſed ingenue fatear Bataviam eſſe 
Germaniz partem, videlicet ne tanta 


gloria fraudetur. 
f An Batavus ſim non mihi ſatis con- 


ſtat. Hollandum eſſe me negare non. 


poſſum, ea in parte natum, ut ſi Coſmo- 
graphorum picturis credimus, magis ver- 
CSIC: gat: 


589 
remain, and if ſhe hath a fixed habitation elſewhere, her child A. D. 1 536: 


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A. D. 1536, © and Germany, yet a little nearer to the former than to the 
ce latter. Therefore in another letter he ſays, that he will neither 
« affirm * nor deny that he is a Frenchman, accounting it an 
« ambiguous point. | 


« The city of Roterdam hath eſtified her © 8 85 to Erafonu 
ce in the following manner: 


: Fa 


. e $2200" houſe i in which he was born is adorned with an 
« Inſcription, to inform both natives and ſtrangers of this 
4 1lluſtrious prerogative. 


« 2, The College, where Latin, Greek, we Rhetoric are 
taught, bears the name of Eraſmus, and is conſecrated to him 
by the Inſcription on the frontiſpiece. 

e 3. A ſtatue of wood was raiſed to him in "EP year 1549. 

« 4, In its ſtead a ſtatue of ſtone was erected in the year 
6 1557. The Spaniards having thrown it down in 1572, the 
inhabitants ſet it up again as ſoon as they were delivered from 
this tyranny. 


« 5, They * erected one of copper in 1622, which is admired 
ce by the Skilful. It is in an open part of the city, by the ſide of 
<« a canal, upon a pedeſtal adorned with inſcriptions, and ſur- 
« rounded with iron rails. If the materials of theſe different 
<« ſtatues advanced in intrinſic value, Eraſmus had this in com- 


os mon 


gat ad Galliam quam ad Germaniam, riſon at Roterdam, did not proceed to 
quamquam extra controverſiam eſt to- this act of violence, till they were irri- 
tam eam regionem in confinio Galliæ tated by a Spaniſh Monk, who in his 
Germaniæque eſſe. ſermons inveighed againſt Eraſmus; and 
s Gallum eſſe me nec aſſevero, nec that the Magiſtrate did not ſet up the 
inficior, ſic natus ut Galluſne an Ger- ſame ſtatue again, but cauſed a new one 
manus ſim anceps haberi poſſit. to be made. 


d See Knight, p. 1, 2. | 3 Quenſtedt is miſtaken in thinking 
i Verheiden, in his Elogia, ſays that that it was made of marble. 
the Spaniſh ſoldiers, who were in gar= FTronxe. 


OF ERASMUS. n 
« mon with the Deities of ancient Rome; for not only the u offer- A. D. 1536. 
* ings made by private perſons, but thoſe of cities and of nations 


were at firſt of low price, and afterwards of a more expenſive 


“ kind, 


« There are few travellers, who, relating what they had ſeen 
« in the United Provinces, have not ſpoken of the ſtatue of 
« Eraſmus. Joli, a Canon of Paris, having mentioned this 
ec ſtatue, and the houſe where Eraſmus was born, adds, that he 
« great reputation of the man hath made theſe two things the moſt 
« memorable curioſities of the City, though ſmall in themſelves; and 
* yet in reality they cannot be called inconſiderable, ſince Sebaſtian 
« * Munſter relates in his Coſmography, that Philip, king of Spain, 
* ſon of the Emperor Charles V, going to Roterdam in the month 
&« of September, and the year 1545, [It is a miſtake ; and it ſhould 
« be 1549] this flatue was erected, to honour his joyful advent, 
e and that they put into the hand of Eraſmus a poem in honour to 
* this prince, to be preſented to him; and that afterwards the 
« King, and Mary Queen of Hungary, and all the Princes who 
« attended them, inflamed with a love for the memory of ſo illuſtrious 
« 2 perſon, paid a reſpectful v1/it to the boufe, and to the chamber 


« jy which he was born. 


% Monconis, in his Voyages, ſays not ſo much: he only men- 

e tions the poſture of the ſtatue, and gives the inſcriptions on 
«© the ſmall houſe where Eraſmus was born. — But Bullart con- 
firms the relation of Joli; for he ſays that when Philip II made 
his folemn entry into the city of Roterdam, as ſovereign Prince of 
ce the Low Countries, the Senate placed, as its greateſt ornament, the 
ce f{atue 


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n Nunc te marmoreum pro tempore Fictilibus crevere Diis hæe aurea templa. 


fecimus: at tu Propertius. 
n Fuit imago Eraſmi ad vivum ex- 


preſſa, advenienti (Philippo) oppoſita, 
Virgil. quæ exſerto brachio gratulatorium car- 
men Principi offerebat. 


Si fœtura gregem ſuppleverit, aureus 
eſto. 5 


592 
A. D. 1536. 


THE LIFE 


ce 2 of Eraſmus, before the houſe in which he was born, dreſſed 


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in an Ecclefiaſtical habit, holding a pen in the right hand, and 
with the left preſenting to the Prince a roll, in which Was 
written : 


6c ae Hiſpaniarum Princi pr D. Pbi l, ppo a Ons 


& Defiderins Eraſmus Rotterodamus. 


« Rotterodamns ego non inficiabor Eraſmus, 
« Ne widear cives deſeruiſſe meos. 

ce Ipſorum inſtinctu, Princeps clariſſime, ſalvum 
« Ingreſſum precor ad limina noſtra tuum: 

« Atque hunc, quo poſſum ſtudio, commendo popellum, 
e Maxime, præſidiis, Ceſare nate, tus. 

& Te Dominum agnoſcunt omnes, te Principe gaudent, 
Nec quicquam toto charius orbe tenent. 


Obſerve, that Joli might have cited a more authentic author 


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for this ſtory, than Sebaſtian Munſter, namely, a Spaniſh 
Relation of the Voyage of Don Philip Prince of Spain, com- 
poſed by Juan Chriſtoval Caluata de Eſtrella. Note alſo, that 


in 1672, the populace having riſen in moſt of the towns of the 


Province of Holland, Roterdam was ſome days at the diſcre- 
tion of theſe rioters; and during this anarchy, the ſtatue of 


Eraſmus was taken down, as an object that reſembled Popery, 
and was carried into the town-houſe, and it was in deliberation 


whether it ſhould be melted down. The Magiſtrates of Bafil, 
as ſoon as they heard of it, ordered ſome merchants of their 
city to deſire a correſpondent of theirs at Roterdam to buy the 
ſtatue at a certain price. He accordingly made his propoſals, 
and had almoſt agreed for it, and come up to their demands. 


Having given an account of his negotiation, he received a 
new commiſſion to pay the Magiſtrates of Roterdam all their 


demand. But, during this interval, they had thought better 
< of i; and reſolved that they would neither melt nor ſell the 


al ſtatue, 
I 


OF ERASMUS. 593 


ſtatue, but put it in its place again; and this was done ſome A. D. 1536. 
« time after. The merchant, who was thus employed by the 
_« Magiſtrates of Baſil, told me the ſtory two days ago. 


« I find few writers, who, having occaſion to ſpeak of the 
life of Eraſmus, do not mention the glory which he caſt upon 
1 his own country. Thus Verdier Vau-Privas and Bullart begin 
« their Eloges of this child of Roterdam. The words of Rhe- 
e nanus on this ſubject, addreſſed to the Emperor Charles V, 
are ſo elegant and expreſſive, that they well * deſerve to be 
« cited. I could produce abundance of Authors, who to exalt 


A 


the glory of Roterdam join theſe two things together: the one, Ee | 3 

« that ſhe is the country of the Great Eraſmus; the other, | 1 

« that ſhe hath erected a ſtatue to his memory.“ Bayle, 1 

ROT TERDA M. 5 9 
« Tyr CLERGY of Rotterdam had a party amongſt the | 

« Senators, as well as among the people, many of whom, ſome 5 9 

« ſay to the number of three hundred, entered into an aſſociation, 3 F 

« — not to return any more to the communion, till the 1do/ Ox . 

« was removed, for ſo they called the image of Eraſmus, — at [ 

« which Leuwius had a fling in his ſermon. An image of wood 9 

had been erected by the Magiſtrates of that town, in the V1 
« year 1549, and placed on the arch of the Stone bridge, in 1 


3 LT 
r 
heed 


« honour of that illuſtrious man, who was born there. Afﬀter- 
« wards, in 1557, it was changed from wood to a fine blue 
« ſtone; but the Spaniards, animated by a certain Monk of their 
« nation, ſhot it down with their muſquets, and threw it into 

5 . g the 


„Natus eſt, Abavi tui Friderici III. 
Aug. primis imperii annis ad quintum 
Calend. Novembris, Roterodami in 
Hollandia tua inferioris Germaniz Pro- 
vincla, quam olim Batavi poſſederunt, 


nunc magis notam ſtudioſis omnibus ob 


unius indigenæ Eraſmi incunabula, 
quam veterum incolarum memoria 
quamlibet bellico robore præſtantium. 
Hoc alumno Roterodamum oppidum 
ſemper ſe jactabit, et doctis erit com- 
mendatum 


594 


A. D. 1536. 


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THE LIFE 


the water. However, the Spaniards being driven out of the 
town, the ſaid image was fet up again by order of the Ma- 
giſtrates, where it ſtood till another was caſt of copper or braſs, 
at the public charge, which was not quite finiſhed and expoſed 
to view till the year 1622. It was a maſter-piece of wonderfu} 
art, upon which the famous architect and ſtatuary Henry de 
Keiſer had beſtowed his utmoſt ſkill and pains. It was rather 
bigger than the life, nobly habited in a gown, and was repre- 
ſented turning over the leaves of a book. 'Fhe honour done 
him by this ſtatue. was extremely diſagreeable to thoſe who 
hated his memory, and eſpecially his prudence and moderation 
in religious matters, particularly to ſome bigotted Contraremon- 


ce ſtrants; who uſed all their intereſt with the Magiſtrates to 


prevent the ſetting up of this image; and indeed they prevailed 
ſo far, that it would have been taken down again, if thoſe 
who were for retaining it, had not carried their point in the 
Senate by two votes only. Upon this the Clergy began to 
inveigh publicly againſt the image, It was given out that 
ſome of the ſimple people bowed the knee before it; that they 
made a new Saint of Eraſmus; that his image occaſioned 
ſcandal to weak minds, and might poſſibly give encouragement 
to the Popiſh practice of image - worſhip. — After this the Zealots, 


how much ſoever ſcandalized at t it, were forced to bear with 
the ſtatue. 


« The famous poet Jooſt vanden Vondel wrote the following 
verſes upon this ſtatue of Eraſmus : 


« Whatever within Gitte and Rome conceal'd, 
« Eraſmus to the Chriſtian world reveal'd : 

Thus to himſelf he gain'd immortal fame, 
And grac'd his native city with his name. 


Proud of the glory by his merit won, 
The grateful city to her godlike ſon 
ee — A Statue 


OF ERASMUS. 


* 


0 * 


« A Statue rais'd aloft of ſolid ſtone, 
e Whilſt Envy ſtrove to hurl him from the throne, 


Fruitleſs attempt ! No ſtorms of envious breath 


«© The Hero move, triumphant ev'n in death. 


cc 


Immortal garlands do his temples grace, 


1 And time adds beauty to his rev'rend. face. 


« Tho once but ſtone, in burniſh'd braſs his features ſhine: 
« It Envy ſtorms at this, gold ſhall our Saint enſhrine. 


Gerard Brandi, Hiſt. of the Ref. Vol. IV. p. 359. 


« THE CONTRAREMONSTRANTS hated the memory of their 
* countryman Eraſmus, as much as they did the perſons of 
« Grotius and Epiſcopius, and wanted to have his ſtatue pulled 
« down. They could not bear the fight of this hero, even in 
« braſs: it had the ſame effect upon them, as Statius ſuppoſes 
the image of Hercules to have had upon the Argives ; 


« Haud illum impavidi, quamvis et in @re, ſuumgue 


cc nach de videre decus. 


SA Diſſertations, p. 108. 


Theb. VI. 272. 


»Uro the deceaſe of Eraſmus, ſome vile wretches (if we may 
believe Melchior Adam) who had intereſt in the Emperor's Court, 
repreſented him as one who died a Lutheran and an Heretic; and 


4G2 * 


Carolus V Czſar, ejuſque ſoror 


Maria, Belgii Gubernatrix, hunc (Mu- 


dæum) principem habuerunt ingenii et 
doctrinæ; hujus ſæpe conſilium quæſi- 
verunt, plurimumque ejus prudentiæ 
tribuerunt. Itaque cum Stellionum 
quorumdam calumniis, et dolo malo, 
nihil propius eſſet factum, quam ut 


Eraſmi, tanquam hæretici et Luthera- 


niſmo immortui, bona, licet piis cauſis 


relicta, reſciſſo teſtamento honeſtiſſimo, 
publicarentur, et monumenta ab ipſo 


edita, Edicto Cæſaris proſcripta, de 
manibus ſtudioſorum excuterentur, Mu- 
dæi unius auctoritate et conſiliis tam 
foeda Reip. literariæ clades eſt averſa. 


Vit, Mudai, 


595 
A. D. 1536. 


596 THE LIFE 
A. D. 1536. faid that his will ought to be ſet aſide, his effects confiſcated. 
and his works prohibited. They would have carried their point, 
if Mudzus, * once a diſciple of Eraſmus, an eminent Lawyer, and 
much in favour at Court, had not put a ſtop to their attempt. 


cer Tapper and his aſſociates, at Louvain, cauſed all the verſions 
© of the Scriptures to be condemned, the Vulgate excepted; and 
e endeavoured to have all the works of Eraſmus deſtroyed, but 
ce could not ſucceed in the attempt, being croſſed by the Preſi- 
dent of Brabant, and the Biſhop of Arras, &c.” 


A 


* 


* 


El „ERASMus, ſays Bayle, at firſt, did not * care to fit for his 
picture; 3 but he conquered that averſion, and was frequently 
drawn by Holbein. Beza made this Epigram, to be put under 

his picture, which Bayle hath K cenſured, as a piece of 
„ falſe wit: 


Tngens ingentem quem ee orbis Eraſinum, 
Hic tibi dimidium picta tabella refert. 
At cur non totum? mirari define, lector, 
Integra nam totum terra nec i pſa capit. 


It is hardly good enough for a ſchool-boy. 
Charles 


See above, p. 255, Not. y. 

r Bayle TAPPER. 

s Cum de ſe dicit in vita Eraſmus: 
Ac ne facie quidem propria deleftabatur, 
Uixque extortum eft amicorum precibus, ut 
fe pingi pateretur ; hoc ita accepit Bæ- 


Quod reliquum eft, nihil minus quam 
deformem fuiſſe, Holbeniana imago 
oſtendit. De religione Eraſmi, qui 
poſt Bælium diſputarint, memorantur. 
[Addi his poteſt B. Fabricii noſtri ex- 
ercitatio critica de religione Eraſmi, in 


lius (Rem. S.) diſplicuiſſe Eraſmo de- 


formitatem ſuam : at ile modo ſe nega- 
bat o{aavrory, aut Suffenum aliquem. 
Præcedunt proxime verba: Neque quid- 


quam unquam ſcripſit, quod ipſi place- 


ret: quod nemo ita accipit, illum of- 


ſenſum ſcriptorum ſuorum deformitate. 


1 


opuſculorum illius ſylloge recuſa 1738, 
4to.} Remarques ſur le Dict. de Bayle. 


From the Relationes Gottingenſes, Vol. III. 


Faſc. I. p. 103. 


Il netoit guere content de fon. 
viſage, 


OF ERASMUS. 


« ERASMUS had dwelt longer at * Baſil than at any place. 
« He delighted in that city : ſometimes he made an excurſion, 
5 but he failed not to return back; | 


= Hic illus arma, 


&« Hie currus uit. 


Imago obliqua ſeu xa74yeop0; Eraſ- 
mi ſcribentis Paraphraſin in Evangelium 
D. Marci, manu variis annulis ornata. 
In Bibliotheca Acad. Baſil. 

Imago ejuſdem minor circularis. In 
Bibliotheca Acad. Baſil. 

Imago Eraſmi, in Muſeo Feſchiano. 

Effigies Eraſmi a Le Blond emta Ba- 
ſileæ ducatis aureis centum, quam poſtea 
delatam in Belgium inde accuratiſſime 
juſta magnitudine in æs incidi curavit, 
Wiſcheri chalcographi opera. Tabulæ 
huic ferreis ligamentis juncta erat ad 
dextram effigies Jo. Frobenii. Has duas 


tabellas ſine dubio Eraſmus in gratiam 


et honorem Frobenii, quem impenſe 
amabat, fieri curavit, atque eidem dono 
obtulit; unde dextram illi ceſſit. Opi- 
nor haſce duas effigies Eraſmi et Fro- 
benii eas eſſe quas in cimeliarchio Regio 
Londini obſervaſſe memini, anno 1672. 
Eraſmum ſæpius ab Holbenio pictum, 
et in Galliam, Angliam, aliaque loca 
delatum fuiſſe, ex illius epiſtolis liquet. 

Effigies Eraſmi in Theſauro Cæſareo. 
Vindobone. 

Imago Eraſmi ſcribentis, forma mi- 
nori. In pinacotheca R. Chriſtianiſſimi. 


Eraſini Op. T. IV. c. 394. 


upon two reaſons: 


ze The 


* Many of the (Proteſtant) Fugitives 
took up their reſidence at Baſil (in 1554) 
one was, becauſe 
the people of that city were eſpecially 
very kind and courteous unto ſuch 
Engliſh as came thither for ſhelter : the 


other, becauſe thoſe that were of ſlen- 


derer fortunes might have employment 
in the Printing-houſes there, the Prin- 
ters in Baſil in this age having the repu- 
tation of exceeding all others of that art 
throughout Germany, for the exactneſs 


and elegancy of their printing. And 


they rather choſe Engliſhmen for the 
overſeers and correctors of their preſſes, 
being noted for the moſt careful and dili- 


gent of all others. Whereby poor Scho- 


lars made a ſhift to ſubſiſt in theſe hard 
times. Strype's Life of Cranmer, p. 356. 

Multa hic commoda, — Ccelum ſalu- 
bre, urbs amcena, — typographorum ad 
manum prompta facilitas, loci claritudo : 


nec dubito quin ſi laboris non pigeat, 


nobilium adoleſcentulorum catervam 
brevi collecturus ſis, e quibus non parum 
tibi utilitatis. Habuit hoc perpetuo Ba- 


ſilea, ut doctis gratiſſima fuerit civitas. 
Quid putas Eraſmum hic detinet? inve- 
niſſet ſane et alibi Jocorum typographos. 

Occolampadius 


597 
Charles Patin hath given us an account of the pictures of A. D. 1536. 
Eraſmus done by Holbein. 


598 


A. D. 1596, © 


THE LIFE 


The revolution in religion was the only cauſe that hindered 


« him from fixing his tabernacle there for all his days. At Baſil 
te they ſhew his houſe in which he died; and the place where 


0 


* 


* 


0 


La, 


the Profeſſors of Divinity read their winter- lectures is called 
the College of Eraſmus, His cabinet is one of the moſt con- 
ſiderable rarities of the city: it contains his ring, his ſeal, his 


c ſword, his knife, his pencil, his will written with his own 


c 


* 


hand, his picture by Holbein, which is a maſter piece. The 


be Magiſtrates bought this cabinet in 1661, for nine thouſand 
« crowns, of the deſcendants of Bonif. Amerbachius the heir of 
« Eraſmus. If we may believe Patin, they made a preſent of it; 

« but, as another traveller ſays, they ſold it to the enn for 


C 


"Sn. 


a thouſand crowns.” mw ERASME, Not. H. 


* HU AN us, in his travels, was courteouſly received by 
Amerbachius, in whoſe hands was the library, and other things 


once belonging to Eraſmus, 


Occolampadius Epiſt. ad Grynæum. Vide 
Gerdeſium Hiſt. Evang. Renov. T. II. 
Append. p. 144. 

y Baſlilius Amerbachius, vir huma- 
niſſimus, ad quem commendatitias a 
Franc. Pithæo, ut et ad Theodorum 
Zuingerum, literas habebat Thuanus, 


a latere ejus nunquam diſceſſit. Ante 


omnia ei in propriis ædibus D. Eraſmi 
bibliothecam et adverſaria manuſcripta, 
tum nummos antiquos, aliamque mo- 
dicam ſupellectilem Vito parenti ab ipſo 
legatam oſtendit, in eaque globum terræ 
argenteum, cælatura et miniatura egre- 


gium, a Tigurino quodam aurifice factum, 


quem dum curioſis oculis inſpicit, me- 
dio eo aperto vinum utrinque infuſum 


eſt, et more gentis Thuano propinatum. 
Thuani Vita L. II. p. 20. 


BAYLE 


* _ Eraſmus and Amerbach's Muſeum 


belong to the Univerſity (of Baſil) which 
purchaſed them for nine thouſand dollars 


from the heirs of the latter. Amongſt 


other things are twenty admirable origi- 
nals of Holbein, as Lucretia, Venus and 
Cupid, . Eraſmus, Amerbach, Holbein 
himſelf, the Inſtitution of the Lord's 
Supper, but more eſpecially the dead 
body of our Saviour, for which piece 
alone a thouſand ducats have been 
offered. In the Library are a great 
number both of Manuſcripts, and old 
coins and medals, of the latter no leſs 
than twelve thouſand, together with 
many other curioſities of art and nature, 


as paintings, » MKeyſler's Travels, 


| Vol. I. P · 139. f A 
Extra 


2 


OF ERASMUS. 


 BAYLE hath obſerved of Eraſmus, that he had rather too A. D. 1 536. 


much ſenſibility, when he was * attacked by malicious and incon- 
fiderable adverſaries, made too many complaints of them, and 


was too ready to anſwer them. 


It is true. He wanted ſome 


Friend to overrule him, and to ſay to him, LEH thoſe men alone: 
they cannot live in their own writings ; and why ſhould they live in 
yours? Yet thus much may be obſerved, by way of excuſe, that 
he was fighting for his honour, and for his life, being often 
accuſed of nothing leſs than heterodoxy, impiety, and blaſphemy, 
by men whoſe forehead was a rock, and whoſe tongue was a 
razor. To be miſrepreſented, as a Pedant and a Dunce, this is 

no great matter; for Time and Truth put Folly to flight: to be 
accuſed of of her by — Hypocrites, Politicians, and Infidels, 


Extract from a letter written to the 
Reverend Mr. Wetſtein from Baſil, by 
Mr. Profeſſor Burcard, 1758. 

Deſiderii Eraſimi Roterodami Reliquiæ 
in Bibliotheca publica Baſi ae et Muſeo 
ex/lantes. 

Scholia in D. Hieronymi Epiſtolas, 
manu propria. 

Epiſtolz aliquot autographæ. 


Expoſtulatio ad amicum quendam 


de Euchariſtia. 
Judicium de Libero Arbitrio et de 


PFide. 


Ex Plutarcho quædam in linguam 
Latinam tranſlata. Autographa. 

Teſtamentum Eraſmi autographum. 

Epiſtolium ad Lud. Berum, Præpo- 
ſitum Baſilienſem, cum librum ſuum de 
Libero Arbitrio ad eum mitteret. 


Diploma Academiæ Taurinenſis, quo 


S. Theologiæ Doctor renuntiatus eſt, 
cum ſigillo. 

Ro Pontificis Rom. Leoni X ad 
Eraſmum, 


this 


Eraſmi annulus aureus cum gemma 
Terminum præferente. 

Nummus aureus primæ magnitudinis 
cum imagine Sigiſmundi Regis Poloniæ. 
In averſa parte inſcriptio: Deſiderio 


Eraſmo Roterodamo Sigiſmundus Bonar. 


Alius ſecundi moduli cum imagine et 
inſignibus Sigiſmundi Bonar Catellani 
Onarndinenſs. | 

Imago Eraſmi in rotunda tabella ab 
Holbenio depicta. 

Alia major ejuſdem imago ab eodem 


picta. 
Encomium Moriæ prime editionis, 


cum figuris Holbenii manu appictis. 
digi! lum plumbeum cum Termino et 
inſcriptione, Cedo nall: : quo in ſignan- 


dis literis ordinario utebatur. 


2 Ut canes loca mundiora veſtigant, 


ubi immingant ; ita iſti non temere in 


ullum genus hominum maledicam lin- 
guam ſolvunt, aut virulentum ſtylum 


ſtringunt, niſi in quibus aliquid invidio- 


ſum eſſe ſuſpicantur. Foe Scaliger. 


399 


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A.D 


Le CLERC hath ſometimes obſerved, that Eraſmus was not 
recompenſed ſuitably to his deſerts ; and that 1s true enough. But 
yet, if we confider how many preſents, and invitations, and 


2 Adverſus contumelias doctorum 
quamlibet et eruditorum hominum per- 
petuum ſilentium juraverat. Nil Go- 


veano, Gallandio, Perionio, Turnebo 


reſpondit: nil ingenii et doctrinæ per 
univerſam Germaniam principi Me- 
lanchthoni reſpondit. Cumque divul- 
gatis per orbem terrarum Gallica et 
Latina lingua probris eſſet notatus, pub- 
licis ludis ignominioſiſſime traductus : 
cConſtricta lingua, vinctis manibus pro- 
hibitus quicquam de philoſophia vel 


publice vel privatim dicere, ſcribere, 


cogitare etiam (ſi menti tantum potu- 
let imperari) prohibitus eſſet: adver- 
ſus tantas tot acerbitatum plagas, uni- 


cum patientiæ remedium adhibuit, in 


 animoque ſemper illud habuit ; 
Grata ſuperveniet, que non ſperabitur, hora, 
Freigius Vit. Rami. Bayle Ra Mus, 
Not. L. | 
b Nec folum a Principibus honoratus 
eſt Eraſmus; ſed etiam a civitatibus 
Germaniæ. Nam ſi qua tranſiret, id- 
que Magiſtratus reſciſſet, vino fuit do- 
natus: qui honor Magnatibus et civita- 
tum Legatis, more gentis, impenditur. 


Helch. Adam Vit. Eraſmi. 


THE LIFE 
1536, this is a ſerious aftair ; as they know too well, who have had the 
misfortune to feel the effects of it. 


The celebrated Peter Ramus never replied to the invectives of 
his numerous adverſaries; and the writer of his Life * mentions 
it as an inſtance of his uncommon patience and prudence. 


ad impenſam domus a ſe conſtructæ plus 


nimiz liberalitati propiorem fuiſſe. Sed 


corpuſculum ſingulari quadam et exqui- 


favours 


Ingreſſus domum (Eraſmi) putare po- 
tuiſſes te videre ædes aliquas ſuperborum 
olim Corinthiorum, adeo ornate cælatis 
auratiſque operibus inſtructum abacum 
vidiſſes. Ne vero etiam ſordide parcum 
fuiſſe credas. Splendore ædificiorum eſt 
delectatus: Friburgi namque contuliſſe 


mille aureos nummos fertur. In reli- 
quis autem ſumtibus faciendis, nonnulli 
nimium diligentes et accurati æſtimato- 
res rerum, volunt ipſum minimæ quam 


quam ii perverſe judicent, facile adver- 
tet, cui Eraſmi conditio fuerit aliquanto 
exploratior. Eraſmus paucis admodum 
reditibus vivebat; plerumque ſuſtenta- 
batur liberalitate Principum et Bibliopo- 
larum, quibus forte operam navabat. 
Deinde infirmum illud et valetudinarium 


ſita curatione indigebat, quam nequeat 
adhibere, cui non abunde facultates 
ſuppetunt. Nam qui intolerabili calculi 
et veſicæ dolore per omnem vitam labo- 
raret, lauta et diligenti curatione opus 
habebat. Renum veſicæque morbi ma- 
litiam in eo gravabant tuſſis et podagra. 


—Accedebat 


OF ERASMUS. 


601 


favours he received, and how many he refuſed, and how little A. D. 1836. 


inclination he had for Eccleſiaſtical preferments, more of which 
he might have obtained, we cannot well Fe him amongſt the 
: * Infels ces ALIA 


Tux STYLE of Eraſmus is that of a man, who had a ſtrong 
memory, a natural eloquence, a lively fancy, and a ready inven- 
tion, who compoſed with great facility and rapidity, and who 


did not care for the trouble of reviſing and correcting; who had 


ſpent all his days in readjng, writing, and talking Latin; for he 


ſeems to have had no turn for modern languages, and perhaps he 


had almoſt forgotten his mother-tongue. His ſtyle therefore is 
always unaffected, eaſy, copious, fluent, and clear; but not always 
perfectly pure, and ſtrictly claſſical. He hath been cenſured, as 
a dealer in barbariſms, by perſons, who not only had not half of 
of his abilities and erudition, but who did not even write Latin 


half ſo well as he. 


His verſes are plainly the compoſitions of one, who had much 


learning and good ſenſe, and who underſtood proſody, or the 
technical part of poetry ; but who had not an equal elegance of 
taſte, and an ear for poetical numbers. So that upon the whole 
he is rather a verſifier than a poet, and is not to be ranked 
amongſt the Italian poets of thoſe days, Sannazarius, Fracaſto- 
rius, Vida, &c. many of whom wrote better than any of the 
ancients, except Lucretius, Virgil, Horace, and a few more. 


. ERASMUs 


Accedebat ſenectus ipſa per ſe mor- cioſa victus ratione mederi fibi didice- 
bus habitus. Accedebant inſuper quo- rat. — Guil. Inſulanus Orat. Funebr. in 
tidianz vigiliæ et nocturnæ lucubratio- obitum Eraſmi, T. X. c. 1856. 
nes. — Cæterum Eraſmus, qui omnes c Benſerade would have ſaid, 
notiones nature ſuæ exploratas medita- Fen connois de plus miſerables, 
taſque haberet, certa quadam et artifi- | 


<- 


* * * 2 . 


= AS. K IE 9 
5 R AT ˙ ox od CR > 
— — — — — — 


EET 
_—— — 


. 


602 
A. D. 1536. 


THE LIFE 


ExAsMs uſed to dine late, that he might have a long 


morning to ſtudy in. After dinner he would converſe chearfully 


with his friends about all forts of ſubjects, and deliver his opinions 
very freely upon men and things. So ſays Milichius, who was 


a ſtudent at Friburg, and there had the — of being well 


acquainted with Eraſmus. 


ErasMus, in the earlier part of his life, carefully ſtudied the 


Greek and Latin grammar, read lectures upon them, and tranſ- 
lated Greek books into Latin. This was laying a right * foun- 
dation for criticiſm and philology ; and it is much to be wiſhed, 


that our young ſtudents of promiſing abilities would, in ſome 


meaſure, follow his example. Be you ever ſo ingenious and 
induſtrious, yet if you neglect to cultivate and to preſerve this 
humble part of knowledge, you will be perpetually ſtumbling, 
when you tread on Claſſic ground, when you attempt to explain, 


to tranſlate, or to correct ancient authors, or to diſcuſs any 


learned ſubject, or to compoſe a few pages of Latin in proſe, 


or in verſe. Then beware of blunders; and think not to make 


2 De Eraſmi privata ac domeſtica 


eonſuetudine, ac ſermonibus, multa nar- 
rare fuit ſolitus Jacobus Milichius cum 


magna voluptate: quomodo diurnas 


operas partiri, et ut matutino tempore 
rebus ſeriis vacare commodius poſſet, 


veterum more, tardius prandere: inde 


vel amicis ſeſe dedere, vel obambulare, 


et inter obambulandum, vel colloquiis 
ſuavibus ſe invitare ad hilaritatem at- 
que oblectare, vel ea recitare ſolitus ſit, 
quæ ex ore ejus excepta, poſtea Fami- 
liarium Colloquiorum titulo prodierunt. 
Cum cenſuras referret, quas Eraſmus in 
effloreſcentia ſub id tempus ingenia Ger- 
maniæ ſuo more, et pro ea qua valuit 


autoritate liberius agere conſueverat, 


amends 


abe een Ae e 


adoleſcente affirmaſſe, Quod in quam- 
cumque artem nervos ingenii intenſurus 
eſſet, in ea omnes ſummos artifices eſſet 
ſuperaturus. Hac voce Eraſmi aiebat, 
incenſum fuiſſe cupiditate Philippi viſen- 
di. Melch. Adam Vit. Milichii. 


© Quo minus ſunt ferendi, qui hanc 


artem [Grammaticam] ut tenuem ac 
jejunam eavillantur : quæ niſi oratori 
futuro fundamenta fideliter jecerit, quic- 
quid ſuperſtruxeris, corruet : neceſſaria 


pueris, jucunda ſenibus: dulcis ſecreto- 


rum comes: et quæ vel ſola omni ſtudi- 
orum genere plus habet operis, quam 
oſtentationis, &, Quinctilianus I. 4. 


0 — 8 hg p_ 4 1 88 _—_— „ * 1 7 


[ 
< 
C 
d 
1 


OF ERASMUS. 


amends for them by inſulting and ridiculing * Grammarians, A. D. 1536. 


Scholiaſts, Commentators, Lexicographers, Verbal Critics, Word- 
Catchers, Syllable-Mongers, and Poachers in Stobæus and Suidas. 


Quand on vouloit meſpriſer Mon- 
ſieur Cujas, on Pappelloit Grammairien 
mais i] s'en rioit, & diſoit que telles 


gens eſtoĩent marris de ne Veſtre pas. 


Scaligeran. 
Utinam eſſem bonus Grammaticus; 
ſufficit enim ei, qui auctores omnes 


probe vult intelligere, eſſe bonum Gram 


maticum. Porro, quicunque doctos vi- 
ros Grammaticos pour tout potage vocant, 
ſunt ipfi indoctiſſimi; idque ſemper ob- 
ſervabis. Sealigeran. p. 116, 176. 
Dorpius, writing againſt Eraſmus, re- 
preſented himſelf as a Divine, and Eraſ- 
mus as a Grammarian. Sir T. More 
replies to him: 

Quanquam . nomen, quod 
tu frequentius quam facetius irrides, 


Eraſmus, opinor, haud aſpernabitur; 
imo, ut eſt modeſtus, quanquam mere- 


tur maxime fortaſſis, nec agnoſcet ta- 
men, — Quod fi tu eos tantum Gram- 
maticos eſſe vis, quos ais ferulas ſcep- 
trorum vice geſtantes in antro plagoſo 
regnare, &c. ego, medius fidius, mi 


Dorpi, etiam eos, quanquam procul ab 


diſciplinis eſſe conceſſerim, tamen ali- 
quanto propius acceflifſe puto, quam 
Theologos illos, qui et ſtructuram ora- 
tionum et voculas ipſas ignorant: ex 
quo genere, et ego aliquot, et tu, ut 
opinor, plures (quanquam uterque ſedulo 
diſſimulamus) agnoſcimus,” Epiſt. ad 
nn. | | | 


ec It 


Quid eſt quod tam procul a ſacris ab- 
legamus Grammaticos, de divinis Lite- 
ris aliquanto melius meritos, quam fint 


frigidi quidam ac jejuni DialeQici, ne- 


dicam Sophiſte ? Eraſmus ad D. Mar- 
cum, VIII, not. 23. 

Rideat qui volet has Grammatiſtarum 
annotationes, modo fateatur terque qua- 


terque Theologos in his labi. Tolera- 


bile, ſi tantum laberentur, niſi lapſui 
jungerent impudentiam calumniandi.— 
Quanto melius ageretur cum re Theolo- 
gica, ſi qui Theologiam abſolutam pro- 
fitentur, a Linguacibus et Grammatiſtis 
comiter acciperent, quod illi pro ſua 
qualicunque portione conferunt in medi- 


um; et illis viciſſim illa ſublimiora 


myſteria fraterne communicent, hoc ma- 
jore modeſtia, quo penitius ingreſſi ſunt 
in ejus philoſophiæ penetralia, quæ de- 
docet faſtum omnem et ſupercilium, ſum- 
mamque docet tolerantiam erga imbe- 
cilles? Ad D. Lucam, I. not. 53. 


Qui tam indoctas nznias evulgant li- 


bris, miro ſupercilio objurgant, miro 


faſtu inſultant ac tantum non triumphant, 


rectius facturi, {i diſcerent interim Græ- 


cæ Latinæque Grammatices rudimenta. 


Ad 1 ad Corinth. X. 16. 
In his ne turpiter hallucinentur ha- 


maxizi DoQtores, et Coloſſei Theologi, 
præſtant illi monogrammati Gramma- 


tiſte, ac Pygmæi Theologi. lauen. 


Sauen, T. IX. c. 765. 
33 3 


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THE LIFE 

« Tt is no wonder that no bookſeller could be found, who 
would venture to print the Commentary of Meziriac upon 
* Apollodorus. The taſte for this kind of erudition is entirely 
extinct; and if Meziriac were to return to life in theſe days, 
he might ſtay long enough at Breſſe, before he would receive 
an invitation to be a Member of the French Academy. The 
ſame qualifications, which formerly procured him that honour, 
« would now ſuffice to exclude him. It was not the politeneſs 
of his ſtyle, or the beauty of his verſes, which made him 
accounted worthy of being an Academician, for in this reſpect 
he was inferior to moſt of the Fraternity ; but it was his repu- 
tation for learning, and the proofs which he had given of a 
« vaſt erudition. Times are altered: no regard is paid to an 
Author, who perfectly underſtands Mythology, Greek Poets. 
* and Scholiaſts, and by this knowledge can clear up difficulties 


604 
A. D. 1536. 


Et quoniam per ſaltum, ut aiunt, 


Doctor factus eſt Bedda, redeat ad ne- 
ceſſariam Grammaticam et Latinam et 
Græcam, ex cujus inſcitia toties gravem 
calumniam intendit proximo, toties non 


intelligit Auctores qui Latine ſcripſerunt, 


ut de Græcis taceam. Ne pudeat ſero 


diſcere, quod ſcire neceſſarium eſt. Ad- 


ver ſ. Beddam, T. IX. c. 698. 


Nec te grammaticas opus eſt ediſcere nugas, 


Et tetricis languere ſcholis, tantum clige 


gnomas 


Priſcorum e libris - nec te vox barbara turbet, 


Aut temere erumpens lingua titubante ſo- 
lœcus: | 


Tot ſanctos oppone patres : andes ſacra 
Turpe eſt grammaticis ſubmittere colla ca- 
piſtris. 
Buchanan. Franciſcan. 
I remember to have met with a paſ- 
fage in a certain Writer, which 1s not 


cc in 


at all favourable to the Grammarians. 
It runs thus : | 

'Eyoi reg eo beus 7 ela. ess py | 
Tot gogts ds, N Yeaupartsads, i rorro - 
yos Lee dvrbewnrar nad ampuirar, £75 vor 
dex S, wire vSte9v more eee. 

My friendſhip I beflow upon Philoſo- 
phers : as to Sophiſts, little Grammarians, 
and ſuch ſort of Scaundrels and Cacode- 
mons, I neither have, nor ever will have 
any regard. for them. 

The man abhors Grammarians, it 
ſeems ; and Grammars too, I ſuppoſe. 
But who is the Author of this bit os 
Greek? An extraordinary perſon, I 
aſſure you; a Projector, a Viſionnaire, 
a Linguiſt by inſpiration, a Crack, a 
Conjurer —— in ſhort, AyoLLON1Us. 
'TYANENsis. He is the man; and the: 


Grammarians account it no diſgrace to 
be vilified by a Mountebanł. 


1 


OF ERASMUS. 


in Chronology, Geography, Grammar, &c. Not only com- A. D. 1536. 


poſitions without the leaſt tincture of literature are preferred to 


the works of ſuch an Author, but he is treated as a mere 


Pedant: and this is the ſure way to diſcourage all young men, 


who have talents for the ſtudy of humanities. There is ſome- 
thing odious and contemptible in the very name of Pedantry; 


and who would take pains to acquire nothing beſides ſcorn and 
infamy by becoming very learned, and appearing to be well 
verſed in the works of the Ancients? Nothing hath more con- 


tributed to bring literature into contempt, than the cuſtom 


which the Wits and the fine Geniuſes, real or pretended, have 
taken up to condemn, as ſchool- learning and pedantry, citations 
from Latin and Greek Authors, and Philological remarks. 
They have been ſo unjuſt, as to deride even thoſe Scholars, 
who had, befides erudition, a politeneſs and a knowledge of 
the world, Coſtar for example. Had they been contented to- 


ridicule thoſe, who, to make a parade of their reading, cite a 


Plato, a Varro, and an Ariſtotle, either to prove nothing at all, 


or to confirm ſomething which no man ever denied, and 
which every man knows, they had not done amiſs : but with 


diſdainful airs and inſolent ſcoffs they have baniſhed from the 
polite world all thoſe who dared to ſhew that they had made 
collections from the Ancients; they have laughed at the 


Coſtars, and even at thoſe letters of Voiture which are ſprinkled 


with Latin. Theſe cenſures have had the more effect, be 


cauſe there is ſomething plauſible in them ; and it is certainly 


true, that men ſhould be more careful to poliſh their mind, 


and to form their judgment, than to. load their memory with 
the remarks and the ſayings of other people. The more 


truth there is in this maxim, the more it charms and ſeduces 


the Conceited, the Superficial, and the Lazy, and incites them 


to turn to ridicule every thing that is called Erudition, Per- 


© haps at the bottom, the principal motive is to depreciate the 


»- 


605 


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ERS 9 =. Rat ; 8 2 1 4 — — 2 7 
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606 THE LIFE 

A. D. 1536.“ goods of their neighbours, with a view to enhance the value 
ce of their own : for if one was to ſay to them, You condemn 
« ſuch and ſuch Authors for citing Latin and Greek. Lay your 
© hands upon your heart, and tell me whether you would not do 
« the ſame if you were able; we ſhould put their ſincerity to a 
hard trial. — Now things are come to ſuch a paſs (that is, 
« A. 1700) that, as we are informed, the Bookſeller at Paris, 
e who deſigns to print Madam Dacier's Tranſlation of Homer, 
« dares not join the original to it, leſt the very fight of Greek 
e ſhould diſcourage and diſguſt his cuſtomers. — Judge by this 
« of the reigning taſte, and conclude that the Commentary upon 
« Apollodorus would be hiſſed off the ſtage at Paris. It con- 
ce tains too much erudition.” Bayle MEzIRIac, Not. + "Ig 


In ERas8Mus we behold a man, who in the days of his 
youth, lying under no ſmall diſadvantages of birth and education, 
depreſſed by poverty, friendleſs and unſupported, or very flen- 
derly ſupported, made his way through all theſe obſtacles, and, 
by the help of bright parts and conſtant application, became 
one of the moſt confiderable ſcholars of the age; and acquired 
the favour and the protection of Princes, Nobles, and Prelates, 
of the greateſt Names in Church and State. | 

Every man of letters muſt not indulge the vain hope, though 
he ſhould be as learned, as ingenious, and as induſtrious as Eraſ- 
mus, to be as much favoured and encouraged as he was. — But 
this is not a ſufficient cauſe to deter any perſon from a ſtudious 
life. Learning is in many reſpects its own reward; learning 
applied to uſeful purpoſes, and adorned with good manners. 
Without theſe, though it may be of ſome ſervice to the Public, 

it will be of ſmall comfort to the Poſſeſſor. 

* After perſonal merit, (ſays Bruyere) it muſt be confeſſed 

that high ſtations and pompous titles are the principal and the 
“ moſt ſplendid marks of diſtinction: and he who cannot be 
6 An Erofmus, muſt think of being a Biſhop,” The 


OF ERASMUS. 


reſentment againſt the age in which he lived, made him talk in 


a manner beneath himſelf, when he adviſed all parents to keep 
their children from literature, and to turn them entirely to occu- 
pations more lucrative, and more reſpected by the world. Such 


ſentiments did not become either the Prince Dh the. Republic of 
Letters, or the Prince of Verona. 
As for the Writer of the Life of Eraſonw, if he may be per- 


mitted here to ſpeak of himſelf, and to throw away a few lines 


upon ſuch a ſubject, he hath no cauſe to wiſh that he had 
followed other occupations. Not to his erudition, (for many 
things have concurred to hinder him from making any conſiderable 
progreſs in it) but to his conſtant love and purſuit, of it he owes 
his late Patron ; he owes ſeveral worthy Friends ſtill living, ont 
in particular; and a ſituation and tation, better than he expected, 
and as good as he ought to deſire. | 


Or ALL the Theological works of Eraſmus, his Paraphraſes 


were beſt received, and met with the leaſt oppoſition. Yet our 
good Biſhop Gardiner inveighed vehemently againſt them. 


Monſtrorum pater eſt hoc ſeculum. 
Nemo non vult haberi doctus: nemo 
tamen vel labro tenus bonas lite- 
ras deguſtauit. — Puduit me magni cu- 
juſdam viri, magnique in Theologicis 


nominis, qui ignorat, quæ puerum ne- NN. 
Latinæ linguæ percipiendæ ſatis eſt; ut 


ſcire nefas eſſet. Ego totum me literis 


dedidi, quum eæ vigerent, et maximi 


in illis florerent viri, quorum exemplo 


quivis ad eas excitari poſſet. Nunc non 


mirum eſt juventutem has artes con- 
temnere, ad quarum amorem nullius 
exemplo excitatur. Ego tamen, quem 


tam ingratum ſeculum a virtute detertere 


2 


« Ag 


poterat, non committam ut hoc exiguum 


vitæ quod mihi ſupereſt, in iis ſtudiis 
non tranſigam, in quibus primam pue- 


ritiam exegi. Nulli tamen auctor fue- 
rim, ut liberis ſuis plus temporis in lite- 


ris ediſcendis indulgeat, quam quantum 


inde ad aliud inſtitutum vitæ ſeſe confe- 
rat, quod melius audiat, et fructuoſius 
ſit, quam literarum ſtudium, quo hodie 
nihil deſpicacius, nihil inutilius, Epiſti. 
ad Gruterum, p. 794. 


Above, p. 128, 424, 


607 
The high ſtomach of the learned Joſeph Scaliger, and his A. D. 1 1536, 


* - - ere ons wa 
e : 


608 


A.D. 1536. 


THE LIFE 


« As to Eraſmus J Paraphraſe, Gardiner pretended that 'he 
% found divers things in it to condemn the work; and that he 
« agreed with them that ſaid, Eraſmus laid the eggs, and Luther 


« hatched them; and that of all the monſtrous opinions that have 
e riſen, evil men had a wondrous occaſion miniſtred to them from 


that book, He ſaid he might term it in one word Abomination, 
ce both for the malice and untruth of much matter out of Eraſ- 
« mus's pen; and alſo for the arrogant ignorance of the Tranſ- 
« lator of it; conſidering that book was authorized by the King, 
« and a che arge laid upon the realm of twenty thouſand pounds, 
« by enjoining every pariſh to buy one: whereof he had made 
« an eſtimate by the probable number of buyers, and the price 

« of the book. He charged the Tranſlator with ignorance both 


in Latin and Engliſh; a man, he ſaid, far unmeet to meddle 


« with ſuch a matter, and not without malice on his part, — 
« Tn vindication of the Learned Author of the Paraphraſe, fo 
« bedaſhed by Gardiner, I will here uſe the words of him that 


« writ the Epiſtle Degicatory before the tranſlated OO 


“ on the Acts: | 
I. cannot but judge, that ae! are prompt and haſty con- 


demners of Eraſmus, or eager adverſaries unto his doctrine, do, 


under the name and colour of Eraſmus, rather utter their ſtomach 
and hatred againſt God's Word and the Grace of the Goſpel, 


which Eraſmus for his part moſt diligentiy and moſt ſimply _ 
laboureth to bring to light. | 


« And to ſuch as ſaid that his doctrine was ſcarcely ſincere, 
« and that he did ſomewhat err, he anſwered; 
That Eraſmus, foraſmuch as he was a man, and ſo eſteemed 


himſelf, would that his works ſhould none otherwiſe be read or 


accepted, than the writings of other mortal men. And that, 
after his judgment, a little trip among ſo many notable good 
works for the. interpretation of Scripture, and for the help of the 


Simple, ſhould rather be borne withal, than ſo many good 


things 


if 1 
OF E RAS M Us. 609 1 
things to be either rejected, or kept away from the hungry A. D. 1536. | l 
Chriſtian Reader, It is a cold charity that can bear with nothing ; 1 
and an eager malice it is, that for a trifle, or a matter of nothing, TIF 
would have the Ignorant to lack fo much good edifying, as may x 
be taken of Eraſmus, - Strype's Life of Cranmer, B. II. c. 3; fl 
and Appendix, Ni. xxxvr. p. 77, containing Gardiner's frivolous 1 
and malicious remar ks ; againd Eraſmus, ih | 
I hand been aſked whether I would decide the queſtion, Fg 1 
What was the Religion of Eraſmus? In one reſpe&, I account [i 
myſelf qualified for the undertaking ; for I am unprejudiced, and "mn 
have nothing to bias me. But I think it beſt to leave the Ih 1 
Reader to judge for himſelf, and to make his inferences from "mh 
the premiſſes. Therefore I ſhall only obſerve, that Eraſmus, if I | 
he had had an abſolute power to eſtabliſh a form of religion in = 1 
any country, would have been a moderate man, and a Latitudi- | [ | 
narian, as to the Credenda. He would have propoſed few Articles _- My 
of faith, and thoſe with a primitive ſimplicity. This Syſtem þ | 0 
indeed would have been highly diſagreeable to the men, who | j 161 
enjoy no comfort in believing, or in pretending to believe, what FI 1 
they think fit, unleſs they can vex, harraſs, and ee all thoſe, 1 
who will not ſubmit to their deciſions. Oe 
Eraſmus hath been accuſed of Arianiſm by many Ecclefiaſtics ; ; | li | 
he hath alſo been claimed as an Arian by Sandius and others. Yet _— 


4 I it 


i Leo Jude Eraſmi in nth Teſta- 
mentum Paraphraſim eximiam prorſus, 
atque auro gemmiſque pretioſiorem, in 
linguam Germanicam transferre ferrea 
prorſus induſtria ſuſcepit, occultato licet 
proprio nomine. Gerdeſius Hiſt. Evang. 
| Renov, Tom, I. p. 109. 

& Eraſmum non ſolum Miniſtri "4 
matiæ et Tranſſylvaniæ probarunt ſecum 


ſenſiſſe. 


ſcripſiſſe in favorem Arianorum, et plu- 


ſenſiſſe; 
aliique volunt eadem eum cum Arianis 
Hoc ſane conſtat infinita eum 


rima loca Scripturæ, quæ contra Arianos 


allegantur, ſuis explicationibus penitus 


enervaſſe. Præfatione (ni fallor) in ter- 
tium tomum operum Hieronymi admo- 


dum ſcripſit in gratiam Arianorum; ; ſci- 
licet, 


ſed et Bellarminus, Poſſevinus, 


610 a. THE LIFE 


A.D. 1536. it is Certain that he denied the charge, and that he expreſſed him- 
ſelf often upon this ſubje& like thoſe who were called Orthodox. 
I began to mark the paſſages which ſhew this, but was ſoon 
weary of the work. They are to be found quite through his 
fifth Volume, and in many other places, 


And yet Eraſmus ſaid ” enough, and more than enough, to 
1 make himſelf ſuſpected by violent and unreaſonable men. He 
gave up ſome paſſages of Scripture, which had been, and are 

now frequently urged againſt the Arians, and which prove nothing 

beſides the ignorance, diſingenuity, or prejudices of thoſe who 
make uſe of them: he ſaid, that Arianiſm was rather a faction 

and a ſchiſm than an hereſy; that the Arians ſurpaſſed their adver- 

ſaries in learning and eloquence; that they were ſkilful in the 

knowledge of the Scriptures ; that they might be good men, and 

in the favour of God, notwithſtanding their error; that Arius 

and his followers were ill uſed by the Conſubſtantialiſts ; that 

Creeds ought to be drawn up with ſimplicity ; that the Chriſti- 

ans in the fourth century did wrong to inſert the word e in 

the Nicene Creed; that the Apoſtles Creed was ſufficient ; and 


that the Athanaſian Creed, unleſs very e interpreted, was 
rather heterodox than orthodox. 


He alſo defended the doctrine of Subordination ; he take 
that the Son, though of the ſame nature with the Father, yet, 
perſonally conſidered, was lefler than the Father, and inferior to 


him, 


licet, ut memini, Arianos ſeculo quarto, Tom. V. c. 472, 475, 480, 483, 

numero, præſtantia, moribus et eruditione 494, 510, 5 11, 526, 532, 5355 601, 

potiores fuiſſe Homouſianis, adeo ut 836, 903, 914, 939, 1011, 1037, 1057, 

Eccleſia fuerit dubia, in quas partes po- 1073, 1139. Tom. IX. c. 171, 414, 
tius inclinaret. Dictum quoque mihi &c. | 

eft, eum alicubi ſcripſiſſe: Cum Arianis i See above, p. 136. Ep. 329; 
fentirem, fi Eccleſia id feciſſet. Sandius above, p. 197. Ep. 478 ; above, p. 222, 
Nucl. Hit. Eccl. p. 423. See alſo his Ep. 525; above, p. 286, &c. Ep. 613. 

Appendix ad Nucl. p. 84. ths Tom. IX. c. 270, 27 3z 27 5. | 


OF ERASMUS. 
him, as the Father was the fountain of Divinity, from whom A. D. ! 536. 


the Son and the Spirit received their being and their perfections. 
If he could have ſeen the Confeſſion of Faith, preſented to 


Francis I by the poor perſecuted remains of the Albigenſes, or 


n A. 1544, Merindoliani et Capra- 
rienſes in Venaſcinenſi comitatu, ſub 
patrocinio olim Dominorum de Cabri- 
era habitantes, exiſtenteſque reliquiæ 
Albigenſium, ſequentem fidei ſuæ con- 
feſſionem obtulerunt Franciſco I, Regi 
Galliz, quam a majoribus quaſi per 
manus acceperant, abhinc anno poſt 
Chriſti incarnationem 1200, quemad- 
modum ex omni memoria ætatum atque 


temporum a veteribus intellexerant. Ea- 


dem legitur in Caroli Molinæi Monar- 
chia Francorum, quæ in Latinum ex 
Gallico verſa ita ſonat: 

CED I Mus unum tantum eſſe Deum, 
qui ſpiritus eſt, rerum cunctarum con- 
ditor, Pater omnium, ſuper et per om- 
nia, in nobis omnibus, adorandus in 


ſpiritu et veritate, quem ſolum exſpec- 


tamus, datorem vitæ, alimentorum, in- 
dumentorum; proſperæ item valetudi- 
nis, infirmitatis, commodorum et in- 
commodorum : hunc diligimus tanquam 
omnis bonitatis auctorem, et ceu cor- 
dium inſpectorem timemus. 


Jeſum Chriſtum credimus eſſe Patris 
filium et imaginem, in quo omnis ple- 
nitudo deitatis habitat, per quem cog- 
noſcimus Patrem, qui noſter et media- 
tor et advocatus, nec ullum aliud ſub 
cœlo nomen hominibus datum eſt, per 
quod ſervari nos oportet. In hujus no- 
men ſolum invocamus Patrem: nec ullas 


preces effundimus coram Dea, præter 


Valdenſes, 


eas quæ in Scriptura ſacra continentur, 


aut cum ejuſdem ſenſu plane conveniunt. 
Credimus nos habere conſolatorem 


Spiritum ſanctum, a Patre et Filio pro- 
cedentem, cujus inſpiratione precamur, 
et efficacia regeneramur. Is in nobis 


omnia bona opera eſſicit, atque per eum 
in omnem deducimur veritatem. 


Credimus unam ſanctam Eccleſiam 


omnium electorum Dei a conſtitutione 
ad finem mundi congregationem, cujus 
caput eſt dominus noſter Jeſus Chriſtus. 


Hanc Verbum Dei gubernat, Spiritus 


Sanctus ducit. In ea ſinceri Chriſtiani 
omnes verſari tenentur: pro omnibus 
enim indeſinenter orat, grata Deo ad 
quem confugit, et extra quam nulla eſt 
ſalus. 

Illud apud nos eſt conſtitutum, mi- 
niſtros Eccleſiæ, Epiſcopos nempe et 


Paſtores, in moribus et doctrina irrepre- 


henſibiles eſſe debere: alioquin deponen- 
dos, alioſque ſubſtituendos, qui eorum 
locum et officium impleant. Nemo 


autem hunc ſibi honorem aſſumat, niſi 


a Deo vocatus, ut Aaron, gregem Dei 
paſcens, non turpe affectans lucrum, vel 
ut Clericis dominans, ſed promto animo 
exemplum piis præbens, in ſermone, 
converſatione, charitate, fide et caſtitate. 

Reges, principes, et magiſtratus con- 
fitemur a Deo inſtitutos eſſe miniſtros, 
quibus parendum fit: nam gladium 
geſtant, ut innocentes tueantur et malos 


F717” punlant. 


611 


8 o 
OY > ee ent Fe ket ah ns 


wo * 
—— 


I — * " N — — 
„ r _— 
6 3 * 
- 
re * 


612 


A.D, 1536. Valdenſes, he would probably have approved it; and the Learned 
Reader will, I dare ſay, be pleaſed to find it here. 


THE. LIFE 


I HAVE produced many teſtimonies of Eraſmus in favour of 


puniant. Propterea honorem eis de- 
ferre, tributaque perſolvere tenemur. 
Nullus autem ab hac obedientia ſeſe 
eximere poteſt, ſi modo Chriſtianus 
dici velit, Jeſu Chriſti Domini et Sal- 
vatoris noſtri exemplum ſequens. Is 


enim tributum perſolvit, nec juriſdictio- 


nem dominationemve temporalem uſur- 
pavit, in ſtatu illo humiliationis gladium 
verbi cceleſtis exſerens. 

Credimus aquam in baptiſmi ſacra- 


mento eſſe ſignum viſibile et externum, 


nobis repræſentans illud, quod virtus 
Dei intus in nobis operatur, nempe ſpi- 


ritus renovationem, et in Chriſto Jeſu 


carnis noſtræ mortifieationem: per quem 
etiam Chriſtum ſanctæ Dei Eccleſiæ 
membra efficimur, in qua fidei noſtræ 
profeſſionem et vitæ emendationem de- 
monſtramus, _ | | 

danctæ menſæ vel cœnæ Domini no- 
ſtri Jeſu Chriſti ſacramentum, credi - 


mus eſſe ſacrum memoriale, et gratia- 


rum actionem ob beneficia per Chriſti 
mortem nobis collata, in cœtu piorum, 


in fide, charitate, ſuique ipſius proba- 


tione celebrandam: et ita panem et 
poculum ſumendo Chriſti carni et ſan- 


guini communicare, ſicuti in ſacris 


Scripturis edocemur. 

Conjugium eſſe bonum, hanarabile, 
ſanctum, et a Deo inſtitutum profite- 
mur: nemini prohibendum, niſi verbum 


Dei intercedat. 


Warham; to which I will here * add a very elegant Encomium, 


taken 


Pios et Deum timentes credimus Deo 


ſe probaturos, ut bonis vacent operibus, 


quæ præparavit, ut in eis ambulent. 
Hæc autem opera ſunt charitas, gau- 


dium, pax, patientia, benignitas, pro- 
bitas, modeſtia, temperantia, aliaque 
opera in Scripturis commendata. 

Contra, fatemur cavendum nobis 
eſſe a pſeudoprophetis, quorum ſcopus 


eſt populum ab adoratione religioſa, 


uni Deo et Domino debita, revocare, 
creaturis adhærere et confidere; bona 
opera in Scripturis mandata relinquere, 
et hominum figmenta ſequi. 


| Regulam fidei noſtræ Vetus et No- 


vum Teſtamentum retinemus, Symbo- 


lumque ſequimur Apoſtolicum. Quiſ- 
quis autem dixerit, nos aliam profiteri 


doctrinam, longe eum falli et fallere de- 


monſtrabimus, ſi modo per Judices or- 


dinarios nobis liceat. Sandius Hiſt, 
Eccl. p. 425. x; 

» Inter tot egregias dotes, quibus 
Principem ac præcipue Epiſcopum præ- 
ditum efle oportet, non alia [eſt] qua 
vel ornetur decentius, vel commendetur 
efficacius, quam morum et ingenii leni- 


tas ae manſuetudo, que fere non niſt 


eximiam prohitatem et inſignem ſapien- 


tiam tum comitari ſolet, tum arguere. 


Vulgaris aut ficta probitas ſuum habet 
faſtum, ſuum habet ſupercilium, et ſibi 
plus æquo indulgens, ut alienarum vir- 

tutum 


OF ER 


taken from his Notes on 1 The, ii. 7, and well defer 


tutum eſt maligna æſtimatrix, ita vitio- 


rum alienorum acerba inſectatrix eſt; 


Quamquam autem hujus laudis pri- 
ma ſecundum Chriſtum gloria penes 
Paulum noſtrum eſt, qui quum cæteros 
omnes omnibus et dotibus et officiis 
Apoſtolicis longe præcurreret, tamen 
unus Apoſtolum eſſe ſeſe velut ignora- 


bat, hoe ſeſe gerens ſubmiſſius, quo 


major eſſet: tamen his quidem tempo- 
ribus neminem novi, qui propius ad 
hanc laudem accedat, quam ille meus, 
imo non meus, ſed totius Inſulæ Bri- 
tannicæ Mæcenas Guilielmus Warha- 
mus, — in quo cum nihil fit, quacumque 
contempleris hominem, quod non exi- 
mium ac maximum eſſe judices, tamen 
haud alia re major videri ſolet, quam 
quod modis omnibus maximus, ſolus 
ipſe magnitudinem ſuam non agnoſcat. 
Quo fit ut cum cæteris virtutibus ſuperet 
etiam maximos, hoc uno nomine ſu- 


perat et ſeipſum, quod ſibi magnus non 


eſt. Si quis expendat dignitatis faſti- 
gium, ſi negotiorum molem et ampli- 
tudinem, fi judicium pene divinum, fi 
vim ingenii incomparabilem, {1 eruditio- 
nem undiquaque abſolutam, ſi vitæ pu- 
ritatem, ſi fortunæ ſplendorem, quem 
pro temporum ac regionis conſuetudine 
tolerat verius quam habet, ne inter 


ſummos quidem ullum invenies, quem 


cum hoc auſis conferre. Rurſum ſic 


obyius et expoſitus eſt omnibus, ut vix 


reperias vel in media plebe, inter infi- 
mæ ſortis homines, quem hic non ante- 
eat comitate, facilitate, manſuetudine. 


ASM Us. 


O mentem vere heroicam et Apoſtolico 
viro dignam, cum humanum preter- 


greſſus ſis modum, teipſum in-ordinem 
redigere, ac nec infimum quemquam 


hominem faſtidire ! Aliis paululum eru- 
ditionis criſtas erigit. Aliis imaginum 
ſplendor animos effert. Sunt quibus vita 
caſtior ſupercilium adducat. Neque de- 
ſunt, quos mediocris etiam auræ fortuna 
ſuſtollat, neque ſui ſinat meminiſſe. Hic 
ſemper in omni doctrinæ genere ſummas 
tenuit, ut qui ingenio longe feliciſſimo, 


quod nature Deique munere contigerat, 


ſtudium adjunxerit indefatigabile. De- 
inde in graviſſimis ſimul ac ſplendidiſſi- 
mis regni Regiſque negotiis toties ac tot 
annos verſatus eſt, idque non fine ſum- 
ma laude, tum pietatis, tum prudentiz, 
Nunc denique, ceu mirificus quidam 
Geryon, tergeminum heroa ſuæ præſtat 
univerſe Britanniæ, Archiepiſcopum ac 
Primatem, Cancellarium, et Mæcena- 
tem; Archiepiſcopum religioni, Can- 
cellarium juſtitiz et reipublice, Mæce- 
natem ſtudiis, Quis eſt tanto animi 
robore præditus, qui non ſub horum uno 
quolibet ſudet anheletque, quæ vir ille 
ſolus ſuſtinet ? præſertim qui prorſus in- 
telligat quid quiſque titulus efflagitet. 
diquidem Archiepiſcopi Primatiſque titu- 


lus, quem vir ille ſanctiſſimus Thomas 


ſuo martyrio reddidit auguſtiorem, illud 


exigit, ut quod Romanus Pontifex uni- 


verſo debet orbi, hoc ille univerſæ præ- 
ſtet Britanniæ. Jam Cancellarii munus 
ſummum et incorruptum totius regni 
judicem requirit, et ad quem omnibus fit 

2 aditus, 


ving to be A. D. 1536. 
attentively 


RN 22 0 2 
* C 2 3 


— . —˙·— p ene: > Ame atons 


— 


— 


. , cacao 


— —— — — — —— 


— 2 ie 


- gre K 


N 
— ee 


Ss 
CD TT ———— ‚—— — 


614 


THE LIFE 


A. D. 1536. attentively peruſed by thoſe, who ought to imitate the good qua- 
Ilties of this illuſtrious Prelate and Stateſman, | 


aditus, Laicis pariter et Clericis, a quo 
tamen nulla jam fit appellatio. Quas 
hic negotiorum moles, quos cauſarum 
fluctus uno ab homine ſuſtineri putas? 
Ut ne vocem interim ad hanc rationem 
neque pauca neque mediocria curarum 
pondera, quæ ex regiis accedunt nego- 


tliis; ut domeſticas ſolicitudines diſſimu- 


lem, quas in tam numeroſa familia non 
mediocres eſſe conſentaneum eſt. Et 
tamen unum illud pectus tot rebus ob- 
eundis non ſolum ſufficit, verum etiam 
ſupereſt. In tam immenſo circumſtre- 
pentium negotiorum agmine ſuppetit 
quod tribuat religioni, quod privatis 
amicorum affectibus, quod evolvendis 
libris, quos adeo non faſtidit, ut cum 
nullis amicis confabuletur libentius, 
quoties a publicis functionibus otii non- 


nihil ſuffurari licet. Nimirum hoc illi 


tribuit admiranda quædam naturæ feli- 
citas, et incredibilis ingenii dexteritas, 


hoc judicium non minus acre quam 


promtum et expeditum, hoc diutinus 
rerum uſus, ſuper omnia vero perpetua 
quædam vitæ ſobrietas ac vigilantia. 
Ne minima quidem ætatis portio datur 
alex, nulla voluptatibus, nulla convi- 
viis, nulla ſomno, imo nature quoque 
nonnihil detrahit, quod adjiciat juvandæ 
patriæ. Hac ratione fit, ut et tempus, 
et ætas jam alioqui grandior, et valetu- 


do tot tantiſque negotiis obeundis, ſuſti- 


nendis, exantlandiſque ſufficiat, quibus 
ne decem quidem alii pares eſſe poſſint. 
Jam fieri non poteſt, quin in tam varia 


THis 


negotiorum turba quzdam exiſtant non 


ingentia ſolum, ſed etiam moleſta peri- 


culoſaque. Quandoquidem non temere 


dictum eſt illud, Ne Fovem quidem pla- 


cere omnibus. At hunc nemo vidit 
triſtem, nemo commotum, nemo vul- 
tuoſum: tanta eſt infatigati pectoris vis 
et conſtantia. Tum æquitas ac ſuavi- 
tas tanta, ut ab hoc victi diſcedant æqui- 
oribus animis, quam a nonnullis ſolent 


victores. Sibi perpetuo tranquillus eſt, 


aliis comis et alacris. Jam vero Mx- 
cenatis perſonam, quam ultro ſuſcepit, 


ita tuetur ac ſuſtinet, ut Inſula ſemper 
viris et opibus pollens, olim religione 


nobilis, nunc optimis item literis ac diſ- 
ciplinis, hujus potiſſimum opera fic eflo- 


ruerit, ut nulli regioni cedere debeat, 


ſeu Græcæ pariter ac Latinæ literaturæ 
peritiam requiras, ſeu ſpectes eloquentiæ 
vires, ſeu Mathematicorum acumina, 
ſeu reliquam Philoſophiæ cognitionem, 
ſeu literarum arcanarum myſteria, Unus 
alit plurimos, evehit pleroſque, favet, 
fovet, ornat, ac tuetur omnes, non ſo- 
lum eximios, ſed et mediocres, nec ſuos 
tantum, ſed exteros etiam et quovis ſub 


. \ 
. ccelo natos. Quorum in numero me 


quoque, quantuluſcumque ſum, eſſe vo- 


Juit illius benignitas. Cujus beneficen- 


tix, quanquam alias quoque profuſe 
et exundanti, illud etiam geminam ad- 
dit gratiam, quod vix unquam admoneri 
ſeſe patitur, rogari nunquam. Quin et 


gratias agentem mox interpellat, velut 
hoc ipſum nimium fit, eum, qui ſummo 
85 1 — fit 


«a «a 


11 c 


OF ER 


Tas Vor uu was almoſt printed off, before I could pro- A. D. 1 536, 


ASMUS. 


cure The Life of Eraſmus by * de A As ſoon as it came 


ſit affectus beneficio, verbis agnoſcere 


quod accepit. Abunde ſibi relatam 
gratiam putat, ſi ſtudiis profuit, fi bene 


ceſſit omnibus quod ille de ſuo privato 
contulit munus. Et quemadmodum non 
jactat, ſi feliciter provenit benignitas, 
ita negligit ac ceu non meminit, ſi 


quando ſecus evenit. Quandoquidem 


fieri non poteſt, quin et id accidat non- 
nunquam ei, qui propenſus ſit ad bene 
merendum de omnibus. Judicio ad- 
ſciſcit quos velit fovere, ſed eo ſane can- 
dido et amico magis quam ſevero. Cæ- 
terum quos ſemel complexus fit, con- 
ſtantiſſime fovet, nec ullis invidorum 
obtrectationibus poteſt alienari. Quas 
ſi quando cogitur audire, mire diſſimu- 

lat, id quoque ſtudens, ne vel ad eum 
perveniant quem petunt, ne quid illius 
contriſtetur animus. Cujuſmodi Mæ- 
cenas ſi mihi primis illis contigiſſet 
annis, fortaſſis aliquid in bonis literis 
eſſe potuiſſem. Nunc natus ſeculo pa- 
rum felici, cum paſſim impune regna- 
ret barbaries, præſertim apud noſtrates, 
apud quos tum crimen etiam erat quic- 
quam bonarum literarum attigiſſe, tan- 
tum aberat ut honos aleret hominum 
ſtudia, in ea regione, quæ Baccho Ce- 
rerique dicata tum eſſet verius quam 


Muſis; quid, quæſo, poteram ingenio vix 


mediocri præditus? Nam clariſſimum 
virum Henricum Berganum Epiſcopum 
Cameracenſem, primum ſtudii mei Mæ- 
cenatem, mors invida præripuit. Huic 
proximum Guilielmum Montejovium, in- 
clytum Angliæ Primatem, aulæ negotia 


into 


bellique tumultus interceperunt. Quam- 
quam, ut vere dicam, huic ipſe defui 


potius, quam ille mihi. Per hunc deni- 


que contigit ſummus ille Cantuarienſis, 
ſed provectiori jam et ad quadrageſimum 
devergenti annum. Et tamen hujus ex- 
citatus benignitate, in literarum ſtudiis 
veluti repubui reviguique; et quod nec 
natura dederat, nec patria, hoc hujus 
dedit benignitas. Habent hoc mortalium 
ingenia, habent hoc ſtudia literarum, 


præſidem aliquem ac ducem deſiderant, 
qui ſuppeditet otium, qui addat ani- 
mum, qui tueatur adverſus excetram in- 


vidiæ, quæ non aliter quam umbra cor- 


pus ſequitur eruditionis gloriam : deni- 


que ad cujus judicium ſuas exigant vires, 
cui ſuas conſecrent vigilias. Vidit hoc, 
opinor, prudens antiquitas, quæ Muſis 
Virginibus ſuum præfecit Apollinem. 
Proinde ſicuti vere dictum eſt Græco- 
rum proverbio, Annum frudtificare, non 
arvum, quod ccœli clementia plus affe- 
rat momenti ad ſegetis proventum, 
quam ſoli bonitas, ita Principum benig- 
nitas eſt, que facit ingenioſos. Nulla 


regio tam barbara, tam procul a ſolis 


equis, ut ait Maro, devergens, quæ non 
habeat dexterrima ingenia, quæ vel in 
media Grecia nata videri poflint, fi non 


deſint Mzcenates. Sed dum harum re- 
rum cogitatione teneor, haud ſcio quo 


modo pene operis inſtituti immemor, 
diutius quam par eſt, immoror digreſſi- 
oni. Proinde ad id quod _ recur- 
rendum. 


615 


0 ˙ P es ae ee eb aan 0d 
A * q 
* 5 tt "4 , <9 - 23 


eee eee D 
1 1 444 ” FS ak 
4 - 
* SOT A —_— 


— I'S» e? 5 
: * 


a . * 
p< * 3 29% 
33 4 : 


616 


A. D. 1536. into my hands, J gave it an attentive peruſal, imagioing that 1 


to pious ears, and to pious ſtomachs, are, in the opinion of the 
Second, the moſt agreeable and uſeful remarks of our Illuſtrious 


will perhaps think that even M. Burigni is half-ſpoiled by keep- 


acknowledgments, 


THE LIFE 


ſhould receive inſtruction upon ſome points relating to our ſubject; 
and in this expectation I have not been deceived, Yet I think 1 
can add with truth, that few very conſiderable things are con- 
tained in his book, which are not taken notice of either in this 
Volume, or in the next, which I have for ſome time been pre- 
paring for the preſs. How indeed ſhould it be otherwiſe, ſince 
we both draw from the ſame ſpring, and —_— OY the ſame 
materials ? | 

As to religious matters, it is not to be expected that a French- 
man, who is a Member of the Church of Rome, and of the 
Royal Academy at Paris, and an Engliſh Proteſtant, ſhould think, 
or ſhould ſpeak alike. Thoſe paſſages in Eraſmus, which the 
Firſt calls temeraires, hazardees, raſh, daring, imprudent, offenſive 


Author, and do him the moſt honour. The zealous Romaniſts 


ing bad company, and that here and there he ſmells a little of 
Eraſmianiſm. And indeed virtue and wiſdom, like vice and 
folly, are contagious; and a man may catch the ſpirit of mode- 
ration and freedom, as well as the ſpirit of perſecution and bigotry, 
by converſation with men and with books. 


I ſhall here give a ſmall extract from M. Burigni, as a kind of 


ſupplement to the. foregoing pages. If in the next Volume I 
ſhould alſo ſelect a few remarks from his Book, as perhaps I 


may, it ſhall not be without citing him, and making proper 


In his Preface he mentions thoſe who have drawn up the 
Life of Eraſmus, or given imperfect ſketches of it, as Eraſmus 
himſelf, Beatus Rhenanus, Merula, Malincrot, Mercier, Bizare 
diere, Knight, and Joli. He obſerves that what Malincrot and 
Joli had written upon ——— hath never —— 


| Bayle | 


OF ERASMUS. 


Bayle and Du Pin might have been added to theſe perſons ; ; A. D. 1536. 


and Fj Clerc {till more, whoſe account of Eraſmus, given in the 


Bibliotheque Cboiſie, and in Prefaces to ſeveral Tomes of Eraſmus, 


ſurpaſſeth by far, in my opinion, all that hath been hitherto 
publiſhed upon that ſubject. 


The ſhort and cold mention which he hath made of Knight, 


and his referring in the margin to the Bibliotheque Raiſonnee, give 
room to think that he never peruſed, and perhaps never ſaw this 
book ; and that he contented himſelf with a meagre account 


from a Journaliſt, Dr. Knight's work is indeed confuſed and 


not over- elegant; but it contains many good materials. 


Tom. I. pag. 6. 
M. Burigni places the birth of Eraſmus on the 27th or 28th of 


October, 1465; yet obſerving at the ſame time that the year is 


uncer tain, 


. 3 
os « Henry ? a Bergis was F Biſhop (not Archbiſhop) of Cumbra." 


+ 8 102. 


C Eraſſus compoſed a poem in ' honour to Henry VII, in 
„ Hexameters, and in lambics, & a trois Pied. 


This * poem conſiſts of an Hexameter and an Iambic verſe. 


alternately ; and the Iambic verſes are Iambi trimetri, that is, of 
three meaſures indeed, but of A x feet; not of three feet, à trois 


pt eds. 


1 115. 
« Eraſmus took his voyage to ltaly | in 1506,” 


He is in a. the right, 1 believe, es 
4 K tc Eraſmus, 


er See Above, p. 5. 4 Tom. I. c. 1215. Above, p. 28. 


617 


E 
— —— me — —— 2 —— 
- 


—— 
En 
. 3. 


——— 


— OI 


PPP ˙ ew — . 2 OO TIA 
2 — A 2% 0 


— e—o—tn er Ir ä — 
- — ” * 


r r * 
„ IL — 


5 —2 . — Pug = N * 
” * 24 * 
* ane , ——— , . , wn 5 
© - 
_— 3 ——. - 8 * ä — 2” * — 


618 * HE LIFE 
3 13 k | 'S. 124, and 436. 5 
2 80 Beaſirs whilſt he was in Italy, had ome young pupils; 
« but in a letter, which he wrote many years after his departure 


« thence, he complains that his evil Genius had almoſt engaged 
« him to perform that office at Bologna. 


cc Nod ad juvenes attinet, ſcito me a nullo iuftitato ſemper 27 


« aljeniorem, quam exceptandis aut curandis adoleſcentibus : quan- 
e quam Bononiæ malus Genius meus propemodum involverat illi reti. 


« Epiſtola W 4c de — I * 8 * F ranciſco 
ce Aſulano. 


« This letter hath never ea printed: it was communicated 
« to me moſt obligingly by Cardinal Paſſionei, &c." 


M. Burigni had done wel, if he had given us this and all 


ſuch letters entire. 
5 133. ü 
« Eraſmus, in a letter to Franciſcus Aſulanus, ſays; Nec 
« oblitus ſum nefire priſtine conſuetudinis; nec, i velim obliviſci, 
« finat calculus, quem iſtic primum collegi, meque ſubinde repetens, 
c Venetiææ commonefacit. De-Baſle, 1 5* Cal. Aprilis, A. 1523. 


This letter is not printed: Cardinal Paſſionei did me the 


© favour to communicate it.“ 


I. 143. 
% The ibrary of Cardinal Grimani, next to that of 1 Pope, 
was at that time the moſt confiderable of Rome. (Ughellus, 
« Italia Sacra.) It contained eight thouſand volumes. He was 
« himſelf a man of erudition, and tranſlated into o Italian a treatiſe 


of St. ens ro al | 


«c 


* 


0 


La) 


I. 14 5. | 
_ * Eraſmus at Rome compoſed his * Querela Pacis. Julius un, 
e being informed of this Declamation, and having ſentiments 


© very 


3 Above, p 30. 3 £4 $20 © 0 Above, p. 31. 


OF ERASMUS. 
et very different from thoſe of Eraſmus, ſent for him. It was A. D. 1 536. 
e not without fear that he preſented himſelf before this imperious 


e and violent Pontif: but he came off with a gentle reprimand, 
« and an advice never to meddle with the affairs of Princes.” 


I. 324. 
« * Tt is ſomewhat ſtrange, ſays the laſt Editor of St. Cyprian, 


ce that Eraſmus ſhould have inſerted amongſt the works of this 
« F ather a book, which he had found, intitled De auplici mar- 


cc. tyri,. wherein mention is made of Diocletian, and of the 
„ Turks. Gravius and Pamelius are inclined to think that Eraſ- 
e mus himſelf compoſed this book, to delude the public. But 


«: te judicious Tillemont, though not at all prejudiced in favour © 


of Eraſmus, juſtifies him, and ſays that Eraſmus had too much 
„ ſenſe to make a work, which carried in itſelf its own con- 
« futation.“ 


Tillemont here follows Du Pin, whom ſee Tom. II. p. 173. 
and Tillemont, Tom. IV. p. 196. 


J. 32. 
e There were four editions of the New Teſtament of Eraſ- 
* mus, during his üs. 


There were * five. 


I. 372. | 
OY Edward Lee was un  Ecoſſois, a Scot, a a Maſter of Ani in the 
" Pniverfity of Louvain,” 


Lee 7 was born of Engliſh parents, in Kent, 8 educated at 
Oxford and at Cambridge. See Ant. Wood, Tom. I, © 60, and 
the Authors whom I have cited. 
4 8 | Eraſmus, 


a Above, p. 194. * Above, p. 312. Above, p. 98. 


619 


« 1 FY 4s - ne — . - 
* 
* 7 - — — 
- 
1 _ —— — rm ꝶ9⁵vdw EE. id 
— — 2 * . 


620 
A. D. 1536. 


THE LIFE 
Eraſmus, in his firſt Apology, in anſwer to Lee, (which is 
not publiſhed in the Collection of his Works) ſays, Negue vero 


Leus gente Scotus eſt, etiamſi Were non de gente, fed de auetore loguur, | 


unde Scotiſtæ dicuntur,” © 
1 — from Lee's Aue, that he had dwelt at Louvain, 


& 401. 


= Trufdits ſent * Adrian his project to reeſtabliſh peace in the 
« Church. This intereſting work is not extant, unleſs it be the 
« 649th letter; and that letter is not entire. But it may be 
« conjectured that he adviſed the correcting of abuſes and 
* gricyances, and the granting the Cup to the Laity, and Mar- 
« riage to the Clergy, and every thing that could be yielded, 
<« without hurting the fundamentals of Chriſtianity.” 


M. Burigni's conjecture is ingenious and judicious, 


I. 419. 
« Otho Brunsfeld had prefixed to one of his libels a picture of 
825 Eraſmus, under which was the name of Baal.“ 


I have not ſeen Brunsfeld's book ; but I * believe that Eraſmus 
was pictured there amongſt the Prieſis of Baal. 


I 40> 

ce Eraſmus *, before he would fix at F riburg, went to take a 

e view of it, once in February, and once in March, of the year 
« 1529. It is probable that in one of theſe voyages he had the 
* favourable reception, deſcribed in a letter of Falaix, in Crenii 
% Animad. The Magiſtrates, the Nobility, and the Univerſity 
went forth to mect him, paying him high compliments, and 


« calling him the Supporter and the Protector of Literature, 


N T he 
2 Above, p. 312, &c. . > "7 HEE 7 IL | Above, p. 476. 


. OF ERASMUS. 


621 


« The Magiſtrates preſented him with a cup elegantly wrought: A. D. 1536. 


3 
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the College gave him a girdle embroidered with gold, and not 


inferior to the cup; and when he departed, ſome Gentlemen 


accompanied him back to the gates of Baſil, All the expenſes 
of his | journey were defrayed,” T * 


I. 454. 


« Boiſſard relates that Eraſmus was made Rector of * Uni- 


verſity of Baſil, &c. Theſe facts having appeared to me very 
improbable, I conſulted two learned men, who are well 


acquainted with every thing relating to that Univerſity. They 


have informed me, that no credit is to be given to the relation 
given by Boiſſard; that Eraſmus never was Rector of that 
Univerſity ; and that its Privileges are ſafe and ſound, and ſtill 
preſerved in its Archives, Nc. 


I. 312. 
*© The * Sorbonne, in 1526, cenſured the Colloquies of Eraſ- 
mus; but Francis I was not well pleaſed with this behaviour of 
the Faculty, as it appears from a letter which he wrote to the 
Parliament, in which are the following words: 


And becauſe we are duly certified that the ſaid Faculty, they 
and their Tools and Agents, attack whomfoever they think fit, 


blackening and blaſting their reputation, as they have done to 
Eraſmus, and will proceed to ds to others alſo, we command you to 
let the Members of the ſaid Faculty know inſtantly, that they ſhall 
not all or any of them write, compoſe, and print any thing, which 
is not firſt ſeen and approved by You, or your Deputies, and deli- 
berated upon in full Court,” 


THR 
cc The Colloquies of Eraſmns were © corrupted by Lambertus 


Campeſtris, as Eraſmus complains ; ſo that we cannot doubt 
cc of 


Above, p. 309. Jn Above, p. 298. e Above, p. 404. 


A. D. 15 36. 


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THE LIFE 
of this Edition being ſold publicly, ſince Eraſmus ſaw it, and 


names the Printer. Yet the Authors of the Bibliotheque of the 


Facobins have pretended to ſay, that Eraſmus in all probability 
gave credit to falſe rumours, and that Lambertus never pub- 
liſned the Colloquies, becauſe they never could meet with 


« that edition, or with any perſon who had ſeen it. 


“Lambertus ended his days in a manner not very edifying. — 
The Authors of the Bibliotheque of the Jacobins have thought, 
that a zeal for their own Order would excuſe them from 
obſerving the rules of Hiſtory. They have not ſaid one word 


of the apoſtaſy of this Lambertus, when they ads the abridg- 
ment of his life,” 


I. 551. 


e The- edition of Ambroſe by Eraſmus hath not found much 


approbation; and is repreſented as defective and faulty by the 
Benedictins, and by Du Pin.“ 


I. 7. 
> The * Apology, which Eraſmus drew up for his Terminus, 
occaſioned two works, mentioned by Crenius: one of Petrus 
Rubus, who wrote againſt the plea of Eraſmus; the other of 


* Chriſtianus Philerenus, who refuted Rubus.“ 


I. 580, 


« In the Dialogue of Eraſmus de Pronunciatione, the Inter- 
locutors are a Bear and a Lion. Les Interlocuteurs de ce Dia- : 


« Hogue fat un Ours & un Lion. 


The Inter locutors are creatures ha walk upon two feet; the 


name of the one is My. Bear, the name of the other is Mr. Lion; 


Monſieur !] Ours, & Monſieur Lion. 


Tom. 


Above, p. 420. Above, p. 467. Above, p. 443. 


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OF ERASMUS. 


Tom. II. p. 5, and 224. 


N. Burigni ſpeaks freely enough of the ſcandalous traffic of 
Indulgences; more freely than our Fiddes in his Life of Wolſey. 


He alſo condemns the putting heretics to death, for which he 
deſerves to be commended, 


II. 93. 
e The Piatribe of Eraſmus de Libero Arbitrio was tranſlated 


« into German (as Seckendorf obſerves) by Emſer, and had a 
<« great run, which made Luther reply very ſpeedily to it.“ 


II. 96. 


5 Fraſmus complained of Luther to Frideric, Elector ww. 


" Saxony.” 


It was not to Frideric, I believe) but to John, his brother, 
and at that time his ſucceſſor in the Electorate. 


II. 246. 
« ® The cenſure, which the Sorbonne paſſed upon the works 


© of Eraſmus, was ill received, inſomuch that the Miniſtry for 


cc 


four years would not permit the printing of it: and it was not 
* till the year 1531, that Jodocus Badius Aſcenſius printed it.“ 


II. 362. 


« Palydore Virgil's Collection of Adages was printed at Venice 
« in 1498, that is, two years before the firſt edition of the Adages 
« of Eraſmus, though Eraſmus had never ſeen it, or heard of it.” 


Il. 388. 


6 The * Brief of Paul III, dated Auguſt 1, 1 53 5, is very 
ce obliging and favourable to Eraſmus, The Pope declares, 


e that 
3 Above, p. 112. k Above, p. 335. Above, p. 396. 
m Above, p. 432. Above, p. 280. Above, p. 564. 


2 


A. D. 1536. 


A. D. 1536. 


cc 


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THE LIFE 


chat paying attention to the piety and probity of Eraſmus, to 
his ſuperiority in various ſciences, and to the good ſervices 
which he had done to the Apoſtolical See, by vigorouſly 
attacking the deſerters of the faith, he gives him the Provoſt- 
ſhip of Deventer, in the Dioceſe of Utrecht, vacant by the 
death of John Vinchel, reputed to be worth fix hundred florins 
a year; that he gives it with great pleaſure, and as an earneſt 
of the recompenſes which he intended to beſtow upon his 
virtue,” 
II. 404. 

cc T he * true name of Petrus Sutor was Pierre Le Couturier, as 
it appears from the Privilege of one of his books, intitled, De 
poteſtate Ecclefie in occultis.“. 


II. 416. 
The * learned man, whom the Abbe Longuerue confuted, 
and whom the Editor of the Longueruana hath not named, is 


Huetius. I have often heard this related by the Abbe, who 
would have thought the beſt part of his ſtory ſuppreſſed, if he 
had ſuppreſſed the name of Huetius, for whom he had very 


little eſteem, and by whom he was feared ſo much, that from 
that time Huetius ſhunned him, and would not dine with the 


Cardinal d' Eſtrees, without being firſt aſſured that Longuerue 
would not be there.“ 


II. 422. 


C The laſt will of Eraſmus ſhews that he was in in good circum- 


ſtances. It was reported, as Fellerus relates, that he left more 
than ſeptem millia aureorum, ſeven thoutand ducats. In his 
will, mention is made of his ſelling his library to John a Laſco. 
The contract between them hath not, I think, appeared in 


print, and hath been communicated to me by Cardinal Paſſianci. 


Here it is: 


% Eraſmus 
„Above, p. 37 5, 2 Above, p. 577. * Above, p. 577. 


OF ERASMUS. 625 
« Fraſmus Roterodamus bibliothecam meam uni verſam vendidi A. D. 1536. 
clarifſimo Polonia Baroni Joanni d Laſco trecentis coronatis 
aureis, hac lege, ut quoad vixero, uſus librorum ex amicitiæ jure 
fit illi mecum communis, proprietas tota penes illum fit perpetua : 
0 quod jus tranſibit etiam in illius he redes, fi, quod Deus avertat, 
« contingat illum prius ex bumanis decedere. Interim indicem 
« hibrorum, velat arrabonem traditionis, habet. Quicquid interim 
 *. accreverit, et hoc illius erit, niſi fi quos codices manuſeriptos magno 
„ rgerit emere. In his, ex utriuſque conſenſu, fiet moderatio 
© now contradius, duntaxat quod attinebit ad illam acceſſionem. In 
cc cujus rei fidem dictus Eraſmus hoc chirographum mea manu 
« deſcripf,  affixo peculiari annuli mei ſigno Termino, ann. 1525, 
« duodecimo Cal. Julias. Dimidium pretii numeratum eſt Baſile 
« 1525, allerum pretii dimiadium poſtridie D. Martini anno 15 36 - { 
cc perſolutum eſt. Bonifacius Amerbacbius, muncupatus incompa- 5 i 


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« rabilis D. Eraſmi Roterodami heres, mea manu atteſtor ; et ego | 1 

cc Foannes a Laſco prædicta MANus mee ſubſcriptione Jaber ſe FED 13 

ky verum. | | 
II. 443. 


« Under the ſtatue of Eraſmus are theſe verſes : 
_ « Barbarie, &c.” | K 3 


M. Burigni hath cited theſe verſes careleſsly and faultily. There 
are other miſtakes of the ſame kind in his book ; but I chule to 
paſs them over. 


II. $13. 
ee Julius II granted to Eraſmus the diſpenſation, which he had 
4 requeſted i in his Epiſtle to Grunnius.“ 


| The Pope, to whom Grunnius er the * Epiſtle of Eraſ- 
mus, was (I believe) Leo X. Eraſmus * ſays in that Epiſtle, that 
4 L. he 


Ep. 442. c. 1829. e Above, p. 71. 


626 THE LIFE 
A, D. 1536. he had before obtained of the Pope (that is, of Julius II) leave 


to accommodate his habit to the cuſtom of the places where he 
ſhould happen to ſojourn. 


R 
« It is to be orefumed, that, if Eraſmus had lived Jong enough, 


« he would have changed his opinion, and ſubmitted himſelf 


« to the deciſion of the Council of Trent, concerning Auricular 
« Confeſſion.” 


— 


Are you in earneſt ? It is to be 1 dat if he had lived 
to ſee that Eccleſiaſtical Cabal, he would have had the ſame 


opinion of it as Father Paul had. Who knows not that two 
hundred Logs of wood, cut out into the ſhapes of Cardinals, 
Biſhops, Abbots, and Scholaſtic Divines, and properly apparelled, 

would have made as good a Set of Fathers, as thoſe who were 
aſſembled at that venerable Council, each of whom (a few 
excepted) was, 


— nervi. alienis mobile lig wgnum 2 


U. 559. . 
„The firſt book de 7 Eutopie, of the Utopia of Sir Thomas 
« More, was alſo aſcribed to Eraſmus. —And he likewiſe paſſed 
c for being the Author of a Lamentation upon the tragical death 
of that excellent man—but it was the work of Joannes Secun- 
« dus. Nænia in mortem V. Clar. Thome Mori, auctore Joanne 


e Secundo, falſo antebac D. Erafem Rot. adfert, Pia, ac deprav "i 
nk Nu. me edita, ens 5h 1630.” 


10 


Las 


The Uropia thould bb called | in Freneh Uropie, not Eulopie. 


The Reader will find in M. Burigni's Book ſome accounts of 
Hegius, Tom. I. p. 16. Rod, Agricala, p. 17. Anna Berſala, 
p. 55. Andrelinis, p. 86. Gag gains, p. 87. Aldus Manutius, 


p. 134. 


OF ERASMUS. 


. 627 


p. 134. Marr. Muſurus, p. 136. Scip. Carteromachus, p. 146. A. D. 1536. 


Marbam, p. 169. Lambertus Campeſtris, p. 523. Etienne Pon- 
cher, p. 240. Alexander VI, Tom. II. p. 15. Silvgſer Prieras, 
p. 51. Stunica, p. 163. Albertus Pius, p. 179. Aleander, 
p. 191. Beda, p. 204. Hereſbachius, p. 204. Gerardus Novio- 

magus, p. 305, 331-, Sutor, p. 404. Gallandius, p. 438. Of 
theſe perſons I alſo have given ſome account. 

There is ſomething ſingular in M. Burigni's way of ſpelling. 
Whether it be the preſent faſhion to write fo, I know not: but 
we find in his book; 

Sometimes Chriſe/time, ſometimes Chriſiſſane, and ſometimes 
Chryſolfome; ſometimes Ciprien, and ſometimes Cyprien ; ſome- 
times Porphire, and ſometimes Porphyre. 

We find, Les Scithes, Hermonime, Euti 2 us, Chriſolore, La 
Scithie, Thucidide, Theophilacte, Thrafimaque, Chitreus, Pirrhonien, 
Euti qchianiſie, Polidore-Vi 2 le, Polimneflor, Pirrhoniſme, Di- 
dimus, &c. 

And yet we find, Cyrille, $ yndic, Hela, Apocalypſe, Denys, 
Chry/ippe, Syneſe, Sibylles, Style, &c. 

It is a bad cuſtom to throw the letter y out of words af Greek 
extraction, which have the T and to ſubſtitute in its place 
the letter 7. 1 mean not to depreciate the induſtrious and uſeful 


Work of my Fellow-Labourer ; hut only to admoniſh thoſe whom 


it may concern, that they would uſe a little more accuracy in theſe 
things, and not quite neglect the rules of ortiiography, as beneath 
their regard. 


EXTRACT * from a * ſecond letter of Profeſſor Burcard to my 


Friend above-mentioned. 


« All the things which v Bayle mentions in the Article of 


9G WR Ws | « Eraſmus, 


« Tranſlated from the French, See above, P. 598. 
See above, p. 599. 5 
2 | 


A D. 1536. 


THE LIF E 


' Eraſmus, Not. H, are till to be ſeen in our Library; to 


« which may be added the hour-glaſs of Eraſmus. 


The writings belonging to Eraſmus, in our Library, which 


ce are not inſerted in the Collections of his Works, may be found 


jn the Bibliotheca Bremenfis of Haſcus. 


The ſilver globe, mentioned in the Life of Thuanus, is alſo 
in the Cabinet : but I doubt whether it belonged to Eraſmus, 
becauſe it hath no inſcription to ſhew that it was his, and 
the Arms of the Family of Iſelin are upon it, and nothing 


cc 
cc 


cc 


relating to it is found in the Will of Eraſmus, or in his Letter 


cc 


to Chriſtopher Meſia. I believe that it belonged to Amerbach, 
who had it from ſome other perſon. The Reverend Mr. Zwinger 


cc 


Taz NUMEROUS teſtimonies of Authors for and againſt 


Eraſmus; Remarks upon all his Works; a collection of paſſages 
from his writings, to which we have made references; ſome of 


his Tracts, and ſome Epiſtles of him and of his Correſpondents, 


which have not been publiſhed, or which, though in print, are 


not in the Edition of Leyden, are reſerved for another Volume. 
I have alſo ſome additions to this Life of Eraſmus, relating 


principally to the Notes and the Citations, As they will be a 


growing work, they alſo ſhall be reſerved ſor the next Volume, 
and there inſerted under the title of Addenda. 


z Eraſmus received an hour-g/aſs b Ep. 1102, in which he mentions 

from Joannes Turzo, and another from the preſents, which he had received 

Schydlovietz. Above, p. 212, 412. from his friends. See above, p. 495. 
2 Sce above, p. 538. 


N 


is at preſent poſſeſſor of a ſilver cup gilt, of which mention | 
* is made in the Will of Eraſmus.” 


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Qt hoc habebitis me pro viribus adjütorem. rn 
machinis omnibus ROPE m R 


Divi Martini, An. 1 Fa SN. þ INSET EOS 
| As wErakans ot. mea many, 
l end See e bv 8 
d II. | 
Plain enough.” 55 I 


"bs et pacem 5 in u Chriſto) - Reſpondi W M. n 
Helvetiorum literis: quas Smalcaldi reddidiſti. Excuſabis moram 1 | 
meam. Ut qui ſcias mihi cadaveri præter morbos et ſenectutem hn | | 


(impoſitas eſſe curas Eccleſiæ Sale Ipſo die 8. Nicolai, LL 
— 4 


* Martinus Luther. 


IV. 
8. D. Reverende vir et cariſs (ime) frater. Sæpe cogitavi futu- 
rum eſſe aliquando hoc quod accidit, ut principes (politica lapt-" 
entia controverſias ita tollerent.) 
Bene et feliciter vale die 4 Auguſti. 
4 Ig | | Philippus Melanthon, 


* 


P rr“ 
IS 


, | 
os ay 5 » . | oe Y* > > WE IE 
Salve in Chriſto, mi frater. Coronatos obſignatos, mox ut 
redditi fuerunt, conſuli noſtro obtuli, et quid in cauſa agendum 
conſului; Porro Zuinglio iterum atque iterum ſcripſi, &c. 


2 | ] 
De 


Oecolampadius. 
VI | Gratiam 


From the Library of Corpus- Chriſli College, Cambridge. 


630 


THE LIFE, &c«, 


VI. 

Gratiam et pacem a Deo Patre per Dominum Jeſum Chriſtum. 
Scripſeram quas hic vides prolixiores literas, priuſquam tuas a 
Baſilea accepiſſem. Cum enim exceptæ eſſent a te 2 Octobris, 
ad 14 demum ejuſdem menſis reddebantur. Cernens autem illa 
in his quæ ſcripfiſti de Benedicto an &c. 


15 Octobris, 1537. RL 
U. Bullingerus tuus. 
VII. T 
S. D. Profuit mihi illa ad te, eximie D. Doctor, deambulatio, 


tametſi te non licuerit convenire. Volebam, ſi otium fuiſſet tibi, 
de communi Profeſſione noſtra colloqui, et audire tuum conſilium 
de rite moderandis meis. 


| M. Bucerus 
totus tuus, 
VIII. 

Itaque poſt expleta principum veſtrorum mandata, poſt abſo- 
luta in totum negotia veſtra, ſi non gravabimini nos inviſere, 
veſter ad nos acceſſus admodum gratus erit, 


Manus Cutberti Tunſtalli 
IX. 
The king willeth you neither to ſpare his authoritie nor his 


good money or ſubſtance: ye may be aſſured whatſoever ye 
promiſe ſhal be performed. And our Lorde fend you good ſpede. 


Tour lovinge frende, 


. 3 Car Ebor. [Wolſey.] 
| MVSEVAL 


| 


BRITANNICVM|. 
* * 


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CORRIGENDA, 


Page 87. 1. 11. (Canoſſe) dele. 
Page 111. l. 11. Theodoricus, add Martinus. 
Page 202. l. 5. add Ep. 478. 
Page 223. I. 13. John, diele. 
Page 253. l. 11. written in, I. written only in. 
Page 434. not. col. 2 I, 19. gremani, l. germani. 
Page 473. l. 5. do, dele. 
Page 566. 1. 7. Orations, I. Oration. 
Page 584. l. ult. company, I. aſſembly, 


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VI. BIBLIOTHECA BRITANNICO- HIBERNICA: Sive, De 
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Auctore Viro admodum reverendo, & in Patriis Antiquitatibus verſatiſſimo, 
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of Scripture, and compleat Indexes. Alſo the true Chronology adjuſted in the 
Margin. And an exact Account of the Fewyh Coins, Weights and Meaſures. 
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