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CONTENTS. 


1.  Norwich  Apprentices'  and  Workmen's  Tools  in  the  Six- 

teenth Century.     By  the  late  John  L'Estrange       ...  1 

2.  The  Squire  Papers        16 

3.  The  Eiot  between  the  Monks  and  Citizens  of  Norwich  in 

1272.    By  Walter  Eye         17 

4.  Houses  of  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  in  London  90 

5.  The  Walloon   Church  in  Norwich  in   1589.     By  Lucy 

Toulmin  Smith 91 

6.  The    Clocher  of   Norwich   Cathedral,    &c.     By  the  late 

John  L'Estrange         149 

7.  Crime  and  Accident  in  Norfolk  in  the  time  of  Henry  III. 

and  Edward  I.     By  Walter  Eye 159 

8.  Clerical  Thieves  temp.  Edward  1 194 

9 .  Eough  Indexes  Nominum  to  the  Feet  of  Eines  for  Norfolk 

for  theEeigns  of  Henry  VIII.,  Edward  VI.,  and  Mary. 

By  Walter  Eye 195 

10.  Our  Home  in  East  Anglia.    By  Edward  Milligen  Beloe      217 

1 1.  The  Wooing  and  Married  Life  of  Elizabeth  Lady  L'Estrange 

nee  Isham.     By  Augustus  Jessopp,  D.D 242 

12.  An  Index   to   the  Names  of  the  Manors  mentioned  in 

Blomefield's  Norfolk.    By  Walter  Eye  285 

1 3.  An  Index  to  the  Names  of  the  Chief  Places  in  Norfolk  not 

being  Towns  or  Villages.     By  Walter  Eye     305 

14.  Norfolk  Antiquarian  Current  Literature         320 


ERRATA. 


***  Ow 


Page  33,  line  12,  $dco  should  be  jJdcs. 
34,     „      5,  pds  „        gdo. 

„       „     16,  solebatus   „        solebatur. 
39,     „      4,  nativitati  „        nativitatis. 
,,       „    10,  fatinoris    „        facinoris. 

3,  omit  abbreviation  after  placuit. 
8,  hut    should  be  hue. 


41, 
42, 

48, 


51, 

57, 

84, 


18,  dno 
23,  civis 

19,  quamda 
15,  vellet 
11,  infortinu 


„ 


dns. 

cives. 

quanda. 

vellet. 

infortunl. 


ing  to  a  hasty  revision  of  the  proof  of  pp.  32  et  seg.f  several  printer's 
errors,  and  especially  misplacing  of  abbreviation  marks,  were  passed.  The  above 
are  the  worst. 


ftcrfoidj  ^ptntttts  atttr  lEorhten's  Cools 

IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY. 


BY    THE    LATE 


JOHN      L'ESTEANGE, 


There  is  a  paper  volume  in  the  Muniment  Room  of 
the  Mayor  and  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Norwich,  the 
greater  part  of  which  is  occupied  with  enrolments  of 
Apprenticeship  Indentures  from  1548  to  1562,  in  all  about 
776  in  number.  Its  title  is  as  follows :  "  Irrotulamenta 
"  Indenturarum  omnium  apprenticiorum  cujuscunque  arti- 
"  ficij  infra  Civitatem  Norwici  existen.  Inchoat  secundum 
"formam  et  effectum  cujusdam  Acti  nuper  fact:  et  concess 
"  per  totam  congregacionem  Civitatis  predicte  tent  in 
"  Guihalda  ibidem  die  veneris  decimo  Tercio  videlicet  die 
"  mensis  Julij  Anno  Regni  Serenissimi  domini  nostri 
"  Edwardi  Sexti  dei  gratia  secundo  Tempore  venerabilis 
"  viri  Edmundi  Woode  Maioris  Civitatis  antedce  primo." 

These  enrolments  were  made  in  consequence  of  an  Act 
of  Assembly  passed  in  1548,  and  are  succinct  abstracts 
of  the  original  indentures.  In  one  case,  however,  an 
indenture    of    apprenticeship    between   Simon    Crabbe    the 

vo,n.]       pR 


elder  and  Simon  Crabbe  his  son,  an  abstract  of  which  had 
been  enrolled  after  the  usual  fashion  in  April,  1558,  was 
enrolled  at  length  in  May,  1559,  by  his  executor,  and  the 
two  enrolments  are  printed  in  the  Appendix  to  these  Notes. 
The  covenants  of  the  apprenticeship  bear  a  strong  general 
likeness  to  those  contained  in  the  form  supplied  at  the 
present  day  by  Her  Majesty's  Commissioners  of  Stamps. 
But  there  are  many  very  remarkable  features  of  difference. 

Premiums  which  are  paid  to-day  with  probably  one  out 
of  every  two  boys  were  in  those  days  almost  unknown, 
and  I  met  with  few  instances  of  them  ;  in  one  of  which 
the  apprentice  covenanted  that  his  master  might  receive 
annually  half  the  rent  of  certain  property  in  Crownthorpe, 
but  at  the  expiration  of  the  term  the  master  had  to  pay 
£3  to  the  apprentice.  In  another  instance,  the  father 
bound  himself  to  deliver  to  the  master  annually  for  six 
years,  between  Michaelmas  and  Hallowmas,  6s.  8d.  worth 
of  butter  and  cheese.  But  in  this  case  as  well,  the  master 
had  to  pay  the  apprentice  the  40s.  at  the  end  of  his  term, 
and  this  seems  to  have  been  the  invariable  arrangement.  If 
premiums  were  rare,  wages,  on  the  other  hand,  were  almost 
as  rare.  In  the  majority  of  cases  none  were  paid,  but 
one  or  two  instances  occur.  An  apprentice  to  a  worsted 
weaver  was  to  be  paid  8s.  a  year  quarterly ;  another,  at 
the  end  of  the  seventh  and  eighth  years,  was  to  receive 
13s.  4d.,  and  at  the  end  of  the  ninth  year,  26s.  8d. ;  and 
apparently  in  every  case  the  one  apprentice  was  to  receive 
Id.  weekly.  Masters  found  board  and  lodgings  for  their 
apprentices,  and  covenanted  at  the  end  of  the  term  to  pay 
them  sometimes  so  much  monev,  or  to  deliver  to  them 
certain  of  the  tools  used  in  their  trade ;  and  sometimes 
both  money  and  tools,  or  their  choice  of  either,  and 
generally  double  apparel, — a  suit  for  holidays,  and  another 
for  working  days. 

The  terms  of  apprenticeship  in  those  days  never  appear 


to  have  been  less  than,  and  frequently  to  have  exceeded, 
seven  years.  Eight-year  terms  were  common,  and  instances 
of  terms  of  nine,  ten,  eleven,  and  even  twelve  years  occur. 

In  some  cases,  at  the  expiration  of  the  apprenticeship,  "  a 
year  of  covenant "  was  added,  for  which  a  salary  was  paid. 
Occasionally  this  year  of  covenant  was  left  to  the  option 
of  the  apprentice.  In  one  or  two  instances  it  was  provided 
that  if  the  master  died  the  apprentice  might  be  free  on 
payment  of  10s.  to  the  master's  executor ;  in  another  case  the 
apprentice  was  to  be  free  if  his  master's  widow  remarried. 

The  great  number  of  holidays  in  those  times  may  account 
for  holidays  being  seldom  mentioned  in  these  indentures, 
but  there  are  instances  in  which  they  are  provided  for :  in 
one  case  six  days  at  Whitsuntide,  in  others  a  month  or  two 
at  harvest,  during  which  time  they  might  earn  what  they 
pleased  for  themselves.  A  worsted  weaver  covenants  to 
have  his  apprentice  taught  reading  and  writing  two  harvest 
seasons.  A  mercer  covenants  to  send  his  apprentice  to 
France  for  a  year  to  learn  the  language,  and  a  grocer  to 
send  his  apprentice  for  a  year  to  Flanders  to  be  sufficiently 
taught  to  speak  Dutch.  Some  masters  covenant  to  make 
at  their  own  cost  their  apprentices  at  the  end  of  their  term 
freemen  of  the  city  of  Norwich,  others  to  make  them  free 
of  the  fellowships  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  in  the  parts 
beyond  the  seas  called  the  Old  Hawnce,  or  the  Merchant 
Strangers  or  the  New  Hance.  A  worsted  weaver,  to  send 
his  apprentice  to  a  writing  school  for  two  months,  one  in 
the  seventh  and  one  in  the  eighth  years.  A  grocer,  to  find 
his  apprentice  two  years  to  Grammar  School,  to  teach  him 
grocers'  craft  and  to  hold  courts,  and  to  write  and  make 
accounts,  and  to  deliver  him  £20  at  end  of  the  term. 

The  science  of  a  scrivener  was  writing,  reading,  and 
understanding  all  manner  of  evidence. 

A  grocer  covenants  with  his  apprentice  that  he  may 
occupy  to  his  own  use  all  money  given  him  by  his  friends ; 

b  2 


and  a  barber,  that  bis  apprentice  might  enjoy  to  his  own 
use  all  such  favours  and  courtesies  as  shall  be  given  him 
during  his  apprenticeship. 

As  a  matter  of  course  a  collection  of  so  many  numerous 
documents  of  any  class  could  not  fail  to  throw  considerable 
light  on  personal  and  local  history ;  but  that  now  before  us 
gives  an  insight  into  the  life  and  very  many  glimpses  of  the 
habits  and  customs  of  our  ancestors. 

The  following  Extracts  from  the  Enrolments  give  the 
considerations  to  the  apprentices,  and  especially  the  tools 
which  they  were  to  have  given  them  by  their  masters  at  the 
end  of  their  terms. 


Barber. 

1.  Apprentice  to  enjoy  to  his  own  use  all  such  favours  & 

curtesyes  as  shall  be  given  him  during  apptyceship. 

2.  To  receive  five  shaving  knyffes. 

3.  Master  to  buy  his  apprentyce  free  Citizen  of  Norwich. 

4.  8  years  and  a  year  of  covenant. 

5.  Apprentice  to   receive  a  bason  an   ewer  a   case  wl  4 

knives  a  combe  and  a  payer  of  Syssers. 

6.  A  bason  a  shaven  cloth   a  barbers  case  &  iiij  Rasors 

mete  for  the  occupacon. 

7.  8    years.       A   latten   bason   a  latten   ewer  ij   shaving 

clothes  a  bagge  wl  iij  knyves. 

8.  7  years.     A  bason  a  ewer    a   casse  of   knyffes  apt  & 

meate  for  the  seid  crafte. 

9.  A  bason  a  ewer  a  case  wl  three  knives  a  peir  of  sysers 

a  thone  &  ij  shaving  cloths. 

10.  A  case  w*  iiij  knives  called  rasers  a  bagge  of  barbers 

knives. 

11.  A  case  called  a  harbors  casse  w*  the  knyves  &  other 

toolvs. 


Blacksmith. 

1.  A  hammer  a  paring  knyfe  a  payer  of  pinsens  a  butter  a 

handhammer  and  a  forehammer. 

2.  One  buttre  a  peir  of  prynsens  a  shoeing*  hamer. 

3.  A  hamer  a  payer  of  pyncors  a  buttol  and  a  handsawe. 

Bricklayer. 

Nine  years.    A  hamer  axe  a  trowell  a  bryckaxe  a  square  &  a 
compass. 

Bucher. 
One  axe  a  clyver  &  a  bochers  knife. 

Carpenter. 

1.     A  joyntor   a   chesyll  a  fermer  iij    imboweng   planes   a 

handsaw  a  hatchet   twoo   wymbles   a  handplane   a 

stapler  hoke  a  pser. 
2      A  belte  a  handsawe  a  cutting  sawe  a  square  a  plume 

rule   a   levell  three   wimbles  a  former  a   chisell   4 

planes  a  hammer  a  pser  &  20s. 

3.  A  handsawe  a  belt  a  former  a  handplane  a  hedyng  tole 

and  six  days  holiday  at  Whitsuntide  to  see  his 
friends. 

4.  A  belt  a   handsawe  iij   wymbles   of  iij    sundry  sorts  a 

form  a  hedyng  knife  a  chisell  a  cutting  sawe  and  a 
sevare  of  yron  a  hammer  a  pser  and  a  plane  wth  an 
yron. 

5.  One  belt  a  cutting  sawe  a  hand  sawe  a  former  a  beating 

toole  and  a  headyng  toole. 

6.  6s.  8d.  a  yr  &  13s.  4<r/.     A  mortas  wymble  a  fote  wymble 

too  draft  wymbles  too  lyttle  wymbles  a  former  a 
chesyll  a  belt  a  hatchytt  a  joynter  a  fore  lopper  a  hand 
plane  a  little  hand  sawe  a  passer  a  wrest  a  fyle  too 
payer  of   compas  &  a  squyer  or  ells  vijs.  iiijd   in 


6 

consyderacyon  of  the  same  toolys  at  the  choyse  of 
the  seid  Robert  pvyded  allweys  &  it  is  agreed 
betwyn  the  seyd  pties  that  yf  the  seyd  Robt.  shall 
depte  this  life  before  thende  of  the  seyde  tearme 
That  then  the  se)Td  John  his  executors  or  Ass  shall 
within  one  month  next  after  the  decease  of  the  seyd 
Robart  delyver  or  cause  to  be  dely vered  to  Margarett 
mother  of  the  seyd  Robart  all  the  seyd  toolys  or 
ells  to  paye  to  the  seyd  Margarett  the  seyd  some  of 
vijs.  iiijtf.  of  good  Inglish  money  in  consyderacyon 
of  the  same  toolys  at  the  choyse  of  the  seyd 
Margaret,  &c. 

Carpenter,  Joyner,  and  Turner. 

8  yrs.  At  thend  of  the  seid  tearme  to  gyve  to  the  seid 
Andrew  A  belt  a  handsawe  ij  wymbles  a  chysell  a 
former  and  doble  apparell. 

Carver  and   Joyner. 

1.  Two  dozen  of  carvyn  tolls  &  pte  of  all  other  tools. 

2.  2  doz.  carving  toles  &  pte  of  all  other  toles. 

COWPER. 

1.  A  barge  an  adds  a  hedynge  knj'ff  a  joynter  a  clyver  a 

howle  a  pe}^r  of  compass. 

2.  A  thixtell  a  psour  a  Shave  a  knape  a  Joynter  a  Barge 

axe  a  spoke  shave  &  40s. 

3.  A  barge a  howell,  a  joynter  a  heding  knife,  a 

pair  of  compass,  a  froward  and  a  pser. 

4.  A  thyxtell  a  shave  a  Axe  a  pser  &  200  hoopys  of  knytt 

ware  &  Nayle  ware. 

5.  A  barge  axe  a  Thixtell  a  howell  Crowe  purser  a  payer 

of  compass  a  neadyng  knyfe. 


6.  6*.  8d,  during  term  20  at  Mids.  20  at  Mich.  200  hoopes, 
i.e.,  50  payle  hoopes  &  di9  barrell  hoopes  150  barrell 
hoopes. 

CORDWAYNER. 

1.  If  master  died  the  apprentice  paid  10s.  to  the  executor 

to  be  free. 

2.  To  serve  for  one  hole  year,  called  a  year  of  Covenant. 

At  his  election  to  go  away  at  end  of  seven  years. 

Coverlet  and  Dornex  Weaver. 

1.  A  pair  of  canvas  shets. 

2.  To  giye  at  end  of  eight  years  20s.  &  a  coverlet  10  qrs. 

long  &  7  qrs.  broad. 

3.  A  coverlet  price  3s.  4rf.  or  3s.  4td. 

4.  A  dornex  lome  &  all  belonging  to  it. 

Fletcher. 
ij  knyves  a  plane  iiij  shaves  a  peir  of  sherys  &  8s. 

Fresh  Water  Fisher. 

A  newe  boate  pryce  26s.  8d.  or  the  money  A  new  buskynge 
nette  pryce  10s.  a  fowlyng  nett  &  a  fowling  line  the 
best  that  he  shall  have. 

Grocer. 

1.  7  years.     The  master  shall  find  his  apprentice  for  one 

year  within  the  said  terme  in  Flanders  to  be  suf- 
feciently  taught  to  speke  Duche  &  make  him  free  of 
the  Old  Haunce.  To  serve  one  year  longer  to  be 
pd  5  mks.  board  &  to  be  allowed  to  occupy  to  his 
own  use  all  money  given  by  his  friend. 

2.  8  3rears.     To  make  him  a  free  citezen  of  Norwich. 


8 

3.  To  a  man  &  his  wife.      9  years  and  a  year  of  covenant 

£5  wages. 

4.  8  years.     To  find  him  2  years  to  Grammar  school.     To 

teach  him  grocers  craft.  To  hold  Courts  &  to  write 
&  make  accounts  &  to  deliver  to  him  at  end  of  terme 
£20  &  doble  apparell  &  to  serve  a  year  longer  for 
board  &  lodging  &  40s. 

5.  8  vears.     To  make  the  seid  John  free  of  the  felough- 

shipp  of  the  merchant  adventurers  in  the  pties 
beyond  the  Sea  called  the  old  Hawnce. 

6.  He  shall  make  at  his  own  cost  his  apprentice  free  of  the 

feloughshipp  of  the  merchant  strangers  in  the  pties 
beyonde  the  Sea  in  Flaunders. 

Hatmaker. 

"2  lez  walkking  basyns  &  sex  lez  fashening  blokks  ac  oia 
alia  utcnsilia." 

JOYNEB. 

1.  Nine  years.     A  joynter  a  foreplane  a  hamer  a  handsawe 

a  hatchet  a  parsour  a  mortas  wymble  a  framin 
chesell  a  doz  karving  tooles  &  20s. 

2.  A  hamer   a  hatchet  a  handsawe   a  passor    fforeplane  a 

paring  chysell  and  halfadozen  carving  tools. 

Mason. 

1.  A  plome  rule  a  trowell  and  a  hamaxe. 

2.  A  pykeaxe  a  bryckaxe  &  a  hammeraxe. 

3.  A  Trowell  a  hamer  a  brickaxe  a  square   a  levell  and  a 

handpickaxe. 

Mercer. 

1.  To  a  man  &  his  wife  8  yrs.  To  find  him  to  france  to 
learn  the  language  of  Fraunce  by  the  space  of  one 
hool  vear  of  the  said  terme. 


9 

2.  Bound  to  a  man  and  his  wife.      If  she  survived  her 

husband  and  married  again  the  covenants  to  be 
void. 

3.  A  fustian  lome. 

4.  A  woman  apprenticed  to. 

Merchant  Adventurers. 

1.  9  years.     Old  Haunce. 

2.  11  years.     Old  Haunse. 

3.  Called  the  New  Hance. 

Reders. 

(Burton  next  Trent.)  7  years  23s.  4d.  doble  clothes  for 
holiday  &  worken  days  all  maS  of  tooles,  &c.  A 
Cardynall  legat  &  a  trowell  w*  suche  other  tooles. 

RoUGHEMASON. 

1.  The  seyd  Thomas  Rysshbroke  grauntith  to  teache  the 

seyd  Robart  Nycker  his  craft  aforeseyd  fynding  him 
meat  drynke,  &c.  And  allso  shall  gyve  him  at 
thend  of  the  seyd  terme  Three  pounds  of  good 
Inglish  money  and  dubble  apparell  to  his  bodye 
mete,  &c.  And  allso  one  brykaxe  a  hammeraxe 
a  pykeaxe  and  one  trowell  and  allso  yt  ys  fully 
condescended  and  agreed  betwyn  the  seyd  pties 
that  the  seyd  Thomas  shall  have  take  and  enioye 
to  his  owne  pper  use  the  one  half  of  the  revenues 
and  pfyghts  of  a  certayne  Tenement  wyth  tkap- 
purtenances  wyche  the  seyd  Robart  hathe  in  Crowne 
Thorppe  aforeseyd  during  the  seyd  terme.  In 
Witness,  &c. 

2.  One  of  every  tool  pertaing  to  the  science,  one  lawful 

susst  toole. 

3.  A  trowell  a  plomerule  a  hammeraxe  and  a  squyer. 


10 

4.  Also   the    seyde    Michaell    Knot   further    grauntith    to 

teach  the  sayed  Thomas  Knott  to  play  in  and  upon 
vyolls  vyolette  and  harpe  as  allso  to  synge  playne 
songs  and  pryksongs  at  his  owne  pp  cost  & 
charge  w4n  the  foresayed  terme.  And  to  pave 
&  delyu  or  cause  to  be  payed  and  delyued  unto  the 
sayed  Thomas  at  thend  of  the  foresayd  tearme  iijh 
a  suffycient  vj^oll  a  vyolete  and  a  harpe,  a  trowell 
a  plumberewle  an  hamax  a  square  and  doble 
apparell. 

5.  A  brykaxe  a  hamax,  a  trowell  and  a  pykax. 

6.  A  hamaxe  a  trowell  a  bryck  axe  a  square  a  plomerule 

a  levell  and  a  hand  pykeaxe. 

7.  A  hameraxe  a  pykaxe  a  brykaxe  a  plome  Rewle  &  a 

trowell  and  to  be  allowed  on  the  holy d ayes  &  other 
voyde  times  to  take  advantage  of  his  occon  to  his 
own  use. 

8.  A  trowell  a  hamaxe  a  pykaxe  a  plome  Rewle  &  a  square. 

Saddler  and  Foisterer. 

7  years.  Sup  dorsu  dee  Indenture.  It  is  couermtd  that  the 
seid  Robert  Cook  of  Harleston  shall  delyu  to  the 
seid  laurens  or  his  assign  so  muche  butter  &  chese 
as  shall  be  valued  at  xls.  in  vj  yeres  every  yere  to 
the  valewe  of  vjs.  viijr/.  between  michaelmas  T: 
hallowmas,  for  the  whiche  the  seid  laurens  shall 
Repaye  to  the  seid  John  Cook  at  thend  of  the 
tearme  of  his  seid  yeres  xls.  over  &  beside  the  frseid 
xxs.  provyded  that  if  eyther  of  the  seid  lawrens  or 
John  dep  this  world  w*in  the  seid  yeres  then  the 
deliuey  to  be  relinquyshed  &  lett,  &c. 

Scrivener. 

To  learn  the  Sevens  of  Scrivener  that  is  to  saye  wryting 
reading   &  .  vnderstanding  of   all  manl  of  Evydens 


11 

&  all  other  things  which  the  said  John  is  accustomed 
to  do. 

Silkwoman. 

A  woman  bound  to  Edm.  Pryke  of  Norwich  tailer  &  Elizth. 
his  wife  8  years. 

Smith. 

1.  A  shoing  hamor  a  par  of  pynsens  &  a  botor. 

2.  A  smith's  hammer  weighing  10  lbs. 

Taylor. 

1.  A  pair  of  Taylor's  sheres  and  a  pressen  iron. 

2.  A  peir  of  sheres  a  prssen  Iron  a  yerd  wand  a  neddell 

a  thymble  &  iijs.  iiij^. 

3.  To  serve  10  years,  and  at  end  to  receive  6s.  8d. 

WoRSTEDSHERMAN . 

1.  To   serve  8  years  and  receive  at  end   20s.,   a  peir  of 

sheres,  iij  Kibbles,  doble  arayment,  &  shall  cause 
and  set  forth  the  said  John  to  learne  to  write  and 
rede  perfectly. 

2.  A  pr  of  worsted  shermans  sheres  a  coppell  of  Hybles  a 

shopp. 

3.  To  a  man  &  his  wife  for  10  years ;  40s.  at  end. 

WORSTEDWEAVER. 

1.  9  years. 

2.  1556.     And  the  seid  Edmond  grauntith  to  fynde  the 

seid  Thomas  meate,  &c,  &  all  other  things  after  the 
custome,  &c,  &  shall  teache  him  his  crafte  &  mystery 
in  all  things  after  his  wytt  and  the  seid  Thomas  to 
be  set  furth  in  the  lome  at  Michaelmas  nexte  and 
to  learne  him  to  frequet  his  marketts  to  bye  such 


12 

yerne  &  stuff  as  belong  to  the  mystery  &  to  teache 
the  seid  Thomas  in  the  latter  yere  of  his  terme  to 
sorte  his  yerne  &  warpe  his  lome.  And  to  suffer 
the  seid  Thomas  in  harvest  tyme  yerely  to  go  home 
to  his  friends  in  Bedfordshire  &  to  remayn  there 
one  month.  And  to  gyve  him  in  the  end  of  his 
terme  40s.  gyven  to  the  seid  Edniud  by  Walter 
Grey  uppon  condycon  to  cherysh  the  seid  Thomas ; 
and  to  delyver  him  doble  apparell.  And  if  Thomas 
Dye  w^n  the  terme  the  seid  Edmund  to  pave  the 
seid  40s.  to  "Walter  Grey  or  his  assigns  and  if 
Thomas  lyve  then  at  his  dpture  to  bequeath  at 
his  will  &  pleasor. 

3.  7  years  &  a  year   of   covt  for  which  20s.   and  doble 

arayment. 

4.  At  end  of  terme  a  bedstead  and  a  pair  of  sheets. 

5.  In  the  time  of  harvest  next  before   end  of  terme   to 

suffer  apphtyee  to  dpt  from  service  all  the  time  of 
harvest  to  the  intent  he  may  use  and  occupy 
himself  to  his  own  use  &  profit  in  such  work  as 
he  may  think  best  during  all  the  said  harvest  time. 

6.  7  years  and  a  year  of  covt  in  which  year  to  have  40s. 

and  doble  apparell. 

7.  And  to  find  him  &  sett  to  learnyng  to  wright  &  reade 

w*  some  schole  master  two  harvest  seasens. 

8.  For  two  years,  residue  of  7  promised.     At  the  end  of 

every  cloth  he  shall  weave  during  his  terme  Id. 

9.  8s.  yearly  paid  quarterly. 

10.  Advantage  of   every  harvest  during   said  term  for   8 

weeks. 

11.  To  find  him  to  lernvng  to  wright  and  rede  wl  some 

school  master  two  harvest  seasons. 

12.  9  years.      At  end  of  7  years  13s.  4c/.  at  end  of  8  yrs. 

13s.  4d.  &  at  end  of  9  vrs.  26s.  8d. 


13 

APPENDIX  I. 

Md.  That  the  daye  and  yere  aforeseyd  Symon  Crabb 
Cytezen  of  Norwich  worstedweu  Inrolleth  an  Indenture 
dated  in  the  feast  of  St.  Mathy  thappostell  in  the  yere  of 
our  Lord  1557 l  Sealed  by  Symon  Crabb  his  sonn  wherby 
the  seyd  Symon  Crabb  thonger  hath  put  himselfe  appren- 
tyce  to  his  seyd  father  unto  his  occupaton  of  worsted- 
weavinge.  And  wyth  his  said  father  and  his  assignes  to 
serve  from  the  seyd  feast  of  St.  Mathy e  thappostell  unto 
thend  of  Seaven  yeres  During  wch  seyd  tearme  he  grauntyth 
to  doo  all  things  as  yt  becometh,  &c.  Allso  the  se}rd  Symon 
thelder  covenhts  and  grauntyth  to  fynde  his  seyd  sonn 
meat  drinke  lynnen  woollen  hose  shoos,  &c,  dureing  the 
seyd  tearme.  Furthermore  he  grauntyth  to  teach  his  seyd 
sonn  his  seyd  crafte  geving  him  reasonable  chastysements 
for  his  defaults  and  to  gyve  him  in  th'end  of  the  seyd 
tearme  xxs.  and  doble  apparell  in  lynnen  and  woollen,  &c. 


APPENDIX  II. 

Tempore  Johnis  Aldryche  Maioris  Memorand  Quod 
vndecimo  die  mensis  Maij  Anno  Regni  dne  Elizabeth  regine 
T;c.  Primon  Simon  Petyt  civis  Norwici  worstedweaver  ac 
executor  testamenti  et  vltime  voluntatis  Simonis  Crabbe  de 
Norwico  predicta  worstedweaver  Irrotulari  fecit  quandam 
Indenture  Cujus  quidem  tenor  sequitur  in  hec  verba. 

This  Indenture  made  in  the  feast  of  St.  Mathy  thappos- 
tell in  the  yeare  of  oure  lorde  god  m1q  ccccc  and  lvii 
Bytwen  Symonde  Crabb  of  the  Cytie  of  Norwich  worsted 
weu  on  thone  ptye  and  Symon  Crabbe  his  sonne  on  the 
other  pty  Wytnesseth  that   the  seyde  Symon  the  younger 

1  30th  April,  1558. 


14 

of  his  owne  proper  mynde  and  frewyll  have  ordeyned  and 
put  him  selfe  in  the  maS  of  apprentjxe  and  a  servant  unto 
the  seyde  Symon  his  father  unto  the  crafte  and  mystery  of 
worsted  weaving.  And  with  the  seyde  Symon  his  father 
and  his  assignies  in  the  manner  of  apprentyce  and  a  servant 
to  remain  and  serve  from  the  sejTde  feast  of  St.  Mathy  unto 
thend  and  tearme  of  Seaven  veres  next  inswinge  to  be 
complet  and  ended.  Duering  which  tearme  the  seyd  Symon 
thonger  shall  the  seyde  Symon  his  father  as  his  master  him 
to  serve  and  obbey  in  all  lefull  and  lawfull  as  it  becometh 
a  servant  to  be.  The  secreats  of  his  master  he  shall  not 
discover  but  his  precepts  lawfull  and  honest  he  shall  dyli- 
gently  fulfill.  The  goodf  of  his  seyde  Mr.  he  shall  not 
inordynatly  waste  the  taverne  nor  the  Alehouse  in  custome 
he  shall  not  use  nor  haunte.  Also  he  shall  se  no  hurt  to  be 
done  to  his  seyde  master  of  no  person  nor  persons  but  hym 
shall  ajde  helpe  and  defende  with  all  his  might  poure  and 
strenkith.  Fornycacon  nor  adultery  in  the  mean  season 
with  any  woman  within  his  master's  place  he  shall  not 
comyte  in  payne  of  dubling  his  yeres  Matrimony  nor  con- 
tract with  any  woman  he  shall  not  make  without  lycence  of 
his  seyde  Mr.  Allso  he  shall  not  absent  hymselfe  from  his 
masters  place  privye  nor  pert  neyther  by  daye  nor  by  night 
but  at  all  tymes  conveynent  to  be  delygent  and  redy  at 
hande  as  yt  becometh  a  servant  to  be.  Also  companyes 
Suspecte  places  dishonest  playes  and  games  prohibited  and 
forbodyn  in  no  manner  a  wise  he  shall  exercise  which  should 
be  grevous  or  hurtefull  to  his  seyde  Mr.  but  the  goods  and 
cattells  of  his  seyde  Mr.  he  shall  well  and  trewly  keape 
and  thereof  to  him  make  answere.  Allso  he  shall  behave 
himselfe  gently  ageynst  his  seyde  Mr.  and  his  in  all  things  as 
it  becometh  a  servant  to  be  all  the  hooll  tearme  aforeseyde. 
Furthermore  the  se}Tde  Symon  Crabb  the  elder  covenanteth 
and  grauntith  by  theis  presents  y*  he  shall  f}Tnde  or  do  to 
be  founde  the    sevde    Svmon   Crabb  thonger   all    the   hole 


15 

terme  aforeseyd  meat  and  drynke  suffyciently  clothes  to  his 
bodye  and  bedd  hosis  shoos  and  all  other  necessaryes  as  yt 
becometh  a  sarvant  to  have  after  thuse  and  custume  of  the 
seyde  Cytye  of  Norwich.  Allso  the  seyde  Symon  thelder 
shall  learne  and  teach  or  do  to  be  learned  and  taught  the 
seyde  Symon  thonger  his  crafte  and  mystery  as  well  in 
byeinge  and  sellinge  as  in  workinge  as  fare  as  the  capacity 
and  wit  of  the  seyde  Symon  wyll  extende  and  take.  Allso 
the  seyde  Symon  thelder  shall  gyve  to  the  seyde  Symon 
thonger  for  his  defaults  reasonable  chastysementf .  Allsoo 
the  seyde  Symon  thelder  shall  gyve  and  deliver  or  do  to  be 
given  and  delyvered  to  the  seyde  Symon  thonger  at  the  ende 
and  tearme  of  the  seyde  yeres  for  his  covenant  the  Some 
of  xxs.  of  goode  Englishe  money  with  doble  apparell  that 
is  to  saye  one  for  the  holye  daye  and  one  for  the  worken 
daye.  In  witness  whereof  the  parties  aboveseyde  to  theis 
Indentures  enterchaungeably  have  sett  to  ther  Sealls  in  the 
yeare  and  daye  abovewrytten. 


16 

%\t    Squire    papers. 

Students  of  Carlyle  will  remember  the  fierce  controversy 
which  arose  some  years  ago  as  to  the  genuineness  of  some 
letters  alleged  to  be  by  Cromwell,  communicated  to  Carlyle 
by  an  anonymous  correspondent,  which  letters  are  to  be 
found  at  the  end  of  vol.  ii.  of  Cromwell's  Letters  and  Speeches. 
(Chapman  and  Hall,  1871.) 

Various  expressions  and  words  which  occur  in  them —  e.g., 
"put  up  with,"  "back  us,"  "sweating  hard,"  "a  rare  survey," 
"  I  shall  be  cross,"  "  I  sadly  fear,"  "  mind  and  come  on," 
"  cravat,"  "  no  nonsense,"  "  those  slow  fellows,"  "  no  im- 
position," "I  must  insist,"  "  stand  no  nonsense,"  "Lanciers" 
— seemed  to  many  most  unlikely  to  have  occurred  in 
correspondence  of  the  period  in  which  they  were  alleged  to 
have  been  written.  But  I  do  not  think  any  of  the  critics 
noticed  that  "  London  Lane,"  in  Xorwich,  where  "  Cornet 
Squire  "  was  directed  to  purchase  some  hosiery  for  Cromwell, 
(p.  279)  was  never  so  called,  and  that  London  Street  was 
then,  and  until  quite  recently,  called  "  Cockey  Lane." 

The  list  "of  those  who  joined  us  at  the  siege  of  Lynn" 
(pp.  291-2-3)  seems  to  me  to  bear  the  strongest  internal 
evidence  of  forgery.  Every  one  knows  how  extremely  rare 
double  Christian  names  were  at  the  time  referred  to,  but  in 
a  list  of  one  hundred  and  forty  names  only  no  less  than  four 
instances  occur,  viz.,  Price  Stephen  Read,  "William  Valentine 
Thurtou,  Thomas  Christian  Lowger,  and  Peter  A.  Money. 

The  proportion  of  unusual  Christian  names  is  also  most 
absurdly  large,  e.g.,  Constantine,  Hiram,  Octavius,  Japhet, 
Levi,  Isaiah,  Simon,  Jonathan,  Moses,  Alwyn,  Hezekiah, 
Aram,  Zatthu,  Ahimelech,  Sheckaniah,  Tobias,  Icheil,  Zeche- 
riah,  Selah,  Manna,  Aaron,  Eleazar,  Ishmael,  Villellius, 
Zered,  Israel,  Hubert,  Amphillius,  Allwurd,  Cladius,  Egbert, 
Pious,  Jesophat,  Shem,  &c.  TV  R. 


THE     EIOT 

BETWEEN 

t  Ufaitks  antr  Ci%tts  of  jfrrfofcfy 

In  1272. 


My  excuses  for  going  so  much  at  length  into  this  episode 
in  Norwich  history  are,  first,  that  it  is  in  itself  a  striking 
example  of  the  struggles  which  took  place  in  early  times 
between  the  religious  and  the  secular  parties ;  and,  secondly, 
that  the  accounts  hitherto  published  of  it,  and  of  the 
previous  disputes  which  led  to  it,  simply  teem  with  errors l 
and  with  wild  word-painting  of  the  weakest  character. 

Disputes  first  arose  between  the  tenants  of  the  monks  and 
the  citizens  of  Norwich,  in  the  reign  of  King  John,  as  to 
their  respective  rights  of  commoning  on  the  lands  between 
Eaton,  Lakenham,  Horsford  Bridge,  and  Norwich,  owing, 
it  is  said,  to  the  monks,  who  had  an  earlier  charter  than  the 

1  Two  samples  will  suffice. 

(1)  Blomefield  (blindly,  as  ever,  followed  by  Dean  Goulburn)  states  that 
the  citizens  robbed  and  burned  the  convent  in  1234,  but  the  authority  they 
cite  refers  to  a  totally  different  occurrence,  viz.,  the  burning  of  some  Jews' 
houses  (vide  Appendix  33,  No.  3.) 

(2)  The  immediate  origin  of  the  riot  in  1272  is  said  by  Dean  Goulburn 
(thus  rashly  deserting  Blomefield  for  an  erratic  path  of  his  own  composing) 
to  be  a  dispute  as  to  an  inquest  which  did  not  take  place  till  1286  (vide 
Appendix  33,  No.  7.) 

VOL.    II.]  C 


18 

citizens,  being  jealous  of  the  rights  claimed  by  the  latter. 
The  dispute  was  arranged  by  a  fine  levied  in  the  King's 
Court.2 

Soon  after, — and  I  mention  this  to  show  that  the  ecclesi- 
astics did  not  quarrel  only  with  their  citizen  neighbours, — a 
dispute  arose  between  the  Bishop  and  the  Crown,  and  certain 
men  of  the  former  were  sent  to  prison  and  their  lands 
seized — not  to  be  released  till  1241.3 

In  1244  some  sort  of  decision  seems  to  have  been  made  as 
to  the  relative  liability  of  the  monks  and  citizens  to  make 
up  the  £100  for  the  annual  tax  of  the  City,  it  being  men- 
tioned on  the  Pipe  Roll  for  that  year  that  the  Prior's  tenants 
who  dwelt  in  Norwich  and  held  there  of  the  King  should 
find  £20  of  it. 

In  1249-50  the  Prior  was  prosecuted  for  taking  haliday 
toll  of  the  bakers  and  others  of  the  City,  but,  pleading 
custom,  was  discharged. 

The  first  actual  bloodshed  of  which  I  find  any  record  was 
in  1256-7,  and  took  place  in  a  dispute  between  John  de 
Letton4  and  Robert  de  Montekaniso  (a  clergyman)  and 
Ralph  the  Priory  baker,  during  which  the  baker  threw  a 
stone  at  John  and  hurt  him  on  the  forehead,  on  which 
John  drew  his  sword  and  mortally  wounded  the  baker,  who 
struggled  into  the  Priory,  followed,  to  the  very  gate,  by 
his  two  opponents.  The  injured  man  died  on  the  fourth 
day,  and  the  City  Bailiffs  were  not  allowed  to  hold  an  inquest 
on  his  body,  as  indeed  it  is  difficult  to  see  why  they  should 
have  been.5 

In  the  same  year  the  Prior  was  presented  for  collecting 
Landgable   of  the  citizens   after    dinner,  though   the  City 

2  Blomefield's  Norfolk,  iii.  p.  41,  and  see  Appendix  21,  pp.  93  and  102. 

3  Close  Roll,  25  Henry  III.,  part  1,  mem.  3. 

4  A  John  de  Lettun  was  the  donor  of  land  in  Dillington  to  Castleacre 
Priory. — Blomefield's  Norfolk,  x.  p.  48. 

5  Appendix  1. 


19 

Bailiffs  had  taken  it  before  dinner  (Appendix  1)   and  also 
for  that  he  would  not  allow  the  bailiffs  to  enter  and  distrain. 

In  another  case  (set  out  in  Appendix  2)  the  Prior  would 

not  allow  an  inquest  to  be  held  on  a  man  named  Gerard 

Godsoloche,  who  was  drowned  in   the   Wensum  and   came 

ashore  on  the  Prior's  fee.     And  here  again  he  would,  prima 

facie,  seem  to  be  in  the  right. 

During  the  next  year  the  monks  and  their  servants  came 
into  open  collision  with  the  bailiffs,  who  alleged  that  ten  of 
them  entered  the  city  vi  et  armis  and  beat,  wounded,  and 
ill-treated  the  bailiffs  because  they  endeavoured  to  preserve 
the  liberties  of  the  City  (Appendix  3) .  The  incursion  of  the 
monks  and  their  followers  seems  to  have  been  to  try  to 
expel  the  bailiffs  from  a  tenement  which  Simon  de  Castro 
formerly  held  in  capite  of  the  King. 

On  the  last  day  of  the  Feast  of  the  Holy  Trinity,6  56 
Henry  III.  (1272)  the  dispute 7  arose  which  eventually  led 
to  the  disastrous  outbreak  described  hereafter. 

A  "  standard "  or  quintain  was  erected  in  Tombland, 
probably  for  the  use  of  the  citizens  only,  many  of  whom 
came  and  broke  spears  against  it ;  the  chief  being  Geoffrey 
Brun,  Stephen  le  Blunt,  "  clericus,"  Henry  Godale,  Robert 
Bonenfaunt,  Hugh  de  Coventry,  and  Walter  Drake.  Among 
the  spectators  were  several,8  probably  servants,  belonging  to 

6  Trinity  Sunday  this  year  fell  on  the  19th  June. 

7  Dean  Goulburn  states  that  had  "blood  had  "been  caused  two  days  "before  "by 
a  dispute  as  to  the  Prior's  jurisdiction  on  the  occasion  of  an  inquest  held  on 
one  Hervey  de  Vallibus,  who  had  been  accidentally  killed,  hut  this  is  all  a 
mistake,  vide  Appendix  33,  No.  7.  A  Hervey  de  Vallibus,  probably  father 
or  grandfather  of  this  man,  had  been  Bailiff  of  the  City  in  1248. 

8  "Et  ibidem  interfuissent  quidam  de  Prioratu  Norwyci,"  which  has  been 
curiously  translated  by  the  Dean  that  Geoffrey  le  Brun  and  others  "  fell  on 
a  man  of  the  Priory  and  killed  him  (!)  " 

c  2 


20 

the  Priory,  and  during  the  sport  a  quarrel,  nominally  arising 
in  a  scramble  for  the  broken  truncheons  of  the  spears,  began 
between  them  and  the  citizens.  Too  ready  for  any  pretext 
for  renewing  the  old  feud,  the  townsmen  drove  the  Prior's 
retainers  back  into  the  Priory. 

During  this  assault,  one  William  le  Messer  from  within 
shot  out  a  bolt  from  his  crossbow  and  killed  Adam  de  Newen- 
ton,  one  of  the  citizens,  on  the  spot,  thus  drawing  the  first 
blood.9  On  this  the  City  Coroners  held  an  inquest  and  found 
the  Prior's  men  guilty  of  murder,  and  not  long  after  arrested 
two  whom  they  caught  in  the  City  Liberties.1  Thereupon 
the  Prior  procured  the  citizens  to  be  excommunicated  and 
laid  under  an  interdict — the  Bull  says  for  the  assault,  but 
Blomefield  for  a  breach  of  privilege  in  holding  the  inquest. 

In  August  the  Prior's  men  closed  their  gates  and  hung 
out  scutcheons,  targets,  bucklers,  and  crossbows,  and  shooting 
over  the  walls  wounded  many.2 

Overtures  for  peace  seem  to  have  been  made  on  the  part 
of  the  citizens,  who  sent  certain  Friars  Preachers 3  and  nuns 
to  the  Prior.  The  negotiations  went  so  far  that  by  arrange- 
ment each  party  chose  arbitrators,  who  came  to  an  agree- 
ment which  was  sealed  by  the  citizens  with  their  common 
seal,  but  to  which  the  Prior  declined  to  affix  the  seal  of  his 
Chapter,  only  offering  to  put  his  own  private  seal  to  it. 

The  next  incident  to  which  we  come  is,  that  on  the  Sunday 
before  St.  Laurence4  the  Prior  brought  up  from  Yarmouth 


9  Crown  Flea  Roll,  Appendix  12.  The  old  roll  at  fo.  127  of  the  Book  of 
Charters  of  the  City,  quoted  by  Blomefield,  vol.  iii.  p.  61  [vide  Appendix  17), 
says  that  many  of  the  townsmen  were  killed  in  the  fray. 

1  The  same  old  roll  as  quoted  by  Blomefield,  vol.  iii.  p.  61. 

2  It  is  not  stated  that  they  killed  anyone. —  Vide  Appendix  33,  Xo.  9. 

3  The  friars,  it  can  be  hardly  doubted,  were  not  unwilling,  for  their  own 
reasons,  to  appear  in  this  position  as  against  the  monks. 

4  St  Laurence  is  the  10th  of  August. 


21 

and  elsewhere,  three  barges  full  of  armed  men,  with  "  guns," 
bows,  and  arrows,  and  other  weapons,  who  came  into  the 
town  beating  drums  and  sounding  trumpets  as  though  in 
war.  Thus  reinforced,  the  Prior's  men  sallied  out  at  night, 
killed  and  wounded  several,  robbed  a  merchant  called  Alfred 
Cutler5  of  £20  and  more,  and  broke  open  Hugh  de  Brom- 
holm's  tavern,  drinking  what  wine  they  pleased  and  wasting 
the  rest.6  They  are  also  said  to  have  fired  three  houses  near 
the  Grey  Friars  and  burned  them  down.7 

The  City  authorities  are  said  to  have  immediately  sent 
letters  of  complaint  to  the  King,8  and  summoned  the  citizens 
to  meet  in  the  Market  Place  at  ten  the  next  day,  according 
to  the  Liber  Albns  (Appendix  22)  to  bring  to  justice  those 
who  had  made  "  an  illegal  castle  "  in  their  City — a  view 
borne  out  by  the  fact  that  their  chief  officers  were  among  the 
so-called  rioters.  That  it  was  a  general  muster  there  can 
be  little  doubt,  though  of  course  we  shall  never  know 
whether  the  statement  in  Pope  Gregory's  Bull,  that  the 
voice  of  the  crier  and  the  sound  of  the  bell  called  up  all  in 
the  city  over  twelve  years  of  age,  is  correct  or  not. 

Accordingly,  on  the  next  day,  which  was  the  Monday  next 
before  the   Feast   of    St.  Laurence,   viz.,   the   9th  August,9 

5  Rob.  le  Cotiller  took  part  in  the  subsequent  assault. 

6  The  old  roll,  quoted  before  by  Blomefield,  vol.  iii.  p.  57.  Substantially 
the  same  account  is  given  in  the  Liber  de  Antiquis  Legibus  (Appendix  22), 
which  states  that  the  men  who  were  brought  were  some  of  those  who  during 
the  late  civil  war  had  existed  as  thieves,  robbers,  and  malefactors.  Some  of 
those  afterwards  slain  were  certainly  from  Yarmouth  and  its  neighbourhood, 
vide  Crown  Plea  Roll  in  Appendix  12,  which  mentions,  i.a.,  John  le  Wayte  of 
Yarmouth,  Roger  of  Fyleby,  and  Thomas  at  Holver  of  Yarmouth.  It  should 
not  be  forgotten,  moreover,  that  the  Priory  at  Yarmouth  was  a  cell  of 
Norwich  Priory,  both  being  founded  by  Bishop  Herbert  de  Lozinga. 

7  Blomefield,  iii.  p.  55. 

8  The  old  roll  cited  by  Blomefield,  vol.  iii.  p.  57,  now  unluckily  lost. 

9  The  date  is  fixed  by  the  official  entry  of  the  Crown  Plea  Roll  (Appendix 
12). — Harrod  says  Tuesday,  the  9th  August,  Cotton  says  the  last  of  St. 
Laurence. 


22 

Geoffrey  le  Brim,  Stephen  le  Blunt,  and  many  others ] 
whose  names  are  set  out  in  the  Crown  Plea  Roll,  and  among 
whom  were  no  less  than  fifteen  clergy  and  chaplains2  met, 
with  the  result  I  have  now  to  describe. 

Thev  attacked  the  Priorv  bv  the  Ethelbert  Gate,  against 
which  they  placed  fire,  and  so  burned  it  down.  The  parish 
church  of  St.  Ethelbert,  which  then  stood  just  within  these 
gates,  and  which  it  may  be  presumed  was  held  by  the  de- 
fenders as  an  outwork,  was  next  taken  and  burned,  and,  it 
is  said,  all  its  ornaments,  books,  and  images  stolen. 

The  fire  flaring  up  caught  the  belfry,3  by  which  I  presume 
was  meant  the  bell  tower  which  stood  between  the  Ethelbert 
and  the  Erpingham  Gates,  rather  nearer  the  latter  than  the 
former,  and  it  was  destroyed.  What  other  mischief  was 
done  it  is  impossible  to  say,  so  glaring  are  the  exaggerations 
of  the  monkish  writers.  The  Pope's  Bull  says  the  Cathedral, 
the  belfry,  dormitory,  refectory,  infirmary,  treasury,  sacristy, 
guest  chamber,  and  so  on, — in  fact,  all  the  place,   "  except 

1  The  Dean  says  129,  of  whom  two  were  women.  The  roll  says  "  127  and 
others,"  and  specifies  three  women.  John  de  Oxnead  says  32,000  ! !  The 
completed  list  I  have  compiled  (post  pp.  30,  31)  gives  the  names  of  173. 

2  They  were  Robert  de  Acle,  capellanus ;  Elyas  de  Buris,  clericus ;  Thomas 
Dudde,  clericus;  Robert  de  Kancia,  clericus;  Hugh  de  Coventry,  clericus; 
Peter  de  Kyrbrok,  clericus ;  Nicholas  de  Wichingham,  clericus ;  John 
Faggelman,  clericus ;  Henry  Curteys,  clericus ;  Varin,  capellanus  of  the 
parish  of  St.  Olave ;  Robert  Bene,  capellanus ;  Wm.  le  Blunt,  clericus ; 
Thomas  de  Keteringham,  clericus ;  Stephen  le  Blunt,  clericus ;  John  de 
Reynesthorp,  clericus ;  besides  whom  there  were  Benedict,  Roger  and 
Thomas,  the  sons  of  Peter,  clericus.  Eleven  of  the  assailants  held  land  or 
houses. 

3  The  London  chronicler,  in  Appendix  22,  says  it  caught  accidentally 
through  a  fire  some  smiths  made  in  it,  and  left  when  they  fled.  Cotton  says 
fire  was  thrown  into  it  by  balista?.  But  he  talks  of  the  fire  being  thrown 
from  the  tower  of  St.  George  into  the  great  bell-tower  which  was  beyond  the 
choir,  which,  if  it  means  anything,  means  the  tower  which  carries  the  spire, 
and  this  has  clearly  never  suffered  from  fire.  There  is  no  sign  of  any  tower 
beyond  the  choir. 


23 

three  or  four  buildings,"4  is  said  to  have  been  burned 
Against  this  we  have  the  simple  still-enduring  fact  that  the 
Norman  work  all  over  the  Cathedral  yet  remains  perfectly 
uninjured,  and  therefore  could  not  have  been  burnt  down  in 
the  ordinary  acceptance  of  the  word.  Dr.  Jessopp  pointed 
out  to  me  on  the  stonework  of  the  south  part  of  the  choir 
traces  of  fire,  which  seems  to  have  entered  at  the  windows 
and  licked  the  southern  faces  of  the  pillars,  but  never  to 
have  come  round  them.5  I  expect  the  real  explanation  of 
the  apparently  irreconcileable  difficulty  may  be  found  in  the 
London  chronicler,  who,  referring  to  the  mischief  done,  says, 
"  what  could  be  burned  was  reduced  to  ashes/'  and  that  of  the 
Cathedral  itself  the  woodwork  only  suffered. 

One  thing  we  do  know,  and  that  is  that  only  thirteen  of 
the  defenders  were  slain  ; 6  and  if  the  "  32,000  "  infuriated 
rioters  of  which  Cotton  talks  were  as  moderate  in  their 
arson  as  in  their  manslaughter,  it  is  highly  unlikely  that 
they  would  have  done  as  much  mischief  as  has  been  said. 
Knowing  too,  as  we  do,  that  the  assailants  who  could  be 
identified  only  numbered  173,  we  can  place  but  little  reliance 
on  the  strict  accuracy  of  a  historian  who  runs  up  the  number 
to  32,000. 

That,  unluckily,  they  did  mischief  enough  in  all  conscience 
is  only  too  clear.  They,  or  some  of  their  followers,  are  said 
to  have  seized  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  the  sacred  vessels 
of  gold  and  silver,  the  candelabra,  the  vestments,  and  so  on.7 
That  the  chief  men  of  the  City  party  condescended  to  such 

4  Cotton  say 8  "except  the  Chapel  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,"  but  Matthew- 
Paris  says  "  except  the  Chapel  of  St.  Walter."     Both  cannot  be  right. 

5  This  of  course  maybe  the  result  of  the  fire  of  1171-2,  mentioned  by 
Bartholomew  de  Cotton,  and  overlooked  by  Blomefield  and  the  Dean. 

6  Their  names  are  given  in  Appendix  12.  The  Bull  says,  "some  clerks 
and  laics"  ;  Cotton  says,  "  many  monks,  some  subdeacons,  and  some  clerks" 
— as  usual  proving  too  much,  for  none  of  the  thirteen  seem  to  have  been 
monks. 

7  The  documents  unluckily  suffered. — Appendix  21,  p.  227. 


24 

plunder  is  hardly  likely,  considering  their  high  position  and 
wealth  in  the  City ;  but,  like  others  who  have  appealed  to 
force,  they  probably  found  that  they  had  raised  a  devil 
they  could  not  lay,  and  lost  control  over  some  of  their 
followers. 

Though  perhaps  they  lost  control  so  far  as  to  be  unable 
to  stop  plunder,  it  is  clear  they  were  strong  enough  to  stop 
any  massacre.  Whatever  they  did  when  once  they  were 
in  possession,  seems  to  have  been  done  deliberately.  The 
Bull  admits  that  regular  sentence  of  death  was  passed  on 
some  of  those  killed,  and  Cotton  goes  further  in  saying  that 
some  were  taken  out  and  executed  in  the  City,8  and  others 
imprisoned,  while  Oxnead  says  that  the  thirty  servants  were 
taken  out  and  brought  before  the  City  tribunal,  and  so 
condemned. 

Where  the  monks  rallied  and  took  refuge  we  cannot  sav, 
but  it  is  clear  they  kept  together  and  made  a  stand ;  for 
the  day  after  the  assault  the  Prior,  William  de  Brunham, 
himself  slew  a  man  (John  Casmus) 9  by  striking  him  on  the 
head  with  a  falchion.1 

The  news  of  so  important  a  disturbance  as  this  was  not 
long  in  coming  to  the  King,  nor  was  he  long  in  acting  on  it. 
How  it  was  conveyed  to  him,  and  in  what  form,  we  shall 
never  know ; 2  but  it  would  seem  that  it  was  not  altogether 
favourable  to  the  monks,  for  in  his  letters  patent,  (Appendix 
4)  dated  15th  August,  56  Henry  III.,  he  refers  to  "many 
conflagrations,  homicides,  and  losses,  which  had  been  perpe- 
trated as  well  in  the  Priory  as  in  the  town."     By  such  letters 

8  Some  sort  of  trial  no  doubt  took  place,  for  the  Common  Pleas  Roll  says 
some  of  the  monks'  retainers  were  beheaded. 

9  Nicholas  Kasemus  was  one  of  those  condemned  by  the  Inquisition  for 
his  share  in  the  assault. 

1  Appendix  16. 

2  Of  the  aggressions  by  the  monks  a  day  or  two  before,  the  citizens  had 
already  complained  to  him. 


25 

patent  he  sent  Hugh  Pecche,  Geoffrey  de  Percy,  and  Ralph 
de  Bakepuz3  to  Norwich  to  take  charge  of  the  City,  and 
ordered  the  Sheriffs  of  Norwich  and  Suffolk  and  the  bur- 
gesses and  commonalty  of  the  City  to  help  them  in  every 
way.  On  the  same  day  he  also  commanded  the  Bailiffs  of 
Colchester  to  stop  and  detain  the  person  and  goods  of  any 
burgess  of  Norwich  who  came  into  their  district,4  and  sent 
letters  patent  to  William  Giffard,5  Constable  of  Norwich 
Castle,  or  to  his  sub- constable,  apprising  them  of  the 
appointment  of  Pecche  and  the  two  others,  and  com- 
manding him  to  receive  them  into  the  Castle  and  aid  them 
in  every  way.   (Appendix  5.) 

Not  long  after  he  seems  to  have  thought  the  matter  of 
sufficient  importance  to  need  his  personal  presence ;  for  he 
set  out  for  Norfolk  via  Bury  St.  Edmund's,  whence  on  the 
6th  September  he  sent  letters  patent  to  the  same  William 
Giffard,  stating  that  he  was  hastening  to  Norwich  to  punish 
the  offenders,  and  ordering  him  to  summon  all  knights  and 

3  Of  these  three  Commissioners  I  can  find  but  little.  Reference  to  Foss's 
Judges  shows  that  they  had  never  filled  any  judicial  office.  They  were 
probably  country  knights  of  some  importance,  and  nothing  more.  A  Sir 
Ralph  de  Bakepuz  was  one  of  the  jurors  as  to  knights'  fees  in  Notts  and 
Derby  {Testa  de  Nevill,  p.  17),  and  another  of  the  same  name  occurs  at 
various  times  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  III.  and  Edward  I.,  as  holding  land 
and  having  grant  of  free  warreD  in  Somerset.  Sir  Geoffrey  de  Percy  was 
apparently  of  Kent,  and  just  before  the  time  of  the  riot  had  acted  as  counsel 
for  Queen  Eleanor  in  a  suit  against  John  Tresgoz  and  others  {Abt.  Plac. 
p.  182.)  He  was  brother-in-law  to  Gilbert  de  Kirkeby,  who  was  a  Justice 
of  Assize  in  1293,  which  may  have  had  something  to  do  with  his  appoint- 
ment. Sir  Hugh  Pecche  was  a  Suffolk  knight,  and  his  wife  was  a  Segrave, 
a  family  which  numbered  more  than  one  justiciary  among  its  members.  In 
40  Henry  III.  he  bought  the  right  to  hunt  in  the  King's  forests  in  Wor- 
cester and  Hunts. 

4  It  is  elsewhere  stated  (Blomefield  iii.,  p.  54)  that  similar  letters  were 
sent  to  all  ports  in  England  and  France,  but  I  find  no  authority  for  this. 
There  are,  at  all  events,  no  entries  to  that  effect  on  the  Patent  Roll. 

5  The  Sheriffs  of  the  county  after  25  Henry  III.  always  had  the  custody 
of  the  Castle. — Kirkpatrick's  Notes  concerning  Norwich  Castle,  p.  110. 


26 

free  tenants  holding  twenty  librates  of  land  and  upwards  to 
come  before  him  at  Norwich  on  Thursday  in  the  octaves  of 
the  Nativity  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  next.  (Appendix  6.) 
Other  letters  were  sent  the  same  day  to  the  Sheriff  of 
Cambridge  and  Huntingdon  to  bring  a  jury  of  twenty- four 
knights  and  free  tenants  having  the  same  qualification. 
(Appendix  6.) 

Four  days  later  (10th  September)  the  King,  who  was 
still  at  Bury  St.  Edmund's,  sent  letters  patent  to  the  bailiffs, 
the  burgesses,  and  the  commonalty  of  Yarmouth,  stating 
that,  as  from  trustworthy  information  he  learned  that  certain 
contentions  and  discords  might  easily  arise  in  their  town,  he 
sent  "Walter  de  Burges  (the  Marshal  of  his  Household)  to 
arrest  and  hold  in  safe  custody  certain  suspected  persons, 
whose  names  the  said  "William  was  to  let  them  know,  and 
they  were  also  to  choose  twenty-four  faithful  and  discreet 
burgesses,  who  were  to  be  at  Norwich  on  the  Wednesday 
after  the  Exaltation  of  the  Holy  Cross.  (Appendix  7.) 

The  King  entered  the  City  on  the  14th  September,  the 
Interdict  being  withdrawn  for  his  convenience,  and  on  the 
23rd  September  ordered  Ralph  de  Bakepuz  and  Geoffrey  de 
Percy  to  give  over  the  City  to  Hugh  Pecche  and  Hervey 
de  Stanhou,  to  whose  charge  he  committed  it ;  Hervey 
accounting  for  the  income,  &c,  of  the  City  to  the  Exchequer. 
(Appendix  8.) 

It  is  quite  clear  that  however  dissatisfied  the  King  was 
with  the  citizens,  he  was  equally  so  with  the  monks ;  for 
on  the  same  day  he  took  possession  of  the  Priory  and  its 
possessions,  and  committed  it  to  Robert  de  "Waucham,  Prior 
of  Dunham,  who  was  to  answer  to  him  for  all  the  profits, 
except  reasonable  sustenance  to  the  sub-prior  and  convent. 
(Appendix  9.) 

"Within  the  next  day  or  two6  the  King  left  Norwich  for 

6  Blomefield  iii.,  p.  56,  states  that  he  left  on  the  27th  September,  but  the 
letters  patent  show  he  was  at  "Walsingham  by  the  26th. 


27 

Walsingham,  whence,  on  the  26th  September,  he  sent  to 
the  Sheriff  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  commanding  him  to 
assist  Pecche  and  de  Stanhowe  in  every  way.  (Appendix  10.) 

The  punishment  meted  out  to  the  citizens  was  severe. 
Twenty-nine7  of  them  (and  possibly  19  more,  see  later)  were 
dragged  to  the  gallows  and  hung,  and  their  bodies  after- 
wards burned. 

The  day  after  the  King  left  Norwich,  William  de  Brunham, 
the  Prior,  resigned  the  Priory  into  his  Bishop's  hands, — a 
somewhat  formal  proceeding,  considering  his  Priory  and  its 
possessions  had  already  been  taken  by  the  King. 

On  the  16th  November  the  King,  whose  end  was  not 
improbably  hastened  by  this  strain  on  him,  died  at  West- 
minster, and  on  the  4th  December  Edward  I.  sent  his  letters 
patent  to  the  Sheriff  confirmatory  of  the  appointment  of 
Pecche  and  Stanhow,  and  also  ordered  him  to  summon 
before  him  a  jury  of  true  and  free  men  by  whom  the  truth 
as  to  certain  enquiries  they  were  directed  to  make  might 
best  be  found  out.  (Appendix.  11.) 

If  we  believe  the  Liber  de  Antiquis  Leglbus  this  resulted  in 
an  inquisition  of  forty  knights  living  near  the  City,  finding 
(1)  that  the  Church  was  burned  by  accident  through  the 
smiths  employed  by  the  Prior,  (2)  that  the  Prior  proposed 
to  burn  the  whole  City,  placing  fire  to  it  in  three  places,  and 
(3)  that  the  Prior  was  guilty  of  homicide,  robbery,  &c,  &c. 

Unluckily  I  can  find  no  trace  of  such  an  inquisition,  but 
that  some  such  a  finding  was  actually  made  is  sufficiently 
clear  from  the  fact  that  Bartholomew  de  Cotton  on  behalf  of 
the  monks  admits  it,  but  alleges  it  was  obtained  through  the 
rich  citizens  bribing  (La.)  the  justices  and  the  jury  of  forty- 
eight  belted  knights — a  most  improbable  story.  The  London 
chronicler  goes  on  to  say  that  the  King  caused  the  Prior 
to  be  taken  into  custody  and  to  be  delivered  to  his  Bishop 

7  The  Liber  de  Ant.  Leg.  says  "  about  thirty." 


28 

to  be  tried,  but  that  the  latter,  being  unduly  favorable  to 
him,  allowed  him  to  purge  himself  after  the  manner  of 
ecclesiastics.8 

In  the  13th  year  of  his  reign,  Edward  I.,  in  his  letters 
patent  (Appendix  13)  regranting  the  City  to  the  citizens, 
twice  refers  to  the  transgressions  the  citizens  were  said  to 
have  done,  and  this  certainly  bears  out  the  idea  that  more 
careful  enquiry  reversed  the  finding  of  the  first  jury. 

At  this  length  of  time  one  can  hardly  form  an  opinion  on 
the  merits  of  the  case,  but  an  attempt  to  do  so  may  not  be 
out  of  place. 

The  result  of  such  an  attempt  seems  to  prove  that,  however 
unwisely  the  citizens  may  have  acted  in  taking  the  law  into 
their  own  hands,  instead  of  waiting  the  result  of  their 
complaint  to  the  King,  the  real  blame  of  the  affair  rests 
with  the  monks,  and  notably  with  their  Prior. 

Without  professing  to  go  into  any  lengthened  argument,  I 
think  all  the  following  points  tell  strongly  in  favour  of  this 
view. 

1.  The  dispute  as  to  the  truncheons  of  the  spears  at  the 
quintain  play  appears  to  have  been  begun  by  the  retainers  of 
the  monks ;  at  all  events,  the  sport  was  being  carried  on 
by  the  citizens,  and  any  interference  by  the  other  side 
was  gratuitous. 

2.  The  monks  drew  the  first  blood  by  shooting  Adam  de 
Newenton. 

3.  The  citizens  offered  to  submit  the  differences  to 
peaceful  arbitration,  and  the  Prior  threw  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  such  an  arrangement. 

4.  The  Prior,  instead  of  appealing  to  the  King  and  the 
secular  power,  strengthened  himself  and  irritated  the  citizens 


8  The  Prior  soon  died — whether  struck  by  conscience  or  chafing  at  depri- 
vation it  matters  not.  • 


29 

by  bringing  up  armed  men,  who  at  once  committed  certain 
excesses,  as  is  proved  by  the  entry  on  the  Crown  Plea  Roll 
that  conflagration,  homicides,  &c,  had  taken  place  in  the 
town  as  well  as  in  the  Priory. 

5.  The  citizens  were  the  first  to  complain  to  the  King. 

6.  The  force  they  afterwards  brought  against  the  Priory 
was  no  rabble,  but  a  regularly  organized  body,  led  by  the 
magistrates  for  the  time  being  of  the  City.  It  is  most  note- 
worthy that  not  one  of  those  of  the  attacking  party  who  is 
known  to  have  filled  the  office  of  Bailiff,  either  fled  or  was 
executed,  which  bears  out  the  idea  that  the  real  mischief 
was  done  by  others  over  whom  they  had  lost  control. 

7.  The  leaders  of  such  force  carried  out  the  form  of  legal 
proceedings  by  holding  a  regular  trial  on  those  they  took 
prisoners,  executing  some  and  imprisoning  others. 

8.  The  Prior  was  at  once  deprived,  and  his  revenues  taken 
into  the  King's  hand;  thus  showing  that,  even  when  the 
King's  anger  was  strongest  against  the  City,  he  recognized 
the  fact  that  the  Prior  had  been  greatly  to  blame. 

9.  The  ultimate  finding  of  the  justiciaries  and  of  the 
jury  of  knights  was  undoubtedly  favourable  to  the  citizens, 
inasmuch  as  it  acquitted  them  of  the  intentional  burning 
of  the  Cathedral,  and  found  that  the  Prior  or  his  men  set 
fire  to  the  City  in  three  places. 

10.  The  high-handed  way  the  monks  acted,  both  before 
and  after  this  riot,  as  is  shown  by  the  incidents  set  out  in 
Appendix  3  and  Appendix  32. 


It  may  be  worth  while  to  print  the  following  list  of  all 
who  were  concerned  in  the  riot,  compiled  from  all  the  various 
records.  It  gives  the  names  of  173  in  all,  but  no  doubt 
several  people  appear  under  different  names  in  different 
documents,  so  the  actual  total  is  probably  somewhat  less.  To 
nineteen  names  which  occur  in  Appendix  13, 1  have  prefixed 


30 

a  (*),  as  they  do  not  occur  anywhere  else,  and  may  relate  to 
people  executed  for  other  crimes  about  this  time. 


Acle,  John  de 

Fled 

Colston,  William 

Fled 

,,     Richard  de 

Hung 

Cotiller,  Robert  le 

Fled 

„     Robert  de 

Fled 

Coventry,  Robert  de 

Amabil',  Robert  fil' 

Hung 

Hugh  de 

Fled 

Aslacton,  John  de 

Fled 

Coverur,  v 

Bagge,  John 

Barbur,  John  le,  alias  Slive 

Fled 

Conerur,     John  h 
or         i 

Fled 

Be  (orPe),  Robert  le,  junr. 

Fled 

Cunerur,  / 

Belagh,  "William  de 

Cunte,  W».  le 

Bene,  Robert 

Handed  to 

Curteys,  Henry 

Fled 

Bishop 

,,         servant 

Fled 

Benedicite,  \  John 

Hung 

Davy,  Adam  de 

Fled 

J  Paul 

Diss,  Walter  de 

Hung 

Benedisce,   )  Walter 

Fled 

Donewyco,  Wm.  de 

Benin,  John 

Fled 

„           John  de 

Fled 

Benne,  Peter 

Hung 

Drake,  Walter 

Hung 

Blund,  \  Stephen  le 

Handed  to 

,,        John 

Fled 

or       > 

Bishop 

Dudd,  Thomas 

Fled 

Blunt,   )  John  le 

Hung 

*Duttecunte,  Matthew 

Hung 

„          William  le 

Fled 

Dyne,  or  \  William 
Dyve,       \  Hugh 

Boii,  John 

Bonenfaunt,  Robert 

Fled 

Ede',  Roger  fil' 

Hung 

,,        Robert  (junior?) 

Fled 

Edmund,  Benedict  fil' 

Hung 

*Briseworth,  Henry  de 

Hung 

Ely,  Nichs.  de 

Brun,  Geoffrey  le 

Handed  to 

„     Michael  de 

Fled 

Bishop 

Establer,  John  le 

Fled 

,,       William,     son     of 

,,         Hervey  le 

Fled 

Gilbert  le 

Fled 

Fevere,  Roger  le 

Fled 

*Bryth,  Henry 

Hung 

Fike,  or  Fyk,  Roger 

Fled 

Bukler,  Richard  le 

Fled 

Finamus,  Hugh 

Hung 

Bures,  Elias  de 

Fled 

Fitile,  Henry 

Hung 

Busard,  Nicholas 

Hung 

,,       Robert 

Fled 

But  or  Buttesmuth,  John 

Fled 

Gaunter,  Elurenus  le 

Cachedew,  Hervey 

Fled 

Godale,  Hr. 

Hung 

*Cado,  John 

Hung 

Godeman,  John 

Fled 

Capellanus,  Henry,  son  of 

Hung 

Graunt,  John  le 

Carleton,  Bartholomew  de 

Hung 

Gredere,  Christ11.  ux.Wm.  le 

Fled 

,,         Thomas  de 

♦Guile,  John 

Hung 

Casmus,  Nichs. 

Fled 

Hemenhale,  Adam  de 

Fled 

Chaloner,  Wm.  le 

Fled 

♦Hervy,  Robert 

Hung 

Chapeler,  Richard,  brother 

Hespicer  \ 

tt      .,       }  Adam  le 

Hespiter  1 

, 

of  Peter  le 

Fled 

„        Roger,    son     of 

Heved,    Wm.    (the    wine- 

Wm.  le 

Fled 

drawer) 

Fled 

Chaucer,  Benedict  le 

Hung 

Heydon,      J  Roger  de 

Fled 

Christyen,  Ralph 

Fled 

or            J  William  de 

Fled 

Cok,  Martin 

Fled 

Heylesdon,  '  Henry  de 

31 


Ho,  Richard  de 

Horstead,  Barth,r.  de 

Fled 

Hundesson,  John 

Fled 

*Jay,  Barthw. 

Hung 

Kancia,  Robert  de 

Fled 

Katherine,  Thos.  fil' 

Fled 

Kerebrok,  Peter  de 

Fled 

Keteringham,  Thos.  de 

Fled 

*Kirketon,  Walter  de 

Hung 

Knot,  John,  jun. 

Fled 

Koc,  Martin 

Lakenham,  Robert  de 

Fled 

Limberer,  Walter  le 

Fled 

Lindraper,  John  le 

Fled 

Lodniis,  Richd.  de 

Fled 

London,  Richd.  de 

Lopham,  Walter  de 

Fled 

*Ludynglond,  H>.  de 

Hung 

*Mannyng,  Nich3. 

Hung 

Mathchild,  \ 

or           \  William 

Hung 

Mauhtild,    ) 

*Maunchef,  John 

Hung 

Messager,  Wm.  le 

Hung 

Moriz,   ) 

or       \  Richard 

Fled 

Moryt,  ) 

Moyse(s),  John 

Hung 

Mulkeberton,  Wm.  de 

Fled 

*Mundham,  John  de 

Hung 

Munne,  Thomas 

Hung 

Nade,  John 

Necton,  Hy.  de 

Newenton,  Adam  de 

Killed 

Noreys,  Geoffrey  de 

Fled 

Northampton,  Rob.  de 

Fled 

Norton,  Hy.  de 

Fled 

Odo,  Roger  fil' 

Olive,  John 

Hung 

,,      Agnes,  his  wife 

Hung 

Palmer,  Simon  le 

Fled 

Perchmyner,  1 

or            j-  William  le 

Fled 

Perchevilin,    ) 

Peter,  Benedict  fil' 

Fled 

„      Tho3.  fil' 

Fled 

„      Richard  fil' 

,,      Roger  fil' 

*Petteney,  Mabil  de 

Hung 

*Potenham,  Richd.  de 

Hung 

Pyeshank,  John 

Fled 

Raggesman,  ) 

or           >  John 

Fled 

Rakesman,     ) 

Reynesthorp,  John  de 

Fled 

Saham, )  Richard  de 

Fled 

Selhus, )      (sutor) 

Scissor,  Hugh 

Scot,  Agnes,  wife  of  John 

Hung 

Sewale,  Geoffrey 

Fled 

Shepesey,  Richard 

Hung 

Shotesham,  Gilbert  de 

Fled 

Short,  Thos. 

Hung 

Skippere,  Rob*,  le 

Fled 

Sibeti,  Richd. 

Skyl,  Robert  le 

Spikesworth,  John  de 

Hung 

Staunton,  John  de 

Fled 

Stodeye,  Richd.  de 

Ston,  John 

*Stratton,  John  de 

Hung 

*Sturnoyse,  Isabell 

Hung 

Stute,  or  Stule,  Hugh 

Hung 

Sutor,     ]  Richard 

Fled 

or         >  Richard,  ju. 

Fled 

Suur  le,  )  Geoffrey 

Fled 

Swathefeud,  John  de 

Fled 

Swerdeston,  Roger  de 

Tasburgh,  Barthw.  de 

Fled 

,,          Walter 

Fled 

,,         Robert 

Fled 

Taverner,  Thos.  le 

Fled 

„        Roger  le 

Fled 

„         Roger  le  (jun.) 

Fled 

Teler,  W™.  le 

Fled 

*Thorpmarket,  Emma  de 

Hung 

*Thressher,  John  le 

Hung 

Toftes,  Adam  de 

Topecroft,  Nichs.  de 

Fled 

Tundur,  Richd.  le 

Fled 

,,         Adam  le 

Fled 

Tuverur,    John  le   [le 

Cuverur  ?  ] 

Upton,  Eustace  de 

Fled 

Walsham,  Roger  de 

Fled 

Warin,  (chaplain) 

Fled 

Weston,  Roger  de 

Hung 

Wichingham,  Nichs.  de 

Fled 

*Wymundham,  Geoff,  de 

Hung 

Wynne,  Seman 

Hung 

32 

Of  the  above,  it  may  be  as  well  to  point  out  that  Thomas 
de  Carletoii  was  bailiff  in  1259  ;  Nicholas  le  Chapeler  in 
1247 ;  William  de  Dunwich  in  1272 ;  Nicholas  de  Ely  in 
1267,  1270,  and  1272  ;  John  le  Graunt  in  1253 ;  William  le 
Hespicer  in  1271 ;  Henry  de  Heylesdon  in  1261 ;  Walter 
Knot  in  1258  and  1266 ;  and  Gerard  Knot  in  1263 ;  Roger 
de  Swerdeston  in  1261-7-8,  1271,  and  1272;  Hubert  le 
Taverner  in  1262,  and  Adam  le  Taverner  in  1265 ;  Adam  de 
Toftes  in  1267  and  1270 ;  and  William  le  Tundur  in  1256. 
William  le  Cunte  is  said  by  Blomefield  to  have  been  the 
King's  own  bailiff  when  the  liberties  were  seized. 


APPENDIX. 


1. 

Norff. 

Plac*  Corone  41  Hen.  III.  mem.  36.    ^  1 2 

2) 
Johes  de  Letton  T:  Hobs  de  Montekaniso  venunt  ad  domu 
Ran  Pistoris  de  Prioratu  Norwicensi  Ita  qd  quedam  con- 
tenco  oriebatur  int1  eos.  Ita  qd  pdcs  Pan  jactavit  pdcrh 
Johem  quodam  lapide  in  fronte  T:  fecit  ei  qhdam  plaga. 
Et  pdcs  Johes  stati  ex^it  queda  gladiu  ejus  ~t  pcussit  eu 
in  capite  T;  q^ndam  plaga  ei  fecit  mortalem.  Et  idem 
Ranulfus  stati  rediit  ad  poratii.  Et  pdci  Johes  1  Robs 
insecuti  fuunt  ipfh  usq,  ad  porta  pdci  Prioratus.  Et  Pari 
intavit  poratii  \  qarto  die  de  pdca  plaga  obiit.  Et  ballivi 
de  lib^tate  pdci  p^ratf  no  pmisunt  coronar9  istius  civitatis 
intare  pdcm  p^oratu  ad  videndu  pdcin  pdcm  {sic)  morduii  (?) 
T:  ad  inquis  faciend  secundu  consuetudine  regni  Id  ad  judm 
de   pdci   lib  tate.       Et   statim   postea    pdci    Johes   T;    Robs 


33 

posuerunt  se  in  ecciam  Scofc  Simonis  T:  Jude.  Et  pdcs  Pobs 
ab  ecca  ilia  evasit.  Io  ad  judm  de  evasione  sr9  pdcam 
pocham.  Et  jur  malecr9  ipm  de  pdca  morte.  Io  exa  utl. 
Nulla  huit  Cataft  nee  fine  in  decenna  quia  clicus.  Et  Johes 
postea  venit  ad  pace  dni  fy  ^  captus  fuit  T:  traditus  offic 
Norwic.  Et  inde  venit  T:  dicit  qd  clicus  est  T:  qd  no  pot 
hie  r .  Et  sr  hie  venit  offic,  1c.  Et  petit,  T;c,  set  ut  sciatr 
T:c  Inquira,  T:c.  Et  quia  no  vult  hie  r9  laicu  feodu  T;c  non 
invenit  p  legios  quia  de  lib9tate  fuit  Epi.  Et  jur9  dht  qd 
culpabii  est  de  pdca  morte  Io  p  tali  eidem  officiali  liberetr. 

Et  Stephs  le  Pestur  Wills  le  MourJ  attach  p  pdca  morte 
eo  qd  psentes  fuunt  ubi  pdeo  Johes  pcussit  pdeum  Ranulfu 
vefi  T,  defendunt  morte  T:  totu  et  de  bono  T:  malo  ponut  se  sr 
Jur9  civitatis.  Et  Jur  dnt  sr  sacam  suu  qd  no  sunt  culpa- 
biles  de  pdca  morte  Io  inde  qjeti.  Et  Phs  le  MouS  no 
venit  nee  malecr9.  Et  fuit  attach  p  Willm  le  Svon  T:  Picm 
Shawe.     Id  in  mia.     Et  xij  Jur    nulla  fecunt  mencoem  in 

rotulo  suo  de  pdcis  attach.     Id  in  mia. 

****** 

Jur  psentant  qd  Prior  istius  Civitatis  capit  Landgablu 
post  pandu  de  ten  dni  r  quo  die  ballivi  istius  civitatis  capiunt 
Landgabulu  ante  pandu  ad  opus  dni  r  T:  hoc  conta  lib9tate 
istius  civitatis  1°  inde  Lod  (loquendum). 

There  is  also  a  presentment  that  the  Prior  would  not 
allow  the  bailiffs  to  enter  and  distrain. 


2. 

Ibid.  mem.  38. 

Gerard  Godsoloche  cecidit  de  quodam  Batill0  in  aqam  de 
Wensun  ita  qd  stati  sbmsit  Picus  Godselag  pmus  inventor 
venit  nee  malec'r  et  fuit  attach  p  Willm  de  Kirkeby  %  Joh m 
fit  Willmi  de  Witton  Io  in  mia,   nullas  in  malecrr,  Judm 

VOL.    II.]  I) 


34 

infort,  Prec  Batille  ys.  Un  prior  Norwic  respond.  Et  xij 
Jur  celavunt9  qd  cecidit  de  Batillo  nee  aliqam  menconom 
inde  fecunt  nc  inventore  psent^  i°  in  mia.  Et  postea  testatu 
est  qd  Coron  istius  civitat1  no  venit  ad  inquisitofh  faciend  de 
pds  mortuo.  Et  q}  non  pet  inquis,  T:c.  Die  qd  pdes 
Gerardus  invent9  fait  sup  sup  (sic)  feod  Prioris  Norwyci  qd 
est  infra  cinctum  Civitatis.  Et  bh  die  qd  no  potest  intare 
in  tram  pdei  Prioris  ad  inquis  fac  de  mortuo,  T;c.  Et  jur 
hoc  idm  testantr  et  qd  holes  pdei  Prioris  in  eod  feodo  no 
pticipant  in  comunitate  Civit1.  Et  sup  hoc  vefi  TVills  de 
Hakeford  senescall  pdei  Prioris  T;  die  qd  feod  illud  est 
quedam  soca  de  lifetate  Prioris  1:  nunqa  solebat  coitare  ad 
civitat  nee  T;  coram  Justic  Itinant  nee  qd  Coronator  istius 
Civit  non  debet  intare  illam  socam  p  aliquo  casu  emgente. 
Et  pdes  Senes  requisitus,  ubi  debeat  pdea  soca  r9  vi  cu 
hundr9  vi  cu  civit,  die  qd  semp  solebatus  p  se.  Et  qd 
coronator  fornisec9  venire  debet  in  eand  soecam  T;  face 
inquis,  1c.  Et  q3  covictu  est  qd  pdea  socca  no  venit  aliquo 
mo  cora  Justic  nee  p  se  nc  cu  hundf  ^c  io  tota  soca  in  mia.1 


3. 

Placita  de  Juratis  et  Assists  (Divers  Counties,  42  Hen. 
III.)  Tower  Records  26. 2 

Norfolk.  John  Xade  and  Reginald  le  Paumer,  Bailiffs  of 
the  City  of  Norwich  (by  the  same  Reginald  their  attorney) 
against  Nicholas   the    Cellarer  of  Norwich,   Simon   de  Hem- 

9  This  word  is  so  spelt. 

1  Bloxnefield  strangely  mistranslates  this — "  but  it  being  found  on  trial 
that  be  bad  not  assured  tbe  King  bis  deodand,  neither  by  himself,  nor  by  the 
justices,  nor  by  tbe  City,  nor  by  tbe  hundred,  all  the  soc  and  liberty  are 
fined  at  the  King's  pleasure." 

2  I  have  given  a  translation  of  this,  as  the  language  is  technical.  The 
occurrence  is  not  mentioned  bv  Blomefield. 


35 

meshy,  William  de  Hapesburg,  William  le  Poer,  Hervey  le 
Poer,  Thomas  the  son  of  Walter  Salus  (?),  Richard  de  Upton, 
William  the  Miller,  Ranulph  the  Bracer,  and  William  of  the 
Cellar,3  of  a  plea  that  by  force  and  arms  they  entered  the 
liberty  of  the  King  at  Norwich,  and  beat,  wounded,  and 
ill-treated,  against  the  peace,  the  said  bailiffs,  on  their  en- 
deavouring to  resist  them  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  the 
said  City.4 

And  they  do  not  come. 

And  they  have  a  day  (given  them)  "  in  banco,"  at  which 
day  afterwards  many  of  them  make  default. 

So  that  the  Sheriff  was  directed  to  distrain  on  all  of  them 
except  Nicholas  and  Simon  [5  William  de  Happisburgh, 
Richard  de  Upton,  William  de  Pooris  (sic),  and  William  of 
the  Cellar],  by  their  lands,  &c,  so  that  he  should  have  their 
bodies,  &c.  And  afterwards  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  was 
commanded  to  cause  the  said  Nicholas,  Simon,  William, 
Richard,  William,  and  William,  his  clerks,  to  come,  &c. 

And  therefore  the  Sheriff  is  directed  to  distrain  all  of 
them  except  Nicholas  and  Simon,6  by  all  their  lands,  &c, 
so  that,  &c,  and  that  he  should  have  their  bodies  at  Ipswich 
at  the  last  of  St.  Hilary. 

And  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  is  commanded  to  cause 
Nicholas  and  Simon,6  his  clerks,  &c,  to  be  there  at  the  same 
time,  &c. 

Norfolk.  Thomas  Salnz  7  was  attached  to  answer  the  said 
John  Nade  and  Reginald  le  Paumer,  the  Bailiffs  of  the  City 
of   Norwich,8   on   a  plea   that   he,  together   with   the  said 

3  De  Celario,  probably  a  cellarman  under  Nicholas. 

4  "Et  prsediotos  Ballivos  volentes  eis  ad  consv'acdm  lib' tat'  (pd'ci  civitatis 
resistere  verberaverunt,  &c." 

5  Interlined. 

6  The  names  of  the  others  are  omitted. 

7  Qy.  de  Salhouse. 

8  These  names  do  not  occur  in  Blomefield's  list  of  Bailiffs,  iii.  p.  59. 

d2 


36 

Nicholas  the  Cellarer  and  others,  entered  the  liberty  of  the 
Xing  at  Norwich  by  force  and  arms,  and  beat,  wounded,  and 
ill-treated,  against  the  peace,  &c,  on  their  wishing  [en- 
deavouring ?]  to  resist  them  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  the 
said  City. 

And  the  said  John  and  Reginald  complain  that  on  the 
day  next  after  the  Feast  of  St.  Ambrose,  in  the  39th  year, 
the  said  Thomas,  together  with  the  said  Nicholas  and  others, 
entered  the  liberty  of  the  said  City,  namely,  with  swords, 
Cross  bows,  bows  and  arrows,  and  divers  other  arms,  and 
tried  to  expel  the  said  John  and  Roger,  the  King's  Bailiffs  of 
the  said  City,  who  had  taken  seizin  of  a  certain  tenement 
which  one  Simon  of  the  Castle  [de  Castro]  formerly  held  in 
capite  of  the  King. 

And  when  they  resisted  them  in  the  preservation  of  the 
said  liberties,  the  said  Thomas,  together  with  the  said 
Nicholas  and  others,  beat,  wounded,  and  ill-treated  the  said 
John  and  Reginald  against  the  peace,  &c,  in  contempt  of 
the  said  King,  &c,  whence  they  say  they  are  injured  and 
damaged  to  the  extent  of  one  thousand  marks. 

And  Thomas  comes  and  defends,  &c.  And  specially 
defends  (on  the  ground)  that  on  the  said  day  he  did  not 
enter  the  said  liberty,  nor  did  he  beat,  wound,  nor  ill-treat 
the  said  John  and  Roger  against  the  peace,  as  they  charge 
to  him. 

And  that  it  may  be  so  he  puts  himself  on  the  County. 

And  so  do  John  and  Roger. 

And  therefore  the  Sheriff  is  directed  that  before  him,  &c, 
in  full  court,  &c,  he  should  summon  twelve  jurymen  to 
come,  &c,  by  whom,  &c,  and  who  nothing,  &c,  by  whose 
oaths,  &c,  (it  should  be  enquired)  if  the  said  Thomas  with 
the  said  Nicholas  and  others  by  force  and  arms  entered  the 
said  liberty  (&c,  as  before  set  out),  and  to  cause  the  result 
of  the  said  inquisition,  &c,  to  be  known  by  the  Octaves  of 
St.  Hilary,  at  Ipswich,  by  letters,  &c,  and  by  two,  &c. 


37 

4. 

Patent  Roll,  56  Henry  III.  » 

Hex  dilcis  T;  fldelib}  suis  Hugoni  Peche  T:  Galf  ro  de  Percy 
T;  Rado  de  Bakepu3  saltm.  Cum  ex  testimonio  viro$  fide- 
digno$  intellexim9  p  certo  qd  occoe  cujusdem  contecois  seu 
discordie  suborte  int  Priorem  T;  conventu  Norwyc  T:  suos  ex 
parte  una  T:  Burg  T:  Comunitate  ville  nri  Norwic  ex  altera 
incendia  homicidia  T;  dampna  plurima  tarn  in  priorata  illo 
q"~m  in  villa  predict  hinc  inde  jam  ppetrata  sunt.  Nos 
volentes  qd  illi  de  villa  predca  qui  non  sunt  culpabiles  de  f  co 
predco  seu  qd  innocentes  pro  nocentib}  in  hoc  parte  dampnu 
sustineant  seu  jactura  mittim9  vos  ad  villam  predcam  ad 
eandem  villam  una  cum  ornib}  bonis  T:  cat  terris  T:  teS 
redditib?  T:  aliis  ad  eandem  villam  spectantib}  capiend  in 
manu  nram  T:  salvo  custodiend  put  vra  discreto  melius  novit 
expedire.  Mandam9  eni  vie  nre  Norf  f  T;  Suf f  T:  Burg  nris 
T:  toti  comunitati  ville  predce  nee  non  T:  oinib3  ballivio  T; 
fidelib3  nris  partin  illa^s  qd  vobis  in  pmissis  intendentes  sunt 
T:  respondentes  consulentes  T:  auxiliantes  T:  qd  vob  ad  pmissa 
facienda  T:  fidelit  exeqnda  diligent  assistant  put  eis  scire 
facietis  ex  pte  nra.  In  cujus,  T:c.  T.  R.  apud  Westm  xv. 
die  Aug. 

R.  Burg  T:  toti  comunitati  ville  sue  Norwic  saltm.  Cum, 
1c.  [The  rest  of  the  entry  is  the  same  as  the  last,  but  in 
the  third  person.] 

Letters  patent  to  the  Bailiffs  of  Colchester  follow,  directing 
them  to  stop  and  detain  the  person  and  goods  of  any 
burgess  of  Norwich  who  comes  into  their  district. 

9  This  is  also  the  reference  for  Nos.  5  to  10  inclusive. 


38 


Rex  TTillmo  Giffard  constat  castri  sui  Nonvie  vel  sub- 
constabul  castri  ejusdem  saltm.  Cum  mittam9  dilcois  T; 
fideles  nros  Hugo  Pecche  Galfr  de  Percy  T;  Radfh  de 
Bakepu}    psentiu    exhibitores    ad    villam    nram    Korwic    p 

quibusdam  negoc  nris  specialib}  que  eis injugim9 

exped  .  .  .  .  et  certis  de  causis  velemus  qd  predci  fideles  nri 
receptaculu  heant  in  castro  predco  Ti  castrum  illud  p  voluntate 
sua  ingrediantur  T:  eodem  morentr  quotiens  opus  fuerit  T;  ab 
ipis  sup  hoc  fueritis  requisiti  vobis  mandanK)  firm  it;  injugentes 
qd  prefatos  fideles  nros  castru.  illud  ingredi  T;  in  eadem 
morari  T;  receptaculu  hre  pmittatis  et  eis  in  liac  parte  in- 
tenditis  sitis  responditas  cosulentes  T;  auxiliantes  put  ipi  voft 
scire  fac  ex  pte  nra.      Et  hoc  sicut  honorem  vrm  diligitis  T; 

indignacb vram Tolueritis  nullatenus  omittatis 

T  ut  s". 


6. 

Rex  Will  mo  Giffard  vie  Norff  saltm.  Cum  quidam 
blapheme  filii  T;  pprie  salutis  inmemores  nup  vi  T;  arm  is 
insultum  facerunt  in  monach  Prioratus  jNonvic  T;  in  quosdam 
alios  cum  monachis  ipis  in  eodem  prioratu  existentes  T; 
q^mplures  ipo^  intfecerunt  T;  ecciam  T;  res  sacras  ac  domos 
prioratus  illius  combusserunt  T;  alia  sacrileg  ibidem  animo 
irreventi  T,  infrenato  multiplicity  ppetraverunt  in  offensam 
divini  nominis  ac  subvsionem  ecciastiee  libertatis  nee  non  't 
in  nri  dedecus  T;  pturbacoem  pacis  nre  gravissimam  que 
nobis  angustiam  T;  dolorem  tanto  vehementius  intulerunt 
q^nto  talia  T;  detestabilia  scelera  nunq'ni  hactenus  est 
auditum  per  aliquos  ppetrata  fuisse.  Ac  nos  ppt'  tantum  T; 
tarn  enorme  facinus  put  exposuit  rei  qualitas  puniendum  ad 
partes  Xorwic  accedere  festinemg.  Yobis  mandam9  in  fide 
homagio  T;   sub  debito  prestiti  juramenti   quib^  nobis   estis 


39 

astracti  (?) l  firmit  injugentes  quatinus  omes  milites  %  libere 
tenentes  herites  viginti  libratas  terre  vel  ultra  venire  fac 
coram  nobis  apud  Nor  wye.  Ita  qd  sunt  ibi  ad  nos  modis 
omib?  die  Jovis  in  octav  nativitati  be  Marie  pximo  ventur 
ad  faciend  sup  hiis  quod  de  consilio  Sro  poise  duxlimus 
pviendum.  Et  hoc  sub  pena  exheredaeonis  T:  piculo  vite 
T:  membro?  nee  non  amissionis  omniu  bono$  T;  cat  que  hnt  in 
regno  nro  nullatenus  omittant.  Et  talit  T:  tam  efficacit  in 
execuone  psentis  mandati  nri  vos  heatis  ne  ppt  negligenciam 
omissionem  vel  def  cm  vrm  ultionem  pdei  fatinoris  in  psonam 
vram  quod  absit  oporteat  retorqueri  quod  fieri  faciem9  si 
negotiu  istud  p  vos  aliqu"~tenus  retarderi  contingat.  Et 
heatis  ibi  hoc  bre.  In  CUJ9,  T:c.  T.  R.  apud  Scm  Edmundum 
vj  die  Septr. 

Item  eodem  modo  niand  est  vie  Can?  T:  Hunt  qd  heat  ibi 
die  p9dco  de  com  p9dcis  viginti  T;  quatuor  milites  %  libere 
tenentes  hfites  viginti  libratas  tre  T:  amplius. 


7. 

Rex  ballivis  burgens  T:  toti  coinunitati  ville  de  Gernemuth 
sattm.  Quia  ex  testimonio  viro^  fidedigno^  intellexim9  qd 
contentice  T:  discord  diversa  in  villa  pdea  de  facile  poterunt 
suboriri2  ad  nrm  T:  vrm  dampnu  gravissimu  nisi  festinu 
remediu  ad  hoc  adhibeatr  mittim9  dilcm  %  fidelem  nrm 
Walterum  de  Burges  marescallum  hospicii  nri  ad  corpora 
quondam  de  quib^  sinistra  suspicio  hetur  T:  quo^  noia  idem 
Walt  vobis  scire  faciet  ex  parte  nra  T:  etiam  nocte  diec^ 
vagantur  in  ville  pdea  una  vobiscum  T;  de  consil  T:  auxilio 
vro  arrestanda  T:  salvo  custodienda.  Ita  qd  pfatus  Walterus 
%  viginti  burg  de  fideliorib?  meliorib^  discretiorib^  T;  legal- 
iorib3    burg   ville   pdee  concorditu  eligendi  T:    ad   nos    usa^ 

1  Astricti,  bound? 

2  This  may  refer  to  some  intended  retaliation  by  the  Norwich  men 
against  the  Yarmouth  auxiliaries  of  the  Priory. 


40 

Norwic  p  parte  v>a  destinandi  ad  audiendum  ibidem  pceptu 
nstrm  corpora  pdco£  hominu  heant  coram  nobis  apud  Norwic 
hac  instanti  die  venlis  pxima  post  Exaltacoem  See  Crucis 
ad  audiendum  ibi  voluntatem  nram.  Et  ideo  vobis  man- 
damus in  fide  homag  T;  sub  debito  juramenti  quib3  nobis 
estis  astricti  firmit  injugentes  qd  pfatum  Walter  ad  hoc 
admittatis  1  una  cum  ipo  pmissa  fac  modis  ornib^  in  forma 
pdeo  put  pfatus  Walter  vobis  scire  fac  ex  parte  lira.  Et  vos 
viginti  juxta  hoc  mandatum  firm  ex  causa  pdee  eligendi  sitis 
ad  nos  apud  Norwic  pdea  die  verms  ad  aud  p9ceptum  firm 
sicut  p  dem  est.  Et  hoc  sic  vos  1  vra  diligitis  no  oinittis 
et  heatis  ibi  hec  brm.  In  cuj'9,  1c,  T.  It.  apud  Scm  Ed- 
mundham  x  die  Sept. 


8. 

Rex  omib^,  1c  saitni  Sciatis  qd  comisimus  ditcis  1  fidelib^ 
firis  Hugoni  Pecche  1  Hervico  de  Stanhou  villam  nram  de 
Norwico  cum  omib)  ptifi  suis  custodiand  qamdiu  nobis 
placuit.  Ita  qd  idem  Hervicus  p  visum  1  testimoniu  p  fati 
Hug  nob  respondeat  ad  saccm  nrm  de  exitib^  1  pventib3 
ejusdem  ville  undecumq^  pvenientib}  1  dcam  villam  1 
homines  ejusdem  ville  contingentib?  p  nos  1  consiliu  nram 
pvisa  1  p9fatis  Hugoni  1  Hervico  injuncta  (?).  In  cujus,  1c. 
T.  ut  sa.     [Norwich,  23  Sept.] 

Et  mand  est  Pads  de  Bakepuz  1  Galfrido  de  Pcy  qd 
villam  p9dcam  p9fatis  Hugoni  1  Henrico  libent  custodi- 
endam  sicut  p9dcm  est.     T.  ut  sa. 


9. 

Hex  militib}  liberis  hominib^;  1  oihib?  aliis  tenentib?  de 
Prioratu  de  Norwico  salt fh.  Cum  nup  certis  de  causis 
cepissemus  in  manu  nram  prioratum  p  dem  1  maneria 
ejusdem  prioratus  cum  ptinentiis.     Nos  de  industria  fidel- 


41 

itate  1  diligencia  diici  nobis  f  ris  Robi  de  Waucham  prions 
de  Dunham  confidentes  comisinK)  ei  Prioratum  p9dcm  1 
maneria  predca  cum  ptiri  custodiend  quamdiu  nob  placuit. 
Ita  qd  nob  inde  respondeat  ad  seem  nrm  salva  subpriori  T; 
convetui  prioratus  p  dei  sustentacoe  racionabili  de  bonis 
prioratus  pdei  put  alias  fieri  consuevit.  Et  ideo  vobis 
mandamus  qd  eidem  fri  Rob  tanq"~m  custod  nro  predci 
prioratus  Norwic  T:  maneriox  in  oinib^  que  ad  custodiam 
illam  ptinent  intendentes  sitis  T;  respondentes  sic  p9dcm  est. 
In  cuJ9,  T;c.     [Norwich,  23  Sept.] 

Et  mand  est  Willmo  Giffard  vie  NorfF.  qd  eidem  fratri 
Robo  p9dcm  Prioratum  %  maneria  p  dca  cum  ptiri  libet 
custodiend  sic  p9dcm  est. 


10. 

Rex  vie  Norff  ~t  Surf  T;  orhib?  ballivis,  T;c  saftrn.  Cum 
assignavim9  dilcos  *\  fideles  nros  Hug  Peche  1  Hervicum 
de  Stanhou  ad  villam  nram  Norwic  cum  ptin  custodiendam 
T;  ad  orhia  bona  T:  cat  hominii  ejusdem  ville  ubicumqj  fuerunt 
*\  in  quo^cumqj  manib^  existant  arrestanda  T;  in  manii  nram 
capienda  T;  salvo  custodienda  put  in  litris  nris  patent^  quas 
inde  hue  plenius  continetr  %  ecia  ad  inquirendum  de  bonis 
T;  cat  predeo%  hominu  Norwic  T:  put  eis  de  consilio  nro 
plenius  injunximus  viva  voce  ut  p  fati  Hugo  T;  Hervic9 
p  missa  ad  plenu  expediri  nequeant  n1  vrm  ad  hoc  intvenir 
consiliu  T:  munamen.  Nos  de  vra  fidelitate  dilegencia  % 
industria  specialir  confidentes  vob  mandamus  in  fide  T; 
dileccoe  quib^  nos  tenemini  firmit  injungentes  qd  p  fatis 
Hugoni  T:  Hervico  ac  ballivis  suis  in  p  missis  diligent  assis- 
tatis  ~t  eis  in  p%; missis  intendentes  sitis  T:  respondentes 
consulentes  T;  diligentes  put  ipi  vob  scire  fac  ex  pte  nra. 
Et  etiam  ad  dies  %  loca  que  ipi  vob  scire  fac  ex  pte  nra 
venire  fac  coram  eis  tot  T:  tales  1c  de  ballivis  vris  p  quos,  1c. 
T.  R.  apud  Walsingham  xxvj  die  Septembr. 


42 

11. 

Patent  Roll  1  Edward  I.,  mem.  20. 

fy  vie  Norf  f  1  Suf f  T:  omib}  ballivis  T:  fidelib}  suis,  T:c, 
saltm.  Cum  Celebris  memorie  Dri  H.  Rex  pat  nr  nup 
assignasset  Hug  Peche  T:  Henricum  [Hervicum  ?]  de  Stanhow 
ad  villain  Norvici  cum  ptiii  custodiendam  T:  ad  omnia  bona 
*"!  cat  dominu  ejusdem  ville  ubicumqj  essent  T:  in  quo^cumcb 
manib?  existent  in  manu  ipius  patris  nri  capienda  arestenda 
T:  salvo  custodienda  put  in  Iris  ipius  patris  nri  patetib}. 
Quas  p9dci  Hugo  T:  Hervic9  inde  hut  plenius  9tinetr  T:  insup 
ad  inquiend  de  bonis  T:  car  pdcofc  hominu  l^orwici  put  eis  de 
consilio  nro  plenius  est  injunctum.  Yob  madamus  firmit 
injungentes  qd  p  fate  Hug  T:  Hervico  ad  p  dca  bona  T:  cat 
in  manu  nram  capienda  T:  ad  alia  p  missa  facienda  assistatis 
T:  eis  9suletes  sitis  T:  auxiliates  donee  aliud  inde  p9cepimus 
fac  etia  venire  cora  eisdem  Hug  rt  Hervico  [ad  dies  T:  loca 
q  ipi  vob  scire  facient]  tot  T;  tales  pbos  T:  leg  bomies  de 
ballivis  vris  p  q°s  rei  Veritas  in  p  missis  meli9  scire  poruit  T: 
inquiri.  Dai  ut  sa  [apud  Novum  templum  London  iiij0  die 
Dec] 


12. 
Crown  Pleas  Boll,  14  Edward  I.     4  [  6  mem.  72. 


2 


si 


Ad  buc  de  Civitate  Norwyc. 


Jur  p9sentat  qd  cum  quidam  standardus  erect9  fuisset  in 
Tomeslond  exa  portam  See  T[nitat  Norwyci  sciit  in  crastino 
see  Tnitat  anno  regni  Reg  Henr9  pris  dfii  Regis  Lvj°  T; 
ibid  venissent  Galfrs  Brun,  Stephs  le  Blunt,  Henr9  Godale, 
Robs  Bonefaunt,  Hugo  de  Coventre,  Waits  Drak,  T:  alij  de 
Civitate  Norwyci  T:  bastas  ibid  fregisset  conta  standardum 


43 

p9dcm  1  ibid  intfuisset  quid  de  p^ratu  3  Norwyci  ri  quedam 
contenco  mota  esset  int  p  doos  Galfrm  le  Brun  T;  alios  T; 
p9dcos  holes  de  p'oratu  p  dco  p  trunceft  p9dca&  hasta?  (Et) 
p9dci  Galfrs  T:  alij  de  civitate  p  dca  insultum  dedert  hoIb3 
ejusd  p!orat9  T:  ipos  vi  effugart  usa^  p^ratum  p9dcm  T:  cu  ipi 
de  p*oratu  portas  ejusd  clausissent  p  dci  Galf  rs  °l  alij  vi  % 
armis  sifhl  cu  magna  multitudle  armato?  ejusd  civitat  p^oratui 
p9dco  insultum  dedert  ita  qd  quidam  Witts  le  Messor  infra 
p^oratum  existens  pcussit  quedam  Adam  de  Newenton  ex' 
p!oratu  existetem  quodam  quarello  baliste  ufi  statim  obiit. 
P{m9  invetor  T;  quatuor  vicini  obiert.  Et  poch  que  p5us,  T;c. 
Et  dicut  qd  postea  ob  rancore  %  odm  p  dee  medlete  die  Jovis 
pxa  an  festum  sci  Laur9  eod  anno  venmt  p9dci  Galfrs  le 
Brun,  Stephs  le  Blunt,  Bogs  de  Weston,  Martin9  Kok,  Robs 
Bonenfaunt,  Hugo  de  Coventre,  Walts  Drak,  Johs  Drak, 
Henr9  Godale,  Semann9  Wynne,  Thorn  Munne,  Bogs  de 
Weston,  Johs  le  Blunt,  Bndcs  le  Chauc,  Thorn  de  Ettelegh, 
Bics  Shepesey,  Johs  Moyse,  Bics  de  Aide,  Nichs  Bussard, 
Bobs  fit  Amabil,  Barths  de  Karleton,  Johs  Olyve,  Hugo 
Stute,  Witts  Mauhtild,  Thorn  Short,  Henr  fit  Capllani,  Johs 
de  Spikeswrth,  Witts  le  Messag,  Walts  de  Dysce,  Hugo 
Fynamus,  Brides  fit  Edfh,  Johs  Bhdicite,  Nichs  Casmus, 
Walts  Bendisce,  Bogs  fit  Ede,  Herve9  Fytele,  Agn  ux  Johis 
Scot,  Johs  Buttesmuth,  Barths  de  Tasburg  Tannator,  Walter 
fr  ejus,  Bics  Moryt,  Hervi  Cachedew,  Bobs  de  Tasburgh, 
Galfrs  Sewale,  Witts  le  Blunt  cticus,  Thorn  le  TavS  de 
Dockyng,  Bogs  Fyk,  Bhds  fit  Pet1  ctici,  Henr9  de  Norton, 
Johs  Godeman  piscator,  Cristiana  ux9  Wifti  le  Brodere, 
Michs  de  Ely,  Witts  le  ParchemiS,  Witts  fit  Gilbi  le  Brun, 
Bads  Crestyen,  Agn  ux9  Johes  Olyve,  Bobs  Fytel,  Johs  fit 
Johis  le  Lindrap,  Johs  Knot  Juven,  Bobs  fit  Barthi  de 
Lakenham,   Simon   le    Paum   pmenr,    Gilbs   de   Shotesham, 


3  The  Dean  has  translated  this  (p.  37)   "fell  upon  a  man  of  the  priory, 
and  killed  him." 


44 

Elias  de  Bures,  Johs  le  Establer,  Rics  le  Tundur  sviens 
Johis  Ston,  Robs  de  Akle  capellan9,  Warin9  Capellan9  de 
poch  sci  Olavi,  Wills  le  ChaloS,  Walt  le  Limberere,  Thorn 
Dudde,  Gervasius  Fullo  de  Dylham,  Robs  de  Kancia,  Hugo 
de  Coventre,  Martin9  Cok,  Rogs  le  Feve,  Robs  Be  junior, 
Wills  de  Belagb,  Rics  frat  Pet1  le  Chapeler,  Robs  le  Cotiller 
de  Sadelgate,  Rogs  le  TavrJ,  Thorn  fil  Petj  clici,  Johs  de 
Reynesthorp,  Rogs  de  Walsham,  Johs  de  Donewyco  sutor, 
Barths  de  Horsted,  Eustach  de  Upton,  Xichs  de  Typecroft, 
Johs  de  Swathefeud,  Walts  fiT  Willi  de  Lophm,  Rogs  fir 
Willi  le  Chapeler  de  Hensted,  Rics  le  Bukler  de  Lond, 
Henr)  Curteys,  Wills  de  Mulkeberton,  Thorn  de  KetJingham, 
Wills  Colston  Cordewanl  Ad  de  Hemenhale,  Tundur 
Curteys  sviens  magri  Galfri  le  Brun,  Rics  le  Suur,  Galfrus 
Norreis,  Rics  le  Suur,  Galf  rs  le  Suur,  Thorn  fil  Katne,  Wills 
Heved  le  Wyndrawere,  [Wills  Dyve  Hugo  frl  ejus  obierunt] 
Rics  de  Lodnijs,  Johs  Hundesson  de  Eylesham,  Johs  Bagge, 
carpentari9,  Robs  le  Skyppere,  Ad  le  Tundur,  Robs  Pe 
quodam  sviens  Willi  Pycot,  Johs  Rakesman,  Wills  le  Teler, 
Johs  Pyeshank,  Petr9  de  Keresbrok,  Robs  de  Northt  quodam 
?vtes  Willi  le  ParchemiS,  Johs  le  Covur  de  poch  Sci 
Wynwolay,  Herveus  le  Stabler,  Nichs  de  Wychingham,  Rics 
de  Saham  sutor,  Rogs  de  Heydon,  Rogs  le  TavS,  Johs  de 
Staunton  cordewanl,  Adam  Davy  de  Cauntel,  Robs  Bonen- 
faunt,  T:  Wills  fil'  Thom  de  Heylesdon,  T,  alij  de  comunitate 
pldce  civitat9  pldco  p^ratui  insultum  dedert  T:  ipm  p!oratu 
combussert  T:  thesauri  libros  T:  alia  ornamta  ecclie  ejusd 
robbavut.  Et  quosd  Radm  de  Dunham,  Ranulph  frem 
magri  Galfri  le  Keu,  Willm  le  Ussher,  Thorn  le  Cunte, 
Willm  de  Baldewell,  Johem  le  Hunte,  Johem  le  Wayte  de 
Jernemue,  Rogm  de  Fyleby,  Thorn  atte  Holv  de  Gernemue, 
Reginald  de  Co^na,  Willm  Stalcard  de  Coq'na,  Simoem  de 
Scardeburgh  1  Thorn  de  Kancia  familiares  ejusd  piorat9  in 
eisd  invetis  occidert  T:  decollavut. 

Et  postea  in  adventu   dhi  Reg  H.  in  ptib3  istis  videlt  ad 


45 

festum  Exaltacois  See  Crucis  px°  seqfis  coram  G.  de  Preston 
T;  sociis  suis  Justic  dfii  Keg  in  plsencia  ipius  drii  H.  reg 
p^dci  Galfrs  de  Brim,  Stephs  le  Blunt,  Robs  Bene  capllanc), 
Wal?s  Drak,  Semann9  Wyne,  Thorn  Mime,  Bog's  de 
Weston,  Johs  le  Blunt,  Brides  le  Chauc,  Bobs  fil*  Amabil, 
Thorn  de  Ottelegh,  Henr9  Godal,  Bics  Shepeseye,  Jobs 
Moyses,  Bics  de  Acle,  Nichs  Busard,  Barths  de  Karlton, 
Jobs  Olyve,  Pet9  Benne,  Hugo  Stule,  Wills  Mautild,  Thorn 
Short,  Henr9  fil'  Capllani,  Jobs  de  Spikeswrth,  Wills  le 
Messager,  Walts  de  Dysce,  Hugo  Fynamus,  Bnds  fil  Edm, 
Jobs  Bridicite,  Bog's  fil*  Ede,  Herve9  Fytei,  T,  Agfi  ux  Jobis 
Scot  convicti  fuut  de  pldcis  cobusc  robia  T;  homicid. 

Et  oms  pt  pdcos  Galfrm  le  Brun,  Stephm  le  Whyte  T: 
Bobm  Bene  ciicos  qui  librat1  fuut  Bogo  quodam  Norwyc 
Eps  p  convict  distracti  fuut  T:  s9pensi  T;  quid  eo?  cobusti  et 
cat  %  eo^  ten  dem  est  insens9  (?)  Et  Jobs  Buttesmuth  T; 
oms  alij  pldci  cope  p;dco  obtaxert  se.  Et  oms  iii°  solepnit: 
vocati.  Et  nullus  eox  [pret  pldcos  Jobem  Buttesmuth, 
Barthm  de  Tasburgh  tannr,  Waltm  frem  ejus  Galfrm  Sewal, 
Bogm  Fyke,  Bndcm  fil  Pet1  clici,  Henr9  de  Norton,  Jobem 
Godeman  piscatore,  Cristiana  uxj  Willi  le  Gredere,  Badm 
Crestyen,  Agn  ux)  Jobis  Olive,  Bobm  Fytel,  Robm  fil* 
Bartbi  de  Lakenham,  Jobem  le  Stabler,  Ricm  le  Tundur 
sviente  Jobis  Ston,  1  Jobem  de  Beynesthorp]  venit  s.  pdes 
Bics  Morit,  Bics  le  Bukler  de  London,  Wills  le  Blunt  (\) 
oms  alij  obtxlert  se  T;  iij°  solepnit  vocati  no  ven  T;  malctr9 
ido  exr  T:  utt. 

Catalla  pldci  Jobis  de  Donew3^co  v  sol.  unde  vie  respod. 
Et  receptat9  fuit  sup  feod  cast  exta  decam  ido  in  mia. 

Cat  laica  p.dci  Bobi  de  Acle  capllani  xs.  un  1  vie  respond 
no  fuit  in  deca  qs  ctic9. 

Cat  pldci  Willi  Belagh  xlijd.  un  id  Vic  respond.  Et  fuit 
(in  deca  ?)  Bici  de  Stalha  iu  Fysbriggegate  ido  in  mm. 

Catatl  pldci  Jobis  Bon  ijs.  xd.  Un  id  vie  respod.  Et  fuit 
in  deca  Nicbi  de  Akle  in  Hosyergate  ido  in  mia. 


46 


Et  alij  nulla  huert  catalla  s.  Wills  le  ChaloS  fuit  in  deca 
Phi  le  Fraunceys  de  Coslane  ido  in  mia. 

Et  Walts  le  Lymberme  fuit  in  deca  Ade  Cawel  in  Coslane 
ido  in  mia.4 


Hogs  le  Feve 
Robs  le  Pe  j  unior 
Rics  fil'  Pet1  capital 
Robs  le  Coteler 
Rogs  le  Tavern! 
Thorn  fil  Pet1  clici 
Rogs  de  Walshm 
Barths  de  Horsted 
Eustach  de  Upton 
Nichs  de  Topecroft 
Johs  de  Swathesend5 
Wal?s   fir  Willi   de 

Lopham 
Rofs    fil     Willi     le 

Chapeler 
Rics    le    Bukler    de 

London 
Rics  fil  Rici  de  Sto- 

deye 
Ricus  le  Suur 
Galfrs  le  Norreis 
Galfrs  le  Suur 
Thorn  fil'  Ka?ine 


(Ad  de  Badesened  in  Norwyco.) 
(Rohi  de  Poswyke  in  sellaria.) 
(Xichi  de  Akle  capllar9.) 
(Roland  de  Colneya  in  Norwyc.) 
(Willi  Isend  in  ead.) 
(Johis  de  Weston  de  Neugate.) 
(Ranulph  le  Bleks?e.) 
(Nichi  de  Akle  in  Norwyco.) 
(Johis  de  Ashwell.) 
(Aug9tini  de  Bungey.) 
(Ad  de  Knapeton.) 
(AndrS  de  Byltham.) 

(Johis  de  Ashwell  in  Norwyco.) 

(Hermanni  le  Gaunt  in  Norwyco.) 

(Radi  Mudde  in  Norwyco.) 

(Johis  de  Disce  in  Tsorwyco.) 
(Johis  Woderoue  in  ead.) 
(Humfri  Munisye  in  ead.) 
(Alani  Barlysel.) 
(Thorn  le  Chaundeler.) 


Wills  Wvndrawere 

Witts  Dyye  1  Hugo     (Wifti  Galyt.) 

fr  ejus 
Rics  de  Lond  (Hugois  Wigthard.) 


4  The  next  entries  are  all  in  this  form ;   so  to  save  space  I  have  merely 
given  the  names — the  names  of  the  "  decenners"  being  in  parentheses. 

5  Query,  de  Swathefeud. 


47 

Johs  Hundessone  de  (Henr9  Cubyt.) 

Eyleshfh. 

Jobs  Bagge  Carpen-  (Roger  de  Fremlyngham.) 

tari9 

Robs  le  Skyl  (Willi  de  Sweynesthorp.) 

Ad  le  Tundur  (Galfri  Haraud.) 

Robs  sviens  quodam  (Galfri  Faderman.) 

Willi  Pycot 

Wills  le  Teler  (Rog>  Abbot.) 

Robs  Pyeshank  (Thorn  fiT  Nichi  de  Coventre.) 

Robs  de  Norhd  quo-  (Galfr9  Mannyng.) 

dam  sviens  Willi 

le  pchemin) 

Rics  de  Saham  sutor  (Johis  Raven.) 

Thorn  de  Keryng  (Rogi  le  Grey.) 
T:  alij  no  f  uut  in  deca  %  ciici  T:  vagabundi. 

Postea  testa?  est  qd  pldcus  Rics  Moryt  huit  cat  sciit 
xviijs.  Uii  vie  respond.  Et  qd  ipe  sifhl  cu  pldcis  Willo  le 
Blunt,  Herveu  cleri  T:  Bndcs  fiT  Pet1  ciici  alias  capti  funt 
T:  tadcti   fuut  p  pie usq, Et 


(Yin)centi9  de  Kyrkeby,  Henr9  de  Bradesend,  Jobs  de 
Rupun,   Wills   de    Cogeshal,  T;    Thorn   de    Hoo,    man   pldc 

Moryt  ido  in  mla.      Et  Hufrs   de  Betreton, 

Gilbs   de   Wychyngham,    Ernald    Pese,    Johs   de    Fornset, 

Simo    de ford,    Simo    de   Runhal,    Rog's  de 

Penteney,  Rics  de  Fornset,  T:  Jobs  le  TavS,  man  pldcm 
Wiltm  de  Bl(unt  non  ?)  huert  ipm  ido  in  mia.  Et  Rics 
de  Cheyney,  Elured  de  Stiberde,  Henr9  le  Burs,  Rog  fiT 
Radi  de  Hederset,  ....  stratton  chaundeler,  Reginald  de 
Antinghfh,  Walts  Gamag,  Jns  de  Massangham,  Robs  le 
Escot,  Seman  Hornaylip,  (et?)  Galfrs  Stute,  man  pi  dem 
Herveu  Cachedeu  ido  in  mia.  Et  Johs  le  CeliS,  Mich  de 
Horsey e,  Henr9  le  Pele?,  Wills  Snthorp,  Wilts  de  Causton,  T; 
Rics  de  Wykham  man  p'dem  Bndcm  fil  Pet1  ido  in  mia  .  .  . 


48 

Messer  iij°  solepnit  vocat9  non  veri   s.   obtftxt  se  p  morte 

pdci  Ade  de  Neuton  Ht  maletri  ids  exa  T;  utl in  deca 

33  fuit  de  manup  Willi  de  Bruham  p^ris  q1  obiit. 


13. 

Ibid.  dors.  mem.  72. 

Adhuc  de  Civitati  Norwyc. 

De  fugitivis  dicut  qd  Jobs  Buttesmuth,  Bartns  de  Tas- 
burgh  Tannur,  Walts  fr  ejus,  Bios  Mors,  Herveus  Cachedew 
qui  obijt,  Bobs  de  Tasburgh  q  obijt,  Galfrs  Sewale,  Witts  le 
Blunt  clicus,  Thorn  le  TavS  de  Dockyng,  Bog's  Fyk,  Brides 
fil  Pet1  ciici,  Henr9  de  Norton,  Jobs  Godesma  piscator, 
Cristiana  que  fuit  ux  Willi  le  gredere,  Nichs  de  Ely  qui 
obijt,  Wills  le  Parchemen)  qui  obijt,  Wills  fil  Gilbi  le  Brun 
qui  obijt,  Bads  Crestyen,  Agn  ux  Jonis  Olyve,  Bobs  Fytole, 
Jobs  fil  Johis  le  Lindrap  qui  obijt,  Jobs  Knot  junior  q1  obyt, 
Bobs  fil  Bartbi  de  Lakenbam,  Simon  le  Paum  pmenr,  Gilbs 
de  Shotesh'm,  EKas  de  Bures,  Jobs  le  Establer,  T:  Bics  le 
Tundur  svies  Jobis  Ston  obtxert  se  p  cobustioe  ecclie  Sci 
T^initat:  Norwyco,  1  p  bomicid  T:  robijs  fcis  in  ead  qu.  dno 
rex  ultimo  yen  in  ptib?  istis  post  felon  pldcas  ibid  fcas.  Et 
p!  tea  p  lapsu  tepis  rediert.  Qui  modo  yen  et  requisiti  qualit 
se  velint  de  pldcis  feloii  aq^etare.  Defend  cobustioem  felon 
bomicid  T;  q^q^  est  conta  pacem,  Tx.  Et  dicut  qd  ipi  oms  sut 
de  Civitate  Norwyce  T,  civis  in  ead  et  qd  dns  Bex  qui  nuc 
est  remisit  eisd  civib3  oms  tnsgressoes  fca  pxori  1  convetus 
*\  eclie  sci  Trinitat  de  Norwyco.  Et  pfert  cartam  ipi9  dni 
Beg  in  hec  vba.  "  Edward  dei  gra,  T:c,  omib?,  T:c,  salt  Sciat 
qd  de  gra  rira  speciali  reddidim9  civib^  nris  de  Norwyco 
eamd  civitatem  cum  ptin  que  occasioe  tmsgressions 
quam  in  cobuscioe  ecclie  conuetual  ejusd  Civitat  fecisse 
dicebant1  capta  fuit  in  man  dni  H.  Beg  pris  nri  T:  quam 
nos  post  mortem  dci  pris  nri  eis  comission)  tenedi  ad 


49 

voluntatem  firam  que  T:  imp  capta  fuit  in  manu  nram  p 

quadam  tansgr9  qua  fecisae   dicebatr  capiendo  latrones 

%  aliis  malef  tores  in  civitate  pldca  p  quibusdam  tansgr 

exa  ead  civitate  fcis  et  de  eis  jud  faciendo  in  ead  quas  qd 

tansgressioes  p  eosd  Civies  sic  fcos  ipis  totalrl  remitting 

Hnd  T:  tenedam   eamd  Civitate  cum   eisd   libtatib^  T: 

libis   consuetudinib3   quib3    earn   raconabilit  tenuut  an 

capcones  pldcas  Reddendo  inde  p  annu  ad  scc^m  firm 

centu  T:  octo  libras  blancas  de  antiqa  firma  T;  quadra- 

ginta  sot  de  incremto  firme  pldci  VolentesT;  concedentes 

p  nob  T:  bered  riris  qd  pldci  cives  T:  bered  sui  beant  T: 

teneant   deceto   eamd  civitatem  cum   libtatib?  T;   librs 

consuetudinib^  suis  pldcis  imppetuu  ut  pldcm  est.     In 

cui9  rei  test:  Iras  nros  fieri  fecim9  patentes  T.  me  ipo 

apd  Westm  xxvij  die  Maij  anno  r   nl  tertia  decimo." 

Et  q3  pi  dci  Jobs  Buttesmutb  T:  alij  indictati  sut  de  combustioe 

bomicid  T:  robia  pdcis  T:  pdca  carta  nullam  facit  menconem 

de  aliquo  homicidio  robia  vl  felon   n*  tantumodo  de  tans- 

gressioe  cobustiois  ecclie  pdce  ido  ipi  remittur  ga}Tol  quousq, 

T;c.     Et  q3  testatum  et  p  xij  qd  pldci   Jobs  Buttesmutb  T: 

oms  alij  alias  sbtaxert  se  p  bomicid  cobuscioe  T:  robia  pldcis 

catalla  eos  confiscantr.      Cat   pldci  Jobis  Buttesmutb  iiijs. 

Uri  vie  respond.     Cat  pldci  Barthi  de  Tasburgb  di  in.     Uii 

id  vie  respond.     Catalla  pldci  Walt  de  Tasburgb  Ls.     Uii 

id  vie   respod.     Cataft  pldci  Galfri  Sewald  vs.     Uri  id  vie 

respond.    Cataft  pldci  Bogi  Fyke  xviijd.    Un  id  vie  respond. 

Cataft  pldci  Jobi  Godeman  ijs.  vjd.     Uii  id  vie  r9.     Cataft 

pldci  Willi  le  ParcbemiS  ixs.  id  vie  r9.     Cataft  pldci  Jobis 

Knotte  Junioris  xvs.  vij4.     (No  respond.)     Cat  pldci  JSTicbi 

de  Ely  x  li  din  id  vie  respond.      Cat  pldci  Elureni  le  Gaunt 

di  in.     Uii  id  vie  respori. 

De  eod  vie  de  cat  Jobis  fil  And9  de  Hengbam  s9pensi  vs.  vjd. 
De  laycis  cat  magr  Galfr    le  Brim  clici  convicti 


iiiju.  xiijs.  ixd. 


VOL.    II.] 


50 

De  cat  Eici  de  Potenham  S9  xviijd. 
Johis  Maunchef  S9  xvjd. 
Isabell  Sturnoyse  S9  ixd. 
Emme  de  Thorpmarket  89  xvijd. 
Robi  Hervi  S9  xijd. 

"Walti  de  Kyrketon  in  Hoylaund  sg  xvd. 
Galfr    de  Wymudhm  S9  iiijs.  iiijd. 
Henr   de  Brisewrth  S9  xxd. 
Hen9  Bryth  de  Hapeton  S9  vjd. 
Barthi  Jay  de  Fransham  S9  xvd. 
Matfii  Duttecunte  de  Warr9  S9  xijd. 
Nichi  Mannyng  de  Drayton  S9  xijd. 
Johis  Cado  S9  xvd. 
Mabil  de  Petteneye  S9  xijd. 
Johis  de  Stratton  S9  xd. 
Johis  fil  Nichi  le  Thressher9  89  xviijd. 
Henr9  fil*  Ad  de  Ludynglond  S9  xijd. 
Jonis  de  Mundham  S9  ij3. 
Johis  Guile  S9  xviijd. 
De  laycis  cat  Stephi  le  Blunt  clici  convicti  vs. 
Wal?  Drake  S9  vijs.  vjd. 
Rogi  de  Wesn  S9  iijs. 
Bridci  le  Chauc  S9  viijs. 
Thorn  de  Okie  S9  xvijs. 
Henr9  Godale  S9  xxs. 
Henr  Shepeseye  S9  vijs.  ivd. 
Robi  fil  Amabil  S9  di  m. 
Barthi  de  Karleton  S9  xxd. 
Johis  Olive  59  xijd. 
Wifti  Mauhtild  S9  xiijd. 
Thorn  Short  S9  xvs. 
Johis  de  Spikeswrth  S9  vjs.  iijd. 
Wifti  le  ^lessag  59  viijd. 
Hugois  Fynams  S9  viijd. 
Bndci  fit  Edm  S9  ixs. 
Hervei  Fytet  S9  xixs.  iiijd. 


51 


14. 

Miscellanea  of  the  Exchequer,  bundle  900. 
H.  E.  H.  No.  3309. 

Inquisico  fca  de  cataft  T:  tenementis  dampnat  T:  fugitivor 
occasle  conbustionis  Ecce  See  T^nitatis  Norwic  p  subsc^ptos 
videli}  p  Wiftm  Picot,  Pobm  de  Asewardeby,  Jotiem  le 
Graunt,  Pobtum  de  Weston,  Wiftm  de  Knapeton,  Jotiem 
de  Postwick,  Ad  le  Graunt,  Picm  Plinling,  Willm  de 
Welles,  Iluotum  de  Morleya,  Hurfrtum  le  Tanur,  T:  Pobm 
de  Donewico.6  Dicunt  sup  sac^mentu  suu  quod  Herve9 
Fitile  dampnat9  huit  quodda  mes  in  Norwico  quod  tenuit 
de  Pobto  de  Capetufi  de  sve  p  xs  p  afin  nee  aliquid  valet 
ulta  ad  op9  dni  Reg.  Yastu  apreciat:  fuit  ad  v  m"~rc  T; 
iiijd.  T:  p  tanto  vendit  deo  Potto.  Ufi  Herve9  de  Stanbowe 
T:  Hug  Pecbe  tunc  custodes  Norwic  respondebunt. 

Id  H.  Fitile  huit  in  cataft  xxvijs  T:  viijd.  de  quib3  pdei  H. 
Peche  T:  Henr9  de  Stanbawe  respond. 

It  Petr9  de  Kerebrock  fugitivus  huit  quoddam  mes  in 
Norwico  quod  tenuit  de  Hospitali  de  Bee  p  xijd.  p  ann  T: 
apreciat9  ulta  ijd.  p  ann  ad  op9  diii  Peg1.  Un  Johes  le 
Lindrap  de  Norwico  T:  Pog  Lyard  respondebut. 

It  Johes  Drake  dampnat9  buit  quamda  domu  in  Norwico 
quam  tenuit  de  Henr;  de  Heylesdon  p  iiijs.  p  annfi  nee 
valet  aliquid  ulta  ad  op9  dhi  Peg.  Yastu  apreciat  ad  iiijs. 
Un  Id  H.  debet  responde. 

It  Walrus  Drake  dampnat9  huit  quoddam  mes  in  Norwico 
quod  tenuit  de  Hospitali  de  Bee  p  xvjd.  p  ann  T:  valet  ulta 

ijs.  p  anii  ad  op9  dni  Peg*.      Un de  G  nem"~  res- 

pondebit.      Yastu  apreciat  fuit  ad  j  rn^rca.      Und  H.  Pecbe 
rt  H.  de  Stanbowe  tuc  custod  Norwic  debent  responde. 

Id  Walrus  Drake  buit  in  cataft  vjs.  %  vjd.  de  quib}  pdei 
custodes  debent  responde. 

6  Qui? 
E  2 


52 

It  magist;  Stephs  le  Blund  clic9  huit  quoddam  mes  in 
Norwico  in  pochia  sci  Edwardi  quod  tenuit  de  Abbe  de 
Rameseye  p  v  sot  p  anfi  T;  valet  nlta  ad  op9  dfii  Reg  p  anfi. 
Un  Ad  fir  Rofoti  Wenge  respondebit.  Yastu  apreciat  ad  c 
sot.     Un  deus  Abbas  de  Ramseye  debet  responde. 

Id  magist  Stephs  huit  aliud  mes  in  Norwico  in  vico  de 
Coselania  quod  tenuit  de  dno  Rege  p  uno  oblo  p  ann  T:  valet 
p  anfi  ad  op9  drii  Reg  di  mra  Ad  le  Yilur  tenet  illud  8*5  quo 
warranto  nescimQ. 

Id  magr  Stephs  huit  in  cataft  di  marc.  Un  H.  Peche  T: 
H.  de  Stanhowe  tuc  custodes  ^orwic  respond. 

It  Wills  le  Pcheviln  fugitivus  huit  quoddam  mes  in 
Norwico  in  pochia  see  Mar9  pve  quod  tenuit  de  Semanno 
Grim  de  Hecham  p  ijs.  1:  jd.  p  anri  T:  valet  ulta  ad  op9  dfii  Reg 
ijs.  p  ann.     Un  Alex'  de  le  Sarcrin  T:  ux'  eJ9  respod. 

Id  Wills  huit  in  catall  ixs.  de  quib^  Rog'us  clicus  coronator 
T:  Wills  Fab9  respond. 

It  Thorn  Scort  huit  quodda  mes  in  Poch  Sci  Johis  de 
Madamarket  quod  tenuit  de  Simone  le  Cunte  p  xvjd.  p  annu 
T;  valet  ulta  xijd.  p  ann.  ad  op9  dni  Reg.  Un  deus  Sirno 
respond. 

Id  Thorn  habuit  unu  mesuagiu  in  poch  Sci  Andr  quod 
tenuit  de  tenuit  de  Hospic  Xormanu  p  ijs.  p  anfi  T:  valet  ulta 
ad  op9  drii  Reg1  p  ann  xijd.  Un  magr  Hospic  Normann 
respond. 

It  Id  Thorn  huit  in  dca  poch  unu  mesuagiu  juxa  pdem 
mes  quod  tenuit  (de  ?)  Elemosinar0  Xorwic  p  iij  sol.  p  ann 
T:  valet  ulta  xijd.  p  anfi  ad  op9  dni  Reg.  Un  deus  Ele- 
mosinar respond.  Yastu  apreciat  fuit  ad  xs.  de  quib3  de 
quib^  (sic)  deus  Elem  respond. 

It  Petr  Benne  dampnat9  huit  quoddam  mes  in  ^Norwico 
quod  tenuit  de  P^ratu  Norwic  p  ijs.  T:  vjd.  p  ann  T:  valet  ulta 
ad  op9  dni  Reg  p  ann  xijd.  Un  deus  p'or  1  convent9 
respond.  Yastu  apreciat9  fuit  Xs.  deus  p'or  T;  convent9 
debent  responde. 


53 

It  Johes  le  Blund  dampnat9  huit  unu  mesuagiu  1  duas 
scoppas  ex  oposito  dci  mes  in  poch  Sci  Edmundi  in  Norwico 
quod  tenuit  de  Ad:  le  Blund  p  uno  clavo  gariophir  p  anfi  T: 
valent  p  ann  ad  op9  dni  Reg1  x9.  Un  Ad  le  Blund  debet 
responde  qui  illud  mes  T;  scopp  tenet  quo  warranto  nescimQ. 

Id  Jones  huit  in  cati  in  solda  sua  ixs.  T:  iij  ob.  de  quib^ 
Johes  Nade  respond. 

It  Id  Johes  huit  in  cataft  ijs.  T:  vjd.  de  quib}  Hog*  clic9 
coronatar  respond. 

It  Id  Johes  huit  unu  fardelii  de  panno  lin  '"l  alijs  mercand 
de  pcio  nescim9  valorem  q  illud  fardelu  remansit  penes 
H.  Peche  T:  H.  de  Stanhowe  tuc  custodes  Norwic  p  quo  p  .  .  . 
dci  fardeli  no  potint  iquir  . 

It  Thorn  de  Etele  dampnat9  huit  in  cataft  xvijs.  de  quibj 
pdci  H.  T,  H.  custodes  respondebut.    [Sed  credita  qd  val  xx11.] 

It  Henr9  Godale  dampnat9  huit  in  cataft  ijs.  T:  vjd.  de  quib} 
Walrus  le  Skousere  T:  Rog  le  Marchal  respond. 

It  Ric.  Sibeti  damnat9  huit  unu  mes  in  Norwico  quod 
tenuit  de  Rogo  fiP  Caplli  p  iijs.  p  anh  no  valet  aliqd  ulta  ad 
op9  dni  Reg1.  Yastu  apreciatu  fuit  iiijs.  Un  dcus  Rog'us 
respondebit. 

It  Ric  huit  in  cataft  xld.  de  quib?  pdcii  H.  Peche  T,  II.  de 
Stanhowe  tuc  custodes  debent  responde. 

It  Robs  fil'  Amabilie  dampnat9  huit  in  cataft  xxvs.  T:  iiijd. 
de  quib3  de  Galfridus  le  Ceyntur9  fr9  ei9d  Robti  respond. 

It  Barthol.  de  Carleton  dampn  huit  in  cataft  xxd.  de  quib-; 
H.  de  Stanhow  T;  H.  Peche  respond. 

It  Johes  Slive  dcs  le  Barbur  huit  in  catl  xijd.  de  quib? 
pdci  H.  de  Stanhowe  T:  H.  Peche  respond. 

It  Rog'us  de  Weston  dampnat9  huit  in  cataft  iijs.  de  quib? 
p  dci  H.  T:  H.  custodes  respondent. 

It  Magr  Galfridus  le  Brun  huit  tram  T:  tenemtu  in  villa 
de  Snaringe  s?  qui  illud  tenet  nescim9  val  p  ann  Cs. 

It  Walrus  de  Disse  dampnat9  huit  in  cataft  vijd.  de  quib3 
p  dci  H.  T;  H.  custodes  Norwic.  respond. 


It  Wills  le  Mesag  huit  in  cat  aft  viijd.  de  quib3  p9dci  H.  % 
II.  respond. 

Johes  Finam9  dampnat9  huit  in  cataft  viijd.  de  quib?  p9dci 
II.  T;  H.  respond. 

It  Johes  de  Spikeswrthe  dampnat9  huit  in  cataft  vij5.  T,  iijd. 
de  quib}  p  dci  H.  T;  H.  custodes  respondebut. 

It  Johes  Benin  fugitivus  huit  in  cataft  ijs.  1;  xd.  ob.  de  quib^ 
Galfridus  de  Costinoble  respond. 

It  Johes  de  Aslacton  fugit  huit  in  cataft  ijs.     Un  Nichs  de 
Loph""m  civis  Norwic  respond. 

It  Ric.  Moris  fug  huit  in  cataft  vijs.  de  quibj  Yincenci9  de 
Kirkeby  T:  Henr9  de  Bradefeud  respond. 

It  id  Ric  huit  in  cataft  iijs.  T:  vjd.  de  quibj  Witts  de  Kogesale 
de  Norwico  respond. 

It  Robs  de  Acle  capllo  fugitivus  huit  in  cataft  ix8.  de  quib3 
Wills  de  Yelv  ton  de  Norwico  respond. 

It   Johes  But   fugitivus  huit  in  cataft   1    m^rcam.      Un 
Amicia  But  ux  dci  Joh  respond. 

It  Semman9  Wynne  dampnat9  nich  huit  in  bonis. 

It  Thorn  Munne  damnat9  nich. 

It  Nich  Busard  damnat9  nich. 

It  Walrus  Bndicite  dapnat9  nich. 

It  Bndcus  fir  Edm  nich. 

It  Johes  Bndicite  dapnat9  nicn- 

It  Nichs  Kasem9  dapnat9  nich. 

It  Hugo  Stive  (query,  Slive)  dampnat9  nich. 

Bndcus  le  Chaucer  dampnat9  nich. 

Johes  Morse  dampn  nich. 

It  Ric.  de  Acle  nich. 

It  Henr9  fiT  caplli  nich. 

It  Robs  Bene  capfts  nich. 

It  Rog  fil'  Odon  nich. 

It  Agn  ux9  Johis  Scot  nich. 

It  Will.  Mathchild  dapnat9  nich. 

Sfha  pdco?  catallojs  xliiij11  xixs  't  ijd. 


55 

[Endorsed'].  Inquisico  fca  cataft  T:  tenement 
dampnato?  T;  fugito?  occone  com- 
bustionis  ecce  See  Trinitar  Nor- 
wyci,  1c. 

[In  another  hand].     Dominus  dixit  ad  me  filius  meus. 


15. 

From  an  undated  fragment  of  a  Norwich  Coroner's 
Roll  (marked  A.) 

Inquisicone  fca  de  igne  posito  in  Judaismo.  Die  qd 
Simon  Quitloc  posuit  igne.  Robt9  Scoth  fregit  area  qndam 
in  eade  domo  Iventa.  Scot  sviens  Herbti  Sutoris  asportavit 
q"~nda  pte  cataft  ibide  invent.  Reginald9  Wanbakin  pistor 
fregit  dom  pdcum.  Die  \  qd  Stepfcs  Cbiken  fuit  soci9 
pdei  Simois  Quitloc  ad  igne  ponend.  Die  T:  qd  Wilts  Hodis 
T:  Rads  Muddok  fregerut  domu  Judi  ubi  ignis  no  fofedit. 
P9cept  fuit  attachiare  pdcos  felones  tmiatu  fuit  p  justu  dni 
Reg  s.  Rob.  de  Fulham.7 


16. 

Norwich  Coroners  Roll,  56  Hen.  III.* 

"  In  the  year  56  it  happened  that  John  Casmus  was  found 
slain,  on  the  Tuesday  next  after  the  feast  of  St.  Lawrence, 
[16  August]  by  William  de  Brunham,  Prior  of  Norwich,  at 
the  Gates  of  St.  Trinity,  on  the  eastern  side,  the  said  prior 
having  struck  him  with  a  certain  fauchone  on  the  head, 
from  which  blow  he  instantly  died.  The  Coroners  are 
unable  to  make  inquisition  from  fear  of  a  felonious  assault." 

7  Not  mentioned  in  Foss. 

8  This  roll  is  now  unluckily  lost ;  but  I  can  safely  quote  from  Mr.  Harrod's 
translation  of  the  entry  at  p.  273  of  vol.  ii.  of  the  Norfolk  Archceology. 


06 


17. 


The  "  old  roll "  once  among  the  city  records  and  quoted 
by  Blomefield  at  p.  55  of  his  third  volume,  is  now  most 
unluckily  not  to  be  found.  I  therefore  give  verbatim  what 
he  says  it  contains.  It  is  said  by  Blomefield  to  be  at  fo.  127 
of  the  Book  of  Charters,  but  diligent  search  by  Dr.  Jessopp, 
to  whom  for  this  and  much  else  I  am  greatly  indebted,  failed 
to  produce  any  result. 

"  The  old  roll  says  certain  friars  preachers  and  nuns  were 
sent  to  the  Prior  for  peace  after  the  Citizens  assembled,  and 
by  agreement  each  party  chose  a  clerk  and  a  layman  arbi- 
trators, who  made  an  agreement  of  peace  with  the  City  and 
sealed  it  with  their  common  seal ;  but  the  Prior  would  not 
seal  it  with  the  Chapter  seal,  but  with  his  own  private  seal, 
and  that  so  enraged  the  people  that  it  occasioned  all  the 
mischief.  The  same  roll  also  says  that  the  Sunday  before 
this  began  there  came  from  Yarmouth  and  other  places  by 
the  Prior's  procuring,  three  barges  full  of  enemies  against 
the  town,  with  guns,  bows,  and  arrows,  and  other  weapons ; 
and  when  they  came  under  the  town  they  beat  their  drums 
and  sounded  their  trumpets,  which  vexed  and  exasperated 
the  townsmen  ;  and  when  these  recreants  were  in  the  Priory 
it  is  said  they  fired  three  houses  near  the  Gray  Friars,  and 

burnt  them  down." "  The  old  roll  says  that  many 

said  that  the  men  of  the  priory  and  other  townes  that  they 
had  got  to  help  them  were  in  the  high  steeple  or  clocher, 
and  had  a  fire  therein,  and  when  the  townsmen  assaulted 
the  gates  they  went  down  to  save  and  defend  the  belfry,  and 
by  negligence  left  the  fire  behind  them  in  the  high  steeple, 
church,  and  dortar." 


57 


18. 


From  the  3rd  mem.  of  a  Roll  in  the  Guildhall  at 
Norwich,  (mentioned  by  Harrod  at  p.  276  of 
vol.  ii.,  Norfolk  Archaeology.) 

De  utlagatis  T:  fugativis  rt  si  quis  redierit  post  utlag  1 
fuga  sine  waranto.  Dnt  qd  de  utlag  nichil  sciunt  set  de 
fugativis  revsis  dnt  qd  Johes  Buttesmuth  [or  uch],  Barths  de 
Thaseburgh  tannator  T:  Walto  fr  ejus  Hies  Mori}  [Carhowe],9 
Herveus  Gacgedeu,1  Rob  de  Haseburgh  S3  mortuus  est,  GalfrS 
Sewale,  Witts  le  Blund  dicus,  Thorn  Taverner  de  Dokkinge, 
Rogs  Fike,  Beneds  fir  Pet1  clici,  Henr9  de  Neicton,  Jobs 
Godesman  piscator,  Cristiana  ux)  Wifti  le  Gredere,  Witts  le 
PchemyS,  Witts  fil'  Gilbti  le  Brun,  Rads  Xpien  ux.  Agn  (sic) 
ux.  John  P  .  .  .  .  ,  Robs  Fitele,  Job  fil'  Job  le  Lindrap,  Job 
Knot  junior,  Robs  fil'  Bartbi  de  Lakenham,  Simon  le  Palmere,2 
Gilbs  de  Shotesham,  Ely  as  de  Burys,  Jobs  Stabler.  Omnes 
isti  indictati  fuerunt  cora  G.  de  Preston  T:  sociis  suis  de 
combustione  1  Roba  T;  postea  redierunt  qui  idem  Gilbs  fecit 

pclam  qd  omnes  qui  vellet  venire  ad  pacem admissi 

~t  in  venire  pleg  standi  recto  T:  [blank].3 

Et  Robs  de  Akle  captts,  Warinus  captts  poch  sci  Olavi, 
Witts  le  Cbaluri,  Walts  le  Lymbere,  Thorn  Dudde,  Gerves 
Fullo  de  Dilham,  Robs  de  Kancia,  Hugo  de  Coventr  , 
Martin9  Kok,  Rogus  Faber,  ....  Witts  de  Belhawe  clicus, 
Ricus  fil'  Petri  le  Chapeler,  Robs  le  Cutele  de  Sadelgate, 
Rogs  le  Tavner  fil'  Petri  clici  [Neugate],  Johes  de  Reynes- 
thorp  clicus,  Reg's  de  Walsham,  Johes  de  Donewico  sutor 
[de  feod  castr],  Barth  de  H  .  .  .  .  Eustachius  de  Upton, 
Nichs  de  Topecroft,  Johes  de  Swathefeud,  Wal?  fil  Wifti  de 

9  Interlined. 

1  Probably  the  same  name  as  Cachedeu,  which  occurs  before. 

2  In  margin — Kic's  le  Tundr. 

3  In  margin — De  tans  fc's  ecc'ie  Sc'i  Trinitatis. 


58 

Lopham,  B  .  .  .  .  Wifti  le  Chapeler  de  Hensted,  Bics  le 
Bukler  de  London,  Henr  Curteys  clicus,  Witts  de  Mulke- 
bton  svies  Magri  Galfri  le  Brun,  Bics  fil*  Bici  de  Stodeye 
ciicus,  Bics  Sutor,  Galfr  Noreys  cticus,  Galfr  ....  Thorn 
fil  Kat'ine  cticus,    Witts  Heved  Wyndrawere,  Witts  Dyne, 

Hugo   fr     ejus   Bics    de    London, Hundessone   de 

Eylesham,  Johes  Bogge  carpentar',  Bobts  le  Skippe,  Ad  le 

Tundur,  Bics  fit  Wifti Bobs   Pe    quondam    sviens 

Wifti  Picot,  Johes  Baggesma,  Witts  le  Seler,  Bobs 

Petr    de  Kerebrok  cticus,   Bobs  de  Northampton,  Johes  le 

Cunlur  de  poch  Sci  Wynewaley,  Herveus Nichs  de 

Wichingham   cler,   Bicus   de   Selhus    (?)    sutor   Bog)us   de 

Heydon,  Bogus  le   Tevner Keteryngham  indictati 

fuerunt  de  eisdem  tansgr   T:  fug  S3  nucq/  redierunt. 


19. 

From  the  ith  mem.  of  the  same  Roll,  of  which  however 
it  did  not  originally  form  part. 

Witts  le  Pcheminl  fug  p  combustione  Ecctie  See  Trinitat 
huit  catalla  ad  vat  ixs.  Unde  Walt's  de  Sweynesthorp,  Walts 
le  Mareschal,  Bobs  de  Lincoln  T:  Bogs  le  Mareschal  r9.  Et 
fuit  in  decenna  Begin  Grey. 

Johs  Godesman  fug  p  ead  tans  H.  catalla  ad  val  ijs  T;  vjd. 
Unde  Witts  de  Dere,  Bobs  Waxmogere,  Thorn  le  Cuner  T: 
Bads  de  Dodewyk  r9  1  fuit  in  decenna  Henr9  Cubyt. 

Galfrs  Sewale  h  catalla  ad  vat  vs.  Ufi  Johs  de  Bate, 
Henr9  Makale,  Bobs  de  Bunhale,  T:  Gregor9  de  Upton  r9  T: 
fuit  in  decenna  Witti  de  Brck. 

Bic  Mori^  h  catalla  ad  vat  xviijs.  vjd.  Un  Bogs  de 
Wyleby  Yinc  de  Kyrkeb}7,  Henry  de  Bradefeld,  Johs  de 
Bipun,  Witts  de  Cogeshale  T:  Thorn  de  Ho  r9  T:  fuit  in 
decenna  in  parva  Newegate  ubi  p^rissa  de  Newegate  clafh 
hre  visu  franc  pleg.' 


59 

Johs  Knot  junior  n  cat  ad  valenc  xvs  T:  t'Ylita  fuunt  Pico 
Botman  qui  eid  Johi  ead  cat  delibavit1"  p  plceptii  dfii  r  no 
in  decenna  qj  clicus. 

Thorn  le  Taverner  h  cat  ad  vat  iijs.  T:  vj'1.  TJn  Johs  de 
Erlham  T:  Stephs  de  Brakne  r9  ri  fuit  in  decenna  Ernaldi 
Pese. 

Pogs  Fike  h  catalla  ad  vat  xviijd.  Tin  Johs  de  Bergh, 
Peter  le  Tundur  T:  Ernaldus  de  Weston  r  *X  fuit  in  decenna 
in  decenna  (sic)  GalM  de  Derham. 

Rots  de  Acle  capfts  ft  cat  ad  valenc  xs.  Un  Benedes 
Pakke  T;  Pans  Blakberd  r9  T;  Witto  de  Yelvton. 

Pobs  de  Taseburg  in  decenna  in  Newegate  null  h  catt. 

Johnes  But  ht  catt  ad  valenc  xxxd.  Unde  [blank]  T: 
fuit  in  decenna  Pobti  de  S.  Edmo  lorim. 

Walts  de  Taseburg  ht  call  ad  valenc  [blank]  T:  fuit  in 
decenna  Pici  de  Pingelond  fabri. 

Barths  de  Tasburg  huit  cat  ad  valenc T:  fait  in 

decenna  Pogi  de  Lenn. 

Herveus  Gagedeu  fuit  in  decena  [Johis  le  Panyur  qui 
mortuus  et  T:  oines  in  decenne  similit].  Ad  Lomb  T:  null 
huit  catt. 

Pobs  de  Taseburg*  fuit  in  decenfi  in  Newegate  ubi  Prior 
S.  T^iitatis  clam  vis  franc  pleg  cat  nulla. 

Henr  de  Norton  est  in  decen  T;  nul  huit  catt  T;  est  capital 
pleg. 

Pics  de  Ho  est  in  decenna  Martin  de  Tudenh'm  nult 
huit  catt. 

Pads  Cristion  est  in  decenna  Johis  Em  fullon  T:  nult 
huit  catt. 

Pobts  Fitele  est  in  decenna  Pobti  de  Donewyc  T;  nult 
huit  cat. 

Pobs  de  Lakenham  in  decenn  Ad  de  Aldeby  T:  nult  huit 
catt. 

Johnes  Stabler  in  decenfi  Thorn  de  Lundr9  chaundeler 
1  nult  catt. 


60 

Simon  le  Paum   pment^  in   decenn    in  Newegate    1  nutt 

huit  catt. 

Gilbt  de  Schotisham  in  decen  Ad  le  Graunt  T:  mortuus  est. 

Witts  le  ChaloS  in  decenna  Phi  le  Fraunceys  Ht  nutt  cata. 

Elyas  de  Buris  cticus  catt  nutt. 

Walts  le  Limberere  in  decen  Ad  Catel  1  nutt  lit  catt. 

Thorn  Dudde  cticus        \  ri  ,     ,   -, 
-n  tt       •        •        '  [blank.] 

Robts  de  Kancia  cticus  ) 

Gervas  Fulle  de  Dilham  manens  in  Hecham. 

Hug  de  Coventr9  cticus  T:  nutt  huit  catt. 

Martin  Koc  in  decen  in  Xewegate  nutt  catt. 

[Jobs  de  Aslacton  carpentar9  ht  catt  ijs.  T:  est  in  decenna. 

GalM  Mannvg  unde  N.  de  Loppham  respondeb.]  4 

Pog1  le  Feve  in  decen  Ad  de  Bradefeud  null  ht  catt. 

Pobt  le  Be  junior  in  decenn  Pobti  de  Possewik  nutt 
ht  catt. 

Pobt  le  Cutiler  in  decenna  Podlandi  de  Colneye  nutt 
ht  catt. 

Pogs  le  Taverner  in  decen  Witti  fit  Pici  Piscenar9  nutt 
ht  catt. 

Pogs  de  Walsham  in  decefi  Pari  le  Blecstere  nutl  ht  cat. 

Barth  de  Horsted  in  deca  Nichi  de  Acle  null  ht  catt. 

Eustacius  de  Hupton  in  deca  Jobis  de  Hassewelle. 

Nich  de  Thopecroft  in  deca  Aug9tini  de  Bungeye. 

Job  de  Swatefeud  in  deca  Ade  de  Baketon  nutt  ht  catt. 

Wal?  fil9  Willi  de  Lopham  in  deca  Andr9  de  Biltham. 

Pog  fil    Willi  le  Chapiller  in  deca  Johis  de  Hassewelle. 

Pic  le  Bukeler  de  Lond  in  deca  iLmann)  le  Gaunter. 

Pic  Sutor  in  deca  Johis  de  Disce. 

Galfr    Sutor  in  deca  Hunfr9  Munyoie. 

Will  Dine  in  deca  Willi  Galij. 

Hug  Dine  in  deca  ej9dm  Witti. 

Pic  de  London  in  deca  Hugis  Wyzard. 

4  Interlined. 


61 

Joh  Hundissone  de  Hailesham  in  dec*  Henr    Cubith. 
Joh  Bagge  carpentar9  in  deca  Ro^i  de  Fameingham. 
Robt  le  Skippe  in  deca  Walti  de  Sweinesthorp. 
[Pet9  de  Kybrok  cler9. 
Nich  de  Witchingham  cler9. 
Job  Faggelman  cler.]5 
Ad  le  Tundur  in  deca  Galfr9  Harald. 
Ric  fil9  Willi  le  Tundur  cler9. 
R-obt9  Pe  in  deca  Galfr9  Faderman. 
Will  le  Seler  in  deca  Rog'i  Abot. 
Robt  Pchissemke  in  deca  Thom  fil9  Nicft  de  Covetre. 
Robtg  de  Norhampeton  in  dec*  Robti  Justice. 
Joh  le  Tuvur  de  parocb  Sci  Wynewaley  dna  p^rissa  de 
Carewe  tenet  ibi  leta  see,  T:c. 

H9veus  le  Stabler  in  deca  Galfr9  Maning. 
Ric  de  Saham  sutor  in  deca  Jobis  Raven. 
Rog*  de  Heidon  in  dec*  RegiS  le  Grey. 
Th  de  Ketingebam  cler9. 

On  the  dorse  there  is  this  only : — 

Jobs  Bon  fugitivus  hilt  catt  ad  valienc  xxxiiijd.  und  G. 
de  Costinoble  r9  T;  est  in  dec  Rogi  de  Habill  capellar9. 


20. 
Bartholomew  de  Cotton,  pp.  421  to  427. 

In  ista  bulla  continetur  causa  secundae6  combustionis 
ecclesise  Norwycensis. 

Gregorius  episcopus,  servus  servorum  Dei,  venerabilibus 
fratibus  Londoniensi  et  Eliensi  episcopis  salutem  et  apostoli- 

5  Interlined. 

6  The  first  burning  was  in  1171-2,  as  recorded  by  Barth.  de  Cotton  and 
Wharton.  Blomefield  and  Dean  Goulburn  have  not  noticed  this  trifling 
occurrence. 


62 

cam  benedictionem.  Habet  dilectorum  filioriim  prioris  et 
conventus  Norwicensis  ecclesiae  gravis  ad  nos  prolata  querela, 
quod  universitas  Norwicensis  enormitate  detestabilium  ex- 
cessuum  se  involvens,  in  eam  prorupit  furoris  audaciam  quod 
cum  quidam  laici,  quos  multitudo  civium  Norwycensium 
querebat  ad  mortem,  a  facie  prosequendum  fugientes,  se  in 
eorum  monasterio  instantis  vitandi  causa  periculi  receptassent, 
cives  praedicti,  concessa  ecclesiis  immunitate  calcata,  idem 
monasterium  ausu  temerario  invadentes,  eorum  ecclesiam  in 
honore  Sancti  Ethelberti  constructam,  sitam  infra  septa 
monasterii  memorati,  elemosinariarn  quoque  ac  portus 
cimiterii  ejusdem  loci,  praesumptione  temeraria  imfregerunt. 
Cumque  venerabilis  frater  noster  Norwicensis  episcopus 
memoratos  cives  propter  liujusmodi  excessus  canonica  moni- 
tione  pracmissa  interdicti  et  excommunicationis  sententiis 
innodasset,  memorata  universitas,  et  specialiter  Nicholaus  de 
Ely,  YTillelmus  de  Donewyco,  Adam  le  Hespiter,  Rogerus 
de  Swerdestone,  rectores  civitatis  ipsius,  qui  ballivi  vulgariter 
nuucupantur,  necnon  magister  Johannes  le  Brun  clericus 
Norwicensis,  Robertus  de  Conventre,  Hugo  films  ejus, 
Johannes  Knot  junior,  AVillelmus  le  Cunte,  TTalterus 
Knot,  Hugo  Scissor,  Johannes  Nade,  Adam  de  Tostes,  Simon 
le  Palmere,  Johannes  Lestot,  TTillelmus  Payn,  Thomas  de 
Carletone,  Paulus  dictus  Benedicite,  Johannes  dictus  le 
Graunt,  et  Henricus  de  Heylesdone  cives  ^orwicenses, 
quorum  consilio  eadem  universitas  tunc  temporis  regebatur, 
ex  hoc  et  pro  eo,  quod  dicti  laici  fuerunt  in  eodum  monasterio 
receptati,  commoti  graviter  conceperunt  dolorem  ;  iniqui- 
tatem,  ut  ex  eventu  apparuit,  parituri.  De  ipsius  namque 
monasterii  finali  exterminio  dolosa  inuentes  consilia,  ea 
juramentis  et  aliis  variis  colligationibus  robararunt ;  et 
demum  omnibus  de  universitate  proedicta,  qui  duodecimum 
suae  aatatis  annum  exegerant,  voce  praeconia  et  per  campanas 
sonum  ad  extremum  ipsius  monasterii  convocatis  exter- 
minium,  universitas  ipsa  hostilibus  insultibus  in  monasterium 


63 

predictura  insiliit ;  et  tandem  ipsum  bcllo  diutino  impetitum, 
nee  amplius  per  suos  domesticos  propria)  defensioni  sufficiens, 
ausu  damnabili  occupans,  nee  sacrilegium  execrans,  nee  in- 
cendiariorum  pa?nas  abhorrens,  ecclesiam,  praadictam  et  etiam 
cathedralem,  campanilia  cum  campanis,  dormitorium,  refec- 
torium,  iniirmarium,  camerariam,  sacristiam,  aulam  hospitum 
deputatam  hospitalitatis  officio,  caaterasque  ipsius  monasterii 
officinas,  et,  ut  excessus  immensi  brevis  verbi  mensura 
claudantur,  monasterium  ipsum  totum,  sacramentum  altaris 
in  diversis  locis  cum  mylta  veneratione  reconditum,  vene- 
randas  reliquias,  libros,  sacra  vasa  aurea  et  argentea,  can- 
delabra, vestes,  et  alia  ornamenta  ecclesiastica,  quse  inibi  ad 
cultum  divinum  exsequendum  celebrius  habebantur,  infesto 
incendio  concremarunt,  quibusdam  depositis  et  quampluribus 
aliis  bonis  quae  potuerunt  ab  incendio  hujusmodi  praaservari, 
furtivis  manibus  non  sine  reatu  sacrilegii  asportantes  quam- 
pluribus clericis  et  laicis  in  monasterio  proolibato,  nonnullis 
in  ecclesia  supradicta  aliquibus  etiam  in  cimiterio  ipsius 
ecclesiae  sine  delectu  dignitatis  et  ordinis  immaniter  in  ore 
gladii  trucidatis,  quibusdam  etiam  quos  intra  dicta  ejusdem 
monasterii  septa  captos,  exinde  per  violentiam  extraxerunt, 
prolata  in  eos  de  facto  sententia  capitis,  subjectis  suplicio 
capitali,  prsefato  nihilominus  conventu  alias  obprobriis  di- 
versis affecto,  et  gravissimis  contumeliis  lacessito,  aliquibus 
ex  monachis  ipsius  conventus  verberatis  atrociter  ac  alias 
tractatis  immaniter,  et  nonnullis  metu  mortis  ab  ipso  monas- 
terio effugatis,  propter  quod  episcopus  memoratus  prudenter 
attendens,  quod  excessus  hujusmodi  adeo  erant  notorii  quod 
se  omnium  oculis  ingerentes  reos  sua  evidentia  convincebant ; 
universitate  ipsa  canonice  monita,  ut  de  praemissis  satisfaceret, 
nee  pretend ente  aliquid  rationabile  quare  id  facere  non 
deberet,  sed  contumaciter  satisfacere  denegante,  civitatem 
Norwycenseni  ecclesiastico  supposuit  interdicto. 

Quia  iidem  prior   et  conventus  ad  tantaa  temeritatis  ex- 
cessus quos  in  partibus   illis  facti   evidentia   et  jam  quasi 


64 

communis  undique  assertio  publicat,  insumandos  aptius 
nobis  super  illis  patentes  litteras  venerabilium  fratrum 
nostrorum  suffraganeorum  Cantuariensis  ecclesiae  necnon 
et  cleri  ejusdem  civitatis  et  diocesis  Norwicensis  sub  sigillis 
auctenticis  praesentantes  bumiliter  supplicarunt,  ut  nostri 
appositione  remedii  tarn  execrabilem  ausus  insaniam  sic 
debita  paena  coerceat,  quod  laesis  satisfactio  condigna  pro- 
veniat ;  et  in  allis  similem  furoris  audaciam  exaggerata  in 
laedentibus  censura  compescat ; — nos  autem  enormitatem 
tantorum  excessuum  eo  magis  horrentes,  quo,  cum  sint  similes 
adhuc  inauditi,  propter  novitatem  ipsorum,  amplius  adicitur 
pondus  offensae,  ut  eorundem  excessum  qualitati  eorum 
castigatio  conformetur,  fraternitati  vestrae  per  apostolica 
scripta  mandamus,  quatinus  praedictas  memorati  episcopi 
sententias,  prout  rationabiliter  sunt  prolatae,  vos  vel  alter 
vestrum  faciatis  usque  ad  satisfactionem  condignam,  appel- 
latione  remota,  inviolabiliter  observari,  memoratos  incendiarios 
homicidas  clericorum,  ac  omnes  qui  sicut  praemittitur,  in 
monachos  vel  clericos  manus  temerarias  injecerunt,  et  caeteros 
quorum  auctoritate,  mandato,  auxilio,  vel  consilio,  id  extitit 
attemptatum,  et  specialiter  ac  nominatim  rectores  sive  ballivos 
et  consilarios  supradictos,  qui  magis  culpabiles  in  praemissis 
excessibus  et  eorundem  quasi  principales  fuisse  dicuntur 
actores,  publice  diebus  dominicis  et  festivis  per  singulas 
cathedrales  ecclesias  regni  Angliae,  pulsatis  campanis  et 
candelis  accensis  denunciantes  excommunicatos,  et  denunciari 
ac  ab  omnibus  evitari  artius  facientes,  nunquam  per  alium 
quam  per  sedem  apostolicam  nisi  forsan  in  mortis  tantum- 
modo  absolvendos  articulo ;  et  nibilominus  corpora  civium  in 
tali  excommunicatione  decedentium  in  cimiteriis  prohibeatis 
ecclesiasticis  sepeliri,  et  si  qua  forsan  sepulta  sunt,  exliumari 
exinde  faciatis,  et  procul  abici  a  fidelium  sepultura ;  omnes 
quoque  praedictos  clericorum  interfectores  praebendis  et  aliis 
beneficiis  ac  feudis  si  qua  tenent  ecclesiis  vel  personis  eccle- 
siasticis, necnon  et  jure  patronatus  ipsis  competente  in  qui- 


65 

buslibet  ecclesiis  privaturi.  Et  ne  minus  vindictae  quam 
excessus  memoria  prorogetur,  aucitoritate  apostolica  decer- 
natis,  ut  non  solum  ad  ipsorum  haeredes  aliquid  non  proveniat 
de  praedictis,  sed  etiam  eorum  in  posteritates  usque  ad  quartam 
generationem  in  clericorum  collegiis  nullatenus  admittantur, 
nee  in  domibus  regularibus  aliquem  assequantur  honorem, 
nisi  cum  eis  super  his  fuerit  per  sedem  apostolicam  dispen- 
satum.  Ceterum  si  universitas  ipsa  praefatas  sententias  per 
quatuor  menses  animo  sustinuerit  indurato,  vos  extunc  uni- 
versis  et  singulis  vicinis  civitatibus  regni  ejusdem  (sub 
interdicti  et  earum  civibus  sub  excommunicationis  poenis, 
quas  si  secus  fecerint  ipso  facto  incurrant)  omne  cum  prae- 
dicta  universitate  Norwicensi  et  singularibus  personis  ipsius 
in  eadem  obstinatione  manentibus  commercium  districtius 
interdicere  procuretis,  ac  insuper  consuetudinem  contra  eos 
qui  excommunicationis  innodati  vinculo  absolutionis  bene- 
ficium  infra  certum  tempus  obtinere  detractant,  in  regno 
Angliae  devotione  fidelium  introductam,  ut  extunc  secularem 
potestatem  capiantur  usque  ad  satisfactionem  plenariam 
ditinendi,  faciatis  contra  eosdem  excommunicatos  inviolabi- 
liter  observari.  Et  ut  tales  qui  ecclesiam  Dei  sic  opprimunt, 
sic  contemnunt,  ecclesiasticorum  sacramentorum,  beneficiis 
careant,  omnibus  personis  ecclesiasticis,  cujuscumque  sint 
status  religionis  aut  ordinis,  districte  mandetis  ut  praedictam 
civitatem  prorsus  exeant  exceptis  sacerdotibus  aliquibus  quos 
inibi  volumus  remanere  ad  eucharistiam  in  extremo  laboran- 
tibus  et  baptisma  parvulis  exbibenda.  Ad  haec  ut  temporalis 
poena  saltern  coerceat  quos  spiritualis  coercio  non  compescit, 
omnibus  debitoribus  civium  Norwicensium  et  specialiter 
majorum  et  rectorum  eorundem  publico  praecipiatis  edicto, 
ne  ipsis,  in  tanta  obstinatione  permanentibus  et  pertinacia 
obduratis,  satisfactionem  aliquam  de  suis  debitis  exhibere 
praesumant ;  contradictores  per  censuram  ecclesiasticam  ap- 
pellatione  postposita  compescendo.  Praefatum  insuper  uni- 
versitatem  et  singulariter  rectores  seu  ballivos  et  consiliarios 

VOL.  II.]  f 


66 

memoratos  peremptorie  citare  curetis,  ut  infra  duos  menses 
post  citationem  vestram  eadem  universitas  per  procuratorem 
ad  infra*  scripta  plenum  et  legitimum  mandatum  habentem, 
memorati  vero  rectores  seu  ballivi  et  consiliarii  personaliter 
compareant,  coram  nobis  recepturi  pro  demeritis  et  praecise 
super  nostris  beneplacitis  parituri ;  diem  auteni  citationis  ac 
formam  et  quicquid  inde  feceritis  nobis  per  vestras  patentes 
litteras  harum  seriem  continentes  studeatis  fideliter  intimare : 
non  obstantibus  quibuscumque  privileges,  indulgentiis,  nee  li- 
teris  religionibus  ordinibus,  seu  quibuslibet  aliis  universitatibus 
aut  personis,  cujusvis  dignitatis,  conditionis  aut  status  existant, 
ab  apostolica  sede  sub  quacumque  forma  verborum  concessis, 
per  quae  effectus  praesentiuni  impediri  possit  quomodolibet 
vel  diferri;  seu  si  aliquibus  sit  ab  eadem  sede  indultum,  quod 
interdici,  suspendi,  vel  excommunicari  non  possunt  per  litteras 
apostolicas,  quae  de  indulto  hujusmodi  plenam  et  expressam 
ac  de  verbo  ad  verbum  non  fecerint  mentionem. 

Datum  apud  Urbem  Yeterem  iii°  idus  Martii  pontificatus 
nostri  anno  primo. 


[I  am  indebted  to  the  Eev.  Dr.  Jessopp  for  the  following  translation 
of  the  Bull.] 

In  this  Bull  the  cause  of  the  second  burning  of  the 
Church  of  Norwich  is  contained. 

Gregory  the  Bishop,  servant  of  the  servants  of  God,  to 
the  venerable  brethren  Bishops  of  London  and  Ely  greeting 
and  Apostolic  benediction.  The  serious  complaint  of  our 
beloved  sons  the  Prior  and  Convent  of  the  Church  of 
Norwich,  which  has  been  laid  before  us,  sets  forth  that,  The 
Commonalty  of  Norwich,  committing  itself  to  an  outbreak 
of  detestable  excesses,  did  burst  forth  into  that  audacity  of 
frenzv,  because — when  certain  laics,  whom  a  multitude  of  the 


67 

citizens  were  seeking  to  put  to  death,  fleeing  from  their 
pursuers  did  betake  themselves  to  the  monastery  to  escape 
the  imminent  danger — The  aforesaid  Citizens  (in  con- 
tempt of  the  immunity  granted  to  churches)  bursting  with 
audacious  insolence  into  the  said  monastery,  did  break  into 
the  church  constructed  in  honour  of  Saint  Ethelbert,  situated 
within  the  precincts  of  the  said  monastery,  and,  with  insolent 
presumption,  rushed  even  into  the  treasury  and  gates  of  the 
cemetery  of  the  aforesaid  place.  And  when  our  Venerable 
Brother,  the  Bishop  of  Norwich,  after  canonical  monition 
issued  in  the  first  instance,  had  bound  by  sentence  of 
interdict  and  excommunication  the  aforesaid  citizens  for  this 
their  excess,  The  aforesaid  Commonalty, — and  specially 
Nicholaus  de  Ely,  William  de  Donewyc,  Adam  le  Hespiter,7 
and  Roger  de  Swerdestone,  magistrates  of  the  City,  who  are 
commonly  called  Bailiffs,  and  also  Master  John  le  Brun, 
clerk,  of  Norwich,  Robert  de  Coventry,  Hugo  his  son,  John 
Knot,  junior,  William  le  Cunte,  Walter  Knot,  Hugo  Scissor, 
John  Nade,  Adam  de  Tostes,  Simon  le  Palmere,  John 
Lestof,  William  Payn,  Thomas  de  Carletone,  Paul  called 
Benedicite,  John  called  le  Graunt,  and  Henry  de 
Heylesdone,  citizens  of  Norwich,  by  advice  of  whom  the 
same  commonalty  at  that  time  was  governed, — being 
grievously  vexed  because  and  by  reason  that  the  aforesaid 
laics  were  received  into  the  same  monastery,  and  taking 
offence,  did  intend  to  perpetrate  iniquity  as  appeared  by  the 
event. — For,  entering  into  a  crafty  plot  for  the  utter 
destruction  of  the  aforesaid  monastery,  they  strengthened 
their  plots  by  oaths  and  various  compacts ;  and  at  last  all 
who  were  members  of  the  aforesaid  commonalty  who  had 
completed  their  twelfth  year,  having  been  summoned  by  the 
voice  of  the  crier  and  the  sound  of  the  bell  for  the  utter 
extermination  of  the  same  monastery,  The  said  Commonalty, 

7  Or  le  Hespicer,  the  spiceman:  he  was  bailiff  in  1271. 

f2 


68 

with  hostile  attacks,  burst  into  the  said  monastery  ;  and  at 
last  [the  occupants]  having  been  assailed  by  long  sustained 
warfare,  and  being  no  longer  able  to  provide  for  their 
defence  by  their  servants,  [The  said  Commonalty]  neither 
shrinking  from  sacrilege  nor  dreading  the  penalty  of  arson, 
utterly  burnt  in  a  hideous  conflagration  the  aforesaid  church, 
and  even  the  Cathedral,  the  belfry  with  the  bells,  the  dor- 
mitory, the  refector3r,  the  infirmary,  the  treasury,  [camerariam] 
the  sacristy,  the  guest  chamber  provided  for  the  business  of 
hospitalit}r,  and  the  other  offices  of  the  monastery,  and,  to 
sum  up  their  infinite  excesses  in  brief,  The  whole  Monastery, 
the  sacrament  of  the  altar  which  had  been  reserved  with 
much  veneration  in  various  places,  the  worshipful  relics,  the 
books,  the  sacred  vessels  of  gold  and  silver,  the  candelabra, 
vestments,  and  other  ecclesiastical  ornaments  which  were 
there  preserved  for  the  more  pompous  celebration  of  divine 
worship ;  And,  certain  of  the  treasures,  and  certain  other 
property  which  it  was  possible  to  save  from  such  a  con- 
flagration, having  been  made  away  with  by  thieving  hands8 — 
not  without  guilt  of  sacrilege — And  after  that  certain 
clerics  and  laics  in  the  aforesaid  monastery  had  been  horribly 
slain  by  the  edge  of  the  sword — some  in  the  church  aforesaid, 
some  too  in  the  cemetery  of  the  same  church  without 
distinction  of  order  or  dignity ;  and  some  even  (whom  they 
took  within  the  precincts  of  the  said  monastery,  dragged 
forth  from  thence  by  violence  and  actually  passed  sentence 
of  death  upon,)  having  been  subjected  to  capital  punishment 
— The  aforesaid  Convent  nevertheless  was  subjected  to 
various  insults  and  harassed  by  serious  indignities — the 
monks  in  some  instances  being  horribly  beaten  and  otherwise 
abominably  treated,  and  in  some  cases  being  put  to  flight 
from  the  said  monastery  in  fear  of  their  lives — Thereupon 
the  aforesaid  Bishop,  giving  all  due  attention  (because  these 
excesses  were  so  notorious   that  by  their  own  evidence  they 

8  The  original  Latin  is  corrupt  here.      Query,  for  asportantes  read  a  portatis  ? 


69 

proved  themselves  guilty  in  the  eyes  of  all  men)  ;  the 
commonalty  having  received  canonical  monition  that  due 
satisfaction  should  be  made  on  the  premises ;  and  when  it 
offered  no  reasonable  excuse  why  it  should  not  make  such 
satisfaction,  but  in  contumacious  wise  refused  to  make  satis- 
faction, he  [the  Bishop]  laid  the  City  of  Norwich  under  an 
ecclesiastical  interdict.      [Therefore] 

Inasmuch  as  the  same  Prior  and  Convent — for  the 
more  fitting  dealing  with  excesses  of  such  great  audacity, 
the  which  the  evidence  of  the  fact  in  these  parts  and  the 
present  general  report  everywhere  is  making  matter  of 
notoriety — presenting  to  us  letters  patent  of  our  venerable 
brethren  suffragans  of  the  Church  of  Canterbury  and  from 
the  clergy  of  the  said  City  and  Diocese  of  Norwich,  under 
authentic  seals,  have  humbly  supplicated  that  by  the  appli- 
cation of  a  remedy  from  us  due  penalty  should  restrain  so 
execrable  an  outbreak  of  madness,  that  so  due  satisfaction 
should  come  to  those  that  have  been  wronged  and  that  in 
others  the  severe  sentence  laid  upon  the  wrong  doers  may 
stop  any  similar  frenzy, — WE,  abhorring  the  more  the 
enormity  of  so  great  excesses,  because  since  the  like  here- 
tofore hath  never  been  heard  of,  on  account  of  the  very 
novelty  of  the  transactions  the  greater  the  weight  attaching 
to  the  offence  ; — in  order  that  the  chastisement  of  these 
same  offences  may  be  conformable  to  their  character  [We] 
charge  your  fraternity  by  our  apostolic  writing  that  }rou 
or  one  of  you  do  act  in  accordance  with  the  sentences 
pronounced  by  the  aforesaid  Bishop,  according  as  they  have 
been  reasonably  set  forth,  and  cause  them  to  be  strictly 
observed,  without  appeal,  even  to  the  due  satisfaction  ;  And 
that  the  aforesaid  incendiaries,  murderers  of  clerks,  and  all 
they  who,  as  appears  in  the  premises,  have  laid  wicked  hands 
upon  monks  or  clerks,  and  all  others  by  whose  authority, 
order,  help,  or  counsel  this  attempt  arose,  and  specially 
and  notably  the  magistrates  [rectores]    or  bailiffs,  and   the 


counsellors  aforesaid,  who  were  more  culpable  in  the  aforesaid 
excesses  and  are  reported  to  have  been  the  principal  doers 
of  the  same,  ye  publicly  upon  the  Lord's  days  and  feast 
days,  with  ringing  of  bells  and  lighting  of  candles,  Do 
DENOUNCE  as  excommunicated  through  the  several  cathedral 
churches  of  the  realm  of  England,  causing  them  to  be 
strictly  denounced  and  avoided  by  all  men,  and  incapable  of 
absolution  (saving  only  perad venture  in  articulo  mortis)  by 
any  other  save  the  Apostolic  See ;  And  furthermore  that  ye 
forbid  the  bodies  of  all  the  citizens  dying  in  such  excom- 
munication from  being  buried  in  any  ecclesiastical  cemetery, 
and  if  they  have  been  by  chance  so  buried,  that  they  be 
exhumed  from  thence  and  cast  out  far  away  from  Christian 
sepulture.  And  that  all  the  aforesaid  slayers  of  clerks,  if 
anywhere  they  hold  prebends  or  other  benefices  or  any  fee 
from  any  church  or  ecclesiastical  person,  be  deprived  of 
such,  as  well  as  of  any  right  of  patronage  in  any  church 
whatsoever.  And  lest  the  memory  of  the  punishment 
should  prevail  less  than  that  of  the  crime,  Do  ye  set  forth 
by  our  apostolic  authority,  that  not  only  nothing  of  the 
aforesaid  [benefits]  should  accrue  to  the  heirs  of  these  men, 
but  none  of  their  posterity  to  the  fourth  generation  shall 
by  any  means  be  admitted  to  any  college  of  clerks  or  attain 
to  any  honour  in  any  religious  house,  unless  dispensation  be 
given  by  the  Apostolic  See  in  this  regard.  Moreover,  if  the 
said  commonalty  shall  for  four  months  lie  under  the  above 
sentence  with  a  heart  [still]  hardened,  ye  shall  proceed 
strictly  to  forbid  all  and  singular  the  cities  of  that  realm  in 
the  neighbourhood,  under  penalty  of  an  interdict  and  ex- 
communication of  their  citizens — the  which  they  shall  incur 
ipso  facto  if  they  do  otherwise — all  dealings  with  the  aforesaid 
City  of  Norwich  and  the  several  persons  of  the  same  per- 
sisting in  their  obstinacy ;  And  moreover  that  that  custom 
introduced  by  the  devotion  of  the  faithful  into  the  realm  of 
England  against  such  as,  being  involved  in  the  consequences 


71 

of  excommunication,  refuse  to  obtain  the  benefit  of  absolution 
within  a  certain  time — viz.,  that  they  thereupon  be  taken 
[before]  the  secular  power  to  be  kept  in  durance  for  the 
rendering  full  satisfaction, — ye  cause  to  be  observed  without 
fail  against  these  same  excommunicated  persons.  And  in 
order  that  such  who  thus  oppress  the  Church  of  God  and  thus 
despise  it  may  lack  the  benefit  of  the  ecclesiastical  sacra- 
ments, ye  shall  strictly  charge  all  ecclesiastical  persons  of 
whatsoever  state,  rule,  or  order  they  be,  that  they  do  utterly 
go  forth  from  the  aforesaid  City,  saving  some  priests  whom 
we  will  to  remain  there  for  the  administering  of  the  eucharist 
to  those  labouring  in  their  last  agony,  and  for  the  baptizing 
of  children.  Furthermore,  that  temporal  punishment  may 
at  least  coerce  those  whom  spiritual  censure  does  not  in- 
fluence, ye  shall  proclaim  by  public  edict  to  all  debtors  of 
the  citizens  of  Norwich,  and  specially  debtors  of  their 
mayors  [majorum]  and  magistrates,  that  they  do  not  pre- 
sume to  give  any  satisfaction  for  their  debts  whilst  they 
continue  in  so  great  obstinacy  and  are  hardened  in  their 
stubbornness,  [and  that  ye  do  this]  by  ecclesiastical  censure 
against  gainsayers,  enforcing  them  thereto  without  power  of 
appeal. 

Moreover,  ye  shall  take  care  to  cite  peremptorily  the 
aforesaid  commonalty,  and  singular  the  magistrates,  bailiffs, 
and  councillors  aforesaid,  that,  within  two  months  after 
your  citation,  the  aforesaid  commonalty  through  its  proctor, 
having  full  and  lawful  commission — but  the  aforesaid  ma- 
gistrates or  bailiffs  and  councillors  in  person — shall  appear  to 
answer  to  the  writings  hereunder  [appended]  to  receive 
before  us  according  to  their  deserts  and  to  submit  themselves 
absolutely  to  our  pleasure.  But  as  for  the  day  of  citation  and 
the  form  of  whatsoever  else  ye  shall  do  in  the  matter,  see 
that  ye  faithfully  inform  us  of  by  letters  patent  retaining 
the  tenor  of  these.  Any  privileges,  indulgences,  letters  to 
religious  orders,    or   to  any  other  persons  or  commonalties 


72 

whatsoever,  of  whatever  dignity,  condition,  or  state  they  be, 
granted  by  the  Apostolic  See,  under  any  form  of  words 
by  the  which  the  effect  of  these  presents  may  be  hindered 
or  deferred ;  or  if  indulgence  may  have  been  given  to  any 
by  the  same  Apostolic  See  to  the  effect  that  they  cannot  be 
interdicted,  suspended,  or  excommunicated  by  letters  apos- 
tolic, notwithstanding ;  unless  the  same  shall  have  made 
express  mention  of  an  indulgence  applying  to  the  present 
case. 

Given  at  the  Ancient  City  iii  Id.  March  in  the  first  year 
of  our  Pontificate. 

[Note. — This  copy  of  the  letter  is  dated  13th  March,  that 
in  the  Norwich  MS.  is  dated  6th  Februarj7.  Gregory  X. 
was  inaugurated  on  the  21st  January,  but  not  croicned 
till  the  27th  March,  1272  ;  therefore  this  letter  is  of  the 
date  of  1273  in  any  case.  As  for  the  discrepancy  of  the 
date,  alii  judicent.] 


21. 

The  folloiving  references  to  the  Disputes  occur  in  the 
Royat  Charters :  Register  of  the  Prior  and  Convent 
of  Norwich,  vol.  i. 

P.  66. — Directing  inquisition  to  be  made  for  evil  doers 
who  had  destroyed  the  monk's  tumbrell  erected  in  Holm 
Street  for  the  punishment  of  transgressors  of  the  assize  of 
bread  and  beer.     1  April,  5  Edward  I. 

P.  93. — Judgment  in  a  suit  between  the  citizens  of 
Norwich  and  the  monks  concerning  the  right  of  pasture  at 
Eton  and  Lakenham.     6  John. 

P.  102. — Agreement  between  the  citizens  of  Norwich  and 
the  monks  respecting  land  in  the  suburbs  of  Norwich  at 
Lakenham  and  Eton.     ?  date. 

P.  227 — 238. — The  citizens  of  Norwich  having  lately 
made  a  violent  attack  upon  the  Convent  and  destroyed  some 


73 

of  their  documents,  John,  Bishop  of  Norwich,  at  the  request 
of  the  Prior  and  Convent,  caused  authentic  copies  to  be 
made  of  their  several  instruments  and  deeds  of  gift  (which, 
by  virtue  of  his  authority,  should  have  the  same  force  as 
the  originals)  to  guard  against  the  damage  which  would 
accrue  from  their  loss  in  future     7  Ides  March,  1301. 

P.  246. — Agreement  between  the  monks  and  the  citizens 
of  Norwich  respecting  their  several  rights  and  jurisdictions. 
Sunday  after  St.  Kath.,  35  Edward  I. 

P.  250. — Determination  of  a  suit  between  the  monks  and 
the  citizens  of  Norwich  respecting  the  right  to  lands,  &c, 
near  the  river.     26  June,  5  Edward  III. 


22. 
Liber  de  Antiquis  Legibus.     {Pub.  Cam.  Soc,  p.  145.) 

Hoc  anno,  mense  Augusti,  apud  Norewycum  accidit  quoddam 
pessimum  infortunium  et  a  seclo  inter  Christianos  inauditum ;  quod 
Ecclesia  Cathedralis  in  honore  Sancte  Trinitatis  ab  antiquo  ibidem 
fundata  combusta  est  per  ignem  voluntarie  impositum,  cum  omnibus 
domibus  monacborum  infra  clausturas  dicte  ecclesie  constructis.  Et 
hoc  fuit  per  superbiam  illius,  qui  tunc  temporis  fuit  Prior  illius 
cenobii,  sicut  in  subsequentibus  cognosci  poterit.  Nam  per  assensum 
et  consensum  illius  Prioris,  garciones  et  servientes  Monacborum 
sepissime  intraverunt  civitatem,  verberantes  et  vulnerantes  homines 
et  feminas  infra  domos  suas  et  extra  et  multa  mala  facientes.  Item 
ille  Prior  extrahere  a  Communa  Civitatis  homines  de  libertate  nitebatur, 
ut  essent,  sub  dominio  suo,  separati  a  Communa.  Item  cum  monachi 
habeant  singulis  annis  unam  feriam  per  antiquam  consuetudinem, 
contigit  hoc  anno  circa  festum  Sancte  Trinitatis  venientibus  Civibus 
cum  mercimoniis  suis  ibidem,  et  cum  major  pars  eorum  in  fine 
nundinarum  reversi  fuerunt  ad  propria,  servientes  monachorum  illos 
qui  remanserunt  nequiter  insultantes,  verberaverunt,  vulneraverunt, 
et  quosdam  interficerunt ;  et  super  hoc  nuncquam  ullam  emendam 
facere  curaverunt,  sed  semper  in  malicia  et  nequicia  sua  perseverantes 
versus  Cives  omnia  mala  perpetraverunt.  Cives  autem  tot  mala  et 
tantum  violenciam  ferre  amplius  non  valentes,  congregaverunt  se 
et  ad  arma  preparaverunt,  ut  vim  vi  repellerunt ;  quod  ille  pessimus 


74 

Prior  intelligens  fecit  venire  de  Gernemuta  magnam  mulitudinem 
malivolorum,  qui,  tempore  turbationis  regni,  extiterant  fures,  raptores» 
et  liialefactores.  Qui  omnes  venerunt  per  aquas  ad  illud  cenobium, 
ascendentes  super  Berefridum,  ubi  campane  dependebant,  munientes 
ilium  cum  armis,  veluti  castra,  et  inde  traxerunt  cum  arcubus  et 
balistis ;  ita  quod  nullus  per  vicos  vel  venellas  prope  cenobium 
transire  poterat,  nisi  fuisset  vulneratus.  Hanc  violentiam  Cives 
yidentes,  arbitrati  sunt  illos  malificos  esse  manifeste  contra  pacem 
Domini  Eegis,  qui  fecerant  castrum  adulterinum  in  Civitate  sua. 
Qui  congregati,  disponentes  illos  comprehendere  et  adducere  ad 
justiciam  Eegis,  armis  se  munierunt,  qui  appropinquantes  ad  portam 
curie  clausam,  non  valentes  intrare  propter  munitionem  hominum 
armatorum,  igne  imposito,  portam  crudeliter  succenderunt.  Quo  igne 
invalescente,  Berefridus  succenditur  et  omnia  domicilia  monachorum 
et  etiam,  id  quidam  dicunt,  Cathedralis  ecclesia,  pro  dolor !  cum 
omnibus  reliquiis  sanctorum,  libris  et  ornamentis  ecclesie ;  ita  quod 
quicquid  comburi  poterat  deductum  est  in  cineres,  excepta  quadam 
capella,  que  incombusta  remansit.  Monachi  yero,  et  omnes  qui 
poterant,  ponentes  se  in  fugam,  evaserunt;  sed  tamen  quidam  ex 
utraque  parte  interfecti  sunt. 

Et  sciendum  est,  quod  licet  omnibus  modis  inimicos  Eegis  et  qui 
sunt  contra  pacem  suam,  etiam  si  necesse  fuerit  per  ignis  imposi- 
tionem  gravare  et  expugnare,  set  tamen,  non  est  licitum  Christianis 
in  ecclesiis,  vel  in  aliis  sacro  Sanctis  locis  ignem  imponere. 

Dominus  autem  Bex,  audiens  hos  pessimos  rumores,  valde  con- 
doluit ;  qui,  in  furore  et  in  ira  vehementi  profectus  est  ad  illam 
Civitatem,  et  veniens  ibi  fecit  capi  de  Civibus  quotquot  fuerunt 
suspecti,  et  incarcerari  in  castello  suo.  Et  fecit  summoniri  homines 
extra  Civitatem  predictam  manentes,  volens  per  eos  -juratos  scire 
hujus  rei  veritatem,  quibus  venientibus  coram  justiciariis  per  Dominus 
Eegem  ad  hoc  electis,  acce^sit  episcopus  illius  loci,  Eogerus  nomine, 
non  degenerans  a  nequitia  et  crudelitate  Prioris  sui,  nee  considerans 
ad  religionem  ordinis  seu  dignitatis  sue,  sed  carens  omni  pietate  et 
misericordia,  cupiens  pro  posse  suo  omnes  cives  morti  dampnare,  coram 
omni  populo  excommunicavit  omnes  qui  favore,  mercede,  pietate,  seu 
misericordia,  alicui  de  Civibus  parceret,  ne  transisset  per  judicium- 
Ita  quod,  post  latam  sententiam  suam  Dominus  Eex  nulli  aliquam 
gratiam  voluit  conferre,  licet  fuisset  requisitus  per  multos  viros 
religiosos  manentes  intra  Civitatem  et  extra.  Et  tunc  nichil  allocatum 
fuit  Civibus,  quod  Prior  et  complices  sui  fuerunt  origo  et  causa  totius 
illius  infortunii,  nee  dampna  nee  tot  mala,  que  Cives  passi  sunt  per 


75 


predictum  Priorem  et  suos,  set  tantumraodo  facta  est  inquisitio,  qui 
fuerunt  in  illo  conflictu,  qui  omnes  do  hoc  indictati,  per  juratores 
morte  dampnati,  et,  adjudicante  Laurentio  de  Broke,  qui  est  justici- 
arius  apud  Neugate  ad  Gayolam  deliberandam,  qui  tunc  fuit  ibidem, 
presens,  fuerunt  juvenes  de  Civitate  nuuiero  circiter  triginta  crude- 
lissima  morte  dampnati  scilicet,  detracti,  suspensi,  et  corpora  post 
mortem  igne  cremata.  Quidam  vero  sacerdos  et  duo  clerici  mani- 
festo sunt  convicti  fecisse  roberiam  in  ilia  ecclesia ;  qui  traditi  sunt 
episcopo  ad  judicandum  secundum  consuetudinem  sancte  ecclesie. 

Postea,  per  verissimam  inquisitionem  xl  militum  prope  Civitatem 
manentium,  compertum  est  quod  ilia  ecclesia  combusta  fuit  per  ilium 
maledictum,  [Priorem?]  et  non  per  ignem  Civium.  Ille  namque  oculte 
venire  facerat  fabros  sursum  in  turrim  ecclesie,  qui  fecerunt  ibi  tela  et 
pila  ad  trahendum  cum  illis,  cum  balistis  in  Civitate,  qui  vero  fabri  cum 
vidissent  Berefridum  comburi,  sicut  prescriptum  est,  posuerunt  se  in 
fugam  et  non  extinxerunt  ignem  suum ;  quo  igne  invalescente  accensa 
est  turns  et  ecclesia  combusta.  Compertum  est  etiam  quod  ille 
nequissimus  Prior  proposuerat  totam  Civitatem  comburere  unde  ipse 
per  quosdam  complices  suos  fecit  ignem  poni  in  tribus  locis  Civitatis. 
Quidam  vero  de  Civibus  volentes  malum  suum  vindicare  illud  pessime 
augmentaverunt.  Nam  ipsi  illo  eodem  igne  succenderunt  portam  de 
predicto  Prioratu,  de  qua  superius  mentio  facta  est.  Fuit  etiam  ille 
nequam  Prior  convictus  de  homicidio,  de  roberia,  et  de  aliis  innume- 
rabilibus  crudelitatibus  et  iniquitatibus  et  per  eum  personaliter  et 
per  iniquos  complices  suos  factis.  Et  ideo  Dominus  Eex  fecit  eum 
capi  et  tradidit  ilium  episcopo  suo,  ut  ilium  salvo  custodiret  in 
prisona  sua  et  produceret  coram  Eege  ad  mandatum  suum.  Postea 
ille  Prior  coram  episcopo  suo,  qui  nimis  erat  ei  favorabilis,  pur- 
gavit  se  more  ecclesiastico,  et  ita  ille  nequissimus  de  crimine  ei 
imposito,  pro  dolor  !  impunitus  remansit.  Qui  postea,  infra  dimidium 
annum  proximo  sequentem,  divina  ultione  superveniente  ut  credo, 
ille  nequissimus  miserabiliter  mortuus  est. 


23. 

Bartholomew  de  Cotton.     (Rolls  Chron.  p.  149.) 

1272.  Eodem  anno  in  crastino  Sancti  Laurentii  cives  Norwyci 
obsederunt  curiam  monachorum  per  girum;  qui  cum  perinsultum  non 
potuerunt  habere  ingressum  apposuerunt  ignem  videlicet  ad  magnas 


76 

portas  monasterii  ultra  quas  erat  quaedam  ecclesia  parochialis  ;  et  eas 
cum  praedicta  ecclesia  et  cum  omnibus  ornamentis  libris  et  imaginibus 
et  cum  singulis  in  eadem  contentis  combusserunt.  Item  apposuerunt 
ignem  in  eodem  instanti  ad  magnam  domum  elemosinariam  et  ad 
portas  ecclesiae  et  ad  magnum  campanile  quae  omnia  cum  campanis 
statim  combusta  sunt.  Quidam  vero  ex  ipsis  extra  turrim  Sancti 
Georgii  ignem  in  magnum  campanile  quod  fuit  ultra  chorum  per 
balistas  traxerunt  ex  quibus  ignibus  tota  ecclesia  praeter  capellam 
beatae  mariae  miraculose  salvata  est. 

Combusserunt  dorniitorium,  refectorium,  aulam  hospitum,  infirm  - 
ariam  cum  capella ;  et  quasi  omnia  sedificia  curiae  consumpserunt 
igne.  Quamplures  de  familia,  aliquos  subdiaconos,  aliquos  clericos, 
aliquos  laicos  in  claustro  et  infra  septa  monasterii  interfecerunt,  aliquos 
extraxerunt  et  in  civitate  morti  tradiderunt,  aliquos  incarceverunt. 

Post  quae  irjgressi,  omnia  sacra  vasa  libros  aurum  et  argentum, 
Testes  et  omnia  alia  quae  non  fuerunt  igne  consumpta  depraedati 
fuerunt,  monachos  omnes,  praeter  duos  vel  tres,  a  monasterio  fugantes. 
His  non  contenti  malitiam  suam  usque  ad  tertiam  diem  continuaverunt 
comburendo  interficiendo  depraedando.  Quae  cum  patefacta  fuerunt 
domino  Henrico  III.  regi  multum  condoluit  et  destinavit  literas  suas 
ad  omnes  portus  Angliae  et  ad  omnia  maritima,  quod  si  qui  de  Nor- 
wyco  fuissent  inyenti  quod  fuissent  capti  et  detenti  quousque  aliud  ab 
ipso  reciperent  in  mandatis.  Insuper  mandavit  omnibus  episcopis  et 
magnatibus  regni  Angliae  quod  die  Sancti  Egidii  [1  Sept.]  comparerent 
coram  ipso  ad  Sanctum  Edmundum  consilium  daturi  qualiter  contra 
praedictos  malefactores  fuisset  procedendum.  Eo  anno  dominus 
Rogerus  episcopus  tunc  temporis  convocavit  totum  clerum  suae  diocesis 
apud  Eyam  in  crastino  decollationis  Sancti  Johannis  Baptistae  [30  Aug.] 
pro  praemissis ;  et  de  eorum  consilio  omnes  praedictos  malefactores  in 
genere,  aliquos  etiam  nominatum  excommunicavit  et  denunciavit 
excommunicatos  monitione  in  forma  juris  praecedente. 

Ciyitatemque  Norwycensem  ecclesiastico  subposuit  interdicto  et 
in  prolatione  ejusdem  sententiae  dies  clarissima  versa  est  quasi  in 
noctem  et  quoddam  tintinnabulum  in  campanile  eodem  tempore 
fractum  cecidit. 

Eodem  anno  die  Sancti  Egidii  [1  Sept.]  tenuit  dominus  rex  parlia- 
mentum  suum  apud  Sanctum  Edmundum  et  de  consilio  magnatum 
Angliae  accessit  personaliter  ad  Norwycum  ad  vindicandum  facinus 
praedictum  et  ibidem  venit  ad  festum  Exaltationis  Sanctae  Crucis 
[14  Sept.]  et  ad  petitionem  domini  regis  Episcopus  relaxavit  inter- 
dictum  dura,  rex  fuisset.  in  civitate. 


77 

Postea  justiciarii  domini  regis  fecerunt  quosdam  ex  delinquentibus 
equis  trahi,  ad  furcas  postea  suspendi,  demum  corpora  eorum  comburi ; 
quod  divites  perpendentes  muneribus  corruperunt  justitiaros,  liberos 
homines  patriae,  consilium  domini  regis,  et  etiam  xlviii  milites  cinctos 
gladio  juratos,  ita  quod  tunc  cessavit  punitio ;  et  per  falsitatem  et 
malitiam  imposuerunt  multa  falsa  Willelmo  de  Brunham  tunc  temporis 
priori ;  propter  quae  liberatus  fuerat  carceri  domini  episcopi  et 
omnia  maneria  spectantia  ad  prioratum  seysita  fuerunt  in  manum 
regis,  scilicet  ea  quae  inventa  fuerunt  in  custodia  sua.  Tota  etiam 
civitas  et  omnes  libertates  eidem  civitati  concessae  captae  fuerunt  in 
manum  domini  regis  et  rex  assignavit  custodes  ad  custodiendam  civi- 
tatem  nomine  suo  ;  quamplures  etiam  de  civitate,  timentes  adventum 
regis  fugerunt  extra  civitatem  ;  qui  fere  postquam  rex  recesserat 
omnes  reversi  sunt.  Et  est  dolendum  quod  in  praedicto  facinore 
quamplures  sacerdotes  et  alii  clerici  infra  sacros  et  extra  existentes, 
quamplures  etiam  forinseci  de  patria  fuerunt  consentientes  et  agentes. 
Dolendum  est  insuper  quod  xlviij  milites  decepti  per  aliquos  de  ipsis 
majores,  muneribus  corrupti,  dixerunt  falso  et  maliciose  quod  ecclesia 
fuit  combusta  per  ignem  intus  existentem  male  custoditum.  Dicebant 
tamen,  et  hoc  verum,  quod  cives  fecerunt  insultum  et  apposuerunt 
ad  portas  et  ad  alia  loca. 

Eodem  tempore  tradidit  dominus  rex  maneria  conventus  Norwy- 

censis  residua  in  custodia  Prioris  de  Binham Sub  eodem 

tempore  vi  Kalendes  Octobris  recessit  rex  a  Norwyco  et  in  crastino 
Prater  Willelm us  de  Brunham  renunciavit  priorati  Norwycensi  sponte 
pure  et  absolute  in  manibus  episcopi  apud  Thorp  tunc  infirmi. 

Eodem  anno  circa  festum  Omnium  Sanctorum  missi  sunt  procura- 
tores  Norwyci  ad  curiam  Eomanam  contra  cives  Norwyci  cum  serie 
totius  facti  sub  sigillis  quatuor  surTraganeorum  ecclesiae  Cantuariae. 
Sub  eodem  dato  Incarnationis  idus  Pebruarii  obiit  Willelmus  de 
Brunham  quondam  Prior  Norwyci. 


24. 
Chronica  Johannis  de  Ozenedes,  pp.  240  to  242. 

In  crastino  enim  Sancti  Laurentii  anno  eodem  post  insultus  non- 
nullos  in  Prioratum  saepius  factos  post  januas  conventus  ab  eorum 
aemnlis  violenter  confractas,  necnon  alias  injurias  enormes  saepius 
illatas,  statim  post  conventus  refectionem  ad  sanctam  matrem  suam 
Ecclesiam  accesserunt,  ejusdem  sanctae  matris  filii  spurcissimi,  tota 


78 

videlicet  communitas  civitatis  Norwyci  numero  ut  creditur  xxxij 
millia  strenuissime  arrnatorum  qui  una  cum  civitatis  mulieribus 
ignem  per  loca  diversa  prioratus  apponentes,  ecclesiam  totumque 
prioratum,  prater  tria  vel  quatuor  cediftcia  inter  ccstera  vix  numer- 
anda  opere  tarnen  lapideo  sed  nee  hoc  penitus  excepto,  in  cineres 
redigerunt.  Monacbos  vero  fere  omnes  fugarunt.  De  eorum  quoque 
servientibus  triginta,  vel  eo  circa,  diversis  suppliciorum  generibus 
[et]  bos  in  gremio  materno,  neci  tradiderunt.  Illos  a  gremio  eodem, 
tanquam  a  matiis  abstractos  uberibus,  et  ante  tribunal  proprium 
adductos,  nulli  parcentes  aetati  aut  ordini  eadem  sententia  damnav- 
erunt.  Omnia  etiam  pretiosa,  tarn  in  tbesaurio,  vestiario,  refectuario, 
quam  etiam  in  caeteris  ecclesiae  illius  officinis  et  almariola,  ea  minutim 
confringentes  et  depraedantes  asportaverunt.  Monacbi  vero  unue  post 
alium  clam  fugientes,  vix  vita  comite,  recesserunt. 

Convocato  igitur  die  Decollationis  Sancti  Jobannis  Baptistae,  apud 
Eyam  totius  episcopatus  concilio,  tarn  episcopus  quam  universus 
episcopii  clerus  ibidem  congregatus,  in  dictum  facinus  perpetrantes 
omnes  etiam  favore,  auxilio,  aut  consilio,  eisdem  tunc  sentientes  aut 
contractu  qualicunque  cum  eisdem  communicantes,  pulsatis  companis, 
accensis  luminariis,  sententiam  excommunicationis  publico  et  solem- 
niter  tulerunt.  Quae  quidem  sententia,  babito  Londoniis  episcoporum 
Angliae  concilio,  die  sancti  Lucae  [18  Oct.]  ab  eisdem  renovata  est  et 
confirmata;  ad  cujus  enormitatis  scelus  in  transgressoribus  refunden- 
dum,  motus  dominus  rex  versus  partes  Norwy censes  die  sancti  -ZEgidii 
apud  sanctum  -ZEdmundum  accessit,  ibidemque  super  negotio  memorato 
consulendum,  universos  totius  Angliae  proceres  vocavit  et  magnates. 
Mora  igitur  ibidem  per  xi  dies  facta,  die  sanctorum.  Prothi  et  Jacinthi 
versus  Norwycum  pro  vindicta  de  tanto  scelere  capienda  iter  arripuit ; 
qui  moram  ibidem  per  dies  xiij  faciens,  vindictae  de  tanto  scelere 
quam  vis  non  ad  plenum  faciendae  aliquantulum  indulsit ;  triginta 
namque  et  quatuor  viri,  unaque  mulier  de  tanta  multitudine,  reli- 
quorum  marsupiis  a  curialibus  emunctis,  quidam  quidem  per  vicos 
civitatis  distracti,  quidam  suspensi,  quidam  combusti,  nonnulli  etiam 
eorum  singularum  paenarum  ipsarum  mulctati,  supplicio  paenas 
luerunt  caeterorum. 


25. 

Hollinshed' s   Chronicles,  vol.  ii.  p.  476,  a.d.  1272. 

About  tbe   moneth  of  June  tbere  fell  great   debate   and  discord 
betwixt  tbe  moonks .  of  Norwicb  and  tbe  citizens  tbere ;  wbicb  in- 


79 

creased  so  farre  that  at  length  the  citizens  with  great  violence 
assaulted  the  monasterie,  fired  the  gates,  and  forced  the  fire  so  with 
reed  and  drio  wood  that  the  church,  with  the  bookes  and  all  other 
ornaments  of  the  same,  and  all  houses  of  office  belonging  to  that 
abbeie,  were  cleane  burned,  wasted,  and  destroied,  so  that  nothing  was 
preserved  except  one  little  chapell.  The  King  hearing  of  this  riot 
rode  to  Norwich,  and,  causing  inquirie  to  be  made  thereof,  thirtie 
yoong  men  of  the  citie  were  condemned,  hanged,  and  burnt,  to  the 
great  greefe  of  the  other  citizens,  for  they  thought  that  the  priour 
of  the  place  was  the  occasion  of  all  that  mischeefe,  who  had  got 
togither  armed  men  and  tooke  upon  him  to  keepe  the  belfraie  and 
church  by  force  of  armes :  but  the  Prior  was  well  inough  borne  out 
and  defended  by  the  Bishop  of  Norwich,  named  Eoger,  who  (as  it  is 
likelie)  was  the  maister  of  the  mischeefe  though  hands  were  not  laid 
upon  him  nor  his  adherents  :  perhaps  for  feare,  peradventure  for 
favour ;  and  no  marvel,  though  the  lesse  faultie  lost  their  lives  as 
most  guiltie,  for 

rarus  venator  ad  ursos 

Accedit,  tutos  conservat  sylva  leones, 
Debilibus  robusta  nocent  et  grandia  parvis, 
Ales  fulminiger  timidos  infestat  olores, 
Accipiter  laniat  turdos  mollesqj  columbas, 
Versicolor  coluber  ranas  miserdso^  lacertas 
Irretit,  muscas  transmittit  aranea  vespas. 

The  King  returning  by  saint  Edmundsburie  after  he  had  doone  his 
devotions  to  S.  Edmund's  shrine,  began  to  waxe  somewhat  crasie:  but 
after  having  a  little  recovered  his  health  he  called  a  councell  there, 
wherein  he  went  about  to  have  taken  order  for  the  punishment  of 
rebels,  but  his  sicknesse  againe  renewing  he  brake  up  the  assemblie 
and  with  all  speed  hasted  to  London. 


26. 
Speed's  Chronicle  (ed.  1611,  p.  539,  book  9,  chap.  9.) 

That  quiet  nevertheless  was  a  little  interrupted  by  an  incendiary 
outrage  at  Norwich,  where  the  Citizens  set  fire  on  the  Priory  Church. 
The  King  being  kindled  with  another  kind  of  fire  sware  he  would  in 
person  see  a  revenge  taken  :  and  despatching  first  away  Sir  Thomas 


80 

Trivet  (before  whom  a  great  multitude  were  found  guilty  and  con- 
demned to  be  drawn  and  hanged)  himself  having  in  his  company  one 
Bishop  and  the  Earl  of  Glocester,  followed,  where,  beholding  the 
deformed  ruins,  he  could  hardly  refrain  from  tears.  The  Bishop 
having  therefore  excommunicated  the  nocent,  and  the  King  condemned 
the  Town  in  three  thousand  marks  towards  the  re-edification  of  that 
Church,  as  also  to  pay  one  hundred  pounds  for  a  Cup  weighing  ten 
pounds  in  Gold,  he  purposed  to  return  toward  London.  This  public 
act  of  zeal  to  religion  and  justice  was  the  last  which  he  did  as  a 
King,  for  now  he  was  come  to  that  which  he  was  to  enter  into  as  a 
mortal  man. 


27. 
Fabiarfs  Chronicles  (London,  ed.  1811,  p.  368.) 

In  the  month  of  June  the  monastery  of  the  Trinity  in  the  City  of 
Norwich  was  consumed  with  fire  by  reason  of  a  fray  made  atween  the 
servants  of  the  Abbey  and  some  of  the  citizens  of  the  City  which 
grew  to  a  great  skirmish ;  for  the  Prior  of  the  same  and  others  of  the 
monks  purveyed  soldiers  and  held  the  belfry  and  the  church  by  force 
of  arms,  and  threw  out  stones  and  darts,  and  shot  many  arrows,  by 
reason  whereof  many  of  the  town  were  both  wounded  and  slain,  which 
brought  the  commons  and  young  men  in  such  a  fury  and  madness 
that  they  fired  the  gates,  and  after  forced  the  fire  with  reed  and  dry 
wood  that  the  church,  with  the  books  and  all  other  ornaments  of  the 
same,  and  all  houses  of  office  belonging  to  the  same  abbey,  were  clear 
burnt  and  thrown  down,  so  that  no  thing  was  preserved  except  a 
little  chapel. 

"When  tidings  of  this  riot  came  to  the  King's  knowledge  he  was 
therewith  grievously  displeased,  so  that  he  rode  thither  soon  after,  and 
there  and  then  commanded  questes  to  be  charged  of  knights  and 
esquires  that  dwelled  in  the  country  about,  and  to  indict  all  such 
persons  as  were  occasioners  and  executors  of  that  deed,  by  reason  of 
which  inquiry  finally  were  cast  and  judged  upon  the  number  of  30 
young  men  of  the  town,  the  which  were  after  drawn  to  the  place  of 
execution  and  there  hanged  and  burnt,  to  the  great  discomfiture  and 
sorrow  of  the  citizens,  for  they  thought  the  Prior  of  the  place  was 
the  occasioner  of  all  the  mischief  which  was  borne  out  and  defended 
by  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  then  being  named  Roger. 


81 


28. 

Matthew  Paris' s  Chronicle,  vol.  iii.  page  381. 

Of  tiie  burning  of  the  Church  of  Norwich  by  the  Citizens. 

In  this  year,  by  the  machinations  of  the  devil,  a  quarrel  broke  out 
between  the  citizens  of  Norwich  and  the  monks;  and  the  citizens  and 
common  people  of  the  place  were  excited  to  such  a  pitch  of  fury  that 
they  set  fire  to  and  burned  the  whole  of  the  noble  church  of  that 
city,  with  its  offices,  except  the  chapel  of  St.  Walter  near  the  infirmary; 
and,  not  content  with  this  crime,  they  carried  off  with  their  sacrilegious 
hands  the  vases,  books,  and  Jewells  which  the  flame  had  not  touched, 
together  with  the  golden  cup  which  hung  at  the  great  altar,  and  in 
which  the  body  of  our  Lord  was  placed.  King  Henry  was  highly 
enraged  at  this  crime,  and  exclaimed,  "  By  the  affection  which  is  due 
to  our  Lord,  I  will  go  and  see  into  this  deed  of  wickedness  in  person, 
and  I  will  repay  them  according  to  their  demerits."  He  therefore 
sent  in  advance  of  himself  a  knight  named  Tryvet,  whom  he  had 
made  a  justiciary  of  the  crown.  In  conformity  therefore  with  the 
urgent  orders  of  the  King,  and  in  consideration  of  the  heinousness  of 
the  crime,  a  great  number  of  the  people  of  Norwich  who  were  con- 
victed of  the  crime  were  condemned  to  be  dragged  at  the  horses 
tail  to  the  gibbet  and  there  hung.  The  King,  as  soon  as  he  could,  set 
out  for  Norwich,  taking  with  him  the  Bishop  of  Eochester  and 
Gilbert  Earl  of  Gloucester,  and  attended  by  a  large  retinue.  When 
he  arrived  there  and  saw  that  the  church  was  entirely  destroyed  by 
fire  he  could  scarcely  refrain  from  shedding  tears  ;  and  the  Bishop  of 
Eochester  excommunicated  all  the  aiders  and  abettors  of  this  dreadful 
crime.  The  King  also  immediately  condemned  the  community  of  the 
town  to  the  payment  of  three  thousand  marks  of  silver,  which  sum 
was  to  be  paid  within  a  fixed  term,  for  the  purpose  of  rebuilding  the 
said  church.  The  inhabitants  were  also  condemned  to  replace  the 
golden  cup  taken  away  by  one  also  of  gold,  of  the  weight  of  ten 
pounds,  and  of  the  value  of  a  hundred  pounds  of  silver.  William  of 
Brunham  was  at  that  time  Prior  of  that  church.  When  he  had 
inflicted  condign  punishment  on  the  sacrilegious  people  of  Norwich, 
the  King  determined  to  return  to  London ;  but  whilst  on  his  way 
thither,  having  stopped  at  the  abbey  of  St.  Edmunds,  he  was  seized 
with  a  serious  illness,  which  did  not  leave  him  till  the  end  of  his  life. 

VOL.  II.]  O 


82 

29. 
Florence  of  Worcester.* 

Die  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli. 

Apud  Norwicum  conTentu  ad  primam  existente,  subito  fulminis 
ictu  versus  aquilonem  percussa  est  ecclesiae  turris  principalis  in  tantum 
ut  tempestatis  illius  violentia  nonnulli  lapides  evulsi  ad  loca  remotiora 
violenter  sunt  transportati ;  quod  quidem  non  sine  prodigio  universis 
sanctae  matris  ecclesiae  filiis  stupendo  licet  contigisse.  In  crastino 
enim  S.  Laurentii. 

Anno  eodem,  post  insultos  nonnulos  in  prioratum  saepenumero 
factos,  post  januas  conventus  ab  eorum  aemulis  violenter  confractas, 
necnon  alias  injurias  enormes  saepius  illatas,  statim  post  conventus 
refectionem,  ad  sanctam  matrem  suam  ecclesiam  accesserunt,  ejusdem 
sanctae  matris  filii  spurcissimi,  tota  videlicet  communitas  civitatis 
Norwici,  numero,  ut  creditor,  xxxii[m]  strenuissimearmatorum,  qui  una 
cum  civitatis  mulieribus  ignem  per  loca  diverso  prioratus  apponentes, 
ecclesiam  totumque  prioratum,  praeter  tria  vel  quatuor  aedificia  inter 
caetera  vix  numeranda,  opere  tamen  lapideo  sed  nee  hoc  penitus 
excepto,  in  cineres  redigerunt,  monachos  vero  fere  omnes  fugarunt. 
De  eorum  quoque  servientibus  triginta  vel  eo  circa  diversis  suppli- 
corum  generibus,  et  hos  in  gremio  materno,  neci  tradiderunt.  Illos  a 
gremio  eodem,  tanquam  a  matris  abstractos  uberibus,  et  ante  tribunal 
proprium  adductos,  nulli  parcentes  setati  aut,  ordini,  eadem  sententia 
damnaverunt.  Omnia  etiam  pretiosa,  tarn  in  thesaurario,  vestiario, 
refectorio,  quam  etiam  in  cceteris  ecclesiee  illius  officinis,  et  almaria, 
ea  minutim  confringentes  et  deprcedantes  asportarunt.  Monachi  vero, 
unus  post  alium  clam  fugientes,  vix  vita  Comite,  recesserunt.  Con- 
vocato  igitur  die  Decollationis  S.  Jobannis  Baptistae  [29  Aug.]  apud 
Eyam,  totius  episcopatus  concilio,  tarn  episcopus  quam  universus 
episcopi  clerus  ibidem  congregatus  in  dictum  facinus  perpetrantes, 
omnes  etiam  favore,  auxilio  aut  consilio  eisdem  consentientes,  aut 
contractu  qualicumque  cum  eis  communicantes,  pulsatis  campanis 
accensis  luminariis,  sententiam  excommunicationis  publice  et  solem- 
niter  tulerunt.  Quce  quidem  sententia,  habito  Londonias  episcopoium 
Anglia9  Concilio,  die  S.  Lucae  [18  Oct.]  ab  eis  renovata  est,  et  con- 
firmata;  ad  cujus  enormitatis  scelus  in  transgressoribus  refundendum, 

8  It  will  be  noticed  that  most  of  this  is  verbatam  from  John  de  Oxenede's 

Chronicles. 


83 

motus  dominus  rex  versus  partes  Norwicenses  die  S.  iEgidii  [1  Sep.] 
apud  Sanctum  Eadmundum  accessit;  ibidemque  super  negotio  me- 
morato  consulendos  universos  totius  Anglioe  proceres  vocavit  et 
magnates.  Mora  igitur  ibidem  per  xi  dies  facta,  die  Sanctorum 
Prothi  et  Jacincti  [11  Sept.]  versus  Norwicum,  pro  vindicta  de  tanto 
scelere  capienda,  ita  arripuit.  Qui  moram  ibidem  per  dies  xiii  faciens, 
vindictee  de  tanto  scelere  quamvis  non  ad  plenum  faciendae  aliquan- 
tulum  indulsit ;  triginta  namque  et  quatuor  viri,  unaque  mulier  de 
tanta  multitudine,  reliquorum  marsupiis  a  cuialibus  emunctus  quidam 
quidem  per  vicos  civitatis  distracti,  quidam  suspensi,  quidam  com- 
busti,  nonnulli  etiam  eorum  singularum  poenarum  ipsarum  mulctati 
supplicio,  poenas  luerunt  caeterorum. 


30. 
Godwin  de  Prcesulibus,  p.  488.9 

Trivetus  justiciarius,  causa  cognita,  multos  civium  ad  mortem 
damnatos  suspendi  jubet  et  semi  vivos  (proditorum  usitato  apud  nos 
supplicio)  dilaniandos  mulier  vero  quae  prima  portis  csenobii  ignem 
amoverat,  ignibus  absumenda  decernitur. 


31. 

Crown  Plea  Boll,  Norf.,  14  Edw.  I.    M  \ 
m.  69a  (dorse.)  2  J 

Jur  p  sentant  qd  cum  quedam  congregaco  gentium  esset 
in  villa  Norwyc  ad  quedam  hastiludia  q^dam  Johs  de  Gose- 
ford  ibid  venit  equitand  quedam  pullanu  T:  cum  venisset  p 
mediu  prissie  int  equites  T:  pedites  p9dcs  pullan9  durit  in- 
frenat9  hurtavit  cum  Herveo  de  Vallib^  ita  qd  cecidit  ufi 
obijt. 

Et  p9dcs  Johs  capt9  p  p9dca  morte  venit  et  quesit9  quali? 
se  velit  aquietare  dicit  qd  clicus  est  T;  no  potest  hie  respondere 

9  I  give  this  for  what  it  is  worth,  hut  do  not  know  what  authority  Godwin 
has  for  some  of  its  statements. 

G    2 


84 

Et  sup  hoc  venit  B,ogs  de  Tybenb'm  gerens  vices  Epi  Norwyc 
ad  clicos  petend  T;  petent  iprn  taqam  clicum.  Et  ut  sciatr 
qualis  ei  liber9  debeat  inquirat1'  rei  vitas  p  priam. 

Et  jur9  dicut  sup  sacrm  suu  qd  cum  p9dcs  Jobs  venisset 
ad  hastilud  p9dcm  equitand  p9dcm  pullam  durit9  infrenatu 
rest9nge  voluit  pullanu  p  dcm  p  frenu  et  frenu  disrupit  ita 
qd  pullanu  detine  no  potuit  s£  hurtavit  cum  p  dco  Herveo 
ita  qd  cecidit  un  obiit.  Et  Jur  requisiti  p9dcs  Jobs  aliqs 
modo  detinuisse  potuisset  p  dcm  pullanu  qm  burtasset  cu 
p9dco  Herveo  vl  si  gratis  cu  eo  hurtasset  dicut  qd  no.  Et 
qd  hoc  evenit  ipo  Jobe  invito  T:  p  infortinu  T:  qd  p9dcs 
Herve9  les9  fuit  p  infort  T:  no  p  aliqa  felon  ids  p9dcs  Jobs 
inde  quiet9.  P  ciu  pullani  xxs.  un  vie  respond.  PJm9 
invetor  T;  qatuor  vicini  ven  T:  no  malecr9. 


32. 

M  i 

Crown  Plea  Roll,  Norf.,  14  Edw.  7".     4  Jmemb.  6. 

2) 

Presentatu  est  qd  Jobnes  de  Berestret  subdecan9  Norwic  , 
AV ills  le  Cbapeler  caplls,  T,  Benedict9  le  Somenur  vi  res- 
cusserut  Jobem  de  Herleston  captu  cu  manuope  bident  in 
vill  de  Norwic  T:  in  Tolbotha  ejusdem  vill  p  sectam  [blank 
on  roll]  convictu  T.  suspend  adjudicatu.  E  (?)  cu  baHi 
ejusd  civitatis  ipm  Jobm  vers9  furcas  ducent?  pldcs  Jobs 
subdecan9  T:  alii  vi  ipm  Jobem  rescusserunt  a  manib,  predco^ 
balliox.  Io  capr.  Et  p  dci  Jobs  T:  alii  ven  T:  dicut  qd  reva 
predes  Jobs  adjudicat9  fuit  suspend  ut  pi  dcm  est  T:  indu- 
cendo  vers9  furcas  clamatu  fuit  colter  qd  idem  Jobs  clicus 
fuit  T:  tonsura  buit  clicale  ob  quod  ipi  adierut  pi  dcm  balli  T: 
ipm  clicii  petierut  T:  inbibendo  ei  ex  pte  Epi  Norwic  ne  ipm 
ult9ius  ducat9  q1  quidem  barls  pldcm  clicum  ei  libavit  sine 
aliqa  vi  vl  cobcoe  faciend.  Et  libavit  custodiend  p  pi  .... 
legiu  clicale  in  p^sona  Epi  put  moris  est.  Et  qd  ita  sit 
petut   qd   int9rratr.  De    Jur9  predce   vill    ad  boc   elci    dicut 


85 

sup  sacrlm  suu  qd  pldcs  Jons  suspend  adjudicate  fuit  ut 
pldcm  est  sine  reclamacoe  plvilegii  clical  faciend  rt  indu- 
cendo  vers9  furcas  ut  pldcm  est  pldci  Johs  Decan9  T:  alii 
ipfh  vi  rescusserut  plsona  Epi  Norwie9  qd  nuc  est  duxlunt 

hoc  qd  Balli  qd  ipm  duxlunt  ipm. 

Postea  pldci  Joh  de  Berestrete  T:  alii  fine  fecunt  put  patet 
in  hundo  de  Schropham. 


33. 

Whilst  working  at  the  foregoing  paper  I  had  frequent  occasion 
to  refer  to  much  of  Dean  Goulburn's  History  of  the  See  of 
Norwich  contained  in  his  Ancient  Sculptures  on  the  Roof  of  Norwich 
Cathedral,  and  was  as  much  surprised  as  pained  to  find  that  it  literally 
teems  with  errors,  and  that  so  far  from  its  being  of  any  use  to  the 
student  of  Norfolk  history  or  antiquities,  it  cannot  fail  to  terribly 
mislead  any  one  who  refers  to  it.  It  may  save  others  some  trouble  if 
I  note  here  some  of  the  worst  blunders  which  occur  in  about  seventy- 
eight  pages. 


1.  In  the  account  of  the  ab- 
duction and  circumcision  of  the 
boy  Jurnepin  by  the  Jews  (p.  299), 
it  is  said  that  after  the  operation 
had  been  performed  "  some  ban- 
daged up  the  wound  with  a  bag 
of  sand,  while  others  with  the  aid 
of  lighted  wisps  of  straw  hunted 
about  for  the  piece  of  skin  which 
they  had  cut  from  him." 


1.  The  actual  words  of  the 
record  (Placita  Coram  Rege, 
Queen's  Bench,  18  lien.  III., 
mem.  21)  quoted  by  the  Dean 
are  ' '  Et  postea  ceperunt  peciam 
illam  quam  sciderant  de  membro 
suo  et  posuerunt  in  quodam 
bacyno  cum  sabelone  et  quesi- 
erunt  peciam  illam  cum  parvis 
fusselletis,  quousque  quidam  Ju- 
deus  qui  vocabatur  Jurnepin 
invenit  earn  primo.  Et  quia 
idem  Jurnepin  invenit  earn 
prirno  vocaverunt  eum  Jur- 
nepin." A  curious  way  certainly 
to  fix  what  the  boy's  name  was 
to  be,  but  hardly  as  curious  as 
translating  "bacyno"  bag,  or 
"fusselletis"  wisps  of  lighted 
straw. 


8G 


2.  P.  300.  In  ';The  same  roll 
above  quoted  (18  Hen.  III.)  men- 
tion is  made  of  an  appeal  of  the 
Clerks  of  Norwich  against  the 
Sheriff  and  the  Jews,  in  which 
it  is  stated  that  the  ecclesiastics 
in  their  fury  burnt  more  than 
one-tenth  of  the  houses  of  the 
Jews  in  the  City." 


2.  The  passage  quoted  is  at 
mem.  27  d.  of  the  same  roll.  It 
has  been  entirely  and  wholly 
mistranslated  by  the  Dean.  The 
apj>eal  was  made  not  only  by  the 
clergy  but  by  ' '  the  greater  part 
of  the  men  and  women  of  the 
city,"  whose  names  come  first. 
The  clergy  are  not  alleged  to 
have  burnt  the  Jews'  houses. 
The  passage  thus  incredibly  mis- 
translated runs,  "  Et  hac  ratione, 
quia  cum  ignis  esset  appositus 
per  duas  vices  domibus  Judeo- 
rum,"  &c. 

From  other  sources,  viz.,  the 
Coroner's  Bolls  of  Norwich, 
quoted  by  the  late  H.  Harrod  in 
Norfolk  Archceology,  ii.  p.  262, 
moreover,  we  know  that  the  two 
who  placed  the  fire  were  Simon 
Quitloc  and  Stephen  Chiken,  two 
citizens.    ( See  Ante  Appendix  15.) 


3.  P.  303.  At  length  the 
quarrel  passed  out  of  argument 
into  that  of  hostile  action,  the 
citizens  in  1234  assaulting  the 
Convent  and  robbing  and  burn- 
ing part  of  it;  the  Convent  re- 
taliating and  in  their  turn  setting 
fire  to  the  houses  of  many  of  the 
Jews. 


3.  The  Dean  might  have  been 
expected  to  have  known  how 
often  his  own  premises  had  been 
sacked  and  burnt,  but  such  is 
not  the  case.  Nothing  of  the 
sort  actually  took  place.  The 
Dean  has  been  misled  by  the 
passage  in  Blomefield  (iii.  p.  303), 
who  quotes  as  his  authority 
mem.  27  d.  of  the  roll  just  re- 
ferred to,  which  I  have  printed 
verbatim  at  pp.  325 — 7  of  the 
Norfolk  Antiquarian  Miscellany, 
vol.  i.,  and  which  contains  not  a 
word  as  to  any  attack  or  burning 
of  the  Convent,  but  refers  to  a 
riot  as  to  the  Jews.      Such  an 


87 


important  occurrence  would  of 
course  have  been  mentioned  by 
Bartholomew  de  Cotton,  who 
was  a  monk  at  Norwich  very 
shortly  afterwards,  and  who 
mentions  the  most  trivial  things 
about  his  Convent. 


4.  "  (King)  Henry  (III.)  was 
then  (1234)  at  Bromholm  .  .  .  and 
. . .  ordered  the  Sheriff  of  Norfolk 

to  make  an  inquisition 

The  burgesses  resisted 

and  refused  to  allow  any  pro- 
ceedings to  be  taken."     (P.  303.) 


4.  He  was  not  at  Bromholm 
till  some  time  after  the  disturb- 
ance so  incorrectly  set  out  by  the 
Dean.  He  was  passing  through 
Norwich  when  the  complaint  or 
appeal  referred  to  in  paragraph 
2  was  made  to  him,  and  simply 
promised  to  return  to  Norwich 
and  hold  a  court  of  enquiry.  He 
duly  held  such  court,  and  the 
Sheriff  then  stated  [inter  alia) 
that  when  the  Jews'  houses  were 
fired  ' '  he  (the  Sheriff)  asked  the 
Bailiffs  to  take  counsel  how  they 
could  mend  matters,  but  that 
they  did  nothing  by  inquisition 
or  otherwise."  There  is  not  a 
word  on  the  record  about  the 
King  ordering  the  Sheriff  to  make 
an  inquisition,  or  the  burgesses 
refusing  to  allow  him  to  do  so. 


5.  "At  length  in  a.d.  1242 
the  King  arrived  at  Norwich  in 
person." 


5.  As  just  shown,  he  was 
there  in  1234,  and  then  and  there 
settled  the  matter. 


6.  "  The  accounts  we  have  in 
various  Monastic  Rolls  of  those 
criminals  who  took  sanctuary," 
&c,  &c,  (p.  373.) 


6.  The  accounts  given  by  the 
Dean  are  from  the  City  Rolls, 
viz.,  the  Coroner's  Rolls  cited  by 
Mr.  Harrod,  (see  No.  2)  and 
have  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  the  monastery. 


88 


7.  Commencing  his  descrip- 
tion of  the  great  monks'  and 
citizens'  riot  of  1272,  the  Dean 
introduces  the  subject  by  stating 
that  whilst  quintain  play  was 
going  on  outside  the  Priory,  a 
certain  John  de  Gosford  was 
making  his  way  through  the 
throng,  when  his  colt,  frightened 
by  the  spectacle  and  clamour, 
became  unmanageable  and  threw 
his  rider  against  Hervey  de 
Yallibus,  a  knight,  who  received 
such  severe  injuries  that  he  died. 
' '  The  City  Coroner   claimed  an 

inquest but  no  sooner  was 

it  announced  in  court  that  he  was 
a  clerk,  than  the  Commissary 
claimed  him  as  belonging  to  the 
Court  Christian." 

' '  The  morrow  came,  and  with  it 
a  strong  determination  on  the 
part  of  the  citizens  to  resist  the 
Prior's  pretensions,  and  if  force 
was  resorted  to,  to  meet  it  with 
force." 


8.  In  referring  to  the  dispute 
at  the  quintain  match  (p.  377) 
the  Dean  states  that  Geoffrey  le 
Brim  and  others   ' '  fell   upon   a 


7.  There  is  not  the  slightest 
proof  on  the  roll  (Assize  Boll,  14 
Ed.  I.,  printed  Appx.  31)  or  else- 
where that  this  episode  (which 
did  ?wt  take  place  at  quintain) 
had  anything  whatever  to  do 
with  the  riot.  It  occurs  with 
other  presentments  of  the  year 
1286,  and  was  a  simple  case  of 
accident,  in  which  no  blame  was 
attributed  to  any  one,  and  John 
was  at  once  acquitted,  though 
for  extra  precaution  he  had 
claimed  his  "benefit  of  clergy" 
in  usual  form.  There  was  no 
dispute  as  to  jurisdiction. 

The  Dean  has  jumped  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  two  occur- 
rences took  place  the  same  year 
because  they  occur  on  the  same 
roll.  But  the  accident  entry  is 
one  of  the  regular  entries  of 
current  business,  whilst  the  only 
reason  for  the  long  account  of 
the  1272  riot  occurring  on  the 
same  1286  roll  was,  it  was  carried 
on  no  doubt  from  a  former  roll, 
now  lost,  by  a postea to  allow  those 
who  had  fled  in  1272  to  come  in 
and  have  the  matter  finally 
cleared  up  by  pleading  the  King's 
Pardon,  which  will  be  found  on 
m.  18  of  the  Patent  Eoll  of  13 
Edw.  I.  Therefore  all  the  pictu- 
resque writing  about  "the  mor- 
row came,  &c,"  is  quite  wasted. 

8.  The  roll  just  quoted  (which 
is  our  only  authority)  says  (m. 
72)  "  Et  cum  ibidem  interfuissent 
quidam   de   Prioratu   Norwyci," 


89 


man   of    the   Priory   and    killed 
him." 


which  of  course  refers  to  the 
presence  (not  the  slaughter)  of 
some  men  (not  a  man)  of  the 
Priory.  This  mistranslation  is 
almost  as  bad  as  the  bag  of  sand 
and  wisps  of  straw  in  No.  1. 


9.  The  commencement  of  the 
actual  fighting  is  placed  rightly 
at  p.  377  on  the  evening  of  the 
quintain,  on  which  evening  Wm. 
le  Messer  shot  the  first  bolt  and 
killed  Adam  de  Newenton.  ' '  Bar- 
ricades were  erected  at  exposed 
points,  shields  and  bucklers  held 
up  to  view,  and  crossbow  men 
placed  at  every  coign  of  vantage. 
Wherever  the  monks  caught 
sight  of  a  peaceful  citizen  obliged 
to  pass  the  gates  in  proceeding 
to  his  daily  work  they  ruthlessly 
shot  him  down,  and  left  his  body 
to  rot  where  it  fell." 


9.  These  events  did  not  follow 
on  at  once.  There  was  a  long 
interval  between  the  killing  of 
Adam  de  Newenton  and  the  de- 
fiant hanging  up  of  shields,  &c, 
during  which  interval  the  City 
authorities  found  the  Prior's  men 
guilty  of  murder,  and  the  Prior 
got  them  excommunicated  for 
doing  so. 

There  were  no  barricades  at 
all,  and  the  hanging  out  shields 
did  not  take  place  till  August. 
(Bl.  Norf.  iii.  p.  62.)  Even  the 
citizens  only  stated  that  the 
Prior's  men  shot  over  the  walls, 
"  wounding  many ;  "  so  the  peace- 
ful citizen's  body  had  no  chance 
of  rotting  where  it  fell. 


Walter  Eye. 


Ji  ousts  of  %  Sisljqj  of  fUrfoicjj 

IN    LONDON. 


From  the  subjoined  extract  from  mem.  4  of  the  Close 
Roll  for  21  Henry  III.  (1237),  it  would  seem  that  the 
Bishops  of  Norwich  had  a  permanent  residence  at  London  ; 
for  if  the  houses  mentioned  below  had  been  the  private 
property  of  the  then  late  bishop,  it  is  not  probable  that  the 
custodians  of  the  bishopric  would  have  had  to  have  ex- 
pended monies  belonging  to  the  See  to  repair  the  quay 
referred  to. 

de  Kaio  epatus  Norwic  \  Manet  est  custodi  Epatus  Norwic 
ap  Lond  repando  de  I  qd  garbas  eccliax  de  Langha  T;  de 
garbis  Eccliax  de  (  Terling     coadunari      facias     1     de 

Langham  T:  T  ling.  eisde  sine  diloe  repari  facias  Kayu 

domo?  Epat9  Norwic  apud  London. 
Ita  qd  pficiatr  ah  instate  hyeme  T;  ad  hoc  faciend  incontinea 
mittas  usq,  London  T;  maereniu  ibide  emi  T:  dcam  opacoem 
stati  incipi  facias  de  denariis  mutuo  capiendis  sup  denarios 
de  garbis  pventos.  Residuu  aute  exituu  dcax  Garbak 
ponas  i  repacione  domox  prefati  Epatus  tarn  apud  London 
q,a  alibi  ubi  mag  indigebat  repaciones.  T  ut  sa  [Woodstock, 
6th  August.] 

Walter  Rye. 


CIk  IMI0011  Cjntrrlj  nt  |lortoit^ 


In  1589. 


BY    LUCY    TOULMIN    SMITH. 


The  manuscript  which  is  the  subject  of  this  Paper  is  in 
the  possession  of  the  family  of  the  late  Mr.  Toulmin  Smith, 
of  Highgate,  London  ;  but  how  it  came  into  his  hands, 
many  years  ago,  whether  by  purchase  or  by  gift,  I  am 
unable  to  say,  as  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  memo- 
randum relating  to  it.  As  my  father  was  in  early  life 
intimate  with  some  members  of  the  family  of  Taylor  of 
Norwich,  I  conjecture  that  it  may  have  come  to  him 
through  that  friendship,  at  some  time  after  the  dissolution 
of  the  Walloon  Church  in  Norwich,  by  decree  of  the  Court 
of  Chancery,  in  1836. x  But,  however  wanting  in  pedigree, 
there  is  no  question  as  to  the  genuineness  of  the  manuscript 
itself. 

1  The  Register  of  the  baptisms  and  marriages  of  this  church  was  in  the 
custody  of  Mr.  Edgar  Taylor,  as  solicitor  to  the  last  deacon,  before  it  was 
deposited  in  Somerset  House  in  1837.  See  an  account  of  this  volume  in 
S.  Smiles'  Huguenots  in  England  and  Ireland,  1867,  p.  487.  It  is  not  in  the 
edition  of  1876. 


92 

It  is  a  small  folio  of  twenty-three  parchment  leaves,  with 
several  paper  fly-leaves,  in  the  original  vellum  binding.  On 
the  outside  of  one  cover  is  written, — 

POYE 

LEGLISE   WAULLOON 

DE   NOEWICH 

Du  5«  Avril  1589; 

on  the  outside  of  the  other  are  the  following  words,  nearly 

worn  away, — 

LIYEE   DE   LA 

DISIPLINNE 

DE    LEGLISE 

WALONNE    DE 

NORWICH 

DU  Ye   AYEIL    1589. 

The  first  seventeen  leaves  are  filled  with  the  "  Discipline," 
which  is  written  in  an  office  hand,  and  ends  on  the  middle 
of  leaf  18,  recto,  leaving  room  for  the  special  dating  and 
appropriation  to  Norwich,  and  the  signatures  of  several 
ministers  and  elders  on  the  same  page.  Leaf  18,  verso, 
and  the  two  leaves  next  following,  being  five  pages  in 
all,  are  filled  with  signatures.  The  rest  of  the  book  is 
blank. 

The  opening  clause  declares  that  this  is  the  "  Ecclesiastical 
Policy  and  Discipline  observed  in  the  Churches  of  the 
French  tongue  gathered  together  in  this  kingdom  of 
England  under  the  protection  of  the  most  serene  Queen 
Elizabeth;"  and  the  "  Conclusion"  states  that  these  articles 
•'have  been  drawn  up  and  approved  of  by  the  ministers, 
elders,  and  deacons  of  the  French  Churches  gathered  to- 
gether in  England." 

From  these  it  appears  that  this  Discipline  or  Order  of 
Government  was  common  to  the  several  Churches  of  French 
refugees  and  others  established  in  England,  and  I  accord- 
inglv  expected  to  find  that  notices  of   similar  books  would 


93 

be  not  infrequent.2  But  the  only  traces  of  other  such 
documents  that  I  have  been  able  to  hear  of,  are  found  in 
connection  with  the  French  Churches  of  London  and  of 
Canterbury.  The  Discipline  of  the  Church  at  Canterbury 
still  exists — a  paper  manuscript  of  the  date  1641  ;  the 
Pasteur  Martin,  who  kindly  showed  me  the  books  of  his 
church,  assured  me  that  it  is  identical  with  that  in  use  in 
London  of  the  same  date.  The  Discipline  of  the  French 
Church  in  St.  Martin's  le  Grand,  London,  was  privately 
printed  in  February,  1865,  by  Rev.  G.  G.  Daugars,  Pasteur, 
under  the  title  "  Discipline  Ecclesiastique  de  l'eglise  Pro- 
testante  Francaise  de  Londres  etablie  par  le  Poi  Edouard  VI. 
observee  es  eglises  de  la  langue  Francaise  receuillies  en  ce 
Poiaume  d'Angleterre  selon  qu'elle  a  este  revue  par  le 
synode  des  dittes  eglises  Tan  1641."  This,3  and  one  other 
for  London,  published  eighty  years  earlier,  in  1561,  are  the 
only  two  instances  of  the  Discipline  of  the  French  Church 
in  England  in  a  printed  form  that  I  have  met  with.4  Even 
notices  that  there  was  such  a  thing  as  a  form  specially 
adapted  for  the  Churches  in  England  are  for  the  most 
part  wanting  in  the  principal  works  on  foreign  Protestant 

2  Twenty  towns  are  known  where  French  Protestant  Churches  existed 
before  1685.  See  French  Protestant  Exiles  in  England,  by  Rev.  D.  Agnew, 
vol.  i.  p.  10. 

3  I  must  acknowledge  my  obligations  to  Mons.  Daugars  for  some  useful 
information,  and  a  copy  of  his  print. 

4  Mons.  H.  Bordier,  of  the  Societe  de  l'Histoire  du  Protestantisme 
Franeais,  kindly  pointed  out  to  me  that  in  December,  1864,  the  Consistory 
of  St.  Martin's  le  Grand  printed  a  "Discipline  Ecclesiastique  de  l'eglise 
Francaise,  de  Londres,"  signed  by  A.  Th.  Marzials  and  "William  Browning. 
I  am  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of  W.  H.  Van  Baerle,  Esq.,  of  the  French 
Church  in  London,  for  sending  me  this  pamphlet,  which  he  informs  me  is  not 
acknowledged  to  be  of  authority  ;  it  appears  to  be  a  modern  compilation 
drawn  up  after  "  the  study  of  the  ancient  disciplines  and  constitutions  of  our 
Church,"  and  quite  differs  in  form  from  the  old  Disciplines.  The  "Notice 
Historique"  at  the  end  is  disappointing,  as  it  relates  only  to  the  "  Confession 
de  Foi." 


94 

refugees,  such  as  those  of  Burn,  Agnew,  Durrant  Cooper, 
and  Smiles  ;  and  when  this  is  recognized,  it  is  the  London 
Discipline  of  1641  alone  that  is  taken  for  granted  as  the 
prototype.  See  Burn's  History  of  Foreign  Refugees,  p.  28 ; 
Weiss'  History  of  the  French  Protestant  Refugees,  1854, 
p.  208.  The  Reformed  Churches  sooner  or  later  everywhere 
adopted  a  "  Discipline  "  or  rules  for  government ;  but,  while 
based  on  the  same  general  principles,  these  differed  con- 
siderably in  form  and  detail,  and  grew  in  each  country  with 
the  advance  of  years.5  Thus  the  preface  to  a  "  Corpus 
Disciplinae,"  published  in  London  in  1645,  when  some  were 
seeking  for  a  harmony  of  Church  governments,  mentions 
that  "divers  of  the  Disciplines  of  the  Forraign  Churches  have 
been  of  late  published  in  England,  as,  besides  the  Scottish, 
the  French,  that  of  Geneva,  of  Garmey,  and  others." 

Setting  aside  much  earlier  settlements,  the  French  and 
Walloon  Churches  founded  in  England  broadly  belong  to 
two  periods  :  those  established  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
consequent  on  the  persecutions  of  the  Duke  of  Alva,  and  the 
French  civil  war,  from  1502  to  1567,  and  on  the  Massacre 
of  St.  Bartholomew  in  1572  ;  and  those  established  after  the 
Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  1685.  The  Walloon 
Church  of  Norwich  belongs  to  the  first  of  these  periods,  and 
dates  from  1565,  when,  upon  the  representation  of  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  Archbishop  Parker  desired  the  Bishop  of 
Norwich  to  grant  them  a  vacant  church,  and  the  Bishop's 


5  The  divergences  of  detail  that  grew  up  between  the  Discipline  in  use 
abroad  and  that  in  England,  are  seen  not  only  on  comparing  the  Articles  of 
the  Synod  of  1559  and  the  London  Discipline  of  1561,  but  by  comparison 
of  the  two  eighty  years  later.  See  the  London  Discipline  of  1641,  and  a 
tract  entitled  "The  Ecclesiastical  Discipline  of  the  Reformed  Churches  in 
France,  or  The  order  whereby  they  are  governed.  Faithfully  transcribed 
into  English  out  of  a  French  copy."  London,  1642.  A  good  summary  of  the 
Discipline  of  the  Reformed  Churches  is  found  in  Chapter  5  of  "  Histoire  des 
Synodes  Nationaux,"  by  G.  de  Felice.     Paris,  1861,  p.  41. 


95 

chapel  was  assigned  to  them.     Later,  they  had  the  church 
of  St.  Mary  the  Less  at  Tombland.6 

Fifteen  years  before  this  time  John  Alasco,  a  Polish 
nobleman  who  had  devoted  himself  to  the  Reformed  views, 
came  over  from  Embden  in  East  Friesland,  and  founded  the 
Dutch  Church  of  Austin  Friars,  for  which  Edward  VI.  made 
a  grant  in  1550.  The  king  at  the  same  time  made  Alasco 
Superintendent  of  the  Refugee  Churches  in  London  ;  and  in 
1555  this  eminent  man  published  at  Frankfort  a  Latin  work 
of  which  a  French  translation  came  out  in  the  following 
year,7  wherein  he  treated  fully  of  the  government  and 
arrangement  of  the  ministry  and  services  of  the  "  Eglise 
des  Estrangers  a  Londres,"  their  poor,  the  education  of  their 
children,  and  all  the  matters  within  the  range  of  Church 
government.  "Pourtant  nous  ayans  puissance  de  dresser  icy 
Eglise  des  Estrangers,"  8  he  made  his  explanations  and  his 
rules  general  so  as  to  suit  both  French  and  Dutch,  showing, 
however,    by   specific    distinctions   in   certain    cases  (as    for 

6  Blomefield's  History  of  Norfolk,  fol.,  1765,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  201-2;  History  of 
Foreign  Protestant  Refugees,  by  J.  S.  Burn,  1846,  pp.  61 — 79.  The  Norwich 
Church  had  a  recognized  liturgy  of  its  own.  The  editor  of  "  La  Liturgie, 
ou  la  maniere  de  celebrer  le  Service  Divin  dans  1*  eglise  Francaise  de 
Londres,"  1800,  among  the  liturgies  which  he  put  under  contribution, 
mentions  "  celle  de  1' Eglise  Francaise  de  Norwich." 

7  "  Toute  la  forme  et  maniere  du  Ministere  Ecclesiastique,  en  l'Eglise  des 
estrangers,  dressee  a  Londres  en  Angleterre,  par  le  Prince  tres  fidele  du  dit 
pays,  le  Roy  Edouard  VI.  de  ce  nom,  1550."  Traduit  de  Latin  en  Francois, 
1556.     (Copies  are  in  the  British  Museum  and  City  of  London  Libraries.) 

8  Fo.  52.  Alasco  was  doubtless  in  accord  with  some  of  the  French  Re- 
formers for  this  purpose,  though  he  had  to  defend  himself  against  complaints : 
"nous  entendous  bien,  qu'aucuns  sont  offencez  qu'a  dresser  noz  Eglises, 
nous  n'avons  pas  suyui  les  ceremonies  et  obseruations  des  autres  Eglises : 
mais  que  nous  en  avons  observe  de  toutes  nouvelles,"  (fo.  296).  Burnet  tells 
us  that  he  "  had  prevailed  to  obtain  an  entire  liberty  for  [the  German 
Church]  to  continue  in  the  same  forms  of  worship  and  government  in  which 
they  had  been  constituted  beyond  sea,  in  which  he  had  been  assisted  by 
Cranmer." — History  of  the  Reformation,  part  iii.,  book  iv.,  ed.  1715,  vol.  iii., 
p.  203.  For  some  account  of  Alasco  see  Strype's  Life  of  Cranmer,  ed.  1840, 
vol.  i.,  p.  336,  and  Smiles'  Huguenots  in  England  and  Ireland,  1876,  p    116. 


96 

example,  as  to  "  prophecy/'  folios  49  v0.,  64  v°.)  that  he 
recognized  the  differences  and  the  separateness  between  their 
Churches.  This  "  splendid  monument  of  intellect  and 
piety,"  as  a  modern  French  pastor  enthusiastically  calls 
Alasco's  treatise,  is  looked  upon  as  the  foundation  of  the 
London  Discipline  at  present  in  use  at  St.  Martin's  le  Grand, 
which,  to  a  great  extent,  is  no  doubt  the  case. 

The  first  Synod  of  the  French  Reformed  Church  met  at 
Paris,  28th  May,  1559.  At  this  were  agreed  upon  the 
"  Confession  de  Foi "  and  a  "  Discipline  Ecclesiastique." 
The  latter  consisted  of  forty  general  regulations  or  precepts.1 
This  and  Alasco's  work  seem  to  have  been  at  once  adopted 
as  the  bases  for  a  special  formal  "  Discipline  "  adapted  to 
the  wants  of  the  French  Church  in  England.  In  1561 
there  was  printed,  "  Forme  de  Police  Ecclesiastique,  instituee 
a  Londres  en  l'Eglise  des  Francois,"  drawn  up,  as  he  himself 
tells  us  in  "  L'Epistre "  (dated  1st  May,  1561)  at  the  be- 
ginning, by  Nicolas  Des  Gallars,  pastor  of  the  church  in 
London.  He  says  that,  wishing  to  obviate  the  danger  of 
for getf ulness,  he  has  reduced  "  to  writing  the  points  and 
articles    which    have    been   lately    concluded    and    decreed 

among  us I  have  intended    to    follow   them  closely, 

only  changing  or  adding  what  seemed  to  me  necessary 
for  the  diversity  of  places,  times,  and  persons." 2  He 
savs  that  his  flock  have  received  what  he  has  written 
herein  with  jo}T,  and  he  urges  them  to  maintain  it,  and  to 
be  grateful  for  their  liberty.3 

But  besides  the   general  laws  laid   down  by  the  Synod  of 

1  This  "  Discipline,"  or  rather  Articles  of  Discipline,  is  printed  in  Haag's 
La  France  Protestante,  Appendix  xi. 

2  See  similar  terms  used  in  the  "Conclusion"'  of  the  Xorwich  Discipline. 

3  A  copy  of  this  rare  and  interesting  tract  is  in  the  British  Museum.  A 
Latin  edition  appears  to  have  been  published  in  the  same  year.  Des  Gallars 
was  sent  over  to  London  from  Geneva  by  Calvin,  in  1560,  for  the  purpose  of 
re-organizing  the  French  Church  there. — Haag's  La  France  Protestante,  1852, 
vol.  iii.,  p   244  ;  Strype's  Life  of  Granmer,  Oxford,  1840,  vol.  i.,  p.  592. 


97 

1559,  and  the  more  minute  rules  of  Alasco,  there  was 
another  source  to  which  Des  Gailars  owed  much.  In  the 
Appendix  to  his  Life  of  Archbishop  Parker*  Strype  prints 
from  a  MS.  at  Cambridge,  which  appears  to  be  without  date 
or  endorsement,  a  skeleton  or  outline  in  Latin  of  "  Rules 
for  the  order  and  government  of  the  Ministers  of  the 
Foreigners'  Churches  in  England."  Whether  these  Rules 
were  drawn  up  by  Parker  himself  (which  his  good  re- 
lations with  the  refugees  render  highly  probable)  or  by 
some  of  those  who  were  about  this  time  working  with 
him  at  the  Articles  and  Injunctions  for  the  regulation 
of  the  English  clergy,  the  document  must  have  been 
written  before  1511,  and  was  undoubtedly  used  by  Des 
Gallars,  the  whole  of  the  first  part  of  his  Discipline — 
which  sets  out  the  four  orders,  Pastors,  Doctors,  Elders, 
and  Deacons,  and  the  duties,  qualifications,  and  method  of 
election  of  the  Pastors — being  little  more  than  a  translation 
from  it  into  French.5  These  then  were  also  probably  some 
of  the  "  points  and  articles  lately  concluded  and  decreed  " 
to  which  his  "  Epistre  "  refers.  In  this  most  important  part 
of  their  Church  government  the  foreigners  in  England 
acknowledged  the  guidance  of  the  English  Archbishop.6 

The  "Forme"  of  Pastor  Gallars  perhaps  served  as  a  model 
for  those  who  settled  the  discipline  of  the  French  Churches  in 
England  a  few  years  later,  but  their  congregation  in  London 
was,  in  1561,  small  and  chiefly  composed  of  unlettered  men.7 

4  Oxford,  1828,  vol.  iii.,  p.  16,  No.  viii. 

5  Forme  de  Police,  &c,  folios  5 — 11. 

6  In  his  letter  of  1565  for  the  grant  by  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  of  a 
church  in  Norwich  to  the  strangers,  Parker  wishes  that  the  Bishop's 
"  ordinary  authority  shall  suffice  to  take  order  with  them,  as  well  for  the 
form  of  their  public  prayers,  as  otherwise  for  the  state  of  religion  and  for 
their  discipline,  whereby  that  Church  may  live  in  the  more  perfect  quiet." 
See  the  letter  printed  in  the  Gentleman' s  Magazine,  October,  1834,  p.  374. 

7  Forme  de  Police,  fo.  11.  According  to  the  List  of  Strangers  in  London 
returned  by  the  Lord  Mayor,  the  members  of  the  French  Church  in  1568 
numbered  1810. — Strype's  Annals,  Oyford  edition,  vol.  iv.,  p.  576. 

VOL,    II.]  H 


98 

What  was  sufficient  for  their  needs  was  not  enough  for  a 
more  important  body.     The   strangers  in  Norwich,  at  first 
invited  thither  to   aid  in  restoring  the  fallen  trade  of  the 
place,  prospered  in  spite  of  the  jealousy  which  their  success 
aroused  in  the  native  citizens.      The  Dutch  were  much  more 
numerous  than  the  Walloons  or  French,8  and  it  appears  to 
have  been  chiefly  on  their  account  that  the  troubles  of  1571 
arose  ;  but  the  official  book  kept  by  the  Corporation,  a  kind 
of  census  of  the  strangers,  includes  the  names  and  details  of 
the  French  as  well  as  the  Dutch ; 9  and  they  were  probably 
understood  to  be  included  in   the   decision  of  the  officers  of 
the  Crown  in  favour  of  the  latter,  by  which  Queen  Elizabeth 
confirmed  her  protection  of  the   refugees.1      Whatever  the 
relations  between  the  Dutch  and  the  French  congregations, 
the   latter  had  by    1589    become   of   an   importance   which 
warranted  their  adopting  a  Discipline  2  of  larger  proportions 
and  fuller  detail  than  that  agreed  to  by  the  small  London 
Church  in  1561.      In  this,  full    provision  was  made  for  the 
fourth   order,   of  Doctors,  who  were  to   have  in  charge  the 
training   of   students  for   the   ministry  as    well    as    schools 
for  children   (see   after  p.  106)  ;  more  particular  rules  were 
made  for  the   order  of  Elders  (anciens) ;  other  clauses  under 
the    different   heads   were  added   or    augmented  ;    and   the 
arrangement   of  subjects  was  somewhat  altered,   though  in 

8  When  they  were  invited  to  settle  in  the  city  in  1565,  twenty-four 
masters  were  appointed  for  the  Dutch  and  hut  six  for  the  French.  This  was 
done  hy  letters  patent  of  2nd  Elizaheth. 

9  This  volume  is  among  the  Corporation  Records  of  Norwich. 

1  ' '  The  Booke  of  orders  for  the  straungers  of  the  Citie  of  Xorwiche 
perused  ouersene  allowed  and  ordered"  hy  Sr  Walter  Mildmaye  Knt.  and 
Sir  Thomas  Smythe  Knt.  of  H.M.  Privy  Counsel,  and  the  Master  of  the 
Rolls,  20  April,  1571.  In  the  Public  Record  Office,  Domestic  State  Papers, 
Elizabeth,  vol.  77,  no.  58. 

2  Probably  this  may  have  been  passed  at  one  of  the  Colloques  or  general 
conferences  of  French  Churches  in  England,  to  which  Burn  refers  (p.  29) 
as  being  held  in  various  places  between  1581  and  1660.  I  have  been  unable, 
however,  to  find  any  account  of  these  Colloques. 


99 

several  instances  wording  and  phraseology  remained  iden- 
tical. One  important  difference  was  this,  that,  whereas  both 
by  Parker  and  Des  Gallars  the  assistance  of  the  Dutch  was 
to  be  called  in  for  the  choice  of  new  ministers — "  Pastor 
debet  eligi  denique  a  ministris  et  senioribus  utriusque 
Ecclesise  Grallicae  Belgicae," — in  the  Norwich  Discipline  of 
1589  we  find  no  mention  made  of  association  with  the 
Dutch  for  this  purpose ;  an  indication  that  the  French 
Church  there  was  sufficiently  strong  to  be  independent. 

On  comparison  of  this  Norwich  form  of  1589  with  those 
of  London  and  Canterbury  of  1641,  the  resemblance  is 
found  to  be  so  close,  amounting  to  a  large  number  of 
identical  clauses,  and  so  much  nearer  than  that  between  the 
early  London  (1561)  and  Norwich  (1589),  that  it  is  clear 
they  must  have  been  originally  the  same,  and  that  the 
differences  are  only  such  as  are  due  to  the  "  diversity  of 
places,  times,  and  persons/'  when  the  Discipline  was  altered 
in  1641  to  suit  fresh  requirements.  Was  there  a  Discipline 
in  London  of  the  Norwich  type  earlier  than  1641,  now  lost  ? 

Without  pursuing  further  the  history  of  the  changes  in 
the  Discipline,  it  would  seem,  if  the  above  sketch  be  true, 
that  what  is  now  in  use  in  the  French  Churches  of  Canter- 
bury and  St.  Martin's  le  Grand  finds  its  oldest  known 
exemplar  (at  present)  in  the  Norwich  manuscript  before 
us,  and  that  a  considerable  portion  of  this  form  can  be 
traced  back  in  its  origin  to  two  earlier  products  of  English 
soil. 

The  interest  of  the  manuscript  is  enhanced  by  the  sig- 
natures which,  in  accordance  with  some  usual  clauses  (see 
pp.  102,  107),  the  ministers  and  elders  were  bound  to  make 
to  the  Discipline  on  their  election.  It  was  customary  also 
for  the  deacons  to  sign  it.  The  first  page  (leaf  18  recto) 
was  kept  for  ministers'  signatures,  and  on  the  others,  from 
time  to  time,  the  "  anciens  et  diacres  "  entered  their  testi- 
mony  to    the   public   reading   of,    and    adherence    to,    the 

h  2 


100 

Discipline  (see  clause  22,  p.  116.)  Several  of  the  names 
are  those  of  well-known  and  honoured  families,  such  as 
Basnage,  Phillipeau,  Polyander,  Colombine,  De  la  Haize, 
and  Gaston  ATartineau,  the  first  and  the  last  the  founders  of 
well-known  families.  I  have  added  such  notes  as  I  could 
collect  relating  to  these  names,  and  beg  tcr  thank  Colonel 
Chester,  Dr.  Jessopp,  Rev.  D.  Agnew,  and  Mr.  Rye  for 
kind  assistance  herein. 

The  side-notes  are  my  addition,  and  may  serve  to  facilitate 
comparison  with  other  editions  of  the  Discipline.  The  MS. 
is  printed  verbatim  et  literatim  (except  with  regard  to  capital 
letters),  punctuation  being  added. 


Police  et  Discipline 

Eclesiasticque    obseruee    es    Eglises  de  la    langue   francoise 
recoeuillies  en  ce  Royauine  d  'Angleterre  soubz  la  protection 
de  la  Serenissime  Royne  Elizabeth,   Que  dieu    conserue  en 
toute  heureuse  prosperite. 
a  "Discipline"       Pour  bien   gouuerner  l'eglise  de  Dieu,  il  nest 

necessary  for 

the  govern-       pas  seullement  besoin  que  la  parolle  et  sacremens 

ment  of  the         *  x  x 

Church.  soient  purement  administrez,  mais   aussy  quil    y 

ait  quelque  police  ou  discipline,  tant  entre  ceux  qui  en  ont 
la  conduite  que  les  particulliers,  a  fin  de  conseruer  la  doctrine 
en  sa  purete,  garder  vn  bon  ordre  es  assemblees  eclesias- 
ticques,  contenir  vn  chacun  en  son  deuoir,  et  que  tous 
recoiuent  aduertissement,  reprehension,  consolation,  et  sub- 
uention  en  leur  necessite  selon  quil  en  sera  besoin. 

Des  charges  ordinaires  en  l'eglise. 

Four  Orders  of       Pour  executer  les  choses  susdites  dieu  a  institue 

Officers — Pas-  .  .     . 

tors,  Doctors,     plusieurs  mmistres  en  son  eglise,  corarae  d  Apotres, 

Elders,  and  r  .  . 

Deacons.  Prophetes,  et  aultres  qui  sont  extraordinaires,  et 


\ 


■' 


s<§ 


101 

d'aultres  ordinaires,  desquels  nous  retenons  quatre  ordres 
propres  pour  la  conduite  de  la  dite  eglise.  Asscauoir  des 
Pasteurs,  des  docteurs  (la  ou  se  trouueront  homines  propres 
pour  lexecution  de  telle  charge,  et  autant  que  ledification 
de  l'eglise  le  requerra),  puis  aussy  des  anciens  et  diacres. 

Des  Pasteurs. 

The  function  1.     La   charge   des   pasteurs   et   ministres   de 

of  Pastors. 

leuangille  est  d'annoncer  la  parolle  de  dieu  et 
par  icelle  endoctriner,  admonester,  exhorter  et  reprendre 
tant  en  publicq  qu'en  particulier,  administrer  les  sacremens, 
et  en  commun  (auec  les  aultres  anciens  choisis  pour  surueiller 
sur  les  moeurs  et  conduire  leglise)  mectre  en  vsage  auec 
charite  chrestienne3  les  admonitions  et  censures  eclesias- 
ticques  a  lendroit  de  ceux  qui  se  destourneront  de  leur 
debuoir. 


They  must  be         2.     Nul  ne  se  peult  in^erer  de  soy  mesme  en 

lawfully  ad-  .  . 

mitted,  ceste  charge,  et  ny  doit  estre  admis  sans  vocation 

legitime. 

of  pure  doctrine      3.     II  est  requis  selon  le  conseil  de  l'Apostre 

and  learned ; 

que  celuy  qui  sera  appelle  en  telle  charge  soit  pur 
en  doctrine,  et  susfisamment  instruict,  propre  a  enseigner 
son  troupeau  en  edification,  et  fermer  la  bouche  aux  con- 
tredisans. 


irreproachable        4.     Quil  soit  irreprehensible,  bien    conduisant 

and  of  good 

fame.  §a  famille,  quil  ayt  bon  tesmoignage  mesme  de 

ceux  de  dehors. 


First  choice  of        5.     Quil   soit  examine  et    aprouue    premiere  - 

Pastor  in  any  _  .     . 

church.  ment  par  les  ministres,  anciens,  et  diacres,  puis 

nonime  au  peuple,  et  nnallement  receu  auec  le  consentement 

3  Fo.  1  v°. 


102 

de  toute  Feglise  qui  le  vouldra  enrploier,  ou  la  plus  grande 
et  saine  partie  dicelle. 

Order  of  Eiec-        6.     L'ordre    qui   sera    suiuy    en   lelection   des 

tion : — Notice 

in  the  church,    pasteurs  sera  tel :  Des  niinistres,  anciens,  et  diacres, 

prayer  and  x  '  '  ' 

fast;  ayans    trouue    estre   expedient   de    proceder    en 

lelection  d'un  ministre,  en  aduertiront  public  quern  ent  leglise, 
l'exhortant  de  conioindre  ses  prieres  auecq  eux  et  a  ceste 
fin  sera  celebre  le  jeusne  publicq. 

votes  of  the  7.     En  apres  les  ministres,  anciens,  et  diacres 

Church  officers. 

s  assembleront  pour  donner  leurs  suffrages  et 
choisir  en  bonne  conscience  deuant  la  face  de  dieu  celluy 
quils  jugeront  estre  le  plus  propre  pour  vne  telle  charge. 
Que  si  Teglise  estoit  entierement  destitute  de  ministres,  les 
anciens  et  diacres  pourront  appeller  auecq  eux  quelques 
ministres  des  aultres  eglises  telz  quilz  aduiseront  bon  estre. 

The  church  8.     Celuy   qui  sera   ainsi   choisy   deuant   que 

officers  shall 

examine  him  d'estre  nomme  au  peuple,  apres  diligente  inqui- 
doctrine;  sition    faicte    de    sa   vie    et    conversation,    sera 

premierement  examine  des  principaux 4  points  de  la  doctrine 
par  les  ministres,  anciens,  et  diacres  de  Teglise,  et  aultres 
qu'ilz  pourront  appeller  auecq  eux,  selon  quilz  cognoistront 
estre  expedient. 

Bhau  hear  Mm        9.     L'examen  faict  de  la  vie  et  doctrine,   luy 

preach  from  a  . 

text.  sera  donne  texte  de  1  escriture,  vne  ou  plusieurs 

fois,  pour  estre  ouy  deuant  la  mesme  compagnie  qui  aura 
assists  audit  examen,  laquelle  jugera  sil  sera  propre  a 
enseigner  l'eglise  en  edifncation. 

He  must  sign         10.     Et    oultre    il    protestera    d'aprouuer     et 

the  Confession       .  1  .  . 

of  Faith  and      siffnera    les  pomts   de    doctrine   exposez    en   la 

the  Discipline.  .  . 

confession    de  foy  receiie    es    egKses   protestans, 
4  Fo.  2. 


103 

de  ne  sen  esloigner  aucunement,  ne  mesme  de  la  forme, 
d'enseigner  pure  et  simple,  et  pareillement  quil  maintiendra 
l'ordre  estably  pour  le  gouuernement  et  conduite  dicelleci 
eglises,  lequel  aussi  pour  cest  effect  il  signera.  Et  la 
confession  de  foy  laquelle  on  soubz  signera  sera  celle  qui 
a  present  est  receue  par  le  synode  des  eglises  de  france, 
jusques  a  ce  quil  en  soit  autrement  aduis£,  et  sans  pre- 
judicier  a  la  liberte  des  eglises  icy  refugees,  ny  les  vouloir 
astraindre  a  la  forme  dicelle  que  selon  les  occurrences  et 
necessite  dicelles  eglises  elles  n'en  puissent  dresser  vne  autre 
forme. 

Afterwards  he        11.     Cest  examen  ainsi   parfaict,   en  vn  jour 

must  preach  a  ,  ,  •    t  ,  .     . 

sermon  on  trial  de   dimanche  qui  sera  aduise  par   les  ministres, 

in  the  church  x  A 

choosing  him  &nciens,  et  diacres,  il  fera  vn  sermon  au  peuple, 
apres  lequel  vn  des  autres  ministres  aduertira 
Teglise  que  le  frere  est  nomme  par  l'aduis  susdit  pour 
estre  ministre  en  ceste  eglise.  Et  pourtant  qu'auecq  prieres 
et  invocation  du  nom  de  dieu  ils  examinent,  silz  ont 
aucune  chose  a  proposer  contre  luy,  soit  en  vie  ou  en  la 
doctrine,  ou  aultrement  a  remonstrer  sus  le  faict  de 
lelection,  ce  qu'ilz  pourront  faire  dedans  quinze  jours  en 
aduertissans  le  consistoire. 


if  no  opposition,     12.     Sil  ny  a  point  dopposition,  sera  aduerty 

the  approval  of  .  t.  . 

theSuperinten-  le  superintendent  de  lesrlise  qui  sera  a  pouruoir, 

dent  shall  be  r  .... 

asked;  }a   ou   par    authorite    de   sa    Maiestie    il    y    en 

aura    d'ordonnez,     duquel    sera    demande    Paprobation    et 
consentement. 


andtheCandi-       13.     Puis   le  ministre  nomme    sera   de  rechef 

date  shall  be  .  , 

presented  to      presente    a    lefflise5   au    iour   assi^ne,    et    receu 

the  Church.  r  . 

auec   prieres  et  oraisons   accoustumees   ensemble 
auec  l'imposition  des  mains. 

5  Fo.  2  v°. 


104 

Any  opposi-  14.     Les  oppositions,  si  aucunes  y  en  a,  seront 

tion  shall  be 

examined  by     examinees  en   la  crainte  de  dieu  par   les  minis- 

the  Church  x 

officers,  ^-reSj    anciens,    et    diacres   et    autres    qui    auront 

assiste  a  ladite  nomination,  lesquelz  aduiseront  si  elles 
doibuent  estre  admises  ou  non;  et  si  besoin  est  on  pren- 
dront  le  conseil  du  superintendent  es  lieux  ou  il  y  en 
who  stall  take   aura    d'establiz,    aultrement    les    freres    deman- 

advice  if 

necessary.  deront  aduis  de  la  classe  ou  des  eglises  voisines: 
Churches  that    et  quant  aux    eglises  qui   auront    besoin    d'estre 

cannot  provide 

their  own         pourueiies   d  ailleurs,  veu   1  estat  present  et  sans 

ministers  must 

apply  to  Lon-  prejudice  pour  l'aduenir  elles  s'adresseront  aux 
freres  de  leglise  de  Londres,  pour  faire  le 
choix  et  examen  de  celuy  qui  seroit  propre  pour  l'eglise 
qui  en  aura  besoin,  lequel  estant  enuoye,  ouy,  et  approuu6 
par  l'eglise  qui  le  requis,  sera  admis  et  estably  en  sa 
charge. 

Previous  15.     Si   celuy    qui   sera    appelle   et   choissi   a 

ministry  a 

sufficient  desia  exerce   le  ministere  ailleurs,  ce  sera   assez 

guarantee  of 

doctrine  and  qU^  en  ay£  \y0n  e^  suffisant  tesmoignage,  affin 
que  l'eglise  soit  asseuree  tant  de  sa  doctrine 
que  de  sa  conuersation,  et  qu'aussy  rien  ne  l'empesche 
d'exercer  son  ministere  en  toute  liberte  et  asseurance.  Ce 
neantmoins  qu'il  ait  l'aprobation  tant  des  ministres, 
anciens,  et  diacres  que  du  peuple,  et  mesme  du  superin- 
tendent la  ou  il  y  en  aura  d'establiz. 

No  priority  16.     Les     ministres    ne     pourront     pretendre 

among  minis- 
ters, primaute   ou  domination    les  vns  sur  les  aultres, 

laquelle   regie    sera   aussi   obseruee    aux    aultres   ordres    et 

charges  eclesiasticques. 


Les   Vices  qu'il  ne  fault  supporter  en  vn  ministre. 

17.     Heresie,  schisme,  rebellion   contre   l'ordre    eclesias- 
ticque,  symonie,  brigues   pour    auoir    charge  en  leglise   ou 


105 


Goccuper  le  lieu  d'un  aultre;  faulcete,  pariure,  paillardise, 
larcin,  yvrongnerie,  batterie  punissable  par  le  magistrat, 
vsure,  et  tout  crime  qui  meriteroit  punition  par  le  magis- 
trat ou  separation  de  leglise. 


Aultres     Vices  plus    supportables   es    ministres,  pourueu 
qiCen  estans  aduertis  Hz  ne  soient  incorrigibles. 

18.  Facon  estrange  denseigner,  curiosite  a  chercher 
questions  friuolles,  negligence  a  estudier  principalement  en 
l'escriture  sancte,  negligence  a  reprendre  les  vices,  resen- 
tant  flaterie,  negligence  es  choses  requises  en  leur  charge, 
scurrilite,  paroles  oyseuzes  ou  iniurieuses,  menterie,  temerite, 
cautelle,  chichete,  cholere,  tanserie,  dissolution  en  habits 
ou  gestes,  dances,  jeux  scandaleux  et  deffendus  par  les 
loix,  et  aultres  semblables. 

Punishable  19.     Si   deuant   que   proceder  a   Pelection   ou 

crime  stays 

election  or        approbation  le  personnage    estoit    conuaincu    de 

necessitates  * x  *  ° 

deposition.  crimes  punissables  par  le  Magistrat,  comme 
larcin  manifeste,  meurtre,  crime  de  leze  maieste,  ou  aultre 
grandement  scandaleux  a  leglise,  il  ne  sera  poinct  passe 
oultre  en  lelection.  Que  sil  est  desia  receu  et  admis  en 
sa  charge,  neantmoins  le  faict  communique  au  superinten- 
dent, sil  y  en  a,  et  auec  le  consentement  de  Teglise,  il 
doit  estre  depose,  encores  que  telz  faictz  eussent  este 
commis  non  seullement  deuant  son  election  mais  du  temps 
de  son  ignorance,  et  ce  au  cas  que  demeurant  au  ministere 
il  aporte  plus  de  scandalle  a  Feglise  que  d'edification ;  de 
quoy  le  consistoire  et  aultres  par  eulx  appellez  cognois- 
AstosmaUer  tront.  Quand  est  des  moindres  faultes  on 
suiura  l'ordre  accoustume  et  declare  par  nostre 
Seigneur  Jesus  Christ  en  Sainct  Math.   18. 

6  Fo.  3. 


106 


Le  second  ordre  qui  est  des  docteurs.7 

Doctors  are  to        1.     L'office  de  docteurs  est  aussi  de  maintenir 

maintain  sound 

doctrine,  search  entre   les b  fidelles  la  vraie  et  saine  doctrine,  et 

the  Scriptures, 

st^nts70er  pouruoir  par  to-us  moiens  quelle  ne  soit  cor- 
the  ministry.  rompUe  par  erreur,  ignorance,  ou  par  faulces 
opinions,  sans  touteffois  s'estandre  es  consolations,  admoni- 
tions et  reprehentions,  ne  s'emploier  a  lexercice  de  la 
disscipline.  Pourtant  leur  deuoir  est  de  sonder  diligeni- 
ment  les  escritures  et  en  exposer  brieuement  le  vray  sens, 
s'opposer  aux  hereticques  et  refuter  leurs  erreurs,  tant  par 
lecons  que  par  escrit,  et  faconner  les  proposans  qui  se 
disposeront  au  seruice  de  dieu  par  lecons,  propositions,  et 
disputes,  pour  la  conseruation  du  ministere  de  Peglise. 


Former  exercise      2.     Si  celuy  qu'on  vouldra  eslire  a  exerce  ceste 

of  the  office  a  . 

warrant  on  charge  en  aultres  eglises  ll  pourra  estre  receu, 
auec  le  tesmoignage  de  la  vie  et  doctrine  quelles 
luy  auront  rendu,  par  lapprobation  touteffois  des  ministres, 
anciens,  et  diacres,  lesquelz  aussy  en  communicqueront  au 
superintendent  des  eglises,  ou  il  y  en  aura  d'ordonnez,  sans 
qu'aucun  sy  puisse  ingerer  de  soymesme. 

7  The  "  Forme  "  of  London,  1561,  after  saving  that  the  order  of  Doctors  is 
' '  principalement  en  la  lecture  de  theologie,"  contains  these  instructive  words, 
showing  how  real  was  the  modification  according  to  needs  of  the  "disci- 
pline." "Mais  pour  ce  que  ceste  eglise  est  petite,  et  consiste  la  plus  part  de 
gens  non  lettrez,  qui  se  peuuent  contenter  destre  instruicts  par  les  sermons  et 
catechismes,  il  n'est  pour  le  present  besoin  d'en  traicter.  Que  si  1' eglise 
croissoit,  et  y  eust  gens  preparez  a  ouyr  telle  lecture  que  puissent  profiter  aux 
autres  au  temps  aduenir,  on  y  pourra  pouruoir  selon  le  moyen  qui  sera 
donne."  fo.  11.  It  was  doubtless  for  the  same  reason  that  in  choosing  their 
ministers  the  members  of  this  French  Church  were  to  call  in  the  aid  of 
"les  ministres  Flamentz,"  "ou  anciens  Flamens  qui  entendent  la  langue." 
fos.  6  v°.,  7. 

6  Fo.  3  v°. 


107 
a  candidate  for     3.     Mais  sil  na  encores  este  emploie    en  telle 

Doctorship  . 

must  lecture  charge,  u  sera  bon,  oultre  le  tesmoignage  de  la 
sSSaSttieses1  Y*G  e^  conversation,  quil  face  quelques  lectures 
&c*  en  la  presence  des  plus  doctes,    mesmement  en 

langues  et  en  la  theologie,  tant  de  leglise  qui  le  vouldra 
appeller,  qu'autres  a  ce  appellez  par  le  consistoire,  par 
lesquelz  aussi  il  sera  examine  des  principaux  points  de  la 
doctrine  chrestienne,  presidera  aussi  a  quelques  actes  de 
disputes  des  proposans  et  aultres  escoliers  et  luy  mesmes,  par 
deux  ou  trois  fois,  soutiendra  des  theses,  et  resouldra  les 
argumens  proposez  a  Tencontre. 


He  must  sign         4.     Cest  examen  ainsi  faict,  apres  qu'il  aura 

the  Confession  .  _       .  * 

of  Faith,  and    aprouue  et  signe  la  confession  de  toy  auec  1  ordre 

the  Discipline,  .  .  . 

beatoittedn     e^  Ponce  de  leglise,  laquelle  aussy  il   promectra 
de  maintenir,  il  sera  receu  auec  le  consentement 
du  superintendent 9  sil  y  en  a,  et  de  la  plus  grande  et  same 
partie  des  auditeurs. 


To  this  order         5.     A  ce  mesme  ordre  sont  conioincts  ceulx  qui 

also  belong  the    ,  , 

Schoolmasters,  mstruisent   la    ieunesse   qui   est   la   semence   du 

those  who  teach  J  * 

lan^^e^aSd  samct  niinistere  et  mesme  de  toute  leglise.  Leur 
sciences.  deuoir  est  d'apprendre  aux  enffans  a  respondre 

au  catechisme,  les  instruire  aux  langues  et  sciences  qui  sont 
les  aydes  pour  paruenir  a  plus  grande  erudition.  Et 
pourtant  nul  ne  sera  receu  qui  n'ait  bon  tesmoignage  de  sa 
vie  et  doctrine,  et  soit  approuue  par  le  consistoire. 


au  that  is  6.     Ilz    communicqueront    aux   ministres   des 

taught  must 

be  approved      hures   quilz  vouldront  lire  a  leurs  enffans   et  de 

by  the  Church  *- 

officers;  Tordre  qu'ilz  tiennent  a  les  enseigner,   desquelz 

ils  prendront  conseil,  et  a  ceste  fin  les  ministres,  accompagnez 
de  quelques  anciens  et  diacres,  les  visiteront  du  moins  quatre 

9  Fo.  4. 


108 
whoehaii         fois  par  an,  notanment  ceux  qui  enseignent  les 

make  four 

inspections       langues,   et   prendra   en   garde  que   nul   ne    soit 
souffert  denseigner  qui  ne  soit  de   la  communion, 
et  qui  ne  soit  approuue  de  l'eglise. 


schoolmasters        7.     Les    maistres    d'escolle     seront    soigneux 

must  teach  . 

true  piety,  and  d  mstruire    les    enfans   qu  nz    enseignent    en   la 

the  catechism.  -1-  ° 

vraye  piet6,  et  les  preparer  a  respondre  au 
Catechisme  en  leur  rang,  selon  l'ordre  qui  sera  estably  par 
les  consistoires. 


Le  tiers  ordre,  qui  est  des  Anciens,  ou  aussi  il 
est  traicte  du  gouuernement  de  leglise. 

c?m  Co°s?d  of0ry       1*     -^a  cnarge  des  anciens,  desquelz  auec  les 
me^Duties  ministres  le  consistoire  est  compose,  est  de  veiller 

of  the  Elders.  jj.it  l  i_  j  •      n 

sur  toute  leglise  et  vn  cnacun  dicelle  en  par- 
ticullier,  de  conduire  l'eglise  en  commun  auec  les  ministres 
sans  que  Tun  puisse  vsurper  domination  sur  l'autre  au 
gouuernement  de  Teglise ; l  entretenir  bon  ordre  es  saintes 
assemblees,  faire  les  admonitions  et  corrections  eclesiasticques, 
tant  en  particullier  qu'au  consistoire,  selon  lexigence  du  cas. 

The  choice  of         2.     Pour  lelection  diceux  on  6uiura  le  mesme 

Elders ; 

ordre  que  dicta  este  pour  les  ministres,  ne  sera 
touteffois  necessaire  qu'ilz  soient  autant  auancez  en  scauoir, 
ny  propres  a  traicter  Tescriture,  ny  pareillement  en  aduertir 
bee£amednbut  le  suPerintendent,  ny  de  celebrer  le  jeusne ; 
SThebflithrd   mais  principalement   on  aura  esgard  quilz  soient 

without  re-  •  i         p  i  i  • 

proach,  and       sains   en   la   toy,    gens    graues,   prudens,  de  vie 

full  of  zeal.  j  .. 

nonneste,  sans  reprocne,  et  zelateurs  de  1  auance- 
ment  de  la  gloire  de  dieu. 

1  Fo.  4  v". 


109 

EUu  bearge  3.     ^t   combien    que    generallement    ilz    doi- 

foi^quaSlers,    uen^   auoir    looil  sur  toute  leglise,  touteffois  afin 

an  Elder  to  .        .  P  p      •  i  l 

each  quarter,  que  tout  ce  lace  sans  contusion,  leur  charge  sera 
departie  par  quartiers,  estant  speciallement  chacun  ancien 
commis  sur  un  quartier ;  et  aura  chacun  ancien  par  escript 
les  noms  de  tous  ceulx  de  son  quartier. 


a  weekly  4      j\z  s'assembleront    auec  les  ministres  vne 

meeting  for 

counsS1  f°ys  du   moins  la  semaine,  a  jour  et  heure  con- 

uenable,  pour  aduiser  en  commun  aux  affaires, 
tant  ce  que  touche  le  general  de  l'eglise  que  les  membres 
particulliers  d'icelle. 

accStions  ^'     ^u^   Centre    eux   ne   pourra   amener   son 

fauitflnowed.  prochain  deuant  l'eglise  pour  l'accuser  de  faultes 
secrettes  et  particullieres,  sinon  qu'il  apparoisse 
qu'il  l'ait  premierement  aduerty  suiuant  lordre  prescript 
par  nostre  sauveur  au  18  de  sainct  Math.,  lequel  ilz  tasche- 
ront  de  faire  obseruer,  tant  pour  leur  regard  que  pour  les 
particulliers  de  leglise. 

by^^con-  ^.     ^ais  si  ^es  faultes  sont  publicques  et  scan- 

pudHc  faults,  daleuses,2  ou  que  les  delinquens  eussent  mesprise 
les  admonitions  de  leurs  freres,  continuans  en 
leurs  faultes,  l'office  des  anciens  sera  d'en  aduertir  le  con- 
sistoire,  par  laduis  duquel  pourront  estre  admonestez  et 
exhortez  a  vn  vray  amendement  de  vie. 

may  summon  a  7'  Les  anciens  ne  pourront,  pour  quelque 
the^onsrstory.  cause  que  ce  soit,  appeller  aucun  au  consistoire 
par  leur  aucthorite  priuee,  ains  seullement  par 
laduis  de  la  compagnie ;  sinon  que  le  delay  apportast  quel- 
que prejudice  a  l'eglise  de  dieu,  dont  touteffois  lancien 
communicquera  auec  le  pasteur  et  deux  ou  trois  anciens. 

2  Fo.  5. 


110 

JSon^'°Go  8.  Quand  ceux  qui  ayans  failly  comparoistront, 
m  peace."  g^  jeg  faultes  meritent  seullement  vne  simple  ad- 
monition, leur  sera  faicte  vne  remonstrance  aimable  pour  les 
amener  a  repentence,  de  laquelle  donnans  tesmoignage 
seront  laissez  en  la  paix  de  l'eglise. 

h^iinmatSn,  9.     Mais  si  par  les  admonitions  on  ne  profitoit 

fromcom-        rien,  afin  de  les  humilier  tant  plus,  et  les  induire 

munion.  .  -,  ,  , ., 

a  vraye  recognoissance,  on  leur  denoncera  qu  llz 
ayent  a  s'abstenir  de  la  sainte  Cene  pour  vn  temps,  et 
jusqu'a  ce  qu'on  yoye  en  eux  vn  vray  amendement  de  vie.3 

3  The  following  Petition,  from  a  copy  in  the  Lansdowne  MS.,  841,  fo.  53, 
illustrates  the  action  of  this  clause,  of  clause  2  on  p.  117,  and  some  others. 

"A  Petition  of  the  French  Church  in  Norwich, 
To  my  Lord  Bp.  of  Norwich. 
1 '  My  Honourable  Lord, 

"  These  are  to  certify  yr.  Lordship,  concerning  Peter  Truye  of 
St.  Laurents,  and  Nicholas  de  Corte  of  St.  Paul's  parish,  both  allien 
strangers  and  not  free  denisons  (for  ought  that  we  can  learne),  that  the 
former  was  suspended  from  our  communion  upon  the  7  of  December,  and 
the  latter  upon  the  12  of  April,  1601.  The  cause[s]  moving  us  were  these  : — 
First,  their  scandalous  not  conforming  in  matters  of  contribution  to  the 
necessitys  of  our  congregation,  others  stumbling  at  their  example,  and  we 
notwithstanding  bound,  both  by  the  order  of  our  Discipline  as  also  because 
we  may  not  be  chargeable  to  the  citty,  to  discharge  all  necessary  duties,  for 
the  maintenance  of  our  own  minister,  and  poore,  and  students  for  the 
ministerie,  and  ministers'  widdows,  &c.  Secondly,  their  scandalously  de- 
parting from  us  to  the  English  Churche  without  any  just  cause,  and  after  a 
close  and  unseemly  manner,  all  refractarie  persons  having  them  for  examples  : 
as  some  have  threatned  to  forsake  us  as  sooneas  anie  thing  hath  binne  said  or 
donne  contrarie  to  their  humors.  Lastly,  their  contumacie,  partly  in  not 
appearing  when  they  were  called  to  answere,  partly  in  not  yelding  to  the 
admonitions  and  exhortations  of  our  Consist orie.  And  thus  have  they 
continued  about  the  space  of  seven  years,  notwithstanding  all  our  endeavours 
to  the  contrary,  communicating  in  their  own  parishes,  being  suspended  from 
the  Communion  among  us,  and  never  contributing  to  any  necessitie  of  our 
Churche,  whereas  all  of  us  are  charged  with  parochiall  dutys  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  English  ministry  as  well  as  they.  Our  humble  suit  therefore 
unto  your  Lordship  is,  that  it  would  please  your  Honor  (so  farre  as  you  may) 


Ill 

For  a  public  10.     Quant   est   des   aultres   faultes   qui   sont 

fault,  public  . 

reconciliation    publico  ues  et  grandement   scandalleuses  a   toute 

must  be  made ;    x  x 

leglise  ou  grande  partie  dicelle,  apres  les  re- 
monstrances faictes  a  celluy  qui  aura  failly,  sil  est  touch  e 
de  repentence,  luy  sera  faict  entendre  que  comme  la  faulte 
est  publicque,  aussi  il  se  reconciliera  a  Feglise  publicque- 
ment,  apres  que  par  fruits  dignes  de  Repentence  on  aura  bon 
tesmoignage  qu'il  est  desplaisant  de  son  peche,  et  conuerty  a 
dieu.  Cependant  pour  leuer  le  scandalle  il  sera  exclus  et 
suspendu  de  la  communion  de  la  Cene,  et  mesme  selon  la 
qualite  de  la  faulte,  lutilite  de  l'eglise,  et  la  disposition  de  la 
personne,  le  consistoire  aduisera  d'aduertir  l'eglise4  qu'un  tel, 

to  help  us  in  bringing  home  these  two  strayed  sheep  unto  their  own  shepe- 
fold  :  as  also  not  to  suffer  any  other  to  goe  away  from  us,  upon  such  sinister 
occasions,  considering  it  would  open  a  windowe  to  all  inordinate  and 
refractarie  persons,  and  that  if  hut  a  fewe  of  our  ablest  men  for  contribution 
should  happen  to  follow  their  example,  the  rest  would  not  be  able  to  bear 
the  burden.  We  pray  God  that  it  would  please  Him  to  continue  and 
multiply  His  blessings  upon  yr.  Lordship  and  your  honorable  familie. 

"  Yr.  L.  humble  petitioners  the  minister  and  elders  of  the  French  con- 
gregation, and  in  the  name  of  the  rest,  P.  de  Laune,  M.  Jean  Fremault, 
Baudun  Burgar,  Jaques  Fornesques,  Francois  Deprez." 

The  date  of  this  Petition,  counting  seven  years  after  the  suspension  in 
1601,  will  be  about  1608.  Blomefield  (vol.  ii.,  p.  256)  states  that  in  1613  it 
was  determined  "  that  the  strangers,  according  to  their  first  patent,  should 
not  be  assessed  by  the  court  to  the  minister's  wages  in  their  parishes  for 
anything  but  their  houses  and  grounds,  the  payment  for  their  values  and 
stocks  being  left  to  their  own  congregations  ;  they  being  to  be  governed  by 
the  bishop  as  to  spirituals,  by  the  city  as  to  temporals,  and  their  own 
church  by  their  elders  and  deacons."  (This  agrees  with  the  terms  of  the 
"Book  of  Orders"  of  1571,  see  before  p.  98, note  1).  These  disputes  went  onfor 
some  time  among  the  French ;  an  account  of  them  and  the  final  settlement 
in  1621,  Peter  de  Lawne  being  still  minister,  is  given  by  Blomefield.  The 
date  1618  assigned  by  Burn  to  Peter  de  Lawne  appears  then  to  be  an  error, 
and  this  is  confirmed  on  finding  that  Jean  Fremault,  one  of  the  elders  who 
signs  the  above  Petition,  is  found  as  signing  our  Discipline  some  time 
between  1596  and  1615.  Francois  Desprez  signed  it  in  1594,  and  Jacque 
Farvacque  about  the  same  date.  Baudin  Burgar  signed  in  1595.  See  after, 
pp.  142,  143. 

4  Fo.  5  v°. 


112 

ayant  commis  telle  faulte,  apres  en  auoir  este  admoneste  par 
le  consistoire,  a  declare  auoir  vraye  repentence  de  ses  faultes, 
et  par  tant  qu'apres  auoir  esprouue  sa  repentence  il  sera 
receu  par  reconsiliation  publicque ;  et  a  ceste  fin  sera  leglise 
the  Church        aduertie  de  veiller  sur  luv,  et  prier  dieu  qu'il  luv 

shaU  watch  .  r  T.  •  J 

h?m pray  for      plaise  faire  la   grace  que   ce   qu'il  a  proteste  de 
bouche,  il  le    sente  aussi  de   cceur,   et  le  testifie 
par  vrais  effectz  et  fruits  dignes  de  repentence. 


Those  who  are        11.     Que  si  aucuns  estoient  tellement  endurcis 

incorrigible 

offfromft*  ^lu^z  ne  voulussent  faire  leur  profit  des  corrections 
Church.  e^  retranchemens   de  la  saincte  Cene,    ains  con- 

tinuassent  en  leur  opiniastrete  et  malice,  il  sera  besoin  de 
proceder  jusques  a  1* excommunication  et  retranchement 
public  de  leglise. 


aii  means  of  12.     Deuant  que  venir  a  l'excommunicquation, 

bringing  back 

a  brother  to      qui   est   le  dernier   remede   es  censures   eclesias- 

the  way  to  be       x 

Sortin^to  ticques,  les  ministres  et  anciens  aduiseront  pru- 
exrammuni-  demnient  a  tous  aultres  moyens  de  ramener  le 
frere  desuoie  au  bon  cbemin,  comme  par  les  prieres  et 
admonitions  particullieres  des  freres  qui  ont  la  crainte  de 
dieu ;  tellement  qu'ilz  ne  procederont  a  icelle,  sinon  auec 
grande  maturite  de  jugement,  et  pour  causes  dimportance, 
et  quant  il  ny  aura  aultre  moyen  de  garir  la  playe  tant  de 
l'eglise  que  du  frere. 


First  notice  of        13.     Partant  le  frere  sera  denonce  du  moins 

excommuni-  m 

cation  to  be  in   par  trois  dimancbes  distans  de  quinze  en  quinze 

general  terms,     x  x  ± 

Svenme  being  j0urs'  -^e  Premier   desquelz  il  ne  sera  declare  par 

son  nom.      Ains  en  general  leglise  sera  aduertie 

de   prier   pour  yd    frere    qui  estant 5  coulpable  de   grandes 

faultes,  jusques  a  present  est  demoure  incorrigible,  et  lequel 

5  Fo.  G. 


113 

par  laduis  du  consistoire  se  trouueroit  digne  dexcommuni- 
cation  et  retranchement  total,  sinon  quil  se  retourne  par 
vraie  repentence  de  ses  faultes. 

Full  notice  of         14.     Les  aultres  dimanches  sera  nonme  et  sa 

offender  and  ,       f  #  ^ 

offence  in         faulte  specimee,  auec  aduertissement  a  leglise  de 

church,  but  x  ° 

stm^en.06  prier  dieu  pour  luy,  et  ladrnonester  de  son  deuoir  ; 
et  si  quelqu'un  appercoit  quelque  signe  de  vraie 
repentance,  ou  cognoist  aultre  legitime  empeschement  pour- 
quoy  on  ne  procedast  a.  ladite  excommunicquation,  qu'il  en 
aduertisse  les  ministres  et  anciens  de  leglise. 

Final  excom-         15.     Si  toutes  ces  dilligences  ne  profntent   de 

munication ; 

a  warning  to      rien,  a  iour  certain,  dont   il  sera   aduise  par  le 

others.  .         .  . 

consistoire,  sera  excommunie  et  retranche  du 
corps  de  l'eglise,  auec  prieres  et  inuocation  du  nom  de  dieu  ; 
les  freres  estans  aduertis  d'y  prendre  exemple  et  sabstenir 
de  la  communication  familiere  de  telles  personnes,  affin 
qu'ilz  ne  soient  tentez  de  Satan ;  et  que  ceux  qui  ont  este 
retranschez  soient  humiliez  par  honte,  sans  touteffois  desister, 
P occasion  sen  presentant,  et  les  aduertir  de  leur  salut. 

Reconciliation        16.     Et  comme  lime  des  fins  de  Fexcommuni- 

of  a  sinner  . 

upon  his  cation  est  de  ramener  les  pecheurs  a  repentance 

repentance.  x 

quant  dieu  fera  la  grace  au  frere  excommunie  de 
se  repentir,  les  ministres  et  anciens  ayans  cognu,  tant  par  ce 
quilz  en  pourront  juger  que  par  le  tesmoignage  des  freres, 
vn  vray  amendement  en  luy,  en  aduertiront  leglise  par  le 
consentement  de  laquelle  ilz  se  recepuront  publicquement, 
apres  recognoissance  de  ses  faultes  auec  joie,  action6  de 
graces,  et  prieres,  selon  le  formulaire  qui  sensuict : — 

Priere  pour   la  reconciliation  des  excommuniez. 

Seigneur  dieu  et  pere,  duquel  les  misericordes  sont  infinies, 
et   qui   ne   desire  point   la  mort    du  pecheur,  mais    quil    se 

6  Fo   6  v°. 
VOL.    II.]  I 


114 

convertisse  et  quil  viue,  puisque  tu  nous  as  donne  ton  filz  bien 
ayme  et  accepte  le  sacriffice  de  sa  niort  pour  la  rancon  de 
noz  pechez,  suivant  ce  qui  nous  est  enseigne  que  la  joye  est 
grande  au  ciel  pour  la  repentance  des  pecheurs,  Nous  te 
rendons  graces  de  ta  bonte  et  misericorde  enuers  nostre  frere 
icy  present,  te  prians  luy  faire  ceste  grace  que  de  plus  en 
plus  par  yne  vraie  repentance  il  soit  du  tout  conuerty  a  toy, 
le  lauant  et  puriflant  au  sang  de  ton  filz  nostre  seigneur 
Jesus  Christ ;  et  luy  fay  ceste  faueur  par  ta  misericorde  de 
Tenter  tellement  en  ton  filz  nostre  seigneur  Jesus  et  le 
conseruer  au  bercail  de  ton  eglise,  qu'il  puisse  auec  nous 
tous  perseuerer  le  reste  de  ses  jours  en  la  crainte  de  ton 
sainct  nom,  a  lauancement  de  ta  gloire  et  edification  de 
ton  eglise ;  exauce  nous  pere  de  misericorde,  au  nom  de 
ton  filz  nostre  seigneur  Jesus  Christ.     Amen. 


Moderation  to        17.     En  toutes  les  censures  et  aduertissemens 

be  used  in  ail 

censures  and     il  fault  quil  v  aict  Yne  telle  moderation,  que   les 

corrections. 

corrections  mesme  soient  medecines,  de  peur  que 
le  pauure  pecheur  ne  soit  englouty  de  tristesse. 


None  of  our  18.     Ceux  qui  auront  este  rangez  en  la  Com- 

communion 

must  lapse        munion  des  eglises  refugiees    en    ce    Eoyaulme. 

into  idolatry  "  °  »  * 

or  popery.  s[\  se  yeri£e  quilz  soient  retournez,  ou  ayent 
assist  e  aux  idolatries  et  superstitions  papisticques,  ne  seront 
admis  a  la  communion  sans  repentance  publicque;  et  quant 
a  ceux '  qui  n'ayans  este  de  nostre  Communion  seroient 
tombez  en  pareilles  faultes,  sera  assez  quilz  recognoissent 
leurs  fautes  au  consistoire,  promectans  d'en  satisffaire  aux 
eglises  en  la  communion  desquelles  ilz  estoient,  ou  qui 
autrement  en  pourroient  estre  offenceez,  selon  l'ordre  estably 
par  les  eglises  ou  ilz  se  trouuerout. 


Fo. 


115 

Persons  of  19.     Quand  il  y  aura  aucuns   qui   pour  leur 

scandalous  life 

must  be  mauuaise  vie  auront  este  chassez   par  lauthorite 

expelled,  and  ■*• 

warned hmchcs  ^u  Magistrat  ou  se  seroient  retirez  d'eux  mesme, 
ayans  mene"  vne  vie  scandaleuse,  il  sera  bon  que 
les  eglises  sen  aduertissent  Tune  Pautre,  afin  que  telles 
personnes  n'entrent  es  autres  troupeaux,  pour  les  infecter 
et  y  apporter  nouueaux  scandalles. 

Mutual  warn-         20.       Et   dautant   quil    est    bien     necessaire, 

ing  of  faults  by  ,  .  % 

chui-cb  officers,  que  ceux  qui  president  sur  les  autres  soient  a 
tous  en  exemple  de  bonne  vie,  et  neantmoings  comme 
l'infirmite  de  l'homme  est  telle,  pendant  quil  est  en  ce 
pellerinage,  quil  est  subiect  a  peche[r],  fauldra  aussi  que  les 
ministres,  anciens,  et  diacres,  ayent  l'oeil  les  vns  sur  les 
aultres  en  toute  charite,  pour  s'aduertir  mutuellement  de 
leurs  infirmitez. 

Special  quar-         21.     Pourtant    il     y    aura    quatre    jours    en 

terly  meetings  ,  . 

of  the  Minis-     lannee,    asscauoir   de    trois   mois  en   trois   mois, 

ters,  Elders,  * 

and  Deacons      es-quelz  les  ministres.  anciens,  et  diacres  s'assem- 

f  or  mutual  J-  '  7 

§fe™ndadis^°f  bleront  pour  s'aduertir  les  vns  les  aultres  des 
c  argeo  uty.  ^perfections  qui  seroient  en  leur  vie  et  con- 
versation, et  pareillement  des  negligences  et  aultres 
infirmitez  en  lexercice  de  leur  charge ;  a  laquelle  assemblee 
tous  et  vn  chacun  des  ministres,  anciens,  et  diacres,  se 
submectront  pour  estre  lun  apres  lautre  aduertis ;  ce  qui 
seruira  aussi  bien  a  reprimer  les  calomnies  et  faulx  rapports 
qu'on  pourroit  faire8  contre  aulcun  d'iceulx,  que  pour 
corriger  ceulx  qui  auroient  commis  quelque  faulte.  Et 
en  telle  assemblee  en  la  fin  de  la  Censure  de  Noel,  il  sera 
traicte  par  les  anciens  et  diacres  de  l'entretenement  des 
ministres,  auec  lesquels  quelques  vns  d'entre  eux  auront 
au  prealable  communicque  en  particulier  pour  le  raporter 
a  ceste  compagnie  la,  et  puis  considerer  quel  default  ilz 
pourroient  auoir,  pour  y  estre  promptement  pourueu. 

8  Fo.  7  v°. 

i  2 


116 

pj^J^obe  22.     En    ladite    assemblee    se    lira    du    moins 

rea^once         yne    £Q^g   pan^   je   point    en   point,   la   discipline 

eclesiasticque. 

Discussions  at        23.     Que    nul    ne    reuele   aux    parties     ny   a 

the  Consistory  t  J 

not  to  be  autre    ce    qui    aura    este    traicte    au    consistoire, 

revealed.  x  * 

principallenient  ce  qui  touchera  l'honneur  de 
quelqu'un,  ou  les  afaires  qui  selon  l'aduis  et  intention  du 
consistoire  ne  deburont  estre  diuulguees,  a  peine  de  Censure 
telle  que  le  consistoire  aduisera. 

on  matters  of        24.     Sil   aduenoit  qu'un  fait  ce  proposast  qui 

difficulty  other  .  u  .     .  . 

foreign  fut  de  telle  difficulte  que  les  ministres  et  anciens 

Churches  to  be  x 

consulted.  nen  peussent  accorder,  ilz  appelleront  les  diacres 
pour  en  auoir  leur  aduis.  Que  si  encores  par  ce  moyen 
la  difficulte  ne  pourroit  estre  decidee,  ilz  en  communic- 
queront  aux  freres  des  eglises  estrangeres  au  jour  ordonne 
par  chasque  mois  pour  l'asseniblee  desdites  eglises,  es  lieux 
ou  tel  ordre  peult  estre  obserue. 

DisquaiM-  25.     Les  mesmes  causes  qui  invitent  deposition 

cations  of  an  .    .  .     . 

Eider.  ou  admonition  et  censure  au  mmistre  ont  pareille- 

ment  lieu  en  lancien. 

SnMer36  °r-&  26.  II  y  a  cecy  de  difference  en  ces  charges, 
ol^id'er^nd     que  celle  des  ministres  est  perpetuelle,  mais  quant 

Deacon  .  t  •  i  •  i 

temporary;       aux  anciens  et  diacres,  pour  bonnes  causes  quilz 
proposeront    dont    les    consistoires    cognoistront, 
pourront  estre  deschargez    auec  le  consentement  de  leglise, 
laquelle  en  sera  pour  cest  effect  aduertie. 

but  at  present        27.     Touteffois  veu  Testat  present  des  eglises, 

the  latter  shall  .  .  1 

stay  in  for        les   anciens 9    et   diacres    contmueront    en    leurs 

tluee  years. 

charges  par  lespace  de  trois  ans,1  en  telle  sorte 

9  Fo.  8. 

1  The  Forme  of  1561  says  that  it  is  "better  that  the  office  of  Elders  be 
temporary,  not  perpetual,  yet  they  should  not  he  changed  without  cause 
when  they  faithfully  acquit  themselves  of  their  duty.     Fo.  12  v. 


117 

que  chacun  an  il  se  face  descharge  et  election  nouuelle  de  la 
tierce  partie  des  anciens  et  diacres.  Sauf  que  ceulx  qui 
vouldront  continuer  plus  long  temps  en  leurs  charges  en 
estans  requis  par  le  consistoire  le  pourront  faire,  veu  que  sil 
estoit  possible  il  seroit  besoin  que  ceste  charge  fust  perpetuelle 
en  leglise. 

mayS^as  ^8.     Le  nombre  des  anciens  ne  prescrira  point, 

as^tukes.eis  ains  demeurera  en  la  liberte  de  Teglise  d'en  eslire 
tel  nombre  quelle  jugera  estre  necessaire. 


Le  Quatreiesme  Ordre,  qui  est  des  Diacres. 

Deacons  are  to        1.     La  charge   des  diacres  est  d'auoir  soin  de 

watch  and  help 

the  poor.  tous  les  pauures,  tant  ceulx  qui  sont  affligez  de 

pauurete  ordinaire  que  ceulx  lesquelz  par  quelque  occasion 
auroient  besoin  de  subuention  et  secours  extraordinaire, 
afin  quilz  recoiuent  l'aide  et  consolation  qui  leur  sera 
necessaire. 


Two  funds  in         2.     II  v  aura  en  chacque  eglise  deux  bources,2 

each  Church ;  •>  l  o 

poor!°thehother  l'une  pour    les  pauures,  lautre   pour    lentretene- 
ofrtheechSch.   ment  du    ministre  et   aultres  afaires  de   l'eglise, 
lesquelles  bources  se  regleront  Tune  auec  Pautre 
selon  que  lutilite  et  bien  des  eglises  le  requerra. 

There  shau  be        3.      Ilz    sassembleront    du    moings    vne    fois 

a  weekly  m 

meeting  to        toutes    les    semaines,    affin    de    pourueoir     dun 

consult  about  x 

theCh^-ch^  commun  aduis  a  la  necessite  des  pauures,  et 
on^me^gency  generalement  de  toute  l'eglise,  quant  il  sera 
t^ttJamSSt    besoin    de    quelque    subuention,    sans    que    rien 

of  a  shilling.  .  _  .  ^  v       i  t  • 

puisse  estre  iaict  a  part  ny  a  la  discretion 
d'un  seul ;  sinon  que  pour  quelque  necessite  vrgente  chacun 
deux  pourra  donner  jusques  a  vn  solz  strelin. 

2  See  note  on  p.  110. 


118 
who  shall  34.     Lun  des  pasteurs  y  assistera  et   presidera 

preside  at  the 

meeting.  en  tant  que  faire  ce  pourra ;  et,  en  sou  absence, 

lun  dentre  eulx  presidera  en  ladite  assemblee,  et  chacun 
d'eux  a  son  tour  par  ordre,  pour  ouyr  les  aduertissemens 
et  remonstrances  des  freres,  et  recoeuillir  leur  aduis,  et 
suiuant  iceulx  resouldra  ce  qui  sera  mis  en  deliberation. 

Accounts  to  be        5.     Un    d'entre    eux    qui    pourra   bien    escrire 

kept  monthly  .  .  . 

by  two  Deacons  et    tenir  compte   aura    charge    du    liure  de    mise 

in  succession.  *  ° 

et  recepte ;  et  pareillement  vn  aultre  fera  ladite 
mise  et  recepte  de  tous  les  deniers  communs  qui  luy 
seront  mis  entre  mains  par  ses  aultres  freres ;  et  ce  pour 
vn  mois,  lequel  finy,  leur  succederont  deux  aultres  pour 
tenir  le  luire  et  faire  ladite  recepte  et  mise. 


The  Deacons  6.     Les   diacres   recepueront    alternatifuement 

to  make  the 

collections  at     en  la  tin  des  assemblees  les  deniers  des  colectes 

church, 

donnez  a  lissue  des  eglises,  selon  l'ordre  dicelles. 


and  to  hand  7.     A   la   fin   de   chacun    sermon   les   deniers 

them  over  to  .       . 

the  Deacon  in    amsi  comme  dessus  receuz  seront  comptez  en   la 

charge  of  the 

purse.  presence   de  leur    compagnie,    et   mis   entre    les 

mains  de  celuy  qui  tiendra  la  bource,  et  semblablement  le 
liure  de  la  recepte  charge  par  celluy  qui  sera  depute  a 
cest  effect. 

who  to  con-  8.     Sil    y    a    quelque    difhculte    dont    ils    ne 

suit  in  .  J  . 

questions  of      puissent  s'accorder  ilz  appeleront  1  un  des  mmis- 
tres  ou  l'ancien  du  cartier,  dont  il  sera  question 
pour    la    vuider ;     et    si    cela     ne    suffit,    ilz     appelleront 
plusieurs  ou  le  raporteront  au  consistoire. 

Private  9.      Pour     maintenir     lhonneste     liberty    qui 

matters  not  to  _    .        _ 

be  revealed.       doit  estre  entre  eux,  il  ne  sera  loisible  a  aucun 

3  Fo.  8  v°. 


119 

de  reueler  ce  qui  aura  este  dit  entre  eux,  ny  en  communi- 
quer  a  personne,  sinon  aux  ministres  et  anciens  et  a  ceulx 
dont  il  aura  este  aduise  et  conclud  par  entre' ux. 

On  extra-  4  10.       Sil    est    question    de    quelque    chose 

ordinary 

matters  the       extraordinaire    ou    nouuelle,    ilz    en    communic- 

Consistory  to 

be  consulted,  queront  au  consistoire,  sans  laduis  duquel  ilz 
ne  pourront  rien  innouer. 

Deacons  to  11.     Le    compte    des    diacres    sera    rendu    au 

make  their 

account  on        temps  de   la  celebration,  pourueu  quil    ne  passe 

Communion  x  A  x  x 

aZSer!nce  point  trois  mois,  le  jour  de  la  Cene,  a  lissue 
du  sermon  d'apres  mydy,  en  la  presence  de 
ceux  qui  y  seront  depputez  du  consistoire ;  et  en  oultre  le 
peuple  sera  aduerty  et  exhorte  de  se  voulloir  trouuer, 
mesmes  aulcuns  y  seront  expressement  appellez  par  les 
anciens  chacun  en  leur  cartier. 

Weekly  aims  12.     Ilz   porteront   par  chacque  sepmaine   les 

to  the  poor.  . 

aumosnes  es  maisons  des  pauures,  et  s'enquer- 
ront  soigneusement  de  leurs  necessitez. 

Monthly  visits        13.     Chacun     des    diacres    visitera    tous     les 

by  the  Elder 

and  Deacon       mois   les    families   de    son   cartier   auec   Pancien 

m  each 

quarter.  qU^    en    a    Ja    cnarge# 

Visits  to  the  14.     Dauantage,  de   trois  mois  en   trois   mois 

poor  and  t      t  .    ,  . 

afflicted  every    la  moictie  dentr'eux  visiteront  toutes  les  maisons 

three  months. 

pauures  et  amigees  de  l'eglises,  pour  cognoistre 
ceulx  qui  auront  besoing  d'augmentation  ou  diminution 
d'assistance,  estans  accompagnez  de  lun  des  ministres 
aultant  que  faire  ce  pourra. 

Deacons  may         15.     Leur    charge    ne    sera    perpetuelle    non 

be  discharged  .  .  , 

when  plus   que   des  anciens.     Ains  pour  causes  raison- 

necessary. 

nables  par  eux  proposees,  dcsquelles  la  compagnie 
*  Fo.  9. 


120 

des  ministres,  anciens,  et  diacres  jugera,  pourront  estre 
deschargez,  apres  que  l'eglise  y  aura  donne  son  consente- 
ment. 


order  of  16.     Quant    a    Selection,    descharge,    ou    de- 

election,  &c, 

thesameas       position,    si   elle  v   eschet,  sera  suiui   le   mesme 

that  of  Elders.    x  '  J 

ordre    qui    a    este    declare    pour    le    regard    des 
anciens. 


17.     II  sera  pourueu  au  nornbre  selon  la  necessite. 


Du  temps  de  ladministration  de  la  parole  de 
Dieu  et  du  nornbre  des  sermons. 

The  consistory        1.     Pour     lenseignenient     et     continuelle    in- 
to arrange 

about  struction    de   legrlise    en     la  parole    de   dieu,    on 

preaching.  °  *■ 

establira  les  predications,  desquelles  le  nornbre, 
les  jours,  et  heures,  seront  laissez  en  la  disposition  des 
consistoires. 

care  is  to  be  5  2.     Oultre  cela  sera  retenu    et    diligemment 

taken  for 

teaching  the  practicque  l'usage  du  catechisme,  pour  l'in- 
5S°nnfor  struction  des  enfans  et  des  rudes  qui  se  preparent 
a  la  communion  de  la  sainte  Cene,  et  mesme  de 
toute  l'eglise,  qui  sera  exhortee  de  se  trouuer,  dont  touteffois 
la  forme  est  laissee  en  la  prudence  et  discretion  des  con- 
sistoires. 


Prayer  for  3.     Lusage  des  prieres  extraordinaires  au  temps 

the  afflicted.  .  x  ... 

de  laffliction   sont   laissez   en    la  disposition   des 
consistoires. 

Public  fasting        4.     Le  Jeusne  semblablement  sera  celebre  aux 

to  be  with  . 

much  necessitez    extremes    de  1  eghse,    lequel   ne    sera 

solemnity. 

souuent  publie,  mais  quant  il  en  sera  besoing  sera 

5  Fo.  9  v°. 


121 

auec  toute  solemnite  denonce  le  jour  du  dimanche  precedent ; 
puis  le  jour  prochain  deuant  la  celebration  du  jeusne  le 
peuple  y  sera  prepare  et  dispose,  auec  exhortation  et  prieres, 
et  sera  chacun  aduerty  soigneusement  de  laisser  son  oeuure 
et  assister  aux  exercices  de  piete  qui  seront  establis  par  les 
consistoires. 

There  shall  be  5.  Pendant  le  temps  que  leglise  sassemblera 
singing  at  the    quelqu'un  depute   a  ce    faire   lira  a   haute   voix 

beginning  of         A  x  x 

service.  quelque  liure  du   viel   ou   nouueau   testamment, 

durant  laquelle  lecture  ce  pourra  quelque  fois  entremesler 
le  chant  de  quelques  pseaumes. 

Sunday  6.     Les  enfans   de   dix  ans    et    au   dessus,   ou 

catechising  of  1  ,  _ 

children  over     aultre   aage   conuenable    selon   le   iusrement   des 

ten  years  of  °  J     ° 

a^e-  eglises,   tant  de  lun  que  de  lautre  sexe,  respon- 

dront  le  dimanche  au  catechisme. 

The  children  7.     Pour  euiter  confusion  seront  les  ditz  enfans 

to  answer 

tS^ifrters-  distribuez 6  par  certains  ordres  selon  leurs  cartiers 
border.  d°ne  et  respondront  chacun  dimanche  a  leur  rang, 
touteffois  les  enfans  dudit  aage  se  trouueront  en  la  place  qui 
leur  est  ordonnee,  et  viendront  instruitz  pour  respondre  si  le 
ministre  les  interrogue ;  aussi  bien  que  ceux  qui  seront 
particullierement  ordonnez  pour  respondre  cedit  jour. 

The  Eiders  in        8.     Les  anciens  auront  loeil  sur  les  enfans  de 

their  quarters  , 

to  look  after     leurs  quar tiers,  chacun  a  son  esgfard,  d  exhorter 

the  catechu-  1  »  &         > 

mens.  ies   pareris    et    aultres    ay  ans     charges    denfans, 

d'auoir  soing  de  Tinstruction  de  leurs  enfans,  et  de  les  faire 
enregistrer  auecq  les  autres  pour  estre  instruits  en  publicq. 

Public  pro-  9.     Quand  les  enfans  auront  este  suffisamment 

fessionof 

faith,  and  first  instruitz,  tellement   quilz  pourront  respondre  du 
sommaire  de  la  doctrine  ;  lors  ilz  rendront  raison 
6  Fo.  10. 


communion. 


122 

de  leur  foy  publicquement  deuant  leglise,  et  ainsi  seront 
receuz  auecq  prieres  pour  communicquer  a  la  sainte  Cene  du 
seigneur. 


Four  Sundays        10.     Pour  cest  effect   il  y  aura   quatre    jours 

appointed  for 

public  pro-       ordonnez,    assauoir  les   dimanch.es   precedens  les 

fession  of  x 

faith.  Cenes    de    Januier,    Auril,    Juillet,    et    Octobre, 

esquelz  jours   ils    respondront,    a    la   mesme   heure    que   le 
Catechisme  a  accoustume  d'estre  enseigne. 


Yearly  visit  of        H,     Oultre   tous   les    exercices    il    sera   bon, 

exhortation  to  ' 

Iiinis^er^nd7  autant  que  faire  ce  pourra,  quil  se  face  vne  visite 
tous  les  ans  de  toutes  les  families  de  leglise,  et  ce 
par  le  ministre  et  anciens  des  cartiers,  afin  d'exhorter  vn 
chacun  de  profiter  en  la  doctrine  et  piete,  et  examiner  com- 
ment on  sacquite  en  cela  de  son  deuoir  ;  demandant  a  vn 
chacun  raison  de  sa  foy. 


De  la  Prophetie.7 

To  follow  herein      1.     Toutes   les    fois    quil  plaira   a    dieu    faire 

the  custom  in  sot  -it  -i        • 

other  churches,   ouuerture  a  8  lusage  de  la  prophetie  par  la  con- 
ferance    et    communication    de   ceux   a   qui    dieu    a   donne 

7  "  La  prophetie,  laquelle  gist  a  "bien  esplucher  les  mysteres  de  lescriture, 
et  a  bien  assembler  le  sens  legitime  d'ycelle." — Alasco,  Toute  la  Forme,  &c, 
1556,  sign,  c  5.  The  Discipline  of  the  English  Reformed  Church  at  Frank- 
fort in  1557  provided  "that  prophesie  be  rsed  euery  fortnight  in  the 
Englishe  tong  for  the  exercise  of  studentes  and  edinnge  of  the  congregation." 
— A  Brieff  discours  off  the  troubles  begonne  at  Franlford,  &c,  1575,  sign.  q. 
Des  Gtallars  in  his  Forme  of  1561  had  made  provisions  for  "prophetie"  closely 
resembling  those  of  our  MS.  of  1589,  sign,  b  ij  v°.  The  practice  of 
disquisitions  upon  the  Scriptures  for  the  exercise  of  the  clergy  was  much 
encouraged  by  the  early  reformers,  especially  about  1571 — 1576,  and  in  the 
diocese  of  Norwich  they  gained  some  notoriety.  Queen  Elizabeth,  however, 
attempted  to  suppress  them,  in  Norwich  in  1574,  and  throughout  England  in 
1577. — Strype's  Life  of  Parker,  ii.,  358 — 362  ;  Annals,  vol.  ii.,  part  i.,  p.  477; 

8  Fo.  10  v°. 


123 

le  don  d'interpretation  des  escritures,  sera  bon  de  mectre 
sur  ccst  ordrc  comme  on  la  veu  par  cy  deuant  praticque  en 
quelques  eglises. 


None  to  speak        2.     Nul   ne   sera  admis   a   parler   en   publicq 

except  those 

whoare  sinon  ceux  qui  seront  trouuez  capables  et  suffi- 

capable.  *  -1- 

sans  pourre  faire,  dequoy  le  jugement  demourera 
aux  ministres  des  lieux,  et  aultres  joinctz  a  la  propbetie  auec 
les  anciens  de  l'eglise. 


a  list  of  3.     Les  noms  de  ceux  qui  auront  este  trouuez 

speakers  to 

be  made.  suffisans  seront   mis  en  vn  catalogue,  et  cbacun 

d'eux  proposera  en  son  ordre  du  texte,  que  les  ministres 
des  lieux  et  autres  joincts  a  la  propbetie  auecq  les  anciens 
de  leglise  auront  aduise. 

The  speaker  4.     Celui  qui  proposera   suiura  lexposition  de 

must  keep  to  ,  , 

his  text.  son  texte,  raportant  ce  qui  sera  propre  a  lexpli- 

cation  dicelluy,  obseruant  les  doctrines  qui  y  sont  enseignees 
sans  faire  aucune  disgression. 


HeshaUoniy         5.      II   se   contentera    demploier    trois    quarts 

speak  three- 

quarters  of  an    d  heure,  amn  de  donner  lieu  aux  aultres  ausquelz 

hour.  x 

dieu  auroit  donne  quelquechose  pour  adj  ouster, 
et  que  par  ce  moyen  le  peuple  ne  soit  trop  longuement 
detenu. 


Life  of  Grindal,  p.  574.  But  the  value  of  these  exercises  kept  them  in  use 
notwithstanding  the  Queen's  opposition.  Strype  finds  them  in  1585  in 
Chester  (Annals,  vol.  ii.,  part  i.,  p.  481),  and  the  presence  of  these  provisions 
in  the  Norwich  French  Church  of  1589  is  an  indication  how  the  foreign 
reformers  were  anxious  to  fall  in  with  the  views  of  their  English  brethren. 
It  may  he  interesting  to  compare  them  with  the  regulations  for  prophesyings 
in  Northampton,  1571,  and  Hertfordshire,  1574,  given  by  Strype,  Annals, 
ib.,  pp.  133,  136,  472.  The  seven  clauses  above  as  to  prophecy  were  left 
out  in  the  London  Discipline  of  1641.  By  that  time  the  practice  had  fallen 
into  disuse. 


124 
others  who  are       6.     II  sera  permis  a  tous  aultres  qui  auront 

fitting  may 

speak  on  the      este    iugez    capables    de    prophetiser    dadiouster 

same  subject.  jo  x  x       j. 

a  ce  qui  aura  este  dit,  et  dissouldre  telle  question 
qui  pourroit  estre  proposee  sur  la  matiere ;  touteffois  on  ce 
gardera  d'user  de  redittes,  ou  proposer  questions  envieuses, 
ne  seruans  a  lediffication. 


No  disputing         7.     La  conclusion  estant  faicte  par  les  prieres, 

allowed,  but 

attheconciu-    il  9  ne  sera  licite  a  aucun  d'user  daddition  nou- 

sion  difficulties 

carefuLiymined  ue^e>  mais,  le  peuple  estant  departy,  tant  le 
proposant  que  ceux  qui  auront  adiouste,  seront 
aduertis  fraternellement  s'il  y  auoit  quelque  chose  a  corriger 
en  ce  qui  auroit  este  par  eux  propose,  ce  qui  se  fera  par  la 
compagnie  de  ceux  qui  se  seront  rangez  a  lexercice  de  la 
prophetie,  et  ceux  des  anciens  qui  se  voudront  la  aussi 
trouuer,  la  ou  on  pourra  examiner  plus  particullierement 
les  difficultez  qui  pourroient  estre,  taut  aux  versions  quin- 
terpretations  et  doctrines  en  toute  modestie  et  moderation 
chrestienne. 


De  la  proposition. 

students  must        1.      Et  pour  ce  quil  est   necessaire  de  pour- 
be  provided  , 

for  the  ueoir  a  ce   que  le  ministere   soit    entretenu  par 

ministry.  ±  x 

continuelle  succession  en  leglise,  il  sera  bon  de 
jetter  loeil  sur  ceux  qui  pourroient  estre  propres,  et  aduertir, 
tant  ceux  en  la  puissance  desquelz  ilz  pourroient  estre, 
qu'eux  mesmes,  a  ce  quilz  soient  dediez  a  vn  oeuure  si 
sainct. 


Candidates  to        2.     Ceux  qui  se  rangeront  pour  cest  effect  a  la 

meet  weekly  . 

for  study  of     proposition  s'assembleront  vne  fois  du  moins  la 

the  Scriptures ;    *       x 

sepmaine,  en  la  presence  du  professeur  et  docteur 
9  Fo.  n. 


125 

en  theologie,  sil  y  en  a  en  ladite  eglise,  sinon  des  ministres, 
anciens,  et  diacres,  qui  sy  pourront  trouuer,  expliquans  a 
leur  tour  quelque  liure  de  l'escriture  qui  leur  sera  assigne 
par  le  Consistoire. 

in  form  of  3.     Ilz  tascheront  en  traictant  lescriture  de  ce 

preaching  and 

exhortation,  conformer,  au  plus  pres  quilz  pourront,  a  la 
forme  de  prescher  et  extorter  conuenable  a  enseigner  et 
edifier  le  peuple. 

criticism  of  4.     La  proposition  finie,  celluy  qui  aura  parle 

preaching.  sera  aduerty  de  ce  a  quoy  il  a  besoing  de  prendre 
garde,  et  accourrage  de  poursuiure  de  bien  en  mieux. 

students  should      5.     La  ou  il  y  auroict  vn  docteur  seront  les 

attend  theo- 
logical lectures   proposans   exhortez  de   se  trouuer  aux   lecons  de 

and  discussions.  *       x 

theologie  et  aux  disputtes,1  lesquelles  sil  est 
possible  seront  dressees  pour  les  rendre  propres  et  conuaincre 
les  contredisans,  et  se  garder  des  tromperies,  des  sophistes, 
et  hereticques. 


Du  baptesme. 

1.     Le  baptesme  se  fera  a  la  fin  de  la  predication,  et  ne 
sera  administre  par  aultre  que  par  le  ministre. 


Register  of  2.     Les  noms  des  enfans  baptisez  seront  en- 

Baptisms.  , 

registrez,    auec   les   noms   et   surnoms    de    leurs 

peres  et  meres,  et  des  parins  et  marines. 


Baptism  of  3.     Sil  se  trouue  quelques   enfans  illegitimes, 

illegitimate 

children.  deuant  que  Jes   presenter  le  Consistoire  en  sera 

aduerty,  pour  pourueoir  au  scandale  qu'on  pourroit  venir. 

1  Fo.  11  v°. 


126 

who  may  be         4.     On  ne  recepura   pour   parains  aultres  que 

Sponsors*. 

gens  ndelles,  de  sens  et  d  aage  sumsant,  et  qui 
soient  receuz  a  la  communion  de  leglise,  ou  qui  promettront 
de  se  ranger  a  icelle  pour  lefFectuer  au  plustost  que  faire  ce 
pourra,  tenans  vne  mesme  confession  de  foy  auec  nous  ;  les 
aultres  n'estans  sufKsans  de  faire  promesse  a  leglise  dinstruire 
les  enfans  comme  il  appartient. 

warning  to  be       5.     Celuy  qui  aura  a  presenter  son  enfant   au 

given  to  the  '        .  _      _  . 

Eider  or  baptesuie  v  aduertira   prealablement   lancien,    ou 

Deacon  of  the  "  * 

quarter.  en  son   absence  le   diacre  de  son  quartier,  ou  le 

plus  proehain,  et  lay  declarera  quelz  parrains  il  prend  pour 
tesmoings  du  baptesme  et  auoir  Boing  de  l'instruction  de 
1' enfant. 


Those  exeom-        6.-     Ceux  qui  auront  este  excommuniez  ou  sus- 

munieated  or  _ 

suspended  from  pendus    publico  uement   de  la    Lene  ne  pourront 

communion 

cannot  be         estre  admis  pour  parains  et   tesmoings   au  Bap- 

^ponsors.  -i  -1  a  m 

tesme.  Mais  dautant  quil  y  en  a  aucuns  qui 
auront  este  suspendus  pour  quelque  temps  seullement  au 
consistoire,  et  apport  de  leur  repentance,,  ilz  y  pourront 
estre  receuz  par  laduis  dudit  consistoire. 


De  la  Cene. 

The  Lord's  1.     Dautant  que  suiuant  linstituttion  de  nostre 

Supper  to  be.  #  - 

celebrated  the    seigneur   Jesus   Christ    I  usage    de   la    Cene  doit 

first  Sunday  in  °  c 

each  month,      estre  frequent  entre  les  fidelles,  comme  aussy  il  a 

este  obserue  en  leglise  ancienne,  jusques  a  ce  que  satan  ayt 

renuerse  ce  sainct  ordre.  exigeant  au  lieu  dieelle  le  sacrifice 

abominable  de  la  messe;  a  cest  cause  le  sainct  sacrement  de  la 

Cene  se  celebrera  en  noz  eglises  tous  les  premiers  dimanches 

des  mois. 

2  Fo.  12. 


127 

Public  prayers        2.     Lim  des  jours  prececlant  la  celebration  de 

to  precede 

communion.  Ja  saincte  Cene  se  feront  les  prieres  publicques, 
ausquelles  sera  conjoinct  vn  aduertissement  aux  fidelles  des 
choses  qui  concernent  le  deuoir  d'un  chacun,  tant  pour  le 
regard  des  assemblies  eclesiasticques  et  exercices  de  piete, 
que  pour  le  reglement  des  families  et  personnes  particulieres, 
auec  exhortation  a  cbacun  de  ce  preparer  comme  il  ap- 
partient  a  la  communion  de  la  saincte  Cene. 

Communion  3.     La   predication    et  prieres    au   jour  de   la 

after  the  r  .... 

sermon.  Cene  acheuees,  les  ministres  distribueront  le  pain 

et  le  vin  par  bon  ordre  et  auec  reuerence. 

Warning  to  be       4.     Le  dimanche  precedant  la  Cene  leglise  en 

given  to  the  , 

people.  sera  aduertie,3  affin   que  le  peuple  se  dispose,  et 

cependant  que  nul  nayt  a  s'y  presenter  auant  que  dauoir 
faict  profession  de  sa  foy. 

How  new  5.     Quant  aux  estrangers  et  nouueaux  venus, 

comers  shall  be  , 

received  into     ilz    sadresseront  aux  anciens  de  leurs  quartiers 


communion. 


pour  estre  proposez  aux  consistoire,  ou  ilz  feront 
paroistre  tesmoignage  de  leur  eglise,  si  desja  ilz  ont  este 
receuz  a  la  communion  ;  et  ou  ilz  n'auroient  point  este 
auparavant  receuz  a  la  communion  de  quelque  eglise,  ilz 
nommeront  des  tesmoins  qui  puissent  certiffier  de  leur  bonne 
vie  et  conuersation.  Puis  estans  instruitz,  silz  en  ont 
besoing  feront  profession  de  leur  foy  auant  que  d'estre  admis, 
affin  que  nul  n'aproche  de  la  Cene  a  sa  condempnation. 

Abstinence  6.     Ceux  qui  se  priuent   et  abstiennent  volon- 

from  com-  *  x 

censnredto  be  tairement  de  la  Cene  seront  censurez,  selon  que 
le  consistoire  pourra  cognoistre  de  la  cause, 
distinguant  ceulx  qui  le  font  pour  quelques  difficultez 
suruenuz  en  leurs  espritz  d'auec  ceulx  qui  le  font  par  mespris 
ou  pour  quelque  mauvais  regard  et  auecq  continuation. 

3  Fo.  12  v°. 


128 


Des  Mariages. 

Persons  under        1.     Les  jeunes  gens  qui  sont  en  bas  aage  ne 

age  cannot 

marry  without  peuuent  contracter  manages  sans  le  consentement 

consent  of  x 

their  Parents.  de  leurs  peres  et  meres  ou  aultres  en  la  puissance 
desquelz  ils  sont.  Touteffois  quant  ilz  auront  peres  ou  meres 
tant  desraisonnables  quilz  ne  vouldroient  consentir  au  bien 
et  promt  manifeste  de  leurs  enfans,  le  consistoire  leur  donnera 
aduis  tel  quil  jugera  estre  conuenable ;  et  quant  a  ceux  qui 
sont  hors  de  minorite,  bien  quilz  eussent  desia  este  mariez 
ilz  feront  neantmoings4  cest  honneur  a  leurs  peres  et  meres 
de  ne  contracter  mariage  sans  leur  en  communicquer 
premierement,  et  a  faulte  de  ce  seront  appellez  au  consistoire. 

Marriage  2.     Tous  fidelles  en  general,   mesme  ceulx  qui 

promises  to  be 

in  presence  of    sont  en  aage  et   iouissent  de  leurs  droitz,  seront 

witnesses.  °  J 

aduertis  de  ne  faire  promesse  de  mariage,  sinon 
en  la  presence  de  leurs  parains,  yoisins,  et  aultres  gens  de 
bien. 

To  be  made  3.     Pour  eviter  plusieurs  abus  doresnauant,  les 

in  the 

consistory.  promesses  de  manage  se  recepuront  aux  con- 
sistoires,  et  feront  les  parties  paroir  de  contract  passe  par 
deuant  notaire,  autant  que  faire  ce  pourra,  quoy  quil  en  soit 
en  presence  de  tesmoings. 

Publication  in        4.     Tous   manages   seront    publiez    par    trois 
dimanches   en  l'assemblee  de  l'eglise  sans  qu'on 
en  puisse  aucunement  dispenser. 

Can  be  made         5.     Les    manages    se    celebreront    deuant    le 

on  Sundays  ° 

sermon116        prescbe  en  l'assemblee  de  l'eglise  publicque,  tant 
des  jours    de  dimanches   qu'autres,   exceptez   les 
jours  de  la  Cene  et  du  Jeusne  publicq. 

4  Fo.  13. 


129 
widows  and  6.     Pour  garder  lhonncstete  ct  bien  seance  qui 

widowers  , 

should  wait       doit  estre  entre  les  cnrestiens,  les  femmes  veiues 

some  time 

maS?4ee8h  ne  Pourront  estre  receiies  a  faire  promesses  de 
mariage  plustost  que  quatre  mois  et  demy  apres 
le  decedz  de  leurs  maris,  et  les  hommes  seront  exhortez 
d'attendre  du  moings  quelques  mois  deuant  que  contracter 
nouueau  mariage  ;  duquel  deuant  les  promesses  ilz  aduertiront 
le  consistoire. 


Completion  of        7.     Si   apres   les  annonces  faictes   les   parties 

marriage 

contract.  tardoient5  plus  de  six  sepmaines  sans  celebrer  leurs 

manages,    ilz   les   fauldra    admonester   et    scauoir    les    em- 
peschemens  qu'ilz  peuuent  auoir. 


Formulaire  des  promesses  de  mariage. 
Preliminary  8.     Apres  linquisition  faicte,  si  les  parties  sont 

inquiry. 

libres  et  hors  des  degrez  prohibez  par  les  loix,  et 
semblablement  du  consentement  de  leurs  parens,  et  silz  sont 
d'accord  et  se  tiennent  pour  contens  des  clauses  et  conuenances 
de  leur  mariage,  et  la  priere  estant  faicte,  celuy  qui  recoit  les 
promesses  adressera  son  propos  au  futur  espoux. 


Form  of  "  Yous,  N.,  declarez  deuant  dieu  en  la  presente 

marriage 

vows:— the  compagnie  que  vous  prenez  pour  vostre  future 
femme  et  espouse  N ;  et  comme  telle  vous 
promettez  selon  le  commendement  de  dieu  de  l'aymer, 
entretenir,  et  en  auoir  soing  en  toutes  choses  et  en  quelque 
vocation  ou  condition  quil  plaira  a  dieu  vous  appeler,  soit 
de  sante  ou  malade,  prosperite  ou  aduersite,  viuant  auec  elle 
(et  les  enfans  qu'il  plaira  a  dieu  vous  donner)  en  la  crainte 
du  seigneur,  pour  seruir  a  sa  gloire  et  ediffication  de  Teglise. 
the  woman;  "  Et  vous,  N.,  declarez  aussi  deuant  dieu  en  la 

presente  assemblee  que  vous  prenez  N.   ycy   present  pour 

5  Fo.  13  v°. 
K 


130 

vostre  futur  mary  et  espoux   et  comine  tel  yous  promectez, 
selon   lordonnance    de    dieu,    de    laymer    et   honnorer   auec 
obeissance  [et  d']  en  auoir  soing. 
both  to  the  "  Vous  promettez  aussi  l'un  a  lautre  qu'apres  que 

Church. 

toz  promesses  auront  este  pubhees  en  1  eghse, 
6  selon  la  coustume,  yous  ratiffierez  les  promesses  faictes 
presentement  deuant  la  face  de  toute  leglise. 

"  Dieu  yous  face  la  grace  d'acomplir  yoz  promesses  auecq 
toute  prosperite  pour  1*  edification  de  leglise." 

De  la  visitation  des  malades. 

Necessitr  for  Dautant  qu'on  Yoit  par  experience  que  plusieurs 

the  sick  to  seek  x  .  , 

spiritual  Sont  nonchalans  en  leurs  maladies,  et  aduersetz  a 

consolation. 

chercher  consolation  en  la  parole  de  dieu,  ayans 
plus  de  soing  de  secourir  leurs  corps  que  leurs  ames,  et  ne 
regardans  point  a  la  source  des  maladies,  pour  en  chercher 
le  remede  ou  et  comme  il  appartient ;  tellement  que  souuent 
il  aduiendra  qu'aucuns  meurent  sans  auoir  doctrine,  admoni- 
tion, ou  consolation,  laquelle  touteffois  pour  lors  est  plus 
necessaire  que  jamais :  Pour  ces  causes  un  chacun  sera 
aduerty  de  demander  consolation  des  le  commencement  de 
sa  maladye,  sans  attendre  qu'il  soit  du  tout  presse  ou  abatu ; 
et  a  ceste  fin  fera  entendre  sa  disposition  a  lancien  ou 
diacre  du  quartier,  a  fin  d'estre  visite  et  console  d'heure ; 
et  selon  que  lancien  ou  diacre  cognoistra  la  necessite  il  en 
aduertira  le  pasteur,  pour  aller  Yisiter  le  malade,  ce  que 
touteffois  se  fera  a  heure  oportune,  afin  quil  ne  soit  distraict 
de  sa  charge. 

De  la  Sepulture. 

Burial  in  the  1.     Les  morts  seront  honnestement  ensepuelis 

parish  church- 
yard, et    portez    en  terre,  chacun  au    Cimetiere    de    la 

paroisse  selon  la  coustume. 

8  Fo.  14. 


131 

simple  burial         2.7     II  n  y  aura  aucune  superstition  ou  pompe, 

without  super-  . 

stition.  toutenois  il  demeure  en  la  liberte  des  parens  et 

amis   d'appeller   telz    quilz   aduiseront   pour   le    conuoy   du 
deffunct. 


Burial  should        3.     On  ne   se  hastera  pas  trop  d'enterrer  les 

be  between 

twelve  to         morts,    pour   les    inconueniens    qu'on   en   a   veu 

twenty-four  L  *■ 

SeaS.after  aduenir.  Aussi  pour  euiter  la  corruption  on  ne 
les  gardera  trop  longuement.  Pourtant  il  sera 
bon  de  ne  se  point  haster  plus  de  douze  heures  au  moings, 
auec  grande  consideration  de  la  diuersite  des  maladies,  et 
n'attendre  plus  de  vingt  quatre  heures. 

Registration  4.     Les    anciens    et    diacres    aportiront    par 

of  deaths.  ,  .  L  r 

ehacque  mois  au  consistoire  le  nombre  et  noms 
de  ceux  qui  seront  decedez  le  mois  precedent,  tant  des  enfans 
qu'autres,  et  ce  chacun  en  son  quartier  dont  il  sera  faict 
registre  garde  au  consistoire. 


[Of    the    Officers.] 

Forme  de  descharge.* 

Form  of  Comme  la  charge  des   anciens  et   diacres  n'est 

discharge  on 

resignation  of  pas  perpetuelle  en  ceste  eglise,  ains  selon 
Deacons.  1' exigence  des  temps   et  personnes,  on  descharge 

quelquefois  et  les  vns  et  les  aultres.  Cest  pourquoy  les 
freres  N.  N.  nous  ayans  requis  en  consistoire  assemble,  auec 
les  diacres,  d'estre  soulagez  vn  chacun  d'eux  en  sa  charge, 
apres  auoir  meurement  considere  et  pese  leurs  raisons  en  la 
crainte  du  seigneur,  nous  auons  trouue  bon  de  condescendre 
a  la  demande  d'un  chacun  desditz  nommez,  vous  declarans 

7  Fo.  H  v°. 

8  In  the  margin  here  is  written  this  note,  "  1611.     Ceste  forme  sera  leiie 
auec  des  termes  propres  a  la  coustume  de  fire  Eg-lise  de  Norwich." 

K    2 


132 

que  pendant  le  temps  quilz  ont  exerce  leurs  charges,  par  la 
grace  de  dieu  il  se  sont  bien  et  fidellenient  acquitz  de  leur 
deuoir,  et  que 9  nous  sommes  d'auis  de  les  tenir  pour 
deschargez  auecq  vostre  consentement.  Que  si  quelqu'un 
a  quelque  raison  au  contraire,  nous  le  prions  de  la  faire 
entendre  au  consistoire  dedans  huict  jours  pour  l'examiner 
en  toute  crainte  de  dieu,  aultrement  nous  vous  exhortons 
tous  a  prier  dieu  auecques  nous,  a  fin  qu'il  nous  inecte 
au  coeur  par  son  esprit  de  vous  nommer  selon  l'ordre  qui 
est  en  cette  eglise  hommes  propres  pour  seruir  en  la 
place  des  susdits,  et  a  vous  de  les  accepter  pour  le  bien  et 
auancement  de  l'eglise. 

Forme  de  nomination.1 

Nous  vous  auons  cy-deuant  faict  entendre  que  les  ministres, 
anciens,  et  diacres  de  ceste  eglise,  estans  assemblez,  auroient 
este  dauis  que  ]N\  N.,  moiennant  vostre  consentement,  fassent 
deschargez  de  leurs  charges ;  et  ensemble  nous  vous  auons 
exhortez  de  prier  dieu  auec  nous,  afin  que  luy  plust  nous 
mettre  au  ceur  par  son  esprit  de  vous  nommer  hommes 
propres  et  idoines  pour  continuer  en  la  charge  des  dessusdits, 
Ainsi  est  il  que  nous,  les  ministres,  anciens,  et  diacres,  estans 
assemblez  au  nom  de  dieu,  et  apres  l'invocation  de  son  sainct 
nom,  nous  auons  aduise  de  vous  nommer,  "N.  N. ;  vous  prians 
tous  et  exhortans  que  sil  y  a  quelque  chose  cogneue  d'aucun 
de  vous  qui  empeschast  que  tous  ou  quelqu'un  des  dessus 
nommez  ne  peust  ou  ne  deust  exercer  les  dites  charges,  que 
2  pour  toute  la  sepmaine  il  en  donne  aduertissement  au 
consistoire,  ou  a  quelqu'un  de  ceux  qui  ont  la  charge  en 
l'eglise ; 2    a   fin    que   les   raisons   estans    examinees    en   la 

9  Fo.  15. 

1  That  is,  of  Elders  and  Deacons. 

2  In  the  margin  the  following  words,  in  the  same  hand  as  the  note  of 

1611,  are  written,  to  he  substituted  for  the  words  pour eglise  : — "  quil 

en  donne  aduertissement  dedans  le  terme  du  prochain  consistoire." 


133 

crainte  de  dieu,  on  puisse  proccdcr  en 3  la  confirmation 
des  dessusdits  nommez,  ou  bien  desister,  selon  qu'il  sera 
trouue  expedient  pour  le  bien  et  edification  de  l'eglise. 

Nomination  of        De  ceste   forme  se  peult  recoeuillir  celle  qu'on 

Ministers. 

doit  garder  en  la  nomination  des  ministres  de 
leuangille. 

Forme  de  confirmation. 

Comme  dimanche  dernier  nous  vous  fismes  entendre  ceux 
que  le  consistoire  auec  les  diacres  auoient  choisis  pour  N.  N". 
en  ceste  eglise,  afin  que  par  vous  ilz  fussent  acceptez  ou 
refusez,  selon  les  causes  deposition  qui  par  yous  pourroient 
estre  mises  en  auant ;  ainsi  est  il  que  huict  jours  estans 
passez,  nous  n'auons  entendu  ni  seu4  [opposition  ni  empesche- 
ment  quelconque  de  vostre  part,  ny  d'ailleurs,]  qui  est  la 
cause  que  presentement  nous,  estans  conioints  auec  vous, 
ayans  nomine*  les  dessusditz,  et  vous  les  ayans  acceptez  et 
confirmez  par  vostre  silence,  nous  les  acceptons  et  confirmons 
auec  vous  tous,  selon  l'ordre  de  ceste  eglise  comme  il 
sensuict.     N.  N. 

Pour  les  Ministres.5 
Oath  of  the  Vous   donques    N.   [appelle    a   la   vocation    de 

Pastor. 

pasteur],  promettez  deuant  dieu  est  son  eglise 
que  vous  luy  seruirez  fidellement  au  ministere  [de  son  St. 
Euangile],  auquel  vous  estes  appellez,  annoncant  purement 
la  parolle  de  dieu  [et  administrant  les  Sts.  Sacramens  selon 
l'institution  de  Jesus  Christ],  pour  edifier  leglise ;  et  que 
vous  n'abuserez  point  de  sa  doctrine  [ceste  charge]  pour 
seruir  a  voz  afections  charnelles,  ne  pour  complaire  a  homme 

3  Fo.  15  v°. 

4  The  words  in  brackets  are  written  in  the  margin ;  they  appear  to  have 
been  omitted  by  the  original  transcriber. 

5  The  words  between  [  ]  in  this  clause  are  interlineations  in  a  later  hand. 


184 

viuant,  mais  6  que  vous  en  vserez  en  saine  conscience  pour 
seruir  a  sa  gloire  et  vtilite  de  son  peuple,  auquel  vous 
estes  debteurs.  Vous  promettez  aussi  de  garder  les  ordon- 
nances  eclesiasticques  et  la  discipline  receiie  en  ceste  eglise ; 
et  en  ce  que  par  icelle  il  vous  est  donne  charge  d'amonnester 
ceux  qui  auront  failly,  vous  en  acquiter  loyaument,  sans 
donner  lieu  a  hayne,  faueur,  vengence,  ou  aultre  affection 
charnelle,  et  en  general  de  faire  ce  quil  appartiendra  a  vous 
et  fidelles  ministres.  Item  vous  promectez  de  garder  et 
maintenir  autant  qu'en  vous  sera  le  bien  et  conservation  de 
ce  Royaume,  procurer  en  ce  que  vous  sera  possible  la  paix  et 
vnion  dicelluy,  et  ne  consentir  aucunement  a  ce  qui  pourront 
contreuenir. 

Pour  les  anciens. 

Oath  of  the  Vous  N.  N.,  appellez  a  la  charge  d'ancien,  pro- 

mettez  a  dieu  et  a  son  eglise  que  vous  luy  seruirez 
fidellement  et  aurez  loeil  sur  tous  ceux  qui  sont  du  trouppeau 
de  ceste  eglise,  et  principalement  ceux  qui  vous  seront 
cornmis  et  baillez  en  charge ;  procurerez  autant  qu'en  vous 
sera,  tant  par  exemple  de  vie,  que  par  admonitions  fra- 
ternelles  qu'un  chacun  porte  reuerence  a  la  parole  de  dieu, 
assiste  aux  predications  et  aultres  exercices  de  piete,  en 
randant  son  debuoir  a  dieu  et  a  son  prochain ;  empescherez 
les  scandalles,  procurerez  la  paix  et  vnion  de  toute  Teglise  en 
general ;  et  d'un  chacun  en  particulier.  Que  vous  n'abuserez 
point  de  ceste  charge  pour  seruir  a  voz  affections  et  conuoitises, 
ny  pour  plaire  a  homme  viuant,  mais  cheminerez  en  pure 
conscience  pour  seruir  a  la  gloire  de  dieu  et  edification  de 
cette  eglise.  Yous  promectez  aussi  de  garder  les  ordonnances 
eclesiastiques  et  la  discipline  receue  en  ceste  eglise,  mes- 
mement  en  ce  que  par  icelle  vous  est  donne  charge 
d'admonnester  ceux  qui  auront  failly  et  tenir  secretz 7   les 

6  Fo    16.  '  Fo.  16  v". 


135 

affaires  du  consistoire,  sans  donner  faueur  k  aucune  partie, 
reueller  audit  consistoire  ce  qui  sera  besoing,  et  vous  en 
acquiter  loyaument  sans  donner  lieu  h  hayne  ny  faueur, 
vengence,  ou  affection  charnelle,  mais  y  proceder  fidelle- 
ment,  et  faire  tout  ce  qui  apartient  a  vn  loyal  seruiteur  de 
dieu  et  de  son  eglise.  Item  yous  promettez  de  garder  et 
maintenir  autant  qu'en  vous  fera,  le  bien  et  conseruation  de 
ce  royaume,  procurer  en  ce  que  vous  sera  possible  la  paix  et 
vnion  diceluy,  et  ne  consentir  aucunement  a  ce  qui  y 
pourroit  contreuenir. 

Pour  les  diacres. 
Oath  for  the  Vous  N.  N.  promectez  a  dieu  et  a  son  eglise  a 

Deacons. 

seruir  fidellement  en  la  charge  en  laquelle  vous 
estes  appellez,  auoir  soing  des  pauures  et  des  malades,  leur 
subuenir  selon  vostre  voccation,  et  leur  administrer  selon  ce 
qui  vous  aura  este  mis  en  main,  les  recommander  ou  le 
moyen  vous  sera  donn£,  vous  portans  loyaument  tant  en  la 
recepte  qu'en  la  mise  et  dispensation  des  deniers  qui  auront 
este  donnez  pour  iceulx,  et  rendre  compte  toutes  et  quantes 
fois  qu'il  sera  besoing.  Item  vous  promettez  de  garder  toutes 
les  ordonnances  eclesiasticques,  et  la  discipline  receus  en  ceste 
eglise,  en  tout  ce  qui  apartiendra  en  ceste  charge  vous  le 
raporterez  tout  en  commun  a  la  compagnie  des  aultres 
diacres,  sans  rien  faire  a  vostre  fantasie  par  faueur  ou  hayne, 
ne  donnans  lieu  a  voz  appetitz  et  affections  mauuaises,  ains 
distribuans  sans  exception  de  personnes  ou  la  necessite  le 
requerra,  vous  portans  en 8  toutes  choses  comme  bons  et 
loyaux  seruiteurs  de  dieu.  Item  vous  promectez  de  garder  et 
maintenir  autant  qu'en  vous  sera  le  bien  et  conseruation  de 
ce  royaume,  procurer  en  ce  qui  vous  sera  possible,  la  paix  et 
vnion  diceluy,  et  ne  consentir  aucunement  a  ce  qui  y  pourroit 
contreuenir. 

8  Fo.  17. 


136 

Priere  auec  Umposition  des  mains. 

Le  dieu  de  paix,  qui  par  le  sang  du  testament  eternel  a 
ramene  des  morts,  ce  grand  pasteur  des  brebis  nostre  seigneur 
Jesus  Christ,  vous  conferme  en  toute  bonne  ceuure  pour  faire 
sa  volonte,  afin  que  ce  que  vous  ferez  luy  soit  agreable,  par 
Jesus  Christ  son  filz  nostre  seigneur,  auquel  soit  honneur  et 
gloire  a  jamais.     Amen. 

Des  Colloques  et  assemblees  generales. 

a  yearly  1.     A    fin    d'entretenir   la    purete   de    vie  et 

meeting  of  .  . 

Deputies  from   doctrine,  et  ensemble  lordre  et   vnion  des  eglises, 

all  French  '  &  » 

Churches  in      ft  se  fera  d'an  en   an  ou  autre   temps  conuenable 

the  Kingdom.  * 

vne  assemblee  des  deputtez  de  toutes  les  eglises 
de  la  langue  francoyse  qui  seront  en  ce  royaume,  ou  chacque 
eglise  enuoyera  vn  ministre  et  vn  ancien  garny  de  memoires 
et  instructions  aprouuees  et  signez  par  le  consistoire,  sans 
neantmoings  oster  la  liberte  aux  ministres  et  anciens  dy 
proposer  comme  d'euxinesmes  ce  quilz  trouueront  estre 
expedient. 

President  and        2.     Le  ministre  qui  aura  preside  en  lassemblee 

Secretary. 

precedente  fera  la  priere,  et  au  deffault  dicelluy 
le  ministre  du  lieu ;  apres  laquelle  se  fera  nouuelle  election 
d'un  president  et  d'un  escriuain. 

Eecordof  3.     Quant  a  diuerses  questions  et  faictz  par- 

discussions         . 
and  acts.  ticuliers  proposez 9  par  les  freres,  ilz  seront  escris 

et  enregistrez    quant   ilz  porteront   consequence,    et    seront 

jugez    vtiles   pour   la    generalite  des  eglises.       Mais  quant 

aux  autres  de   moindre   consequence,  chacun  se  souuiendra 

de  lauis  et  conseil  donne  en  la  presente  assemblee  pour  en 

faire  raport  a  son  eglise,  et  s'en  seruir  comme  on  cognoistra 

estre  tres  bon. 

9  Fo.  17  v°. 


137 

Priviieg-eof  4.     Les  anciens  du  lieu  auquel  le  coloque  sera 

local  Elders.  .  _  ,       .. 

assemble  y  pourront  aussi  assister,  toutenois  n 
ny  aura  qu'un  dentre  eux  auec  les  ministres  qui  ait  voix 
deliberatiue,  pour  euiter  confusion. 


Fratemai  5.     Finalement  il  y  aura  vne  censure  aimable 

discussion 

as  to  churches   et  fraternelle  de  tous  les  deputtez,   tant  ministres 

and  Pastors.  L  ' 

qu'anciens,  esquelles  les  eglises  pourront  mettre 
en  auant  ce  quelles  auront  a  dire  touchant  leur  pasteurs,  et 
les  pasteurs  au  contraire. 


Conclusion. 

This  Discipline       Ces  articles  de  discipline   ont  este   dressez    et 

drawn  up  by 

the  Ministers,  aprouuez  par  les  ministres,  anciens,  et  diacres 
French s  °f  the  ^-es  eg^ses  francoyses  recoeuillies  en  Angleterre, 
EngiandS;m  ausquelz  il  ne  sera  permis  a  aucun  de  rien 
changer  ou  innouer  de  son  authorite  particuliere ; 
toutefois  il  y  a  plusieurs  articles  qui  ont  este  dressez  pour 
raison  des  circonstances  des  lieux,  des  temps,  et  des  personnes, 
qui  pourroient  es  eglises  estre  changez,  moyennant  que  ce 
soit  par  bon l    ordre  et    deliberation   commune.      Nous  ex- 

letaii  conform  hortons  neantmoings  tous  les  freres  du  troupeau 

to  it.  °  r 

de  se  ranger  volontairement  a  cest  ordre,  lequel 
nous  a  semble  le  meilleur  et  plus  propre  pour  ledification 
des  eglises  quil  nous  a  donnez  en  charge.  Supliant  bien 
humblement  nostre  bon  dieu  et  pere  par  nostre  sauueur 
vnicque  nostre  seigneur  Jesus  Christ,  quil  luy  plaise 
estendre  sa  saincte  benediction  pour  nous  faire  tous  viure 
en  vnion  de  doctrine,  estans  liez  de  charite  mutuelle,  et 
ainsi  que  de  mesme  coeur  et  volonte  nous  paracheuions 
nostre   course   a    son    honneur   et    gloire    a   ledification   de 

1  Fo.  18. 


138 

leglise  et  nostre  salut.  A  luy  soit  honneur  et  gloire  et 
benediction  a  jamais,  par  Jesus  Christ  nostre  sauueur,  en 
la  communion  du  sainct  esprit.2 

tms  Discipline       Ce  jourdhuy,  29  d'Apuril  a«.  1589,  ces  presents 

"W3.S  YQcLCl  3,1; 

Norwich  articles   de   ceste   discipline  ont  este   leus  en  la 

approved,  and  * 

i5§ed29AprU'  presence  des  ministres,  anciens,  et  diacres,  de 
ceste  eglise  de  la  langue  franc oise,  recueillye 
en  INorwiche  soubz  la  protection  de  la  Serenissime  Royne 
Elizabeth ;  que  dieu  garde  longuement  et  heureusement ! 
Lesquels  estants  approuuez  ont  este  semblablement  par  eux 
signez  pour  plus  grande  approbation  diceux. 


[The  following  signatures  and  dates  are  printed  as  far  as 
possible  in  the  position  and  order  in  which  they  stand  in 
the  original.  This  is  important  in  some  portions,  because 
the  dates  were  omitted  to  be  written,  and  can  therefore  only 
be  found  approximately  for  certain  names.] 


Fo.  18. 


Jan  Marie,  ministre.3 


2  Here  the  official  hand  ends.  The  following  paragraph  appears  to  have 
been  added  by  one  of  the  signataries. 

3  The  following  is  given,  but  without  exact  authority  mentioned,  in  J. 
Southernden  Burn's  History  of  the  Foreign  Protestant  Refugees  settled  in 
England,  1845,  p.  77,  as  the  list  of  Ministers  in  the  French  Church  at  Norwich. 
It  will  be  seen  that  it  does  not  entirely  agree  with  the  order  of  the  names  in 
this  manuscript.  Instead  of  Daniel  Durien  and  Adrian  Delme  we  have 
Jaquos  Polyander;  instead  of  Germain  le  Roy  and  Pierre  Hour tois  (but  see 
these  two  names  in  1596,  p.  144.),  we  have  Philippe  Delme;  Basiguy  takes 
the  place  of  our  Piere  d'Assigny :  Pierre  Chovein  is  not  in  our  MS.,  but 
we  have  Pierre  Des  Beaux,  who  does  not  appear  in  Burn's  list  at  all. 


139 

H.  Basnage,4  ministre. 
Jaq.   X  baguelan,  anchiens. 
Louys  Desbonnetz,5  ancien 

1589. 
Lauren  Herchar,  ancien.6  Josse  X  Destaille,  a[n]ciens. 

Jaque  le  Rouge,  ancien. 
Jaques  Polyander,  Ministre.7        Simon  de  Lesvaux,  ancien. 

Jean  Marie,  1583.  —  Basiguy,  1646. 

—  Basnage,  1595.  Isaac  Clement,  1656. 

Daniel  Durien,  1600.  Jaques  le  Fraury,  1658. 

Adrian  Delme,  1616.  Jacobus  Stockmans,  1665. 

Peter  de  Lawne,  1618.  Pierre  Chovein,  1685. 

Germain  le  Roy,  1628.  —  Lavaux,  1691. 

Pierre  Hourtois,  1631.  David  Baldij,  1693—1710. 

Jean  Marie,  Minister  of  Lion-sur-mer,  came  to  England  after  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, 1572.  Later  he  returned  to  Normandy,  but  was  recalled  by  the 
Church  of  Norwich  in  1583,  on  which  occasion  the  National  Synod  of  Vitre 
requested  that  "  on  account  of  the  great  success  of  his  ministry  in  these 
parts,  his  Church  should  be  prayed  to  defer  his  recall  for  some  time." — Haag, 
La  France  Protestante,  1847.  His  son  Nathaniel,  minister  of  the  French 
church  in  Threadneedle  Street,  married  Esther,  sister  of  the  Pierre  de  Laune 
of  this  MS.— Col.  Chester's  Notes. 

4  It  is  not  clear  whether  the  first  initial  is  H.  or  N.  Basnage.  He  is  the 
first  of  his  family  about  whom  anything  is  known.  Mr.  Smiles  gives  his 
name  as  Nicholas. — Huguenots  in  England,  1876,  p.  361.  His  son  Benjamin, 
born  in  1580,  is  regarded  as  the  head  of  the  family,  which  has  produced 
many  eminent  men  on  the  Continent. — Haag,  La  France  Protestante,  1847. 
The  name  occurs  in  the  Register  of  baptisms  and  marriages  of  the  French 
Church  at  Norwich  (now  at  Somerset  House).  On  12  Feb.  1609,  "  Timothee 
basnage  presente  son  enfant  pour  estre  baptise,  et  le  non  Anne,  temoins 
Adrien  langlar  et  elisee  Desbonne,  et  la  feme  Jan  fremaux  et  marie  Didie." 
And  the  following  ill- written  entry  probably  refers  to  the  same  man,  "  le 
28  jour  doctobr  1604,  a  este  celebre  le  mariage  de  timote  bonnaige  et  de  la 
fille  Adrien  lenglar." 

5  "  Ludovicus  des  Bonnets  nander  Drappier  venit  ante  9  menses  vxor 
sororius." — Norwich  Book  of  Strangers.     See  before,  p.  98,  note  9. 

6  The  names  Leinar  Herrichar,  21  Sept.,  1600,  and  Pierre  Haychar, 
11  July,  1609,  appear  among  entries  of  baptism  in  the  Register. 

7  I  do  not  know  whether  this  Jaques  were  related  to  the  famous  Jean 
Polyander  (otherwise  Jean  van  den  Kerckhoven)  whose  father  and  son  were 
both  named  Jean. — Haag;. 


140 

Pierre  de  Laune,  Ministre.8 

Philippe  Delme,  ministre.9  Jacques  le  franc  (?)/  minis- 

Piere  d'Assigny,2  Ministre.  tre. 

Isaac  Clementt,  ministre  13  Jacob  Stockmans,  ministre. 

Fev.  1650. 
[Le  1  Mars,  1688,  Lacaux,  pasteur. 
D.  Baldj,  minist.,  le  4  mai,  1693. 
Pierre  Des  Reaux,  Ministre,  le  14  Septembre,  1712.]  3 

Fo.  18  v°. 
Paul  x  Ballon,  diacre.  Jaque  x  polet,  diacre. 

8  This  Pierre  de  Laune  was  second  son  of  Peter  Delaune,  and  grandson  of 
William  de  Lawne,  who  was  also  a  French  Protestant  minister,  and  brother 
to  Gideon  Delaune,  the  well-known  apothecary  to  Kings  James  I.  and 
Charles  I  According  to  the  funeral  certificate  of  Gideon's  wife,  he  was 
"  descended  from  the  ancient  family  of  the  Delaunes  of  Bellmenill  in 
Normandy."'  Gideon  and  Pierre's  father  had  studied  medicine  at  Paris  and 
Montpellier,  and  practised  in  France.  He  was  admitted  Licentiate  of  the 
Eoyal  College  of  Physicians  of  London  22  Dec,  1582.  He  was  buried  at 
St.  Anne,  Blackfriars,  19  Feb.,  1610-11,  as  «  Dr.  of  Physic."  In  his  will, 
dated  2  Nov.,  1610,  he  called  himself  "  Preacher  of  the  "Word  of  God  and 
Physician."  Our  Pierre  de  Laune  was  created  D.D.  at  Cambridge  by  Royal 
Mandate,  5  Feb.,  1635-6,  and  was  living  as  late  as  19  June,  1654,  when  he 
was  named  in  his  brother  Gideon's  will.  His  sister  married  the  son  of  Jean 
Marie,  see  before,  p.  139,  note  3."  —  Col.  Chester's  Notes. 

9  Philippe  Delme,  ministre,  in  a  clear  bold  hand  in  this  MS.,  unquestionably 
appears  to  contradict  Burn's  list  and  Messrs.  Haag's  statement  that  Adrien 
Delme  was  Pastor  of  Norwich  and  that  Philippe  was  Pastor  of  Canterbury 
An  Adrien  De  Le  me  was  diacre  at  Norwich  before  1590. 

1  This  name  looks  like  franc ;  I  cannot  read  it  "  Fraury  "  in  accordance 
with  Burn's  list. 

2  "  Dr.  De  Lawne  having  been  presented  with  a  benefice  in  the  Church  of 
England,  the  congregation  elected  M.  D'Assigny  in  his  stead ;  this  gave  rise 
to  a  contention  of  long  duration,  which  was  referred  to  the  colloquy,  the 
Doctor  contending  he  could  hold  both  appointments." — Burn,  p.  77.  Messrs. 
Haag  say  that  he  was  Pastor  of  the  Walloon  Church  in  London  from  1599. 
But  this  was  more  likely  his  father,  who  bore  the  same  name.  See  note  8, 
above.     As  to  the  date  of  his  appointment  in  Norwich  see  before,  p.  Ill,  note. 

3  The  names  between  brackets  are  written  in  the  margin,  beginning  at  the 
bottom,  so  that  Des  Reaux,  1712,  is  the  uppermost. 


141 

Jaque  Faruacque,  diacre.  Jan  de  Lescluse,  diacre. 

Pierre  x  Gossait,  diacre.  Jann  Fienne,  diacre. 

Adrien  de  Le  me,  diacre.4 

Ce  xvi  de  Juing,  1590,  ces  articles  ont  este  signez  derechef 
par  les  diacres  et  anciens  de  cest  an  present. 
Jan  de  Honueingneu.5  Jacque  X  Hayge. 

Robert  Godart,  ancien.6 
Jan  le  Febure,  Ancien. 
Maximilien  du  Bien,  ancien.7 

Nouey  X  Leurent,  diacre.8  Ce  14  de  Juing, 

Jacque  Laiznel,  Diacre.  1593,  ceste  discipline 

4  See  note  9,  p.  140.  Rev.  D.  Agnew  informs  me  that  the  names  of  Moyse 
de  le  Met  and  Adrien  de  le  Met  are  mentioned  as  members  of  the  congregation 
in  1595.  In  the  Register  of  the  church  I  note  that  the  name  of  Adrian  deleme 
occurs  as  a  godfather,  30  August,  1601.  Dr.  Jessopp  kindly  sends  a  note  of 
the  will  at  Norwich  of  "  Adrian  deleme,  son  of  Michiel,  deceased,  born  at 
Normayn,  being  54  years  of  age"  at  date  of  making  will,  28  Sept.,  1603. 
He  had  six  children,  Peter,  James,  Annis,  Mary,  Philip,  and  Nathaniel. 
Francois  Desmarets,  Deacon  in  1595,  was  "  sworne  clerk  "  and  witness  to  this 
will.  John  Bodar  and  James  le  Greyn,  who  appear  to  be  the  same  as  our 
Jean  Baudar  and  Jaque  le  Grin  (after  pp.  143,  144)  were  also  witnesses. 
The  latter  married  Adrien' s  daughter  Mary.  Jacques  le  Grin,  both  "  aine  " 
and  "  josne"  (elder  and  younger)  appear  on  the  Register  in  1604. 

6  This  name  appears  in  the  Register  under  several  forms,  as  Honneneau, 
1600,  Doingneau,  1610,  and  Doungntau,  1616. 

6  A  Robert  Goddarte  was  one  of  the  six  Masters  of  the  French  makers  of 
woollen  stuffs  in  Norwich,  admitted  under  letters  patent  of  2  Elizabeth, 
1565. — Blomfield,  vol.  ii. ,  p.  20 1 .  "  Robertus  Godardus  Insulensis  Drappier  des 
Draps  des  Bay es  venit  ante  duos  annoscum  dimidio  cumuxore  filijs  duobus  et 
tribus  filiabus." — Norivich  Book  of  Strangers,  mentioned  before,  p.  98,  note  9. 

7  The  names  of  Christien  Cornille  and  Adrien  de  Leme,  together  with 
Maximilien  Durien  and  Jehan  le  Febure,  appear  in  a  document  of  28  Feb., 
1592,  touching  a  sum  of  money  belonging  to  the  daughter  of  a  Frenchman, 
a  note  of  which  has  been  kindly  made  by  Mr.  W.  Rye.  It  is  contained  in 
some  worn  leaves  of  an  old  book  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  De  "Witt  of  the  late 
Dutch  Church  of  Norwich. 

8  An  entry  of  marriage  in  the  Register  on  24  August,  1600,  shews  the 
name  Nicholas  Leuren. 


142 


Jan  Mortetette,  diacre. 
Jan  le  Leu,  diacre. 
Noe9  x  Lorent. 
Gruillaume  Ployart,  anchin.1 
Bastien  Bornar,  Anchin. 
Jan  AVatelier,  Anchien. 
Nicollas  Doutren  (?),  enchin. 
Hugue  Herbert. 
Michie  Lescaillet. 


a  este  sygnee  par  les 
anciens  et  diacres  qui 
sont  en  charge. 

Du  5  doctobre,  1594, 

Chrystyen  Cornylle,2  ancien. 

Liennart  de  Herissart. 

Franchois  Desprez.3 

Jan  Cornillo,  diacre. 
Pierre  Tibau.4 
Pieron  Selosse. 
Melchior  Dydyer. 


Jacques  Faruacques.5 
Noe  le  Due. 


Fo.  19. 


Ce  4  doctobre,  1595,  ces  presens  articles  ont  este  signez 
par  les  freres  cy  dessoub}  signes. 


9  This  name  is  written  under  the  words  "  sont  en  charge  "  in  the  MS. 

1  Mathieu  Ploiart,  30  August,  1601,  is  found  among  baptismal  entries  in 
the  Register.     The  name  occurs  several  times. 

2  See  note  7  on  p.  141. 

3  Francois  Dupres  and  Baudin  Burgar  signed  the  Petition  of  1608.  The 
name  of  the  latter  as  "  Bowdwyn  Burgar,  weaver,"  occurs  in  the  list  of 
strangers  in  Norwich,  June,  1622,  printed  by  W.  Durrant  Cooper. — Lists 
of  Foreign  Protestants  and  Aliens  in  England  (Camden  Society),  1862,  p.  20. 
The  name  is  found  under  different  forms  in  the  Register.  Under  baptisms, 
24  Oct.,  1608,  Daniel  and  Ester  Bourgarre  appear;  but  the  greatest  disguise 
of  Baldwin  Burgar  was  Boduin  Bourgade,  19  Oct.  1600.     See  note,  p.  111. 

4  Piere  Thibault  occurs  on  the  Register,  26  Feb.,  1597. 

5  On  comparing  this  name  with  those  in  the  Register,  it  is  clearly  Farvacque, 
not  Farnacque  ;  it  occurs  spelt  with  a  v,  as  Marie  Farvarque ;  and  again,  on 
5  Feb.,  1636,  Bauduin  Burgar  and  Jaque  Faruaque  (the  u  with  the  dis- 
tinguishing mark)  were  godfathers  at  a  baptism.  The  copyist  of  the 
Petition  (before,  p.  Ill)  took  the  u  for  an  n,  and  so  added  to  his  misspelling 
of  the  word. 


143 

Thomas  Bonel,  anchien.  FranschoisDesmarets,  diacre.5 

Ce  3  du  Juillet,  1596,6  a  este  lue  la  Guillaume  Desbonnet. 

discipline  ecclesiasticqueetsignee  Baud{n  B  r#7 

par  lea  freres  qui  estans  en  charge  ° 

ne  lont  signee  par  cy  devant.  J  an  W  atrelv3 . 

Ce   12   daoust,   1596,  a  este  lue  la  discipline  ecclesiasticque, 

et  appreuuee  et  signee  par  les  freres  qui  sont  en  charge 
ne  layan  encor  signee. 

Gille  Gambie. 

Jan  Hendeleu.  Jan  Lescaillet,  Diacre. 

Herry  Lechref.(P)  X  Abraham  Castel,  diacre. 

Marq  Le  Feure.  Nicolas  (?)  Lescaillet,  deiacre 

Simon  Duquennois.  Joel  Desormeaux,  diacre.8 

Jean  Baudar.  Nicolas  Du  tourot.9  (?) 

Simon  Des[-]  Jean  Desmares,  Ancien. 

ormeaux.  Philippe  Le  secar. 

Jaques  Lescaillet.  Adrien  Lecaux. 

Daniel  Bonnel.  Abraham  de  le  montaine. 

Jan  Hauet.  Louy  Deshageues. 

Estienne  de  Lo.  Jean  Freumault.1 

Elyse  Desbonnet.2  Denys  Jermylle. 

5  See  before,  note  4,  p.  141. 

6  This  date  was  first  written  1596,  afterwards  the  6  was  written  over  and 
made  into  a  5,  apparently  by  the  same  pen  that  wrote  Jan  Watreluz ;  but 
it  seems  this  afterthought  must  have  been  a  mistake.  The  writer  was 
probably  wishing  to  get  all  the  signatures,  some  of  which  were  behindhand, 
recognized  under  their  due  date,  4  Oct.,  1595. 

7  See  note  3  on  p.  142. 

8  Joel  Desormeaux  lived  in  the  parish  of  St.  Peter's  Hungate,  the  Eegister 
of  which  shows  that  he  had  five  children  baptized  at  the  French  Church 
between  1600  and  1612.  He  was  later  involved  in  the  disputes  of  1621  ;  see 
note  before,  p.  111.  There  seem  to  have  been  two  of  the  name,  for  the 
Marriage  Eegister  records,  under  date  1604,  the  union  of  Joel  Desormeaux 
and  Elizabet  le  Turque. 

9  This  name  is  not  distinct. 

1  Jean  Fremault  signed  the  petition  of  1608.  Jaques  Fremault  appears 
under  1623,  and  Joel  Fremoult  under  1690. 

2  See  this  name  a  few  years  later  as  witness  at  a  baptism,  note  4  before, 
p.  139. 


144 

Jaque  le  Grin.3  Jan  Fromentin. 

Jan  le  Foutre.  Pierre  Hautois. 

Germain  le  roy. 

Fo.  19  v°. 

Ce  4me  de  Juliet,  1615,  ceste  presente  Discipline  a  este 
leue  en  la  presence  des  Anciens  et  Diacres  estans  a  present 
en  charge  et  sousignee  par  les  suivans  qui  ne  Pavoyent 
soubsignee  auparavant. 

La  marque  Nicolas  Descelles. 

de  Jean   I  M   Moulin.  Jean  Castel. 

Jan  Doueneaw.  Jean  le  Febure. 

Ce  29me  de  May,  1621,  La  Discipline  contenue  en  ce  liure 
a  este  leue  de  point  en  point  au  Consistoire,  les  Diacres 
estans  presens,  entre  lesquels  aucuns  qui  ne  lauoyent  signee 
auparavant  y  ont  a  present  souscrit  leurs  noms  en  tes- 
moignage  de  lapprobation  dicelle. 
Ilande  de  Lescluse.  Jean  Marly  ere. 

Salomon  Canbie.4 

Noe  Hudeleu.  Jacque  Stequelin. 

Nathan  Desbonnet,5  diacre 

Jaques  Fremault,  diacre 6 

T        j    T       , ,      -,.  /   ont  signe  ce  22  d'Auril,  1623. 

Jean  de  Latette,  diacres         \  ° 

Isaac  Decele,  diacre 

3  Probably  son-in-law  to  Adrien  de  le  Me,  before,  p.  141. 

4  The  marriage  of  Salomon  Quanbie  and  Ester  Desbonnes  in  1611  is 
recorded  on  the  last  page  of  the  Register  of  the  church.  Solomon  Camby, 
weaver,  of  East  Wymer  Ward,  Norwich,  was  returned  in  1622  as  "borne 
of  parents  strangers." — W.  D.  Cooper's  Lists  of  Foreign  Protestants,  p.  21. 

5  Nathan  Desbonnett,  weaver,  appears  in  the  list  of  those  "borne  of 
parents  strangers  "  in  West  Wymer  Ward,  Norwich,  1622. — W.  D.  Cooper's 
Lists  of  Foreign  Protestants,  p.  19.  We  have  the  name  Desbonnet  also  in 
1589,  1595,  and  1596,  see  before,  pp.  139  (and  note  4),  143. 

6  The  name  of  Jaques  Fremaux  is  found  at  Canterbury  in  1621-22. — 
Cooper's  Lists,  &c,  p.  8. 


145 


Elie  Phlippo 7 
Pierre  Doiun 
Arnault  Stequelin 
Pierre  de  me. 
Jean  Castel 
Jean  de  Ruque 
Jaques  Desmares 
David  Desquire 
Pierre  Castel. 
David  Desormeaux. 


Fait  ce  15  Auril,  1625, 
Diacres.       auquel  ceste  Discipline 

a  este  leue  de  point  en  point. 

Diacres 

le  29  de  May, 

1634. 

La  +  marque  de  Samuel  Delcour. 


Fo.  20. 


Paul  le  roy 

Piere  Cateau 

Jean  le  Martin 

Jan  lempereur8 

Cornille  du  Mullien 

Jean  Dorneau  le  Jeune 

David  le  Dru,  le  13  Feve,  1655. 

Jeaque  Vatteau. 

Sebastian  Taverniers,9  Ancien. 

Daniel  x  Josse. 

Jean  Longe. 

Jean  Castel. 


Ont  signe  le  30eme  de 
Jullett,  1646. 


7  The  name  of  Philippo  appears  three  times  in  this  MS.,  in  1625  and 
1658.  This  Elie  Philippo  married  Marie  Desquires  in  1633  (Espousals  from 
the  Book  of  "  Actes,"  quoted  in  Burn,  p.  78).  Elisha  Philippo,  soap  boiler, 
in  1674,  was  chosen  high  sheriff  of  Norfolk  (Blomfield,  vol.  ii.,  p.  291),  but  if, 
as  Mr.  Smiles  states,  he  was  a  refugee  from  Bordeaux  in  1672,  he  cannot  be 
the  same  with  our  Elisha  Philippo  of  1658. 

8  Jean  Lempreur  married  Jean  Philippo  in  1635. — Register,  quoted  in 
Burn,  p.  78. 

9  See  note  9,  p.  146. 

VOL.  II.]  L 


146 

le  2ne  de  Decemb.  1658,  ont  signe  la  presente  discipleine. 

Elisha  Pliillippo 

David  Loti  ? 

>   Ancien 
Jean  Dame 

Onias  Phlippo  9 


Ce  7te  de  Septeuib.  1660,  ont  signe  la  presente  dicipleine. 
La  marque  de  x  Philippe  Posul. 
Jean  Dancy. 
Philipe  Marleir. 
la  marque  de  x  Jean  Lettre. 
Josias  Carpentie. 
la  marque  de  X  pierre  Fere. 
Jaques  du  Prie. 
la  marq.  de  Pierre  X  Le  Dru. 

Fo.  20  v°. 

Pierre  Baiar. 
Jean  Des  sauvage. 
Jean  Marlier. 
David  Darcy. 
Jean  Hauee. 
Isaac  Castell. 
Jude  Hauet. 
Jaques  le  roy. 
Josses  Carpenter.1 
Piere  Carpentier. 

9  "  Isaize  Hapio  et  Jan  le  Coq  et  sa  femme,  et  Jaque  Pigne  et  sa  femme,  et 
Onias  Phillipo  et  sa  femme,  et  la  femme  de  Sebastien  Tavernier,  ont  reconnu 
leur  faute  de  s'estre  mariee  sans  leur  annonces,  contre  la  discipline." — Burn, 
p.  79,  query  quoted  from  the  book  of  Acics.  "Sebastian  taverniers  et 
Onias  phlippo"  were  witnesses  to  a  baptism  on  9  May,  1686. — Register. 

1  19  Oct.,  1673,  the  child  Piere  of  Joses  Carpentier  was  baptised,  Piere 
Carpentier  being  witness. — Register. 


147 

Ce  3me  de  Julet,  1690,  ont  signe  la  discipleine. 
Jean  du  moullin. 
la  marcq  de  x  Henery  le  Cerfe. 
Jan  Fere. 
Joel  Fremoult. 
John  de  Cleve. 


Ce  28  Juin  ont  signe  la  discipline  [?  1695.]  2 
Francois  la  Colombine.3 
Gaston  Martineau.2 
Augustin  De  Cleve. 
Jaques  Fere. 


2  The  name  of  Gaston  Martineau  first  occurs  in  the  Register  in  November, 
1695,  on  the  baptism  of  his  son.  "In  the  French  church  at  Norwich  is  a 
tablet  in  memory  of  '  Gaston  Martineau  of  Dieppe,  surgeon,  who  left 
France  on  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  1685,  and  settled 
at  Norwich  in  1695 ;  and  of  David  Martineau  his  son,  likewise  a  skilful 
surgeon.  He  married  Elizabeth  Finch,  by  whom  he  left  one  son  and  two 
daughters,  and  died  29th  May,  1729,  aged  thirty-two.  And  also  of  his 
son  David  Martineau,  born  in  1726,  and  who  died  19th  November,  1768, 
aged  forty-two,  also  a  surgeon.  He  married  Sarah  Meadows,  who  died 
in  1800.' " — ~W.  D.  Cooper's  Lists  of  Foreign  Protestants  (Camden  Society), 
1862,  Pref.,  p.  xxvii.  Gaston  Martineau  was  made  "free  Denizen"  of 
England  by  warrant  of  25  March,  1688. — lb.  p.  56.  He  married  in  1693, 
at  the  French  Church  in  Spitalfields,  called  La  Nouvelle  Patente ; — "  Gaston 
Martineau  Mtre.  Chirurgien  son  of  Elie  Martineau  and  Margte.  Barbesson, 
and  Marie  Pierre  d.  of  Wm.  Pierre  and  Marie  Jourdain  de  Diepe  en  haut 
Normandie." — Burn,  p.  173;  Agnew,  Protestant  Exiles  from  France,  Index 
Volume,  p.  211. 

3  A  tombstone  in  the  French.  Church  at  Norwich,  records  the  death  of 
Paul  Columbine,  30  August,  1784,  aged  85,  "  descended  from  an  ancient 
family  in  the  Province  of  Dauphiny  in  France,  from  whence  his  father,  a 
man  of  piety,  probity,  and  learning,  withdrew  at  the  revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes,  and  having  taken  early  a  degree  abroad,  practised  physick  in  this 
city." — Burn,  p.  79,  taken  from  a  certified  copy  at  the  end  of  the  Register. 
The  father  was  probably  this  Francois  la  Columbine.  Paul  was  his 
youngest  son. 

L    2 


148 

Jean  De  La  Haize.4 
James  Lormier. 
Tho.  De  La  Haize.4 

4  A  Norman  family  of  this  name  came  into  England  after  the  Eevocation. — 
Haag,  sub  nom.  La  Haize,  La  France  Frotestante.  The  Rev.  D.  Agnew  says, 
''the  first  of  the  name  on  record  is  in  the  Register  of  the  Artillerie  French 
Church  in  London,  Morse  Delahaize  and  Marie  Alavoine  his  wife,  1715." — 
Protestant  Exiles  from  France,  Index  Volume,  1874,  p.  216.  But  he  himself 
gives  an  "Isaac  De  la  Have"  as  naturalized  in  1693,  lb.  p.  55.  The 
Norwich  MS.  here  supplies  the  "missing  link." 


C(w  Cloxfycr  of  gortoklj  Ca%frrd,  %t> 


BY  THE  LATE  JOHN  L'ESTRANGE.  » 


The  late  Mr.  Harrod,  in  his  Gleanings  amongst  the  Castles 
and  Convents  of  Norfolk,  was  the  first  to  point  out  that  in 
the  Precinct  of  the  Cathedral  Church  of  Norwich  there 
was,  in  1272,  at  the  time  the  convent  was  attacked  by  the 
citizens,  a  detached  bell  tower  or  Clocher.2  The  account 
given  by  Bartholomew  Cotton,  whose  Chronicle  has  been 
published  by  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  distinctly  mentions, 
as  noticed  by  Mr.  Harrod,  two  belfries,  one  near  the  great 
gates  of  the  church,  the  other  over  the  choir.  Some  years 
after  the  publication  of  Mr.  Harrod' s  book  I  was  making 
some  searches  on  behalf  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter  in  their 
"Register"  and  "Ledger  Books,"  and  Mr.  Harrod  then 
suggested  that  it  should  be  ascertained,  if  possible,  from  the 
abuttals  of  the  old  leases  of  property  in  the  Precinct,  exactly 
where  the  clocher  stood,  and  the  date  of  its  demolition.  From 
these  leases  I  ascertained  with  tolerable  certainty  that  the 
clocher   stood   a   little    south    of   the    gate   now   called   the 

1  This  paper  will  be  read  with  melancholy  interest  by  those  who  knew  the 
writer.  It  was  literally  the  last  he  wrote,  and  was  written  by  him  entirely 
from  memory,  he  of  course  having  no  opportunity  of  consulting  authorities. 

2  A  detached  bell  tower  remains  at  Chichester  Cathedral.  Salisbury 
formerly  had  one.  At  the  parish  church  of  East  Dereham  is  an  interesting 
example  of  a  central  lantern  and  a  detached  clocher. 


150 

Erpingham  Gate ;  that  it  neither  abutted  on  that  building 
nor  on  the  Precinct  wall,  but  that  it  stood  across  the  walk 
or  path  now  leading  from  the  so-called  Ethelbert  Gate  to  the 
Erpingham  Gate ;  which  path  has  only  been  levelled 
within  the  last  hundred  years.  Having  taken  some  pains 
to  arrive  at  this  conclusion,  I  was  pleased  some  time  after 
when  examining  Braun's  well-known  Yiew  of  the  City  of 
Norwich,  taken  from  the  west,  to  find  that  the  clocher 
was  shewn  as  then  (1579)  standing,  and  that  on  the  very 
spot  I  had  determined  from  the  evidence  of  the  early 
leases.  It  is  worth  mentioning,  as  showing  how  much 
more  valuable  an  original  is  than  the  most  careful  copy, 
that  Taylor's  very  interesting  Yiew  of  the  City  in  his 
Index  Monasticon,  which  view  is  admittedly  copied  from 
Braun,  does  not  shew  the  clocher. 

If,  as  some  have  supposed,  Bishop  Herbert  did  not  build 
the  central  tower  higher  than  the  lantern,  it  seems  probable 
that  he  may  have  erected  the  clocher.  But  having  no 
evidence,  I  will  not  waste  time  in  conjecture.  Excavations, 
which  could  easily  be  made,  and  without  much  expense, 
may  one  day  disclose  the  foundations  of  the  clocher  to 
speak  for  themselves. 

There  may  be  no  evidence  to  shew  when  the  clocher  was 
erected,  but  the  Sacrists'  Bolls  for  the  first  ten  or  fifteen 
years  of  the  fourteenth  century  contain,  year  after  year, 
accounts  of  considerable  repairs  to  the  clocher,  rendered 
necessary,  no  doubt,  by  the  injuries  it  had  sustained  in 
the  riot  of  1271.  It  may  excite  surprise  that  these 
damages  should  not  be  repaired  for  just  thirty  years,  but 
of  course  the  church  itself  had  the  first  claim  ;  and  amongst 
other  important  works  which  had  been  executed  was  the 
erection  of  a  spire  of  wood  and  lead  on  the  central  tower, 
which  occupied  six  years,  i.e.,  from  1291  to  1297,  as  may 
be  seen  in  the  Sacrists'  Roll  of  the  latter  year.  I  had  at 
various    times    opportunities   of    examining   nearly   all   the 


151 

Sacrists'  Rolls ;  of  several  I  made  transcripts,  and  from 
many  took  copious  extracts,  but  found  little  concerning 
the  clocher.  It  appeared,  however,  that  it  had  five  bells 
in  it,  and  was  surmounted  by  a  vane.  From  Braun's  Yiew 
it  appears  to  have  had  a  small  spire,  probably  of  wood 
covered  with  lead. 

Now,  with  regard  to  the  date  of  its  demolition  or  dilapi- 
dation, I  found  from  the  Ledger  Books  that  in  1562  one 
Mr.  Huggins  had  petitioned  the  Earl  of  Leicester  that 
certain  buildings  in  the  Cathedral  Precinct  should  be  granted 
him.  Amongst  these  were  the  library,  then  standing  empty, 
and  the  clocher.  To  this,  as  may  be  supposed,  the  Dean 
and  Chapter  were  by  no  means  willing  to  consent,  and 
various  good  and  sufficient  reasons  were  brought  forward 
why  these  buildings  should  be  allowed  to  stand.  The 
clocher,  said  the  Dean  and  Chapter,  was  not  only  an  or- 
nament to  the  city  as  well  as  to  the  church,  but  it  was  so 
built  that  to  pull  it  down  would  be  the  sudden  ruin  of 
the  church  by  reason  of  the  south-west  winds,  and  there 
was  no  other  place  to  hang  the  bells  to  call  to  divine 
service. 

I  find  that  in  1572  the  Dean  and  Chapter  having  sold 
certain  bell-metal  and  lead  to  the  value  of  £200,  entered 
into  a  bond  with  the  purchaser  to  deliver  the  same  to  him 
at  the  clocher.  It  seems  probable  that  the  bell-metal 
may  have  been  that  of  the  clocher  bells,3  sold  prior  to  its 
being  dilapidated. 

Some  ten  or  a  dozen  years  later  a  lease  of  certain 
premises  in  the  Precinct  was  enrolled  in  the  Ledger  Book, 
which  lease  was  at  the  time,  on  examination  of  the  seal, 
suspected  to  be  a  forgery,  and  therein  the  clocher  was 
mentioned  as  being  dilapidated  or  ruinous.  This  is  the 
last  notice  I  have  of  the  structure.     I  failed  to  find  mention 

3  This  could  be,  one  would  imagine,  ascertained  from  the  Chapter 
Records,  hut  I  had  no  opportunity  of  pursuing  the  investigation. 


152 

of  it  in  the  Parliament  survey  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter 
property  taken  during  the  Commonwealth.  I  should  add, 
however,  my  examination  of  that  record  was  but  cursory. 
The  earlier  leases,  by  their  parcels  and  abuttals,  throw 
much  light  on  the  topography  of  the  Precinct,  and  a  plan 
of  the  Close,  as  it  was  from  thirty  or  forty  years  after* 
the  Dissolution,  might  be  in  great  measure  constructed 
from  them. 

We  learn  the  situation  of  the  Almonry  (spelt  Ambry), 
the  Almonry  Green,  and  the  Almonry  Oak.  The  Dean  and 
Chapter  were,  until  recently,  lords  of  the  manor  of 
"  Amners  sub  quercum,"  the  court  for  which  used  to  be 
held  at  the  Horseshoes  Inn,  in  Palace  Street,  the  last  of 
the  taverns  which  flourished  in  the  Close.  Originally,  no 
doubt,  this  was  the  Almoner's  manor,  and  the  court  was 
probably  held  under  the  Almonry  Oak.4  A  pathway  led 
from  the  great  gates  by  the  porter's  lodge  across  the 
Almonry  or  Ambry  Green  into  the  cloisters  through  the 
Ostry  Hall.  Norfolk  people  then,  as  now,  dropped  the 
aspirate,  and  Ostry  stands  in  the  same  relationship  to  Hostry 
and  Hostlery  as  Ostler  to  Hostler  and  Hosteler.  This 
Ostry  Hall  was  the  noble  apartment  on  the  east  side  of  the 
cloister,  otherwise  known  as  the  Strangers'  or  Guest  Hall, 
of  which  now  only  the  east  wall  remains,  in  which  are 
some  of  the  circular  double- splayed  windows,  by  Mr.  John 
Gunn  considered  to  be  Saxon. 

The  ruins  of  the  porch  of  this  hall  yet  remain,  and  a 
woodcut  of  them  appeared  in  the  Illustrated  London  News 
in  1847,  when  the  Archaeological  Institute  visited  Norwich. 
It  is  singular  that  Mr.  Harrod  should  have  omitted  this 
porch  from  his  ground-plan  of  the  church  and  conventual 

4  The  house  to  the  south  of  the  Ethelbert  Gate,  lately  occupied  by- 
Mrs.  Wright,  and  now  by  Br.  Copeman,  stands  on  the  site  of  the  Almonry. 
On  the  green  in  front  of  this  house  there  still  grows  an  oak  which,  however, 
is  but  comparatively  a  young  tree. 


153 

buildings,  and  fixed  the  principal  entrance  to  the  convent 
at  the  locutory  or  parlour.  Close  by  the  Ostry  Hall  were 
the  lodgings  of  the  Prior  of  Lynn  and  the  lodgings  of  the 
Prior  of  Yarmouth,  when  those  dignitaries  visited  the 
mother  house.  There  are  mentioned,  without  the  sites 
being  indicated,  the  library,  the  common  hall  of  the  Minor 
Canons,  and  the  dortery  or  dormitory.  We  find  also  that 
the  brew-house,  which  stood  at  the  east  end  of  the  lower 
square,  then  the  Brewery  Green,  was  early  in  Queen 
Elizabeth's  reign  leased  with  all  its  utensils  to  one  of  the 
citizens.  Then  there  was  the  granary  on  the  north  side  of 
the  Brewers'  Green,  up  to  which  it  is  said  under  the  water- 
gate  came  the  canal  shown  in  one  of  Buck's  Yiews  of  the  City, 
fringed  with  willows,  the  last  of  which  has  but  recently 
decayed.  Close  by  this  canal  was  the  Swannery,  and  this 
part  of  the  Precinct  was  shut  off  by  the  "gate  leading  to  the 
ferry,"  which  was  standing  at  the  close  of  the  17th  century, 
when  the  house  erected  on  the  site  of  the  brewery  was 
built.  The  hinge  staple  yet  remains  in  the  south  wall  of 
the  house. 

Most,  if  not  all,  of  these  leases  grant  free  ingate  and 
outgate  by  the  great  gates  of  the  church,  and  also  by  the 
great  gate  leading  to  St.  Giles'  Hospital,  which  gate  had 
a  tower  over  it.  This  stood  perhaps  north  of  the  brew- 
house,  (nearly  even  with  the  gate  leading  to  the  ferry) 
across  the  way  now  leading  to  Bishopgate  Street  through 
the  gardens.  A  high  blank  wall  on  the  north  side  of  this 
way  looks  like  the  side  of  a  gate.  There  would  appear  to 
haATe  been  another  gate  adjoining  the  house,  at  one  time 
occupied  by  Mr.  Ollet,  the  Cathedral  carpenter,  and  now 
by  Mr.  B.  W.  Spaul,  his  successor.  And  this  reminds  me 
that  in  1560,  and  for  long  subsequent,  the  masons'  and 
carpenters'  houses  stood  at  the  north  end  of  the  Ambry 
Green,  now  the  upper  square,  and  not  far  off  the  clocher. 
A  stationer's   shop  was  close  by. 


154 

Not  only  do  these  early  leases,  as  I  have  said,  throw 
light  on  the  topography  of  the  Precinct,  but  we  can  learn 
somewhat  from  them  as  to  what  took  place  shortly  after 
the  Dissolution  to  the  church  itself.  Thus  I  was  able  some 
years  ago  by  their  means  to  identify  the  apsidal  chapel 
attached  to  the  north  transept  as  St.  Ann's  Chapel,5  and 
to  fix  the  situation  of  St.  Andrew's  Chapel  and  the  Sanctuary 
Men's  Chamber.  The  Relic  Chapel,  mentioned  and  demised 
in  a  subsequent  lease  of  evidently  the  same  premises,  was 
either  identical  with  this  last-mentioned  chamber,  or  it 
occupied  the  gallery  in  the  north  aisle,  which  I  have 
conjectured  to  have  been  erected  for  the  "imago  principalis" 
or  image  of  the  Holy  Trinity.  Subsequent  discoveries 
have  shewn  that  this  gallery  was  actually  a  chapel,  and 
most  elaborately  adorned  with  fresco  paintings,  executed 
apparently  shortly  after  the  fire  of  1271.  The  ascent  to 
this  gallery  from  the  aisle  was  by  a  circular  staircase  at 
its  north-west  corner,  and  from  the  presbytery  it  was 
reached  by  steps  on  the  west  side  of  the  easternmost  arch 
of  the  Perpendicular  arcade.  These  steps  account  for  the 
arrangement  of  the  Perpendicular  cases  shewn  in  one  of 
Mr.  Harrod's  woodcuts  (p.  290)  which  he  thought  was  due 
to  the  Easter  Sepulchre  having  been  erected  there.  His 
explanation  that  the  hagioscope,  or  quarterfoiled  opening 
(which  commands  a  view  of  the  altar  in  the  Jesus  Chapel) 
at  the  other  end  of  this  arch,  was  made  in  order  to  watch 
the  sepulchre  light,  always  appeared  to  me  as  unsatisfactory 
as  the  notion  which  had  obtained  that  it  was  to  hear 
confessions  through.  If,  as  Mr.  John  Gunn  remarked  to 
me,  this  gallery  was  the  Relic  Chapel,  its  name  as  preserved 

5  St.  Ann's  -was,  Blomefield  tells  us,  called  sometimes  Berney's  Chapel, 
from  John  de  Berney  and  his  wife  Ann  who  were  huried  there.  His  will  is  in 
Reg.  Reydon.  This  chapel  is  now  the  furnace-house.  In  digging  for  the 
foundations  of  the  chapel  the  skeletons  of  a  male  and  female  had  to  be 
removed  from  their  graves  in  front  of  the  altar. 


155 

by  Blomefield — "the  Confessionary" — wliich  must  not  be 
confounded  with  "Confessional,"  becomes  at  once  intelligible. 
Recessed  in  the  vaulting  of  this  gallery,  just  beneath 
its  floor,  was  found  a  small  recess  or  aumbrye  lined  with 
wainscot,  which  may  have  been  the  repository  of  some 
popular  or  highly  venerated  relic,  or  perhaps  one  of  the 
numerous  pixides  (to  receive  the  voluntary  oblations) 
which  we  know  from  the  Sacrists'  Rolls  were  to  be  found 
in  various  and  numerous  parts  of  the  church  at  the  principal 
objects  of  devotion,  such  as  the  High  Altar  or  Holy  Trinity, 
the  Black  Cross,  the  Tomb  of  Bishop  Walter,  the  Shrine 
of  St.  William,  the  Relics,  the  three  Kings,  Our  Lady  of 
Pity,  and  so  forth.  I  briefly  drew  attention  in  the  Eastern 
Counties  Collectanea  to  the  paintings  in  the  Relic  Chapel 
shortly  after  their  discovery,  but  it  is  much  to  be  desired 
that  this  gallery  and  its  surroundings  should  be  adequately 
described  and  illustrated  by  some  competent  person.  The 
demolition  of  the  Lady  Chapel  of  Bishop  Walter  Suffield 
has  been  generally  attributed  to  Dean  Gardiner :  unjustly 
so  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  as  I  found  a  lease  of  "  Our 
Lady's  Garden"  dated  prior  to  his  decanate,  from  which 
it  appeared  that  the  walls  of  the  building  alone  remained, 
and  those  for  no  very  great  height. 

When  the  position  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  Norwich, 
at  the  date  I  have  referred  to,  as  large  land-owners, 
appropriators  of  the  tithes  and  patrons  of  many  livings, 
is  considered,  it  will  be  understood  that  their  lease-books 
or  ledgers  cannot  fail  to  be  of  interest  to  the  local  antiquary 
and  topographer.  Moreover,  there  are  transcribed  into 
these  Ledger  Books  many  letters  received  from  the  Queen, 
the  Privy  Council,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
other  high  officers  of  State,  with,  in  some  instances,  copies 
of  the    answers   thereto. 

What  little  the  antiquarian  public  in  general  know  of  the 
important  records  preserved  in   the    treasury  of    the  Dean 


156 

and  Chapter  of  Norwich,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Appendix  to 
the  First  Report  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission. 

The  learned  Dr.  Prideaux,  so  long  connected  with  the 
Cathedral  Church  as  Prebendary  and  Dean,  collected  and 
arranged  the  scattered  evidences  of  title  and  other  docu- 
ments, which  we  are  told  were  before  in  a  sadly  disordered 
state ;  and  a  small  quarto  volume  of  his  collections  is 
preserved   at    the  Deanery. 

That  the  present  Dean  takes  a  lively  interest,  not  only 
in  the  preservation  and  restoration  of  the  fabric,  but  also 
in  its  history  and  antiquities,  is  well  witnessed  by  the 
magnificent  volume  on  the  Roof- sculptures,  and  also  by 
the  fact  that  he  has  in  the  press  a  Life  of  the  Founder, 
with  translations  of  his  letters   and   sermons.6 

Is  it  too  much  to  hope,  it  is  certainly  to  be  exceedingly 
desired,  that  under  Dr.  Groulburn's  auspices  the  antiquarian 
public  may  be  more  fully  and  indeed  perfectly  informed 
of  the  nature  of  these  records,  which  should  be  made 
available  for  use  by  the  more  important  of  them  being 
printed  or  at  least  calendared  ?  Many  years  since,  the 
present  Bishop  of  Worcester,  when  Master  of  Catherine 
Hall  and  Canon  of  the  Cathedral,  made  a  calendar  of  the 
Registrum  Primum,  or  at  least  of  the  most  important 
part  thereof,  which  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Dean 
and  Chapter,  and  is  of  so  much  value  and  interest,  that 
whilst  one  is  grateful  to  the  learned  dignitary  for  what 
he  has  done,  and  done  so  well,  one  cannot  but  regret 
that  he  did  not  extend  his  labours  to  some  of  the  other 
registers  or  chartularies,  which,  whilst  they  repeat  much 
that  is  to  be  found  in  the  Registrum  Primiun,  contain 
much  additional  matter  of  the  highest  interest.  It  is 
well  known  that  William  of  Worcester  visited  Norwich, 
and  that  in  his  Itinerary,  which  is  preserved  in  the  Corpus 

6  Since  published. — Ed.  N.A.M. 


157 

Library  at  Cambridge,  he  gives  a  description  as  well  as  a 
history  of  the  building  of  the  "claustrum  famossisimum  " 
of  the  Cathedral.  This  is  translated  from  Nasmith,  in 
Mr.  Harrod's  Gleanings;  but  he  did  not  know  that  there 
there  was  a  more  accurate  copy  in  the  JRegistrum  Primum, 
in  hand-writing,  which,  if  not  William  of  Worcester's 
own,   is  at  least  contemporary  with  his  visit. 

The  Account  Rolls,  mostly  annual,  of  the  various  obedien- 
tiaries, and  even  of  the  minor  officers,  would  furnish  forth 
a  goodly  and  interesting  volume,  containing  not  only  much 
information  as  to  the  church  and  convent,  but  also  as  to 
the  churches,  or  at  least  the  chancels  of  the  various 
churches  appropriated  to  the  several  offices  of  Cellarer, 
Sacrist,  Precentor,  &c.  Neither  their  number  nor  their 
bulk 7  should  raise  doubts  as  to  the  practicability  of 
printing  them.  The  receipts,  with  here  and  there  an 
exception,  remain  the  same  year  after  year,  and  although 
by  no  means  devoid  of  interest,  but  little  space  need  be 
occupied  by  them. 

It  is  of  course  to  the  payments  that  the  greater  interest 
attaches.  Thus  the  Sacrists'  Rolls  furnish  us  with  the 
expenses  of  carrying  on  divine  worship  and  the  ceremonies 
and  rites  connected  therewith  in  a  large  conventual  and 
cathedral  church,  situate  in  a  populous  city.  There  are 
also  many  rolls  in  which  are  to  be  found  items  relative 
to  important  repairs,  additions  or  alterations  to  the  fabric  ; 
indeed,  there  is  scarcely  a  roll  from  which  some  unusual 
or  interesting  item  may  not  be  extracted.  Thus,  in  one 
year  a  new  box  or  case  is  made  for  a  relic,  such  as  the 
milk  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  ;  in  another  year  the  crown 
of  the  image  of  the  Holy  Trinity  is  scoured  and  gilt,  or 
a  pair  of  shoes  bought  for  it,  or  a  new  coat  of  red  buckram 

7  They  commenced  shortly  after  the  great  riot  and  fire  of  1272 ;  but  there 
are  very  lamentable  gaps  in  the  series.  As  regards  their  bulk,  some  are  five 
feet  lonff. 


158 

is  made  for  the  Second  Person  of  the  Holy  Trinity ;  another 
year  we  find  that  some  sacrilegious  thief  having  stolen  a 
collar  from  the  image,  it  had  to  be  redeemed  of  the  sheriffs. 

The  Pittancers'  Polls  of  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth 
century  contain  the  expenses  of  building  the  cloister, 
the  income  of  that  office  having  been  set  apart  by  the 
convent  for  that  purpose. 

The  Precentors'  Polls  contain  the  expenses  of  repairing 
the  organs  and  books. 

The  Gardener s'  Polls  could  not  fail  to  throw  some  light 
on  the  horticulture  of  the  period,  indeed  it  must  be  obvious 
that  in  such  a  collection  of  accounts,  extending  over  a 
period  of  more  than  two  centuries  and  a  half,  (1272 — 1536) 
much  valuable  information  must  necessarily  be  contained. 

■r 

I  have  said  nothing,  because  I  know  but  little  of  the 
regal  and  ecclesiastical  charters  or  of  those  of  private 
persons  preserved  in  the  treasury ;  but  there  must  be 
attached  to  many  of  them  impressions  of  early,  curious, 
and  interesting  seals,  which  would  be  well  worth  illustration.8 

8  How  successfully  the  permanent  photographic  process  employed  by  Messrs. 
Sawyer  and  Bird  may  be  used  for  the  illustration  of  seals,  can  be  seen  in 
the  plate  at  the  end  of  the  "Roof  Sculptures." 


Crime  antr  %ttfozrd  in  Ifcrrfolk 

IN  THE  TIME  OF  HENRY  III.   AND   EDWARD  I. 


BY    WALTER    RYE, 


The  following  pages  are  free  translations  of  so  much  of 
the  Crown  Plea  Rolls  for  Norfolk  of  the  34  Henry  III., 
41  Henry  III.,  52-53  Henry  III.,  and  14  Edward  L,  as 
relate  to  the  Hundred  of  North  Erpingham.  Though 
originally  made  only  for  my  own  use,  when  compiling 
materials  for  a  forthcoming  history  of  that  hundred,  they 
seem  to  me  of  sufficient  interest  to  the  general  public  to 
warrant  my  printing  them  l  if  only  to  serve  as  a  very  small 
sample  of  the  wealth  of  material  which  exists  for  a  history 
of  the  whole  county.  To  any  one  studying  the  growth  of 
surnames  and  the  antiquity  of  low-born  families  whose 
names  do  not  occur  in  the  rolls  and  records  referring  to 
landowners  only,  which  are  usually  consulted  by  antiquaries, 
the  Crown  Pleas  are  of  the  highest  importance.  Those  who 
care  for  criminal  statistics  will  find  some  material  to  their 
hands,  though  the  gaps  which  one  can  hardly  doubt  exist  in 
the  series  of  rolls  must  spoil  their  value  to  a  great  extent. 

Sixty-one  violent  deaths  are  recorded,  of  which  twenty- 
eight  were  accidents,  eight  (half  men  and  half  women)  suicides, 

1  I  am  not  aware  that  any  specimens  have  been  hitherto  published  except 
an  analysis  of  a  Crown  Plea  and  Gaol  Delivery  Roll  for  Norwich  and  Lynn, 
5  Edward  III.,  which  I  printed  at  pp.  148 — 153  of  vol.  iii.  of  the  East 
Anglian. 


160 

four  manslaughters,  one  chance  medley,  and  twenty  murders. 
The  murders  show  a  wild  state  of  life.  A  man  is  enter- 
tained in  a  woman's  house  and  slays  her  in  the  night.  A 
man  and  a  woman  lodge  in  a  man's  house  and  kill  him  in 
the  night.  Two  men  kill  another  in  the  night.  A  man 
and  a  woman  kill  the  latter's  husband  and  hide  his  body  in 
a  marl  pit.  Two  men  and  a  woman  kill  two  women  in  the 
night.  Two  men  are  found  killed  in  the  night,  and  so  on ; 
while  unknown  men  are  found  slain  respectively  in  the  fields 
at  Hanworth,  on  the  king's  highway,  near  the  briars  at  East 
Beckham,  and  with  neck  twisted  in  Aylmerton  field.  Much 
of  the  county,  by  the  way,  seems  to  have  been  overgrown 
with  briar,  for  the  Beckham  briars  are  twice  mentioned,  and 
the  name  of  William  "  de  la  Bruere  "  of  Gunton  occurs. 

There  is  not  as  much  about  the  inner  life  of  the  people  as 
might  have  been  expected,  though  curious  entries  occur  now 
and  then :  such  as  when  we  read  that  John,  the  priest  of 
Gimmingham,  had  a  child  born  to  him  in  the  rectory  by  his 
concubine  Constance,  and  that  the  bailiff  broke  in,  and 
removing  her,  bed  and  all,  to  the  hall,  locked  her  up  till  the 
priest  paid  40s.  to  get  her  back  again.  Bartholomew, 
Chaplain  of  Betele,  too,  is  tried  for  assaulting  Richard  at 
the  church  of  Sustead ;  but  these  are  the  only  disreputable 
clerks  we  find. 

Much  more  noticeable  are  the  many  entries  relating  to 
extortion  and  bribery,  and  to  oppression.  The  jury  present 
in  14  Edward  I.,  that  William  de  Bedeham,  late  sheriff, 
William  Giffard,  formerly  sheriff,  and  William  de  Rothjmg, 
then  sheriff,  extorted  various  sums  from  different  persons. 

When  sheriffs  were  guilty,  it  is  unreasonable  to  suppose 
bailiffs,  sub-bailiffs,  and  warreners  would  remain  innocent; 
and  details  of  their  different  extortions  will  be  found  in  the 
text.  Interesting  early  examples  of  bribes  given  to  be 
excused  serving  on  juries  will  be  found  at  pp.  192 — 193. 

The   worst    offender,    however,    decidedlv    was    John   de 


161 

Melwode,  Earl  Warren's  bailiff  of  Gimmingham — a  lordship 
which  stretched  over  seven  other  parishes.  He  seems  to  have 
acted  in  an  extremely  high-handed  manner,  punishing  a  well- 
to-do  squire 2  for  obeying  the  king's  summons  in  his  liberty, 
and  even  oppressing  a  brother  bailiff,  and  when  convicted,  to 
have  made  his  peace  by  paying  the  king  a  fine  of  £100  and 
promising  restitution  to  those  he  had  wronged.  His  pledges 
or  sureties  for  the  fine  were  some  of  the  best  men  in  the 
hundred,  including,  curiously  enough,  one  of  the  De  Repps 
family.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  by  the  way,  that  we  find 
alongside  the  entries  of  oppression,  memoranda  that  the 
bailiffs  collected  money  due  to  the  king,  and  failed  to  account 
for  it  (p.  186). 

Others  also  of  Earl  Warren's  retainers  appear  in  the 
character  of  oppressors :  for  William  de  Goldingham,  formerly 
his  seneschal,  and  Hugh  de  Welingham  his  servant,  have  to 
answer  for  false  imprisonment,  and  John  Gryffin  his  bailiff 
for  illegal  pounding.  The  retainers  of  John  de  Merley  of 
Sherringham  also  seem  to  have  been  an  unruly  lot,  for  two  of 
them  are  accused  of  two  different  acts  of  violence.  Nor  could 
the  followers  of  John  or  Jolanus3  de  Vallibus  of  Holt  have  been 
much  better,  for  one  of  them  murders  a  man,  and  another 
commits  burglary.  Servants  of  Robert  de  London  and  Henry 
de  Brom  were  also  found  guilty  of  murder  and  theft ;  while  of 
mercenaries  we  get  one  glimpse  when  we  read  of  Roger  de 
Walej^s,  "a  certain  foreign  malefactor,"  who  killed  a  Beeston 
man  and  went  to  sanctuary. 

As  in  many  other  county  records,  there  are  so  many  mis- 
spellings of  names  and  places,  that  one  is  irresistibly 
drawn  to  the  conclusion  that  the  scribe  must  have  been 
no  local  man,  but  attached  to  the  justices  wherever  they 
went,    and,   of    course,    unacquainted   with    the    names    of 

2  Edmund  de  Kepps. 

3  The  scribe,  and  not  I,  must  be  answerable  for  this  doubtful  reading  :  the 
name  occurs  twice,  and  each  time  differently. 

VOL.    II.]  M 


162 

the  Norfolk  villages  and  people.  Such  errors  as  Hereworth 
and  Hanke  worth  for  Han  worth,  Gillingham  for  Gimmingham, 
Thurverton  for  Thurgarton,  Colebrug  for  Coleby,  Aylwarton 
for  Aylmerton,  Fremelingham  for  Felmingham,  and  Walsing- 
ham  for  "Walesham  could  only  be  the  results  of  the  mis-reading 
of  hasty  notes,  as  they  would  not  have  occurred  to  any 
local  writer,  who  would  have  had  the  names  of  the  places 
at  his  fingers'  ends.  The  duplicates  of  the  rolls,  of  which 
there  are  several,  differ,  too,  very  strangely,  e.g.,  Binham 
is  called,  in  a  duplicate,  Sparham,  and,  in  a  triplicate, 
Braham  (p.  168).  The  persistent  way  in  which,  not  only  in 
these  rolls  but  in  other  early  records,  "field"  is  spelt  "feud" 
is  worthy  of  notice,  as  it  is  just  possible  that  the  former 
is  only  a  popular  version  of  the  latter,  created,  as  is  so  often 
the  way  with  rustics,  through  a  desire  to  make  some  sort 
of  sense  out  of  every  name  they  hear. 

Occasionally  we  get  a  hint  or  two  as  to  the  derivation 
of  the  place's  name  by  the  old  spelling,  e.g.,  Aylmerton  is 
here  spelt  Athelmerton.4  A  more  interesting  "find,"  how- 
ever, was  the  discovery  of  a  reference  to  a  village  called 
Markesthorp,  the  existence  of  which  has  never  yet  been 
suspected,  and  which  one  may  presume  was  one  of  those 
which,  like  Shipden,  was  washed  away  by  the  sea. 

Thorp  Belet,  too,  is  a  new  name  for  Thorpe  Market, 
nor  can  I  trace  how  it  obtained  that  name,  nor  any 
connection  with  the  Belet  family.  Edesore  also  is  another 
locality  not  hitherto  known,  as  is  Keteshall  in  Gunton. 

Curious  nicknames  such  as  Goosefoot,  Razorside,  Old- 
herring  appropriately  joined  with  Thirst,  Cockshitineye, 
and  Childfather  are  common,  and  we  also  find  people  of 
as  well  known  surnames  as  Caundos  and  Pole  (pp.  172  and 
166)  (a  curious  conjunction)  moving  in  a  lower  state  of  life 

4  Munford  in  his  Local  Names,  p.  51,  derives  it  from  Aylmer-[iEgelni8ere] 
ton  ;  but,  besides  the  instance  quoted  in  the  text,  I  find  it  Adelmerton  in 
Feet  of  Fines,  Norf.,  Rich.  I.,  No.  171. 


163 

than  that  in  which  their  namesakes  are  usually  found. 
Ralph  Turb,  whose  wife  committed  suicide  in  1268  (p.  176) 
may  have  been  a  connection  of  William  Turb,  the  third 
Bishop  of  Norwich,  elected  to  that  see  in  1146,  who  is 
said  to  have  been  a  Norman  by  birth,  and  brought  over 
by  Bishop  Herbert  de  Lozinga  ;  while  Roger  le  Waleys, 
the  foreign  malefactor  of  52  and  53  Henr}^  III.,  may  have 
been  of  kin  to  the  great  William  Wallace. 

To  my  mind  the  constant  occurrence  six  hundred  years  ago 
in  small  villages  of  names  still  common  among  the  cottagers 
in  the  same  or  adjacent  places,  is  most  interesting,  as 
showing  the  tenacity  with  which  peasant  families  cling 
to  one  locality.  A  few  instances  will  suffice,  e.g.,  Pye, 
Pigg  (Pyge),  Moody  (Modi),  Le  Neve,  Cole,  Loose  (de 
Lose),  Ellis  (Elys),  Breeze  (Brese),  Callow  (le  Kalewe), 
Partridge  (Partrych),  and  Love.  Many  of  these  still  occur 
in  the  actual  village  in  which  their  namesake,  and  no 
doubt  ancestor,  lived  six  centuries  ago,  e.g.,  at  North 
Pepps  Nicholas  le  Kalewe  of  that  place  took  sanctuary 
in  14  Edward  I.,  and  while  copying  the  inscriptions 
in  the  churchyard  there  the  other  day,  I  found  several 
tombstones  to  the  family  of  Callow,  both  of  the  present 
and  past  generations. 


Croton  Pea  2&oil,  ^orfolft,  34  $?eurg  Ut 

PUBLIC  RECORD  OFFICE,  M.  4  1 

1 
Mem.  16  d,  North  Erpingham  Hundred. 

Roger  Ay  line 5  was  found  smothered  in  a  marl  pit.     He 

was  buried  without   sight    of   the   coroner.     The   adjoining 

villages  are  therefore  fined.6 

5  Tyline  in  No.  3,  and  Ailine  in  No.  5.     Probably  our  present  Allen. 

6  The  finings  of  adjoining  villages  for  burying  without  calling  in  the 
coroner,  and  for  not  attending  the  inquest  when  he  was  called,  are  so  very 
frequent  that  I  do  not  propose  to  notice  them. 

2    M 


164 

William,  son  of  Walter  de  Bromholm,  a  boy  aged  one 
year  and  a  half,  was  found  drowned  in  a  ditch  in  Beston. 
His  mother  Inghereta  did  not  come  to  the  inquest,  therefore 
she  is  fined.  She  is  attached  by  William  le  Franceys  and 
William  Brun  of  Beston.  Robert  Ode,  Nicholas  Golding, 
William  Brabazun  (Brabecun  ~No.  5),  and  William  le 
Messer,  four  of  the  neighbours  (the  four  nearest  neighbours 
is  probably  meant  here)  did  not  come,  for  which  they  were 
attached  by  Adam  de  la  Bruere,  John  Golding,  Roger  the 
son  of  Cole,  and  Roger  Golding.  Athelmerton  (Aylmerton) 
and  other  villages  were  fined  for  buying  the  boy  without 
sight  of  the  coroner. 

Elviva  de7  Gimingham  was  found  drowned  in  a  pit. 
Buried  without  sight  of  coroner.     Adjoining  villages  fined. 

Matilda,  daughter  of  William  Scati  (Stalii  in  No.  5), 
was  found  drowned  in  Suthfeld.  Buried  without,  &c. 
Adjoining  villages,  &c. 

Giles  Balle  found  dead  in  Basingham.     Buried,  &c. 

Matilda,  daughter  of  Roger  la  Weyte,  found  drowned 
in  Suthsted ;  and  William  Bond  falsely  presented  that  she 
was  an  English  woman,8  for  which  he  is  fined.  Afterwards 
he  makes  (or  agrees)  a  fine  of  half-a-mark  (secured)  by 
the  pledges  of  Richard  Brithrik  (Britrich,  No.  5),  and 
Richard  Wymer. 

Hugh,  son  of  Robert  de  Hilington  appeals  (i.e.,  charges) 
Roger  son  of  Constance  that  he  being  in  the  house  of 
John  de  Merlay  in  Shyringham,  at  nine  o'clock  on  the 
Monday  after  the  feast  of  St.  Margaret,  in  the  3^ear  33 
(Henry  III.),  the  said  Roger  came  and  struck  him  on  the 

7  Here,  and  no  doubt  in  most  cases  in  the  series,  the  '  de '  simply  means 
of,  in  the  sense  of  Elviva  a  woman  residing  at  Gimmingham,  and  not  that 
she  had  a  surname  "  de  Gimmingham." 

8  This  was  to  avoid  the  fine  on  the  hundred  for  the  murder  of  a  Dane. 
"It  was  necessary,  on  each  inquest,  to  prove  that  the  murdered  person 
was  English,  that  the  town  might  he  exempted  from  the  amercement, 
which  proof  was  called  Engleary." — Tomlin. 


165 

head  with  a  hatchet,  viz.,  towards  the  left  side,  and  made 
there  a  wound  three  thumb  breadths  long  and  two  wide. 
This  he  offers  to  prove  by  his  body.  Roger  denies  the 
accusation,  which  he  will  defend  by  his  body.  Therefore 
let  there  be  a  duel  between  them.  Roger's  sureties  are 
Richard  Lambert  (Lambe  in  Nos.  2  and  3)  of  Shyringham, 
Richard  Estrild  (Estruld),  Roger  le  Neve,  William 
Holdghate  (Holdegate),  and  Richard  Hendrik.  Hugh's 
sureties  are  William  de  Felmingham,9  Hugh,  son  of  Robert, 
William  Hacun  (Hakun),  and  Albinius  de  Stanford.  A  day 
is  given  them,  viz.,  the  last  of  St.  Luke  the  Evangelist, 
they  are  to  come  armed.  On  the  day  Roger  comes,  but 
not  Hugh ;  therefore  let  him  be  taken  into  custody,  and 
his  sureties  fined.  And  the  jury  say  they  are  agreed 
(of  his  guilt) ;  therefore  let  Roger  be  committed  to  gaol,  &c. 
Afterwards  Roger  comes  and  makes  a  fine  of  half-a-mark 
(secured)  by  the  pledge  (or  surety)  of  William  de  Felming- 
ham (Fremelingham  in  No.  5.) 

John,  son  of  Isabel,  appeals  William,  servant  of  John 
de  Merlay,  (Morlee  in  one  roll),  of  wounding  and  maiming 
him,  and  breach  of  the  peace,  &c.  And  the  deforciant 
appeals  (?  makes  a  counter  charge  against)  Richard  Gupyll, 
Richard  le  Moyne,  and  John  le  Moyne.  John  le  Moyne 
comes,  but  the  others  do  not.  William  is  attached  by 
Thomas  Crask  and  Robert  Digun ;  Richard  by  Robert 
Lesly  and  Adam  Aye ;  and  Richard  le  Moyne  by  Nicholas 
de  Pallinge  and  Nicholas  le  Croysser  of  Beston. 

Richard  ad  Ecclesiam  (de  Suthstede  in  Nos.  1  and  5), 
appeals  Bartholomew,  Chaplain  of  Betele,  for  wounding 
him,  and  breaking  the  king's  peace,  &c.  He  also  appeals 
William  Bond,  Richard  Fitting  of  Tutington,  William 
Gosefot,1  and  others.  Bartholomew  claims  benefit  of  clergy, 
and  is  handed  over  to  the  official. 

9  Omitted  in  Nos.  2  and  3.  x  Goosefoot. 


166 

Geoffrey  Grusing  (Grosing,  No.  3)  appeals  Roger  Molit 
(Mokt  in  No.  2,  Mok  in  No.  3,  and  Mokh  in  No.  5)  of 
Boyton,  for  breaking  his  shoulder  and  the  king's  peace,2 
&c.  Geoffrey  does  not  appear.  Therefore  let  him  be  taken 
and  his  sureties  distrained,  viz.,  Hugh,  son  of  Robert  de 
Basingham,  and  Roger,  son  of  Ralph  de  Thurgerton. 
Roger  comes,  and  the  jury  say  they  are  agreed  (of  his 
guilt)  ;  therefore  let  him  be  sent  to  gaol,  &c.  Afterwards 
Roger  de  Boyton  comes  and  makes  a  fine  of  half-a-mark 
with  Adam  de  Birlingham. 

William,  son  of  Nicholas  of  Thorp  Belet,  appeals  Richard 
son  of  Ralph  Lebrand  for  wounding  him  and  breach  of  the 
king's  peace.  William  does  not  appear,  so  his  pledges  to 
prosecute,  viz.,  William  de  Freburs  and  Goscelin  de  Lose 
in  Thorp  are  fined.  Richard  comes,  and  the  jury  say 
they  are  agreed  (of  his  guilt)  ;  therefore  let  Richard  be 
sent  to  gaol. 

The  goods  of  Ralph  de  Riburg,  who  was  hung,  are 
worth  7s. 

Mem.  17. 

Robert,  the  son  of  Richard  de  Metton  (Meuton)  is 
accused    of  burning  the    house    of  Simon   his   brother. 

And  John  the  son  of  Joseph  of  Plumstead  and  Nicholas 
his  brother,  Nicholas  de  Braham  and  Alice  his  wife, 
Thomas,  son  of  Ralph  de  Braham,  Nicholas  de  Braham, 
Adam  Toward,  Thomas  Donewold,  Alice  Coleman  and 
Nicholas  Pole    are   accused   of  theft. 

Robert  de  Metton  claims  benefit  of  clergy.  The  jurors 
find  John,  son  of  Joseph,  and  his  brother  Nicholas  guilty 
of  many  robberies,  but  the  others  not  guilty.  John's 
goods   are  worth    6.9.    Id.,    and   his   land    6d. 

Of  those   indicted,   the  jury    say    that    Henry    Cole    of 

2  A  beautifully  parenthetical  sentence. 


167 

Suthstede,  (Agnes,  the  wife  of  Thomas  Dunewald3)  Nicholas 
Coter,  Walter  Reysside4  (Reyside),  Ralph  de  Molendino 
of  Belhus,  Hugh  le  Brun,  Clement  son  of  Robert  de 
Thurgarton,  William  Hickel,  Eborard,  son  of  Geoffrey 
Sutur,  Margeria  Runting,  and  Ralph,  son  of  Robert 
Pole,  have  withdrawn  themselves,  and  are  suspected. 
Henry  Cole's  goods  are  worth  20d.,  and  he  was  in  the 
tithing  of  Thomas  Doneward  of  Suthsted ;  Ralph  de 
Molendino  has  no  goods,  and  was  in  the  tithing  of  Alan 
Suuig  of  Haueneworth  ;  Hugh  Brown  has  no  goods,  and 
was  in  the  tithing  of  Thomas  de  Whyteby  in  Thurgarton ; 
Clement,  son  of  Robert,  has  no  goods,  and  was  in  the 
tithing  of  Elfer  Nepe5  of  Thurgarton ;  William  Hickel's 
goods  are  worth  18d.,  and  he  was  in  the  tithing  of  John 
Copping  of  Aldeburg ;  Eborard  has  no  goods,  and  was  in 
the  tithing  of  Geoffrey  Mayn  in  Edghinethorp  (Edingthorpe) ; 
Ralph  Pole's  goods  are  worth  3^.,  and  he  was  in  the 
tithing  of  Robert  Nekes  of  Tuneberningham,  and  was 
harboured  (receptatus)  in  the  town  of  Thorp  Belet,6  for 
which  such  town  is  fined;  and  Walter  Reysereside4  has 
no  goods,  and  was  harboured  in  the  town  of  N.  Repps, 
outside  (his  ?)  tithing,7  for  which  such  town  is  fined. 

Presentment    (by  the  hundred  ?) 

That  William,  son  of  Isaac  de  Felmingham,  holds  lands 
worth  40s.  a  year  in  Bekham  of  the  king,  but  they  do  not 
know  by  what  warrant ;  therefore  let  it  be  inquired  into. 

Of  defaults,  they  say  that  Richard  de  Gre}r,  Philip 
Basset  (Bissit  in  No.  3),  Gilbert  de  Toft,  Nicholas  le 
Fleming,    and   Ralph    de    Binham     (Sparham    in    No.    2, 

3  Bunewald  in  another  roll. 

4  Qy.  Eazor  side. 

5  Qy.  Nepote  or  Le  Neve. 

6  I  presume  this  is  Thorp  Market,  but  cannot  find  that  place  was  ever  so 
called.     The  Belets  were  of  Geyton  and  elsewhere.' 

7  Every  man  was  hound  to  belong  to  some  tithing. 


168 

Braham  in  Nos.  3  and  5)  did  not  attend  before  the  justices; 
therefore  they  are  fined. 

That  Simon  (so  in  Nos.  1  and  5,  Nicholas  in  Nos.  2  and  3) 
Pudding,  of  Walesham,  (Walsingham  in  Nos.  2  and  3) 
changes  money  without  warrant ;  therefore  he  is  fined. 

"De  Valettis,"  (young  gentlemen  of  quality).  They 
say  that  Richard  de  Playz  holds  a  knight's  fee,  and  is  of 
full  age,  but  is  not  yet  a  knight ;  therefore  he  is  fined. 

They  present  that  the  hundred  is  worth  £8  yearly. 

Of  wreck  of  the  sea,  they  say  that  a  certain  barrel 
worth  4r/.  came  ashore  at  Shipedon  (Sypeden  No.  5), 
for  which  the  sheriff  will  answer  (i.e.,  account).  And 
that  William  Tirel  (the  bailiff)  took  such  barrel  without 
warrant ;  therefore  he  is  fined. 

To  the  duplicate  roll  numbered  3  is  added  the  Schedule 
of  Fines  annexed. 

To  that  numbered  5  is  prefixed  the  names  of  the  coroners 
since  the  last  Iter,  and  the  names  of  the  bailiffs  and  jurors 
for  each  hundred. 

The  bailiff  for  N.  Erpingham  was  "William  Tyrel ;  and 
the  jurors  Roger  de  Berningham,  Hugh  de  Antingham, 
Richard  de  Reymis,  William  de  Hereworth,  (Hanworth  ?) 
Roger  Bacun,  John  de  Curcun,  Hervey  de  Shypedon,  John 
Red,  Robert  Curcun,  Roger  de  Antingham,  Clement  de 
Westwood,  and  Eustace  de  Turgarton. 

M  \ 
Schedule  to  Boll.       4     3  showing  the  fines  received. 

l) 

Hundr9  de  Northerpingham 

D.  Eodem  hundr9  p  murdr9  except  lib  .  .  ijm. 

villata  de  Plumstede  q  sep  mortuu  sn  visu  cor8  .  jm. 

yillata  de  Tuneberningham  p  eode    .  .  .  jm. 


8  Burying  some  one  who  met  a  violent  death  without  sight  of  the  coroner, 
i.e.,  without  holding  an  inquest. 


169 


D.  villata  de  Aldeburgh  p  eodem 

villata  de  Bacunestorp  p  eode 

Willo  le  Fanceis,  Willo  Brun  de  Beston  c^  no 
buer  ingerodi  q>  pi 

Rob  Ode  Nicfto  Goldyng  %  no  ven 

Willo  Brabacun  T.  Willo  le  Messer  p  eode 

Villata  de  Ruton  q^  sep  T;c 

Villata  de  Atbelmton  p  eode 

Villata  de  Estbecham  p  eode 

Villata  de  Gimingham  p  eode 

Villata  de  Trimingbam  p  eode 

Villata  de  Truncb  p  eod  . 

Villata  de  Sudreppes  p  eod 

Villata  de  Sudfeld  p  eode 

Villata  de  Guneton  p  eod 

Villata  de  Antingbam  p  eode 

Villata  de  Bausingbaam  p  eode 

Villata  de  Matelaske  p  eode 

Villata  de  G9sbam  p  eode 

Willo  Bonde  de  fm  p  transgr 

Villa  de  Sudsted  q^  sep  T:c 

Villa  de  Turgerton  p  eod 

Rogo  fil*  Custanc  defm  p  tansgr' 

Hug  fir  Robi  de  Basingbam  T;  Rog  o  nT  Radi  q> 
no  buerut  Galfr9  Grusing  c^  pi 

Rog9o  de  Bocton  (?)  de  fm  p  tansgr9 

WiHo  Freburs  T:  Goscelino  de  Lose  in  Torpe  c^ 
ri  buer  a^  pit 

R.  vie  de  cat  fil  Josep  fug 
D.  eod  vie  de  Anil  T;  vast9  t9re  eJ9<l. 
D.  eod  vie  de  cat  Rad  de  Riburg  spi9 
D.  eod  vie  de  cat  Henr    Cole  fug 
D.  deca  Tbom  Dunewald  in  Sutbsted  p  fug  eJ9d     . 
De  deca  Alan  Mannig  in  Hanewrtb  p    fug  Rad 

Molenct  


XXs. 

di  m. 
di  m. 
di  m. 
xls. 
I  in. 
I  in. 
xx  sol. 

j  m- 

ij  m. 
xl  sol. 

j  m. 

ij  m. 
xls. 
Im. 
Im. 
ij  m. 
di  m. 
ij  m. 
di  m. 
di  m. 

di  in. 
di  m. 

di  m. 

vjs-  jd- 
vijd. 

vijs. 
xxd. 
di  mr  . 

di  mr  , 


170 


[Dorse.] 

D.  deca  Thorn  de  Wyteby  in  Thurgerton  p   fug 

Hug  Brun         ....... 

D.  deca  Elfredi  Xepe  de  ThurgJton  p  fug  Clem  f 

Rob1 

D.  R.  vie  de  cat  Wifii  Hikel  p  fug 

D.  deca  Joh  Copping  de  Aldeburg  p  fug  ei9d 

D.  deca  Galfr9  Mayn  in  Edinestorp  p  fug  Eborard 

Titun 

D.  R.  vie  de  cat  Rad  Pole  fug 

D.  deca  Rob'  Xekes  de  Tunebingha  p  fug  eigft 

D.  R.  vie  de  cat  Nicfti  Cuter  fug 

D.  yillata  de  Xorthreppes  p  recep  Walti  Reiseside 

exa  decna  ...... 

D.  Nicho  le  Fleming  de  Schvpeden  deffos  (?) 

D.  Sim  Pudding  de  Walsham  p  tansgrJ 

D.  Rico  de  Playz  q.,  no  dum  miles 

D.  Robs  de    Curcbun  T:  soc  suis  jur  excls    Cleint 

de  Westwd  T;  Rog  Bacon 
D.  Simon  de  Mouton  p  dess  .... 


di  mr. 

di  mr. 
di  mr. 
di  mr. 

di  mr. 
iijd. 
di  mr. 
xxd. 

y  mr. 
di  mr. 
di  mr. 
xl  sol. 

di  rh. 

v  mr. 


Crofon  pea  ftoll,  Norfolk,  41  P?ntrg  im. 

PUBLIC    RECORD    OFFICE    M  4  2 

2 

Mem.  26. 

A  stranger  was  found  slain  in  tbe  fields  of  Hankeworth,9 
&c.     It  is  not  known  who  slew  him. 

"William,  son  of  Claricia,  having  the  falling  sickness,1 
tumbled  into  the  water  at  Suthfeud. 


9  Probably  the  strange  scribe's  error  for  Han/<eworth. 
1  Epilepsy. 


171 

The  villages  of  Suthfeud,  Antingham,  and  Markesthorp 2 
not  coming  to  the  inquest  are  fined. 

Henry  Kaya  was  smothered  in  a  certain  marl  pit  in  a 
field  at  Northrepps. 

Alice,  daughter  of  Adam,  fell  into  a  certain  well  in 
Gimingham,  &c,  and  Peter  Leivine  (or  possibly  Lewine) 
one  of  the  neighbours,  did  not  come,  &c,  and  was  attached 
by  Geoffrey  Boye,  Richard  Suby,  Richard  Pawel,  and 
Wymer  Wipping. 

Letitia,  wife  of  John  le  Paumer,  was  run  over  by  a  cart 
in  the  village  of  Rugheton,  &c. 

Matthew,  son  of  Roger  de  Norton,  a  boy  one  year  old, 
was  crushed  by  the  fall  of  a  certain  wall  in  the  house  of 
Matilda  Modi,  in  Sypedon. 

Martina,  who  was  the  wife  of  John  Estafi,  appealed  before 
the  county  John,  son  of  Roger  de  Uphall,  concerning  the 
death  of  her  son  Hermann.  It  was  found  that  John,  after 
being  outlawed,  was  taken  at  Wolterton,  and  there  being 
caught  while  flying  was  beheaded.3  The  same  appealed 
Thomas  de  Cursun  of  Audeburg  for  cruelty,  and  for  the 
burning  of  her  house,  and  said  that  on  the  Thursday  next 
before  the  Feast  of  St.  Luke  the  Evangelist,  in  the  thirty- 
eighth  year,  the  aforesaid  Thomas  came  wickedly  and  feloni- 
ously, and  against  the  peace,  &c,  and  with  premeditated 
assault,  &c,  and  set  fire  to  her  house  aforesaid  in  Audeburg, 
&c.  Verdict,  not  guilty.  Martina  to  gaol  for  false  appeal. 
Afterwards  Thomas  makes  a  fine  for  himself,  and  his  pledge 
of  one  mark  by  the  pledge  of  Robert  de  Cursun. 

William,  son  of  Walter  de  Bayfeud,  was  struck  by  the 
sail  of  a  certain  windmill  ....  (blank  in  roll.) 

2  This  is  the  only  instance  I  have  seen  of  the  name  of  this  village,  which 
was  probably  one  of  those  on  the  coast  washed  away  by  the  incursion  of 
the  sea. 

3  "Et  ibidem  fugiendo  decollatus."  At  m.  30  is  an  account  of  how  John 
de  Vacher,  an  outlaw,  was  beheaded  by  the  bailiff  of  the  Prior  of  Wyndham. 


172 

Alice,  who  was  the  wife  of  Nicholas  Hay,  appealed  before 
the  county  William  Hotte  of  Dunton  and  Thomas  his  son 
concerning  the  death  of  the  aforesaid  Nicholas.  Thomas 
has  no  goods,  and  was  in  the  tithing  of  Thomas  Arnand  of 
Rungeton. 

Margaret,  wife  of  Joseph  Thurkild,  hung  herself  in  a 
certain  halter  in  the  house  of  the  same  Joseph  in  the  village 
of  Plumsted. 

Peter  de  Hakeford  appealed  Roger,  son  of  Roger  de 
Wykmere,  for  assault  whilst  he  was  at  Matlaske,  on  the  land 
of  Walter  de  Mauteby,  on  the  Sunday  before  St.  John 
Baptist,  about  mid-da}^,  in  the  thirty- seventh  year  of  the 
reign. 

Gilbert,  son  of  William  de  Shypedene,  was  found  drowned 
in  a  ditch  at  Thorp  Market.  Adam,  son  of  Hervey,  and 
William,  son  of  Richard  Attewo,  two  neighbours,  did  not 
come,  and  were  attached  by  Reginald  Attehyll,  William,  son 
of  Julian,  Reginald  Iluenger,  and  William,  son  of  Robert  de 
Rughton. 

An  unknown  man  was  found  dead  of  his  wounds  in 
Beston.  Eudo,  son  of  John,  William  de  Flitcham,  Gilbert 
Caundos,4  and  Richard  Leyne,  four  of  the  neighbours,  were 
attached  by  Thomas,  son  of  William,  Alexander,  son  of 
Tymme,  Simon  Attebek,  and  Reginald  Bice. 

Eadmund,  son  of  Nicholas,  a  boy  aged  seven,  found 
drowned  in  a  ditch  at  Avlmerton.  William  Oldman,  a 
neighbour,  did  not  come,  therefore  attached  by  Alward  the 
Fleming,  Richard  Longys,  William  son  of  Robert,  and 
Hugh  Osbern  of  Aylmerton. 

Roger,  son  of  William  de  Thorp  Market,  appealed  Robert 
the  Carpenter  of  Thorp  Market  of  mayhem,  but  does  not 
appear,  so  his  pledges  to  prosecute,  viz.,  Prenge  (s/c,  no 
surname)  and  William  de  Fonte  of  Thorp  Market,  are  fined. 

4  Chandos? 


173 

Agnes,  daughter  of  William,  found  drowned  at  Thur- 
garton.  Roger  son  of  Robert  attached  by  William  Pope 
and  William  Awod  of  Thurgarton,  &c. 

Mem.  27. 

William,  son  of  Roger,  was  found  drowned  in  Great 
Byrningham. 

Walter,  son  of  Thomas,  and  Clarissa  his  sister,  burned  in 
the  house  of  Ellen  Pyeman  in  Gimmingham. 

The  jurors  present  that  William  de  Yalenc  drew  to 
himself  (appropriated)  the  rent  of  4s.  2d.,  the  rent  of 
our  lord  the  king,  in  the  village  of  Matelaske  and  Plum- 
stede,  and  withdrew  the  service  (?)  of  the  said  hundred 
which  the  village  of  Berningham  was  accustomed  to  perform, 
and  two  services  and  a  half  which  the  village  of  Matelaske 
was  accustomed  to  perform,  and  the  sixth  part  of  one 
service  which  the  village  of  Plumstede  used  to  perform, 
and  a  certain  court  lete  which  the  aforesaid  village  used  to 
hold,  to  that  hundred ;  and  those  services  were  withdrawn 
for  now  three  years  past.     Therefore  let  the  point  be  tried.5 

Richard  Puning  (?)  of  Cnapeton  fled  and  was  accounted 
guilty  of  many  thefts.  He  was  in  the  tithing  of  William 
de  Bosco  of  Knapeton. 

Presentment  that  William  de  Brom  and  James  de  Crek 
hold  a  knight's  fee  and  are  of  full  age,  and  have  not  as  yet 
been  made  knights. 

Presentment  that  R.  le  Bygot,  Earl  of  Norfolk,  and 
Earl  Warren,  John  de  Grey,  Philip  Basset,  Richard  de 
Grey,  Peter  Braunch,  Agnes  de  Ruidon  (?),  Matilda  de 
Felbrigg,  Adam  de  Fenhowe  (infirm),  Alan  (son  of?)  Roger 
de  Gimingham,  Radolphus  de  Lose  (infirm),  Robert  "fil. 
Prepocei "  (infirm),  Nicholas  Kempyn,  William  Jordan 
(infirm),  Roger  de  Cobenill  (blind),  John   le  Teler,  Stephen 

5  "  Ideo  inde  loquendum." 


J  74 

de  Belhus  (blind),  Robert  Mod}T,G  Agnes  Gose,  Roger 
Goldhing,  Clement,  son  of  the  parson  of  Guneton,  and 
John,  parson  of  Southrepps,  did  not  come  on  the  first  day.7 
Therefore,  &c. 


Croton  Pea  ftoil,  j&orfotft,  52  anti  53  f&enrg  BHL 

M  4  2 
3 

Mem.  21  (new  pencil  numbers),  or  mem.  20  (old  ink  numbers.) 

Roger  le  Waleys,  a  certain  foreign  malefactor,  killed  Peter 
de  Scropham,  in  Beston,  and  went  to  sanctuary  in  church  of 
Aylmerton  and  abjured  the  kingdom.  He  had  no  goods  nor 
was  he  in  any  tithing,  but  he  was  one  of  the  retinue  of 
Robert  de  Roulesbj^,  therefore  the  latter  is  fined. 

Walter  Helisent  of  Trunch  took  sanctuary  in  the  church 
of  Trunch,  acknowledged  himself  to  be  a  thief  and  abjured 
the  country.  He  was  in  the  tithing  of  Alexander  de  Fonte 
in  Trunch,  who  therefore  is  fined. 

The  towns  of  Thorp  March  t,  Rugton,  Guneton,  and 
Antingham,  did  not  come  to  the  inquisition  held  on  death 
of  John,  son  of  William  Kyton,8  therefore  they  are  fined. 

Michael  Creasy  of  Felebrigge  was  found  drowned  in  a 
pond  in  the  parish  of  Metton.     No  crime  is  alleged. 

William  le  Lu  of  Schypeden  was  found  killed  in 
Schypeden.  William  Pyge  9  of  Felbrigg,  Lawrence  Tren- 
chemer,  Nicholas  Rote,  Richard  de  Tykewell  in  Rughton, 
and  Adam  Planchun  of  Torp,  being  accused  of  his  death, 
fled,  and  were  afterwards  all  hung  except  Laurence 
Trenchemer   and   Adam   Planchun.       They   had    no    goods 

6  P'alticus. 

7  I.e.,  did  not  attend  the  hundred  court,  and  were  therefore  fined. 

8  Here  is  an  ancestor  ready  made  for  the  Ketton,  born  Kitton,  now  of 
Felbrigg  Hall. 

9  Pigg  is  still  a  name  to  be  found  in  this  hundred. 


175 

and  were  not  in  any  tithing,  but  Laurence  was  received1  in 
the  village  of  Overstrande,  which  was  therefore  fined. 

Certain  unknown  malefactors  were  entertained  in  the 
house  of  Elunce,  (?)  daughter  of  Richard  de  Schrapton,  and 
killed  her. 

The  jury  present  that  Ralph  Schyppe  of  Herlassinton  (?) 
was  taken  for  suspicion  of  theft  and  imprisoned  in  the 
"aula"2  of  Hane worth  in  the  custody  of  Robert  de  Lund, 
serjeant  of  that  manor,  but  escaped,  for  which  Robert  is 
fined.  Afterwards  Ralph  took  sanctuary  at  Thurverton  (sic) 
and  abjured  the  country.  The  village  of  Thurverton  3  is 
fined  because  it  did  not  take  him. 

Agnes  Dayhe  of  Knapeton  hung  herself  in  Knapton. 
Her  goods  were  worth  4-s.  4c/.,  which  were  to  be  answered 
for  by  the  sheriff. 

William  Nek  of  Aleby  was  run  over  by  a  cart  in  the 
briars  4  of  Bekkam.  The  value  of  the  cart  and  horse  was 
two  marks,  for  which  the  sheriff  was  to  answer.  The 
sheriff  pays  such  two  marks,  which  are  given  to  the  clerks 
by  the  justices  for  purgation 5  and  received  through  the 
hands  of  R.  de  Egefeld. 

An  unknown  man  was  found  killed  in  the  king's 
highway  near  the  briars  of  East  Bekam.  It  is  not  known 
who  killed  him.     Judgment  of  murder  against  the  hundred. 

As  to  encroachments. 

Paulinus  Peyure  appropriated  to  his  court  lete  of  Torp 
Market  the  fourth  part  of  the  town  of  Rughton  from  the 

1  Villages  had  no  business  to  allow  any  stranger  to  remain  in  them  beyond 
a  short  time. 

2  The  house  or  hall  at  which  all  manorial  meetings  took  place. 

3  No  doubt  a  scribe's  error  for  Thurgarton. 

4  "In  bruera."     The  fact  of  a  tract  of  country  being  so  overgrown  by 
briars  as  to  give  the  district  a  name  is  curious. 

5  ' '  Ad  pergamentum." 


176 

king's  lete,  and  also  the  fourth  part  of  the  suit  (and  service) 
of  the  town,  and  William  Peyure  now  holds  the  same,  but 
they  (the  jurors)  do  not  know  by  what  warrant.  Therefore 
let  the  point  be  tried  at  law. 

The  corn  measures  in  the  towns  of  Haneworth,  Gyming- 
ham,  and  Beston  are  larger  than  other  measures.  Therefore 
let,  &c. 

Of  defaulters  they  say — 

That  Roger  de  Sanford,  Nicholas  Knebeyn  of  Northrepps, 
Theobald,  Chaplain  of  Schyppeden,  William  Brun  of  the  same 
place,  Roger  his  son,  John,  son  of  the  provost  6  (warden  ?) 
of  Rugtone,  did  not  come. 

Richard,  son  of  William  de  Basingham,  was  drowned  in 
Great  Barningham  ;  the  jurors  did  not  present  who  first 
found  him,  and  were  therefore  fined. 

Roger  Suneman  was  found  drowned  in  a  well  at  Trunch. 
Yerdict,  mischance. 

Agnes,  wife  of  Ralph  Turb,  hung  herself  in  her  husband's 
barn.     Yerdict,  felo  de  se. 

Warin  the  son  of  Basil,  Roger  Codlyng,  and  Robert 
Reynald  were  attached  for  her  death ;  neither  came  nor 
were  suspected,  (but  Warinus  was  attached  by  Robert 
Forester  of  Southrepps,  and  Warin  provost  of  the  same) ; 7 
and  Roger  by  Ralph  Carte  of  Surepp,  and  Warinus  provost 
of  the  same  place ;  and  Robert  by  Reginald,  son  of 
Walter  of  Southrepps,  and  Jerome  Buck  of  the  same 
place.  Therefore  they  are  all  fined.  Afterwards  Warin 
comes.  Therefore  nothing  is  payable  by  him  or  his 
pledges. 

Geoffrey  de  Dullam,  and  Bartholomew,  son  of  Thomas 
de  Westwyk,   quarrelled,   and   Geoffrey  killed  Bartholomew 

6  Proepositus. 
7  The  words  within  brackets  have  been  struck  out  in  the  original. 


177 

and  fled.  Therefore  let  him  be  "  exigented  " 8  and  (then) 
outlawed.  He  had  no  goods,  nor  was  he  in  any  tithing, 
but  as  he  was  harboured  by  the  village  of  Antingham, 
though  not  in  any  tithing,  that  village  is  fined. 

Roger  Pentyng  of  Aldeburg  hung  himself  in  his  house 
at  Aldeburg.     Felo  de  se.     Goods  valued  at  3s. 

Bolby,  the  groom  of  Jolanus 9  de  Yallibus,  wounded  Elyas 
Lully  of  Keteshall 1  in  Guneton,  so  that  he  died.  Bolby 
fled  ;  therefore  let  him  be  "  exigented"  and  (then)  outlawed. 
No  goods,  but  he  was  in  the  service  of  Jolan  de  Yallibus, 
who  is  therefore  fined. 

Richard  le  (sic)  Grey  attached  for  being  present  (at  the 
last  occurrence)  and  not  coming  (to  the  inquest.)  Attached 
by  John  Oldhereng  of  Guneton  and  Robert  Thurst 2  of  the 
same  place. 

Warin  Makepays  of  Haneworth,  and  Philip  Pye  took 
a  certain  unknown  groom,  namely 3  Henry  Pupp,  and  bound 
him  and  so  tightly  fastened  him  that  he  thereupon  died. 
They  fled,  and  are  therefore  to  be  " exigented"  and  outlawed. 
No  goods.  Warren  was  in  the  tithing  of  William  Makepays 
in  Aneworth,  and  Philip  in  no  tithing,  but  in  the  service  of 
Robert  de  London,  who  is  therefore  fined. 

William  Goncy  (?)  of  Bradefeud  was  found  killed  in  the 
fields  at  Aylmerton,  having  his  neck  twisted. 

William  de  Scubeton  was  found  dead  in  the  court 
(yard  ?)  of  Mabel,  widow  of  Bartholomew  de  Kyrkegate 
in  the  village  of  Southrepps.  Hamo  Wylyot  was  presented 
because   he   was   in  the   said   court    and   did   not  come  to 


8  "  Exa  et  utlagatus."  The  writ  is  called  "  exigent "  because  it  "  exacts" 
the  party,  i.e.,  requires  his  attendance  to  answer  the  law,  and  if  he  does  not 
come  after  five  proclamations,  he  is  outlawed. — Cromp.  Juris.,  188. 

9  I  read  this  word  so,  and  not  John. 

1  This  locality  has  not  yet  been  noted. 

2  Old  herring  and  thirst  are  not  improbable  acquaintances. 

3  This  reads  nonsense. 

VOL.  II.]  N 


178 

the  inquest.  Attached  by  Adam  Saleman  and  Ralph  de 
Southrepps.     Yerdict,  natural  death. 

Presented  that  William  de  Valenc  appropriated  to  his 
lete  the  suit  (and  service)  of  Walter  de  Mauteby  in  Matelask 
from  the  king's  lete  of  Gunegate,  with  three  suits,  &c, 
and  the  half  and  the  one- sixth  part  of  another,  and  6s.  2d. 
rent.  The  jurors  do  not  know  by  what  warrant.  Therefore 
let  the  point  be  tried  at  law. 

That  all,  as  well  freemen  as  bondsmen  of  Mettone,  ought 
to  be  present  in  the  lete  of  the  king,  and  they  know  not 
bv  what  authority  they  withdrew.  Therefore,  &c.  And 
James  de  Crek  appropriated  to  his  own  lete  some  of  the 
bondsmen  of  the  aforesaid  town  of  Metton.     Therefore,  &c. 

21  dorse. 

That  Robert  de  Crakeford,  the  bailiff  of  Walter,  formerly 
Bishop  of  Norwich,  appropriated  from  the  lete  of  the  king, 
while  the  manor  of  Haneworth  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
same  bishop  in  farm,  all  the  brewers  of  Metton,  who  were 
wont  to  answer  any  trangressions  in  the  lete  of  the  king, 
and  they  do  not  know  by  what  authority.  And  upon  this 
comes  the  bailiff  of  the  Earl  Marshal  (who  now  holds  the 
said  manor)  and  says  that  the  said  earl  and  his  ancestors, 
Earls  Warenne,  and  all  the  earls  who  held  the  same  manor 
before  the  aforesaid  bishop,  had  it  with  the  right  to  take 
amends  for  transgression  of  beer  (brewing)  and  also  the 
same  on  all  the  villages  at  his  lete,  as  belonging  of  right  to 
the  aforesaid  manor.     Therefore  let  the  point,  &c. 

That  Martin  Wens  of  Melwode  and  James  Grom  of 
Sudwode  took  Robert  de  Causton,  bedell,  and  beat  him, 
and  took  his  horse  from  him,  and  retained  it  for  ten  weeks. 
Therefore  the  sheriff  is  ordered  to  compel  them  to  come,  &c. 

That  this  hundred  is  worth  £8  per  annum. 

That  Peter  de  Sabaud  appropriated  to  himself  3d.  rent, 
which   is   called  "letese,"  in  the  village  of  Matelask,  which 


179 

the  king  was  accustomed  to  take  of  Nicholas  de  Bruera, 
also  half  the  rent  (service)  which  the  said  Nicholas  was 
used  to  make  to  the  king,  and  they  do  not  know  by  what 
warrant.     Therefore,  &c. 

Thomas  de  Gelham  and  Roger  Forester  of  Holt  are 
accused  of  robbing  the  house  of  William  Brynig  in 
Rughtone,  and  the  house  of  Thomas  Barnig,  and  the  house 
of  William  de  Ecclesia  of  Audeburg,  and  the  house  of 
Thomas,  collector  in  Audeburg.  Do  not  appear.  Found 
guilty.  Therefore  are  to  be  "  exigented "  and  outlawed. 
No  goods  in  the  tithing.  Roger  was  in  the  service  of  John 
de  Yallibus 4  in  his  establishment  at  Holt.  And  the  said 
Thomas  on  some  occasions  returned  to  the  house  of  Mathew 
de  Gelham  his  father  while  the  latter  was  before  the  justices 
at  Norwich,  and  was  ignorant  of  it. 

That  John,  bailiff  of  Gymingham,  took  from  Bartholomew 
de  Repps  two  marks,  because  the  said  Bartholomew  came 
by  summons  of  the  king  before  the  king's  bailiff.5  John 
cannot  deny  this,  and  so  must  answer  for  the  said  marks. 

Also  that  he  took  of  Edmund  de  Repps,  by  threats  and 
unjust  distraints,  fifteen  marks,  &c.  Edmund  also  complains 
that  he  and  Avicia  his  wife  sold  the  marriage  of  Bartholomew 
son  of  Roger  de  Coleville  to  a  certain  Adam  de  Musters  for 
ten  marks,  and  the  said  John  distrained  Edmund  by  all  his 
goods  until  he  forgave  the  said  Adam  the  said  ten  marks. 
John  denies  this.  Richard,  bailiff  of  Thunstede,  complains 
of  said  John,  that  whilst  he  was  holding  a  view  of  frank- 
pledge at  Paston,  on  Wednesday  next  to  the  Feast  of  the 
Nativity  of  St.  John  this  year,  John  de  Melwode  came  and 
took  his  horse  worth  a  mark,  and  harness  worth  5s.,  and 
detained  them. 

4  He  is  probably  the  gentleman  another  of  whose  servants  is  mentioned 
before. 

5  "Eo  quod  predictus  Bartholomeus  venit  per  sumonic5em  dn'i  Reg' 
coram  Balls  dn'i  Reg." 

N    2 


180 

William  Peyure  complains  of  the  said  John  that  he 
distrained  in  his  towns  of  Thorpe  Market  and  Pughton ; 
and  in  the  year  51  took  fifty-two  cows  and  one  hundred  and 
sixty  sheep,  and  drove  them  to  Gymingham,  and  detained 
them  fifteen  days  till  he  paid  eight  marks.  By  such  incar- 
ceration twenty-five  sheep  and  three  cows  died.  Damage 
twenty  marks.  This  he  cannot  deny,  therefore  it  is  adjudged 
he  be  taken  into  custody.6 

That  a  certain  Constance,  concubine  of  John  the  priest 
(sacerdotis)  of  Gymingham,  bore  a  child  in  the  house  of  the 
rector  of  the  church  of  Gymingham,  and  that  the  said  John 7 
broke  into  the  house  at  night  by  his  men,  and  took  the 
woman  and  her  bed  to  the  "Hall"  of  G3Tmingham,  and  there 
imprisoned  her  till  the  said  priest  paid  a  fine  of  40s.  to  deliver 
her;  and  he  also  took  of  the  said  "chaplain"  a  certain  rent 
for  two  years.     This  he  cannot  deny. 

"William  le  Wayte  of  Guneton  complains  of  him  that  he 
imprisoned  him  at  Guneton  for  three  days  in  the  stocks  and 
in  irons,  alleging  that  he  had  burned  a  certain  house  in 
Guneton,  and  extorted  from  him  to  the  value  of  £8.  16s.  and 
detained  his  goods.     This  he  cannot  deny. 

Afterwards  the  said  John  comes  and  offers  £100  to  the 
king  for  the  remission  of  the  suit,  and  also  that  satisfaction 
may  be  made  to  each  of  those  complaining  of  him,  &c.8 
Therefore  it  is  secured  by  the  pledges  of  William  le  Parker, 
William  de  Fleg,  Robert  de  Peppes,  William  de  Felmingham, 
Thomas  de  Begevill,  Andrew  de  Brampton,  Poger  de 
Felebrig,  John  de  Saham,  Elias  de  Causton,  Hugh  de  Aleby, 
Poger  le  Marchante,  and  Pobert  Felaghe. 

Mem.  21  d. 

Afterwards  come  Poger  de  Leveshale  and  Pobert  Ernald, 
and  claim  their  benefit  of  clergy.     The  jurors  find  them  not 

6  Ideo  consi'd  q'd  custodiatur.  7  The  bailiff. 

8  Ita  cu  qd  sat'  faceat'  cuilibet  de  eo  c5queret'i  et  recipiuntur  p'  pi,  «S:c. 


181 

guilty.  Of  those  indicted,  the  jurors  say  that  Thomas 
Stricce 9  (?)  of  Torpmarche,  Roger  de  Leveshale,  [Andrew 
his  brother1]  Robert  Ernald  of  SufFeld,  Nicholas  Forestarius 
of  Heingham,  Robert  Londe  (or  Loude)  of  SufFeld,  Richard 
his  brother,  Robert  Butte  (or  Bucce)  of  Felmingham, 
Wlviva  Pymug  of  Knapeton,  and  Laurence  Trenchemer  fled 
on  account  of  being  suspected  of  theft.  Therefore  they  are 
to  be  "  exigented "  and  outlawed.  They  have  no  goods. 
Thomas  was  in  the  tithing  of  Henry  son  of  Adam  de  Torp- 
march,  and  Robert  in  that  of  Reginald  Grimme  of  SufFeld. 
The  others  were  not  in  any  tithing  in  this  hundred. 

Inquiries  are  directed  in  the  hundred  of  S.  Erpingham 
as  to  the  goods  and  tithings  of  Roger  de  Leveshal  and 
Andrew  his  brother,  and  Nicholas  Forester  of  Hevingham, 
and  in  the  hundred  of  Tunsted,  as  to  Robert  Butte. 

Afterwards  Andrew  de  Leveshale  claims  benefit  of  clergy. 
The  jurors  convict  him  of  a  robbery  done  in  the  time  of  the 
war,  so  he  is  delivered  to  the  bishop. 

Nicholas  le  Forester  of  Marsh  am,  William,  le  Mo3rne, 
Ralph  Pylhor,  and  William  Irlonde,  accused  of  robbery  at 
Aylsham,  come  and  put  themselves  on  the  country.  The 
jury  of  this  hundred  with  that  of  S.  Erpingham  find  them 
not  guilty,  and  that  the  accusation  was  made  against  them 
at  the  instigation  of  Robert  Rug,  Nicholas  Bureward,  and 
Stephen  de  Crosdale,  therefore  let  these  latter  be  taken  into 
custody.  Afterwards  comes  the  said  Nicholas  and  agrees 
to  pay  the  fine  of  a  mark,  to  be  secured  by  Roger  de 
Lyngtveyt  and  Robert  le  Forester.  The  jurors  also  find 
that  the  accusation  was  made  against  the  said  Nicholas  le 
Forester  out  of  hatred  &c,  at  the  instigation  of  Robert  de 
Peca,  of  Aylsham.  Therefore  let  him  be  taken  into  custody. 
The  fine2  is  pardoned  (excused)  by  the  justices. 

9  Or  Scritte.  l  Struck  out. 

2  Probably  the  fine  of  one  mark  Nicholas  le  Forester  made  to  be  discharged 
from  custody. 


182 


Crofon  ilea  »oli,  Norfolk,  U  ffitifaarti  I. 

PUBLIC   RECORD    OFFICE,  M.  4  2 

6 

Mem.  51.     North  Erpingham  Hundred. 

Roger  at  Mill  of  Twheyt  hung  himself  in  his  house  at 
Audeberofh. 

Adam  Gro  of  Aylmerton  fell  from  a  plough  and  died. 

William  Strem  of  Bradefeud  was  found  killed  in  Ayl- 
merton. The  villages  of  Aylmerton  and  Colebrug 3  were 
fined.  The  jurors  find  that  William  Cole  of  Bradefeud  and 
Reginald  Noteman  killed  him  and  fled.  The  latter  was  in 
the  tithing  of  Richard  Nottyng  of  Thorpmarket. 

John  de  Wytton  and  Gilbert  .  .  .  oldyng  of  Runton  were 
slain  in  the  night-time. 

Robert  Rug-man  of  Tunberningham  hung:  himself. 

William  le  Warrener  of  Gyniynghani  and  Ralph,  son  of 
Nicholas  de  Applewerd,4  fought  in  S.  Repps,  and  Ralph 
killed  William  and  fled. 

Alice,  daughter  of  William  Pechun  of  Gunton,  hung 
herself. 

Richard  de  Gresham,  miller,  and  Simon  de  Askeby  killed 
Richard  de  Swathefeud  near  Knapeton  mill  and  fled. 

Mabel  Cullyng  hung  herself  at  Swaffeud,  and  Estilda,  the 
daughter  of  Nicholas  Faber  of  Swathefeud,  cut  her  throat 
with  a  razor  in  the  house  of  Hervey  Beket  in  Knapton. 

Agnes,  widow  of  Roger,  son  of  Ralph  de  Gunton,  appealed 
John  de  Methelwold  and  Margaret  his  wife  of  a  robbery  and 
breach  of  the  peace  ;  but,  as  she  did  not  appear,  her  pledges 
to  prosecute,  viz.,  Thomas,  son  of  Roger  de  Gunton,  and 
Henry,  son  of  Roger  of  the  same  place,  were  fined. 

3  Coleby? 

4  I  think  this  is  the  earliest  occurrence  of  the  subsequently  well-kno'wn 
Norfolk  surname  of  Appleyard. 


183 

Walter  Colle  of  Suthfeud  hung  himself  in  the  ox-house 
of  Reginald  de  Antingham. 

Unknown  malefactors  slew  Agatha  Gumpe  by  night  at 
Matlaske  and  fled.  Adam  Odyn  of  Beston,  a  neighbour,  is 
fined  for  non-attendance,  and  is  attached  by  Richard,  son  of 
William,  and  John  Alisaundre  of  Beston. 

A  man  and  a  woman,  whose  names  are  unknown,  lodged 
at  the  house  of  Ralph,  son  of  Margaret,  at  Ructon,  and  killed 
him  in  the  night-time.  A  hue  and  cry  being  raised  they 
were  caught,  and  being  prosecuted  by  Helewisa,  the  widow 
of  Ralph,  in  the  King's  Court  of  Aylsham,  were  hung. 

William  Ide  and  John  Merle  killed  Hervey  de  Prato  in 
the  night-time  in  Knapton  and  fled. 

Edward  Coleman  of  Walsham  5  and  Thomas  Buntyng  of 
Thurgarton  killed  Roger  Clericus  of  Thurgarton  and  fled. 
Thomas  was  in  the  tithing  of  William  le  Fanner  of  Thur- 
garton, and  Edward  in  that  of  Nicholas  Coleman  of 
Walsham. 

Mem.  51  d. 

Matilda,  the  wife  of  Walter  le  Shypman,  was  found  slain 
in  her  husband's  house  at  Monesle. 

William  Aunger  and  Agnes  atte  Lode,  both  of  Tun- 
bernyngham,  in  the  night-time  killed  Richard  Atte  Lode  of 
Basingham  and  hid  the  body  in  a  marl  pit  and  fled. 
William  was  in  the  tithing  of  Ralph  de  Tunberningham. 

Adam  Chyldefader  of  Gymyngham  was  found  drowned. 

Alice  Grom,  of  S.  Repps  being  prosecuted  by  Clement  del 
Hyl  for  theft  went  into  sanctuary. 

Bartholomew  de  Gutherston,  chaplain,  fell  from  a  stair  of 
an  upper  room  and  was  killed. 

Adam  Huberd  of  Salthouse,  Philip  and  Gervase  his  sons, 
Martin  the  miller  of  Cley,  Richard,  son  of  John  Reynard  of 

5  Nort]i  Walsham  which  was  not  so  called  till  much  later. 


181 

Haneworth,  and  Nicholas  de  Kygestrayt  of  Gresham  being 
together  in  W.  Lechsam,  the  last-named  was  killed. 

Roger  Styngyn  of  N.  Repps  was  found  dead.  Walter  de 
Chervele,  Richard  de  Couteshal,  and  John  Osbern  were 
attached  for  his  death,  but  did  not  appear.  Walter  was 
attached  bv  Clement  Griske  and  Walter  Xotvnor  of  the  same 
place  (sic),  Richard  by  Robert  Ladelman  and  Bartholomew 
Cariwen,  and  John  by  Nicholas  Modyman  and  Richer  fil' 
Othe.     The  jurors  find  he  died  a  natural  death. 

Peter  Dowe  of  Thurgarton,  who  is  dead,  Matilda  Dowe  of 
the  same  place,  and  Henry  Lyun  of  Coleby  killed  at  night 
one  Cecilia  Pryggun  and  another  Cecilia,  her  companion. 
Henry  was  in  the  lithing  of  Ralph  Cullyng  in  Aleby. 

Richard  le  Lung  of  Aylmerton  and  Benedict  le  Hey  ward 
of  Runham  being  fighting  in  Aylmerton,  and  Levina, 
Richard's  wife,  intervening,  she  got  knocked  on  the  head  b}^ 
a  hatchet  and  killed.  Benedict  fled.  He  was  in  the  tithing 
of  John  de  Lyde  in  Runham. 

Robert  de  Thornton,  having  been  captured  for  theft  in 
Antingham  and  imprisoned  in  Thorp  Market,  escaped  into 
sanctuary  in  the  church  of  St.  Mary6  in  the  latter  place. 

William,  son  of  Agnes  Atte  Hill,  fought  and  killed  an 
unknown  man  in  Schypeden.  He  is  in  the  tithing  of 
William  Batayle  of  Schypden. 

The  town  of  Gunton  pays  for  the  goods  of  William  Brun, 
who  was  hung,  3s.  lOd. 

The  town  of  Gymyngham  pays  for  the  goods  of  Hugh 
Spwe,  (Sparrow  ?)  who  was  hung,  3s.  Sd. 

An  unknown  man,  who  was  lodging  in  the  house  of 
Eudo  Stalk  in  Moriesle,  stole,  in  the  night-time,  two  sheep 
belonging  to  Matilda  Gove  of  Edesore7  in  the  same  place. 
He  was  imprisoned,  but  escaped. 

Roger   de    Cayly    and    Robert   the    groom    (valettus)    of 

6  Blomefield  says  the  church  is  dedicated  to  St.  Margaret. 
7  I  cannot  trace  this  spot. 


185 

Henry  de  Brom,  being  prosecuted  at  the  suit  of  the 
bailiffs  of  this  hundred,  took  sanctuary  in  the  church  of 
North  Repps,  and  admitted  themselves  to  be  thieves. 

John  de  Lyng  was  found  killed  in  Schypeden.  Richard 
Becke,  alias  de  Dunwico,  accused  of  the  crime,  was  sent  to 
Norwich,  tried,  and  hung  for  it. 

John,  son  of  Roger  the  weaver,  was  drowned  in  Ructon. 
John  Elys,  one  of  the  neighbours,  did  not  come  to  the 
inquest,  and  was  therefore  attached  by  Robert  Berdles  of 
Roncton  and  John  Godfrey. 

The  town  of  Thurgarton  pays  for  the  goods  of  Thomas 
de  Ructon,  who  was  hung,  5s. 

The  town  of  Runcton,  for  the  goods  of  Thomas  de  Horsey 
(hung)  19s. 

The  town  of  Beston,  for  the  goods  of  Godwyn  Sherewyng 
(hung)  10s. 

The  town  of  Suthfeud,  for  the  goods  of  Roger  de  Halver- 
gate  (hung)  3d. 

The  town  of  Haneworth,  for  the  goods  of  Robert  de 
Mershlond  (hung)  6s.  Id. 

The  town  of  Gymyngham,  for  the  goods  of  Clement 
Kilbyng  (hung)  9s.  2d. 

The  town  of  Gymyngham,  for  the  goods  of  Clement 
Truket  (hung)  6s.  8d. 

Presentments  that  Martin  Pulte  of  Thorp,  John  de 
Blunvill,  Alexander  de  Suthrepps,  Ralph  de  Bosch,  John 
Wykemere,  Bartholomew  de  Appelyerd,  William  ftT  Warin 
of  Reppes,  Adam  de  Hormade,  Gilbert  de  Debenham,  and 
William  le  Warmer  sell  by  measures  against  the  assize. 

Mem.  73  d. 

The  names  of  the  jurors  for  North  Erpingham  are  given 
here,  viz.,  Bartholomew  de  Antyngeham,  Bartholomew  de 
Castre,  John  de  Bernyngham,  Ralph  de  Curscun,  Hugh  de 


186 

Reymes,  William  de  Bradeham,  Robert  de  Ixnyng,  Robert 
Hereward,  Robert  de  Mauteby,  Roger  Bygot  de  Felebregg 
("infirm")  Reginald  de  Antingham,  and  Edmund  de  Reples 
(sic). 

Mem.  52. 

Cecilia  Hestyng  arrested  by  Geoffry  Wodecok,  catchpoll,  (?) 
(cacberellus,  see  Duchesne)  for  burglary  in  the  house  of 
Clement,  the  son  of  the  parson  of  Gunton,  is  given  into 
the  charge  of  the  village  of  Trunch.  While  being  taken  to 
Norwich  gaol  she  escapes,  and  is  afterwards  retaken,  but 
found  not  guilty. 

John  le  Eskyrmishur,  late  bailiff  of  this  hundred,  took 
of  Roger  de  Antingham  4.0d.  of  the  king's  debt,  and  did  not 
account  for  it.  Geoffrey  Wodecok,  took  5s.  of  the  homage 
of  Hugh  de  Reymes,  and  4.s.  of  the  homage  of  John  de 
Bernham,  and  did  not  account  for  them. 

Thomas  Kok,  parson  of  Northrepps,  Geoffrey  de  Aula 
of  Antyngham,  Richard,  son  of  Nicholas  of  the  same 
place,  Simon  Lomb  of  Shyrington,  Clement  Grycke  of 
Ovestronde,  Reyner  de  Almerton,  Roger  de  Methewold  of 
Gymingham,  Stephen  Puty  of  the  same  place,  John,  son 
of  Robert  Brunyng  of  Ructon,  Margery  la  Cuylur  of  Au- 
deburgh,  William  Rune  of  Ructon,  William  le  Coupere 
of  Suthfeud,  William  le  Loverd  of  Suthfeud,  William  le 
Loverd,  chaplain  of  the  same  place,  John  Earl  Warenn, 
William  de  Warenn  his  son,  Gwydo  Ferre,  Peter  de  Lenche, 
and  the  master  of  the  Hospital  of  St.  Anthony,  (the) 
neighbours  do  not  come  the  first  day,8  and  are  therefore 
fined. 

The  following  are  mentioned  as  having  fled — Cecily 
Cokkere  of  Thurgarton  and  her  son  Roger  (theft)  ;  John 
Grym  (theft) ;   Cecily  Munk  of  Repps  (theft  and  burglary) ; 

9  Of  the  holding  the  pleas. 


187 

Robert  Sutor  of  Suthfeud,  Cecily  his  wife,  and  Roger 
Coddyng  of  Buk  (for  burglary  in  the  house  of  William  le 
Loverd) ;  Alice  Syck  of  Runton  (for  receiving  Thomas 
de  Horsey  who  was  hung)  ;  William  del  Hyl  of  Shypeden 
(homicide  and  theft)  ;  Herman  Styke  of  Audeburgh  (bur- 
glary in  the  house  of  Edmund  le  Chapelyn)  ;  Ralph  Cuye  of 
Audeburgh  (burglary  in  the  house  of  Thomas  Cursoun) ; 
Henry  Brese  of  N.  Repps  (burglary)  ;  William  le  Hangere 
of  Bernyngham  and  Agnes  atte  Lode  (burglary) ;  Roger, 
son  of  Ralph  of  Suthwode,  Roger  le  Meyster  of  Sythestrond, 
and  Matilda  de  Thurgarton  (burglary,  &c.) ;  and  Thomas 
Buntyng  (burglary). 

Therefore  they  are  to  be  "exigented"  and  then  outlawed, 
and  the  women  are  to  be  "  waived. "  9 

An  account  of  their  goods  is  given.  Ralph  Cuye  i3  in  the 
tithing  of  Roger  son  of  the  Constable  in  Audeburgh,  Roger, 
son  of  Cecily,  in  the  tithing  of  William  le  Paunner  in 
Thurgarton,  John  Grym  in  the  tithing  of  Herman  Grrym 
in  Hanworth,  Robert  Sutor  in  the  tithing  of  Reginald 
Bugg  in  Suthfeud,  Roger  Coddyng  in  the  tithing  of  Ralph 
Cullyng  in  ditto,  and  Herman  Styke  in  the  tithing  of 
William  "  de  ecclesia  "  of  Audeburgh. 

Roger  Stypolf  of  Aimer  ton  fled  for  burglary,  &c.  He 
was  in  the  tithing  of  Aylwerd  le  Flemyng  in  Aj^lwarton.1 

The  town  of  Plumsted  accounts  for  8s.  the  value  of  the 
goods  of  William  Sperner  of  Plumstead,  hung,  which  Philip 
de  Coldham  collected  without  a  warrant,  and  for  which  he  is 
therefore  fined. 

A  certain  coiner  being  taken  at  Gunton  is  sent  to  Norwich 
gaol  and  thence  to  Newgate,  and  is  there  convicted  and 
quartered  (or  torn  to  pieces  by  horses  ? — distractus.) 

9  Women  never  having  been  sworn  to  the  lete,  were  never  properly  speaking 
"  in  the  law,"  so  the  term  for  them  was  "  derelicta,"  waived,  or  left  out. 

1  Mistakes  in  spelling  like  this  seem  to  indicate  that  the  roll  was  taken 
down,  or  copied,  by  some  scribe  strange  to  the  county. 


188 

John,  son  of  Ely  as  of  the  county  of  York,  and  Roger,  son 
of  Nicholas  le  Kalewe2  of  North  Repps,  took  sanctuary  in 
North  Repps,  admitting  themselves  guilty  of  theft  and 
homicide. 

The  town  of  Gyniingharn  accounts  for  6s.  8d.,  the  value  of 
the  goods  of  Clement  Truket,  hung. 

Presentment  that  Roger,  Earl  of  Norfolk,  claims  free 
warren  in  Suthfeud  and  market  in  Honeworth,  viz.,  on  the 
vigil,  the  day,  and  the  last  of  St.  Bartholomew,  and  a  fair  in 
Audeburgh,  viz.,  on  the  vigil,  the  feast,  and  the  last  of  the 
Apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  and  that  he  claims  such  fair. 

The  earl  appears  by  his  attorney  and  denies  that  he 
claims  warren  in  Southfeud,  and  as  to  Hanworth  market 
says  that  King  John  granted  it  to  Roger  le  Bygot  his 
ancestor  and  his  heirs  by  his  charter,  which  he  produces. 
The  jury  find  in  his  favour.  As  to  Audeburgh  fair  he 
alleges  user  from  time  immemorial,  but  produces  no  evi- 
dence, so  agrees  to  pay  12d.  a  year  for  it,  which  is  taken 
by  consent. 

Presentment  that  Roger  Bygot,  Earl  of  Norfolk,  claims 
"  infongenethef "  in  Hanworth,  so  that  if  any  thief  were 
found  in  it  and  condemned  to  be  hung  the  earl  might  take 
him  to  his  manor  of  Coleby  in  South  Erpingham  and  hang 
him  there.  The  earl  appears  by  his  attorney  and  says  that 
the  manor  of  Hanworth  used  to  be  a  member  of  Coleby 
before  the  hundred  of  North  Erpingham  came  into  the 
king's  hands,  and  that  both  hundreds  in  that  time  used  to  be 
as  though  one  hundred.     (No  finding  of  the  jury.) 

The  jury  find  that  all  the  free  tenants  of  the  soke  of 
Gymingham,  in  which  is  contained  the  eight  villages  of 
G}'mingham,  Monesle,  Knapeton,  Suthreppes,  Sythestrond, 
Trunch,  N.  Repps,  and  Trimingham,  used  to  follow  the 
sheriff's  turn  twice  a  year  with  four  men  and  the  constable 
of  each  village  until  sixteen  years  ago,  when  John  de 
2  Callow  is  still  a  common  name  in  the  parish. 


189 

Warenn,  Earl  of  Surrey,  withdrew  such  villages  from  such 
turn  to  damage  of  the  king  of  16s.  a  year. 

John,  son  of  Nicholas  de  Lose  of  Thorp  market,  is 
presented  for  various  withdrawals  and  defaults  in  respect  of 
land  now  held  by  John,  son  of  John,  son  of  Nicholas,  Thomas 
de  Ponte,  and  others. 

Presentment  that  the  king  ought  to  receive  6s.  8d.  a  year 
for  rent  called  "  Letesye "  from  the  men  of  Walter  de 
Mauteby  in  the  town  of  Matlask,  Bernyngham,  and 
Plumsted,  for  thirty-two  years  past,  when  William  de 
Valence  withdrew  it.  William  de  Valence  appears  by  his 
attorney  and  says  that  Matlask,  Bernyngham,  Plumsted, 
and  Mauteby  are  members  of  his  manors  of  Saxthorp  and 
Stivekeye,  and  that  they  were  confirmed  to  him  in  lS6  Hen.  III. 
by  charter. 

Henry  le  Noble,  formerly  seneschal  of  Earl  Warenn,  is 
mentioned. 

Mem.  52  d. 

The  jury  present  that  Julian  de  Gunnegate  gave  a 
certain  piece  of  his  land  in  Tunbernyngham  to  his  son 
Roger,  and  charged  him  to  pay  (in  respect  thereof)  \d. 
per  year  to  the  Hospital  of  St.  John  of  Keresbrok. 

And  afterwards  the  said  Roger,  &c.,  (a  dispute  as  to 
scot  and  lot,  as  to  which  a  venire  facias  issues  against  Roger 
and  the  master  of  the  hospital.) 

The  jury  present  that  King  Richard  used  to  receive  a 
mark  yearly  from  certain  tenements  in  the  towns  of 
Northrepps,  Plumsted,  Matelask  and  Antyngham,  and 
assigned  it  to  God  and  the  abbey  of  St.  Edmund  to  find  a 
proper  wax  candle  to  burn  before  the  shrine  of  St.  Edmund, 
and  the  jury  find  that  it  is  still  kept  burning. 

Presentments  that  Henry  de  Grey  holds  the  manor  of 
Shyringham  in  capite  of  the  king  by  the  service  of  12d. 
}T  early. 


190 

That  Hubert  de  Bur  go  held  the  manors  of  Beeston 
and  Bunton,  paying  therefore  20-s.  to  the  castle  guard 
of  Dover ;  and  that  William  de  TTarenn  and  Matilda  his 
wife  now  hold  the  said  manors  in  capite  of  the  king  by 
the  same  services. 

Of  liberties,  they  find  that  John  de  Warenn,  Earl  of 
Surrey,  claims  wreck  wherever  his  lands  in  the  soke  of 
Gimmingham  are  next  the  shore  ;  and  also  gallows,  view 
of  frankpledge,  assize  of  bread  and  ale,  and  free  warren 
in  the  same  soke,  and  also  market  in  each  week  on  Saturdays 
in  his  manor  of  Trunch. 

That  Henry  de  Grey  claims  wreck  on  his  lands  at 
Shyringham,  and  gallows,  view  of  frankpledge,  assize 
of  bread  and  ale,  and  market  on  Thursdavs  in  the  same 
place. 

That  William  de  TTarenn  claims  wreck  in  Beston  and 
Bunton,  and  view  of  frankpledge,  assize  of  bread  and  ale, 
and  free  warren  in  same. 

That  Boger  de  Felebrugg  claims  wreck  in  the  same  towns, 
view  of  frankpledge,  assize  of  bread  and  ale,  and  warren 
on  his  demesne  lands. 

That  the  prior  of  Beston  claims  the  same  liberties  on 
his  lands  in  the  same  towns. 

That  William  Clement  claims  wreck  on  his  lands  and 
assize  of  bread  and  ale  of  his  tenants  in  Bunton. 

That  Hugh  de  Bevmes  claims  wreck  and  free  warren  in 
Ouvestrend. 

That  Boger  le  Bygod,  Earl  of  Norfolk,  claims  view  of 
frankpledge  and  assize  of  bread  and  ale  in  Haneworth. 

That  John  de  Melewode  claims  view  of  frankpledge  and 
assize  of  bread  and  ale  in  Guneton. 

That  Bobert  de  Stotevile  claims  assize  of  bread  and  ale 
and  free  warren  in  Gresham. 

That  John  de  Eggemere  claims  view  of  frankpledge  and 
assize  of  bread  and  ale  among  his  tenants  in  Shypeden. 


191 

That  William  (sic)  de  Felmyngham  claims  view  of  frank- 
pledge and  assize  of  bread  and  ale  in  Bekham.  "  And  they 
do  not  know  by  what  warrant."3 

And  Henry  le  (sic)  Grey,  Roger  de  Felebrigg,  and  Peter 
(sic)  de  Felmyngham,  by  the  said  Henry  their  attorney, 
come  and  say  that  their  ancestors  died  seized  of  the  said 
liberties.  The  jury  find  so.  The  king  is  to  have  a  writ 
against  them  (however  ?)  and  William  de  Gyselham  is 
directed  to  follow  it  up  (?)  (Et  dictu  est  Witlo  de  Gyselham  4 
qd  seqatur  1c.) 

And  the  prior  of  Beston  comes  and  says  he  found  his 
priory  seized  of  the  said  liberties.  "  Et  jur9,  &c, "  as 
before. 

And  John  de  Melewode,  Robert  de  Stotevile,  and  John  de 
Eggemere  do  not  come.  Therefore  let  their  liberties  be 
taken  into  the  king's  hands,  &c. 

And  John  de  Warenn  Earl  of  Surrey,  William  de 
Warenn,  and  Roger  le  Bygod,  answer  as  appears  in  the 
pleas  of  our  lord  the  king  of  "  Quo  warranto." 

The  jury  present  that  William  de  Goldyngham,  formerly 
seneschal  of  Earl  Warenn,  and  Hugh  de  Welyngham, 
servant  of  the  said  earl,  took  Warin  son  of  Christiana,  and 
William  his  brother,  William  Wende,  Henry  Wende,  and 
Ralph  Sely  at  Gillyngham,  (sic)  and  put  them  into  a  house 
within  the  court  of  Gymingham,  and  closed  up  the  doors  of 
such  house  with  nails,  and  detained  them  there  in  prison 
for  a  day  till  they  paid  a  fine  of  10s.  William  comes  and 
makes  (pays)  a  fine  as  appears  under  the  hundred  of 
Thetford.     Hugh  is  not  to  be  found. 

The  jury  present  that  Roger  Matelask  extorted  20s.  of 
divers  men. 

3  It  does  not  appear  whether  this  applies  only  to  this  or  to  all  the  fore- 
going entries. 

4  He  was  the  king's  attorney  7 — 14  Edward  I.,  sergeant-at-law  9  Edward 
I.,  and  afterwards  judge  of  the  C.P. — Foss,  p.  300. 


192 

Also  that  William  de  Redhain,  late  sheriff 5  took 
(extorted)  half-a-mark  of  William  Qaeyntement  of  Sithe- 
stronde,  half-a-mark  of  John  de  la  Chaumbre  of  Gyniingham, 
half-a-mark  of  Alice  Caunning,  Nicholas  del  Hil,  Agnes 
Cuttyng,  and  Clement  Partrych.6  Also  that  William  de 
Rothyng,  sheriff,7  took  20s.  of  Simon  Fenges  of  Felebrigg 
and  Roger  his  son,  and  that  William  Giffard,8  formerly 
sheriff,  took  two  marks  of  William  Grund  of  Suthfeud. 

Also  that  Roger  Gyffyn  of  IMonesle,  the  bailiff  of  John 
de  Warenn,  Earl  of  Surrey,  at  Gymyngham,  and  Warin 
Cokschyteneye  of  Paston,  and  others  unknown,  took  away 
the  farm  horses  of  Warin  fil'  Cristiana  and  William  his 
brother,  and  of  William  Wende  and  others  in  the  town  of 
Ovestronde,  outside  the  fee  of  the  said  earl,  and  drove  them 
to  Gymingham,  and  there  kept  them  in  pound  till  they 
agreed  a  fine. 

Also  that  William  de  Byntre,  formerly  bailiff  of  William 
de  Yalenc,  would  not  allow  the  king's  bailiff  to  distrain  for 
debt  in  his  manors  of  Matelask,  Plumsted,  and  Bernyngham 
for  debt.     Therefore,  &c. 

Also  that  John  Seffrey  of  Wausingham  encroached  five 
perches  in  length  and  two  feet  in  width  on  the  king's 
highway  at  Basyngham,  for  which  he  is  fined.  The  sheriff 
is  directed  to  replace  the  road. 

Also  that  Adam  de  Rudham  and  Geoffrey  Wodecok  took 
6d.  of  William  Brining,  M.  of  John  Brynyng,  6d.  of  John 
Martyn,  and  6d.  of  Robert  Frend,  for  removing  them  from 
juries   and   attendances   at  assize  (p    amovend  ipos  de  jur 
T;  ass.)     Also  10c/.  of  John  de  Soriaunt  and  William  Love.9 

5  ^Villiam  de  Redeham  was  sheriff  7 — 9  and  19 — 22  Edward  I.,  and  is  said  by 
Blomefield,  iii.  p.  59,  to  have  been  bailiff  of  Norwich  in  1266,  but  I  believe 
the  bailiff  was  really  William  de  Refham. 

6  Xo  doubt  the  well-known  Norfolk  name  of  Partridge. 

7  Sheriff  10—16  Edward  I. 

8  Sheriff  54  Henry  III.  to  2  Edward  I. 

9  Still  a  very  common  name  in  the  hundred. 


193 

Also  that  William  de  Ponte  of  Aylsham  took  of  William 
de  la  Bruere  of  Gunton,  and  Clement,  son  of  the  parson  of 
the  same  place,  8s.  for  removing  them  from  a  certain  jury  at 
a  trial  between  William  fil'  John  and  Ralph  de  Reppes. 

Also  that  Luke  de  Wycmere,  formerly  sub-bailiff  of  the 
said  hundred,  took  12d.  of  Geoffrey,  the  son  of  Geoffrey  de 
Runton,  and  12c/.  of  Richard  Odyn  of  the  same  place  for 
the  same  thing.     Therefore,  &c. 

Also  that  Robert  de  Causton,  formerly  bailiff  of  the  hundred, 
took  4s.  by  divers  extortions  of  divers  men. 

Also  that  William  Dekker,  warrener  of  Earl  Warren, 
extorted  5s.  of  Ralph  Moryn. 

Also  that  Roger  de  Lynthweyt,  formerly  bailiff,  extorted 
4s.  of  Amicia  Sely. 

Also  that  William  Clement,  bailiff  of  the  hundred,  extorted 
of  Eda  de  la  Funtayne  18d. 

Also  that  Roger  de  Lynthweyt,  extorted  6s.  of  Avelina 
Havard,  and  4s.  of  Matilda  Bere.     Therefore,  &c. 

Also  that  William  Giffard,  formerly  sheriff,  caused  Alan  le 
Lung,  (who  when  in  prison  became  approver)  to  appeal 
against  John  de  Melewode,  for  an  alleged  unjust  distraint  for 
money  extorted  from  him,  which  John  was  afterwards  ac- 
quitted before  the  justices  assigned  (for  that  purpose).  And 
took  twelve  marks  from  the  said  John.  Therefore  let  him  be 
taken.  And  William  Gyffard  had  a  day  given  him  (to  answer 
the  accusation),  viz.,  in  the  last  of  All  Saints,  at  Ipswich. 

Also  that  Amis  de  Thorp  distrained  certain  horses  of 
Bartholomew  de  Castre,  and  sold  the  distraint  to  Andrew 
Puppe  and  Simon  Ray,  who  took  off  their  horseshoes  and 
carried  away  their  halters.     Therefore,  &c. 


OL.  II.]  o 


The  following  occurs  at  mem.  77  of  the  Crown  Plea  Roll 

M  \ 
for  Norfolk,  14  Edward  I.    4     6. 

2  ) 

Convict  u  est  p    Jur   in    qam  Albreda  de  Lyoniis  T: 

Gocelinus  quonda  decan9  de   Spliam  se  posuert  qd  ubi 

pdca  Albreda  cora  eo  acusata  esset  qd  vendidisse  debuit 

Johi  de  la  AVade  Alicia  flliam  suam  p   una  aca  t're  ut 

esset  cocubina  sua  T:  ipa  de  acusacoe  ilia  opt  se  purgar 

in  forma  Juris  T:  ipe  purgatoem  suam  resucasset  T:  ab  ea 

extorsisse  debuisset  vs  p  eode  qd  ide  Gocelin9  spontanea 

Toluntate    ipius   Albrede    cepit    ab  ea  pdcos   vs   eo  qd 

veracit  impoitu  fuit  ei  crime  pdcm  et  no  potuit  se  inde 

purgare.     Ido  consider  est  qd  Gocelin9  inde  sfi  die  ~t 

pdca  Albreda  nichil  cap  p  querelam  suam  s.  sit  in  mia 

p  flo  clam. 

The  above  entry  is  curious  as  informing  us  how  Albreda 

was  charged  before  the  dean  with  having  sold  her  daughter 

to  one  John  de  la  AYade  as  a  concubine  for  an  acre  of  land, 

and  how  she  alleged  he  took  a  bribe  of  five  shillings  to  purge 

her  of  the  accusation.      In  this  case  the  dean  seems  to  have 

been  innocent,  but  very  many  of  the  clergy  of  the  period 

seem  to  have  been  extremely  lawless  persons.     The  number 

of    them    who   are    charged    on   these    Crown    Plea    Rolls 

with  different  crimes  would  be  incredible  to  any  one  who  has 

not  searched  such  records:  e.g.,  mem.  6  of  the  same  roll  has  a 

charge  of  illegal  rescue  against  John  de  Berestreet,  sub-dean 

of  Norwich,  and  TYilliani  le  Chapeller,  capellanus;  and  mem. 

74  a  charge  of  murdering  an  unknown  chaplain  at  Barsham 

against  William  the  chaplain  of  Hunstanton,  who  is  found 

guilty.     On  another  roll  (17  Edward  II.)  we  find  two  vicars, 

Ralph  of  Uberton  and  John  Attemer  of  Cratefield,  charged 

with  murder  and  robbery  of  John  le  "Walshman  at  Uberton 

(mem.  55),  AVilliam,  parson  of  St.  Botulph  of  Norwich,  with 

an  illegal  rescue  of  a  thief  (mem.  54),  Gralfridus,  capellanus, 

vicar  of  Siberton,  with   theft  (mem.   53),  Ralph,  parson  of 

Erpingham,  with  theft  (mem.  26),  and  so  on. 

W.  R. 


ROUGH   INDEXES   NOMINUM 

TO 

Cju    $ttt  ai    Jfiitcs  (ax   ftorfolb 

FOR  THE   REIGNS   OF  HENRY  VHL,   EDWARD  VI.,   AND  MARY. 

BY    WALTER    EYE. 


The  so-called  "  Index  Finium,"  preserved  at  the  Heeord 
Office,  which  begins  with  the  1st  Henry  YIIL,  is  nothing 
more  or  less  than  short  notes  of  the  fines,  giving  the 
Christian  and  surnames  of  the  first  plaintiff  and  the  first 
defendant,  the  locality,  each  term,  and  arranged  under 
counties,  but  not  in  alphabetical  order. 

Though  easier  to  search  than  the  fines  themselves,  the 
want  of  an  index  to  them  practically  bars  their  use  to 
any  but  determined  and  persevering  searchers,  and  it  was 
to  save  myself  trouble  once  for  all  that  I  made  the  lexico- 
graphical indexes  of  them,  of  which  I  now  print  three. 
Such  indexes  must  by  no  means  be  relied  on  as  giving 
the  names  of  all  parties  to  any  fine,  in  fact,  owing  to  the 
principle  on  which  the  original  so-called  index  was  made, 
they  cannot  give  more  than  one  plaintiff  and  one  defendant. 
Still  I  have  found  them  of  great  use,  and  I  hope  others 
may  do  the  same,  and  my  excuse  for  their  incompleteness 
must  be  that  they  are  better  than  nothing,  and  may  serve 
till  a  proper  Government  index  is  made  from  the  fines 
themselves.      I   may   mention   that    further    particulars   of 

o  2 


196 

the  fines  for  Edward  VI.  and  Mary  may  be  obtained  from 
vol.  xiv.  of  Le  Neve's  Indexes  at  the  Record  Office,  which 
are  easier  to  consult  than  the  fines. 

When  a  fine  comprised  land  in  two  or  more  counties, 
it  is  catalogued  under  the  "  divers  counties "  at  the  end 
of  each  term  in  the  MS.  Index  Finium  itself.  All  these 
"  divers  counties  "  fines  I  have  not  included  in  the  following 
compilation.  It  is  noteworthy  that  in  some  of  the  years 
of  Henry  VIII. 's  reign  some  terms  passed  without  any 
Norfolk  fines  being  levied,  or  at  all  events  recorded  in  the 
Index,  e.g.,  Hilary  3,  Easter  4,  Michaelmas  9,  Hilary  9, 
Easter  10,  and  Trinity  10. 

The  references  M  34,  H  25,  E  4,  &c,  refer  to  the  term 
and  the  year  of  the  reign — Michaelmas,  34th  Henry  VIII.  ; 
Hilary,  25th  Henry  VIII. ,  &c. 


HEXEY  VHI. 


Abbes,  M  28 
Abbys,  M  16,  T  21 
Abry  gge,  M  30 
Acars,  M  33  (v.  Akers) 
Adalton,  E  23,  M  28 
Adcok,  M  24 
Ailwyn,  M  27  (and  vide 

Aylwin) 
Aimond,  E  16 
Akay,  M  34 
Ake,  M  37 
Akers,  T  28,  T  36 
Aldand,  E  30 
Aldebam,  M  22 
Alden,  M  31 
Alderton,  E  25  (2) 
Aldrvch,  H  17 
Aldyn,  T  39 
Alee,  M  31,  M  32 
Alen,  M  20,  M  21,  E  28, 

M  33 
Aleward,  H  26 
Alewyn,  E  7-8 
Alexaunder,  M  21 
Alevn,  T2,  M7,  T23  (2), 

M  24,  M  26,  E  28,  M 

29,  M31.M  33,  M  36 


Algar,  E  14 
AlHsaunder,  T  1 
Allward,  E  18 
Alpe,  M  28,  M  29,  E  35, 

E  36,  T  38,  M  38 
Alwyn,  M  30 
Alyngton,  M  26 
Alyxon     (v.     Ry  chard) 

M  34 
Amere,  H  28 
Amfles,  T  4 
Amond,  M  37 
Amyas,  T  38 
Amys,  M  18 
Amysson,  M  30 
Anderson,  M  27 
Andrewes,  M  23.   M  25, 

T  26,  M  27,  H  35 
Angos,  M  23 
Angot,  H  5 
Annoure,  M  18 
Aporoge,  H  34 
Applewyn,  T  29 
Applevard,  ^T  26,  M  29, 

E  36 
Applyere,  E  6 
Apprice,  T  5 


Archer,  H  13,  M  16  (2) 

Arle,  M  10 

Armgard,  M  25 

Arnold,  M  33  (2) 

Artest,  H  13 

Aatiey,   If  11,  H  24,  E 

28  (2) 
Aston,  al's  Chambers,  H 

29 
Athill,  E  20 
Atlev,  E  35 
At  Mere,  E  4,  M  33 
Atmere,  M  26,  T  27 
Atkvn,  M  29 
Atkvns,  If  34,  H  35,  E  38 
Attlond,  E  26 
Atwodde,  M  20 
Audeley,  E  9,   H  18,   M 

26,  M  32,  E  35 
Aunswre,  M  31 
Austen,  M  28,  H  35 
Austeyn,  M  27 
Avvson,  M  31 
Ayimer,  E  30,  M  33 
Aylwyn,  ]NI  33  (and  vide 

Ailwyn) 


197 


Bacon,   T  34,  M  35,  H 

36,  E  38,  T  39 
Bak,  M  23 
Bake,  M  31 
Baker,  M  5,  M  11,  M  14, 

M  18,    M  19,   M   29, 

H  32,  E  36,  M  37,  M 

38 
Baldewyn,  M  11,  M  38 
Baldyng,  M  23 
Balenger,  M  29 
Ball,  BaUe,  E  7,    E  28, 

M  28,  H  29,  E  31,  M 

32,  E  36,  M  36 
Bannok,  al's  Barbour,  M 

33 
Banyard,  T  13,  E  18,  M 
18,  M  20,  H  21,  T  26 

(2) 

Barbour,  M  26,  H  26.  M 
37  (2) 

Barbour,  (vide  Bannok) 
M  33 

Baret,  H  31 

Bargh,  M  26 

Barker,  H  20,  M  28  (3\ 
E  35 

Barnard,  H  25 

Barnardyston,  M  38 

Barne,  M  26 

Barney,  T  4,  M  14,  M 
20,  M  29 

Baron,  E  26,  M  28,  H  32 

Barons  H  6,  E  7 

Barrett,  M  30 

Barrous,  E  28 

Barsham,  H  31 

Bartvlmewe,  M  3S 

Baroyle,  H  23 

Basham,  M  34 

Bassett,  T  36,  H  36 

Bateman,  E  4-5,  H  28, 
H  35 

Bathe,  M  29 

Bathecombe,  E  13 

Battle,  Prior  of,  T  30 

Batys,  E  20 

Baxter,  Baxster,  Back- 
ster,  M  11,  M  12,  E 
17,  E  20-21,  M  23, 
M  24  (2),  E  25,  H 
25,  H  26,  E  28,  M  28, 
M  30  (2),E  36,  M  37, 
H  37  (2) 

Bayspole,  M  23 

Bayly ff,  M  33 

Bealys,  M  33 

Beaupre,  H  24,  T  32,  T 

33,  E   34,    M  36,  H 
36 


Beckham,  II  2,  E  3 

Bedingfield,  E  20,  H  24, 
H  25,  T  27,  E  28,  T 
32  (3),  T  33,  H  33, 
E  37,  H  38,  M  29 

Beetson,  M  29 

Bekenham,  M  29 

Beket,  M  23,  E  28 

Bekett,  E  14 

Bele,  M  29 

Belknapp,  T  7 

Belle,  M  31 

Belys,  H  23,  M  28,  M  34 

Bemanyn,  M  21 

Bend,  H  36 

Bende,  E  7-8,  M  12 

Bendys,  E  23 

Benet,  M  20 

Benett,  M  11,  M  26,  E  28 

Bengearayn,  T  21 

Benne,  M  26 

Bennett,  M  29 

Benskyn  (?),  M  31 

Benslyn,  M  31 

Benson,  M  25 

Beny  (?),  E  38 

Benyngton,  E  36 

Bercy,  M  19 

Berney,  M  38 

Bery,  T  18,  E  36 

Beter  M  19 

Betesen,  M  6 

Betham,  H  29 

Bettys,  M  26 

Beverley,  T  35 

Bevys,  M  21  (bis) 

Bewshere,  E  20-21 

Bex  well,  E  22 

Billy sby,  M  24 

Bigott  ^ 

Billingford     |  gee  B 

Binham  }-      ,,    ? 

Bird  |gott,&c. 

Bishop  j 

Blackwood,  M  37 
Blagge,  H  10  (3) 
Blakeney,  M  38 
Blewvck,  H  37 
Bliaunt,E  11  (v.  Blyant) 
Blomefield,      Blomefvld, 

Blomvyld,  E  36,  T36, 

T38 
Blomevyle,  Blomvyle,  H 

14,  M  34,  E  35,  H  36, 

M  37,  M  38  (2) 
Bio wf eld,  M  32 
Blyant,    T    25    (bis)    (v. 

Bliaunt) 
Bokenham,  H  17,  T  26, 

M29 


Boleyn,  H  17,  T  38 

Bolion,  M  18 

Bollo,  M  18 

Bolt,  M  3 

Bolter,  E  25 

Bolton,  H  22,  H  29,  T  36 

Bonde,  E  4-5,  H   12,  M 

32,  E  36,  H  38 
Bonying,  E  17 
Borell,  M  27,  M  28 
Borone,  E  28 
Borough,  E  4-5 
Boroun,  E  26 
Bosom,  E  7 

Boston,  T  19,  T  30,  E  36 
Boswell,  H  17 
Bothe,  M  18 
Botolffe,  T  16,  M  16 
Botry,  E  6 
Boty,  M  30 
Bourghcher,  H  12 
Bourne,  H  32 
Bowes,  T  12,  E  28,  M  38 
Bowgden,  M  37,  M  38 
Bo  wham,  T  31 
Bowie,  T  33 
Bownham,  M  25 
Bowse,  T  26,  M  27 
Bowser,  M  34 
Bowys,  E  33 
Boxford,  M  19 
Boyes,  T  17 
Boys,  H  8 

Bozom,  E  23-24  (bis) 
Brad,  M  29 
Bradbache,  T  27 
Bradeley,  H  38 
Bradfeld,  M  32 
Bradforth.  M  37 
Brady,  E  9 
Bramesby,     M     31     (v. 

Bramysly) 
Brampston,  E  36 
Brampton.  T   14,  H  17, 

H  21,  T  23,  H  28,  M 

37 
Branche,  E  30,  M  30,  E 

33 
Brandon,  M  1,  E  4,  T  6, 

M  10,  M  27 
Branstell,  M  24 
Braunche,  M  3,  E  28,  H 

33 
Bredge,  M  28 
Breese,  M  32 
Brekkyng,  al'sDyryk,  M 

19 
Bremier,  M  21 
Breten,  M  28 
Breton,  T  36 


198 


Brett  en,  M  32 
Bretton,  M  31 
Brian  (v.  Brvan^i 
BriggsE  26  (V.  Brvggs) 
Bright  (v.  Bryght) 
Briston,  E  17 
Broke,  E  19,  T  35,  H  37 
Brom,  31  25 
Brome,  H  13 
Brom  well,  H  8 
Bronde,  E  3,  M  12,31  20 
Broun,  H  13,  31  22,  M 
24,  M  30,  M  31,  H  32, 
T  39 
Browne,  E  4-5,  E  13,  T 
21,  E  26,  E  31,  T  31, 
E  34  (bis),  M  38,  and 
M  1,  M  2,  E  5  (bis) 
Browster,  M  24 
Bryan,  T  32 
BrVggvs,E28,H35,3137 
Bryght,  31  33 
BrVse,  H  32 
Buchiller,  H  12 
Bulbroke,  M  14 
Bull,  31  25 
Bullev,  E  16 
Bullevn,  E  33 
Bullok,  M  23,  E  25,  E  28 
Bupry  (?),  T  32 
Burden,  E  17,  T  33 
Burman,  31  33 
Burnban,  T  31 
Burry,  31  23 
Burshand,  M  38 
BurweU,  E  7-8,  E  9,  T  9 
Burr,  31  26,  M  28,  M  3S 
Busbe,  M  30 
Busshe,  H  38 
Bussbop,  31  22,  H  35 
Butt,  H  24 
Butte,  M  7,  H  34 
Buttelev,  Prior  of,  E  30 
Butterv,  E  26 
Buttys,  31  31,  31  34 
Bvgott,  M  34 
Bvles  (v.  Cbylde),  H  34 
Byllyngf ord,  M  33,  E  36, 

*  M  36,  M  37 
Bvnham.  M  30 
Byrd,  31  31 
Byrde,  M  23,  T  26 
Byssbop,  M  12,  M  23,  31 

'  25,  M  31,  M  34,  H  36 

Calle,  H  17 

Calthorpe,  M  14,  E  22, 
M  22.  M  25,  E  26,  T 
27,  E  28,  H  30,  E  36, 
31  27,  T  38 


Calver,  E  30 
Calybut,  H  24 
Came,  M  8 
Camell,  M  24 
Campesse,    Master,   <S:c., 

of  Chantry  at,  H  29 
Campynet,  M  36 
Campynett,  E  36 
Canon,  E  35 
Cantelev,  H  29 
Capell,  E  4,  H  4,  T  26, 

E  32 
Cappes,  Capps,  T  32 
Carleton,  T  36 
Carr,  T  4 
Carre,  E  22 
Carrowe,   31   37  (and  y. 

Carowe) 
Carter,  31  18,  31  21 
Cartewiight,  M  33 
Carver,  H  14 
Cassell  31  37 
CasteU,  T  34 
Caster,  H  32  (bis) 
Castle  Acre,    Priory   of, 

M  29 
Catesbv,  E  4-5 
Catfeld,  T  6 
Catborp,  E  38 
Catlvn,  H  32,  M  36 
Caton,  H  25 
Catys,  31  18 
Caunceler,  E  32 
Cause,  H  27 
Cawston,  31  34,  H  35 
Cayster,  31  34 
Chadwell,  M  27 
Chamberleyn,       Cbaum- 

berlevn,  31  3,  31  8,  E 

9,  31  U,  31  18,  E  25, 

T  32,  H   32,   E    36, 

E  3S 
Chambers    (v.    Aston) , 

H  29 
Chambers,  E  33 
Chapman,  E  23-24,  H  29, 

31  32.  31  34,  H  35 
Charnok,  31  32 
Chaumpman,  T  29 
Chauncv,  M  7 
Chaundeler,  II  33 
Cheseman,  31  16 
Child  (v.  Chv) 
Chin  (?),  H  29,  31  34 
Chirche,  31  24 
Chittings  (v.  Chy) 
Chopvn,  31  5 
Chowte,  31  18 
Chowvbt.  31  14 
Churche.  31  23.  31  26 


Chvld,  31  31 

ChVlde,  als  Bvles,  H  34 

Clare  31  18,  31  26,  31  31 

(2),  H  32 
Clarke  E  28,  31  31,  H  38 
Claxton,  31  12 
Clere,  T  23,  31  26,  T  29 

(2),  T  34,  31  37 
Clerk,  T  17,  31  28,  31  33 
Clerke,  H  20  (bis),  T  28, 

31  38 
Clev,  31  23 
Clifford,  31  20 
Clopton,  H  27,  T  33 
Clovvle,  H  37 
Clyfford,  31  23 
Clvston,  31  32 
Cobbe,  H    13,  E    14,  31 

14,  H  24,  M  28,  T  29, 

31  33  (bis\  E  34 
Coche,  31  25,  E  4 
Cocket,  E  28 
Cocle  (v.  Bichardson),  H 

33 
Coddenham,  31  31 
CogyU,  T  19 
Coke,  E  17,  E  29,  E  36, 

E  38 
Coket,  E  36 
Cokett,  H  29,   E  35,  T 

38,  T  39 
Cokke,  E  28 
Cokkesford,  Prior  of,  31 

21 
Cokkesford,  H  1 8 
Cokkvs,  31  31 
Cokson,  E  20-21 
Coldred,  T  33 
Collvn,  E  1 1 
Collvs,  31  33 
Colour,  H  28 
Colowe,  31  20 
Colte.  31  37 
Colvvle,  31  15 
Colvns,  31  37 
Colyson,  T  36 
Compton,  T  3 
Constable,  31  26 
Convngesbv.  31  14,  E  16, 

31   24,   T  25,   31    27 

(bis\E28,T34  (bis), 

E  36 
Convsby,  H  27 
Com-,  H  13,  E  22,  31  26, 

31  30 
Coo,  31  20,  31  23 
Cooe,  T  18 
Cook,  31  18 

Cooke,  31    14,  E   20,  31 
28,  31  36 


199 


Cooper  H  34,  E  35 
Coote,  H  13,  T  26,  M  25, 
M  29  (bis),  M  33 

Cootus,  4-5 

Copledyke,  H  27 

Corbett,  H  13,  M  23,  M 
28  (bis),  T  29,  M  29, 
H  30,  H  32  (3),  M 
33,  H  33  (2),  M  34 
(bis),  E  36,  M  37,  M 
38 

Corbee,  M  20 

Corby,  M  28 

Cornwaley,  &c,  E  22,  T 
27,  E  34,  E  35,  M  37 

Cosyn,  T  13 

Cote,  M  25,  M  33,  II  33 

Coteler,  M  27 

Coton,  H  13 

Cotton,  M  23 

Courtenay,  M  3 

Covil,  M  31 

Cowie,  M  18 

Cowper,  M  14,  E  22,  M 
24,  T  32 

Crane,  E  30,  E  31,  E  32 

Cranham,  H  34 

Crasthyll,  M  30 

Cresner,  M  33 

Cressenner,  M  20 

Cressy,  M  28 

Ciispe  (v.  Cryspe) 

Cristmas,  H  6 

Croche,  M  10 

Croftes,  E  28 

Crofts,  M  18 

Croftys,  T  19,  E  28,  E  32 

Croke,  M  23,  M  26 

Cromwell,  E  26 

Crosse,  T  31 

Crowe,  H  26,  E  28,  T 
31,  M  31,  SI  32,  M 
37,  M  38 

Crowland  H  21 

Crowland  (vide  Sump- 
ter),  E  20,  M  21 

Crucbe,  M  36,  H  36 

Crudde,  H  10  (3) 

Cryspe,  H  21 

Cull,  T  36 

Cully  ng,  M  33 

Culpeper,  M  36 

Curate,  M  18 

Cure,  E  34 

Curson,  E  14,  M  16,  H 
17,  M  18,  H  22,  E 
28,  H  32,  M  32,  M 
33,  H  33,  M  35  (bis) 

Curteis,  M  37 

Curteys,  H  32 


Cushy n,  E  19 
Cutler,  E  20,  T  39 
Cutting,  M  20,  E  31 
Cuttys,  T  39 

Cyndele    (al's   Kendall). 
*  M  37 


Dacke,  M  38 
Dale,  T  39 
Damere,  M  27 
Damme,  T  21,  II  28 
Danyell,  E  11,  H  18,  M 

20 
I  Danyett,  T  2,  Ed.  M  10 
1  Darrell, 
!  Davy,  E   4-5,  M  10,  n 

23,  M    25,  M    26,  M 

27,  M2  3,  M  30,  M31, 

II  35,  T  38 
Dawne,  M  24 
Dawbeney,  M  31 
Dawes,  M  18,  M  30 
Dawson,  M  23 
Dave,  E  37 
Deane,  E  26 
Debden,  M  32 
Dedik,  M  24 
Dedman,  H  17 
Delabay,  H  17 
Dengayn,  M  23 
Denny,  T  29,  M  16,  T  38 
Deny,  M  23 
Denys,  M  7 
Derham,  M  32 
Dethyk,  H  35 
Dey,  M  11,  E  26,  M  27, 

M  33,  M  34,  H  34,  M 

37 
Deye,  E  25 

Devnes,  M  30,  II  32,  H  34 
Dikon,  E  7-8 
Dive  (v.  Dv) 
Dobbeson,  E  28 
Dobson,    M    26,    M     31 

(bis) 
Dockvng,  M  28 
Doddys,  M  16 
Doget,  M  24 
Dokkyng,  E  28 
Doo,  M  22,  E  31,  M  33 
Dorant,  H  31 
Doraunt,  M  10,  M  12 
Dorset,  M.  of,  H  21 
Dove,  M  38 
Dowe,  M  24 
Downes,    M    22,    M   31, 

H  32,  E  36,  M  38 
Downyng,  M  11,  M  18 
Dowsyng[e],  T  21,  M  25 


Drabullvs,  M  25 
Drake,  M  34 
Draper,  M  31  (bis) 
Drawell,  M  37 
Drawer,  T  28 
Drewery,  T  18 
Drurv,  H  4,  E  18,  E  20, 

M  24,  M  34,  E  38 
Duke,  H  25,  II  30 
Dunham,  E  30 
Dunstrope,  M  31 
Duplak,  E  17,  M  34 
Durrant,  E  35 
Dusgate,  H  26 
Dussyng,  M  10 
Dyeus,  M  28 
Dyker,  T  1 5 
Dykerall,  E  33 
Dynne,  M  27,  M  30 
Dyryk    (v.   Brekkyng), 

M  19 
Dyve,  T  32 


Ede,  E  22 

Edmond,  E  13 

Edward,  M  29 

Eggletyne,  M  38 

Elderby,  M  30 

Eldredd,  E  38 

Elgey,  T  31 

Ellys,  H  11,  M  30 

Elys,  H  5 

El'yse,  H  29 

Elver,  E  19 

Ermygerd,  M  21 

Esod,  H  34  (vide  Ezod) 

Est,  T  21 

Estgate,  H  24 

Eventrell,  E  37 

Everall,  M  37 

Everard,  M  10,  H  27, 
H  28,  E  30,  H  35, 
T  36,  M  36,  T  31 

Everod,  M  32 

Ewen,  E  20 

Ezod,  E  36 


Faconer,  E  26 
Farthyng,  M  20,  M  30 
Fastolff,  E  4 
Fa  we,  M  36 
Fayrclowe,  M  31 
Feke,  M  20 
Fellow,  M  33 
Fellowe,  E  36 
Felowe,  E  20 
Felton,  E  18,  E  19 


200 


Fen,  E  20,  M  33 

Fenne,  M  10 

Feraiour,  M  12  (bis), 
E  16,  H  17,  M  23 
(bis),  M  31,  T  33, 
T  36,  M  37  (bis) 

Ferrour,  M  37 

Ferrys,  T  34 

Fete]  H  21 

Fewell,  M  31 

Fild,  M  28 

Finchain,Findern,  Fines, 
Fish,  Fisher,  Fiske, 
Fitt  (v.  Fy) 

Fitchet.  Fitcheet,  H  36 

Fitz  AVauter,  vie',  T  21 

Fitz  William,  E  37 

Flatman,  M  15 

Fleche.al's  Tumour,  E  29 

Flegge,  E  7,  M14,H  30, 
E  33,  H  38 

Fliyte,  H  24 

Flower,  E  31 

Flowerdewe,  M  23,  E  30, 
T  36,  E  38 

Floyd  (?),  M  36 

Fludd,  E  37 

Flvght,  M  25 

Fodervngell,  T  6 

Folsham,  E  2,  T  29 

Folton,  M  25 

Forby,  M  30 

Forman,  M  22,  H  32 

Forthe,  E  36 

Foster,  T  29,  M  33,  M  34 

Foulsham,  H  35 

Fowar,  M  10 

Fowke,  M  16 

Fownton,  H  38 

Fox,  E  29 

Framyngham,  M  32 

Frankelvn,  Iff  18,  T  34 

Fraunces,  M  10,  II  17, 
M  18,  M  20 

Fraunceys,  H  11,  H  17 

Frenian/M  11,  M  26 

Frense,  M  29 

FuUer,  E  7-8,  E  19.  M  26 
(bis),M29(bis),M30, 
M  32,  E  33,  E  36, 
M  38,  T  39  (bis) 

Fulmerston,  M  31 

Funhale,  H  25 

Funke,  T  32 

Futche,  E  7,  E  11 

Futter,  M  33 

Fyncham,  M  21 

Fvndern,  E  30 

Fynes,  T  34 

Fysshe,  M  32  (bis) 


Fyske,  T  18,  E  31,  M  31, 

E  32 
Fvtchet,  M  38 
Fvtz  Willyam,  E  37 


Galant,  T  29 

Gale,  M  36 

GaUe,  M  31,  M  1,  Ed. 

Galyetii,  M  32 

Galys,  E  16 

Gamage,  M  20 

Gamlyn,  E  30 

Gann'oke,  M  26 

Gardener,  E  23 

Gardiner,  H  29 

Garnett,  M  12,  T  36 

Garnon,  T  36 

Garnye,  E  38 

Garnvs.  M  26 

Garrard,  Ml,M  31,M38 

Garrett,  M  28 

Gaskyn,  T  33 

Gates,  M  26 

Gaudy e,  M  38 

Gawde,  M  6 

Gawdv,  M  7,  H  32,  E  36 

Gawsell,  M  20,  T  25,  E 

28,  E  30,  M  31 
Gaye,  Iff  14,  M  33 
Gay  ton,  H  17 
Gayton    (vide    Shenell), 

M  10 
Gedge,  M  31 
Gent,  M  30 
Germayne,  T  18 
Geyse.'H  31 
Geyton,  M  26,  H  35 
Gibbs  (vide  Gybbys) 
Giggis,  M  25 
Gilberd.  M  6,  M  19   >nd 

see  Gvlberd) 
Gilbert,  M  28,  31  31 
Gilmyn,  T  1 7 
Gimnour,  ISI  24 
Girlvng,  E  18 
Glaven,  E  38 
Glemham,  T  5 
Glover,  H  15,  M  25  (and 

see  Rvchers) 
Gobold,  M  25 
Godbolde,  E  16,  T  16 
Godfrey.  M  10,  T  26,  M 

34,  M  36 
Godknap.  E  20 
Godsalve,   E    11,   H  11, 

M  22,   Iff  30,  M  34, 

E  36  (bis),  E  37 
Gognev,  H  31 
Guldale,  T  36 


Golde,  M  19 

Golderowe,  M  3S 

Goldsnivtk,  M  29 

Goldvng,  H  22,  H  32, 
3138 

Golsyng,  M  27 

Goodhugh,  M  36 

Goodman,  E  22 

Goodrvk,  M  32 

Goodwvn,  MSI,  M  35 

Goodvere,  H  29 

Goslvng,  H  23,  M  26, 
M37 

Gosse,  H  33 

Gosselvn,  If  23 

Gower,  E  34 

Gowse,  E  34 

GowseU,  If  28,  M  37 

Gradbache,  M  25 

Graunte,  H  26 

Grave,  If  22 

Grav,  M  32 

Grene,  E  4-5,  T13,  M  14, 
T  16,  T  19,  M  20, 
M  21,  H  24,  E  25, 
M  26,  M  29,  M  30, 
M  31,  T  32,  M  33, 
M  38  (bis) 

Gresham,  E  16,  M  21, 
T  25,  H  27,  H  28, 
E  16 

Gressam,  T  31 

Grev,  H17,  II  25,  M  27, 
M  28  (bis),  H  32, 
M  33  (bis),  H  33 
(bis)  T  35,  H  35 

Grice,  M  34  (and  see 
Urvce) 

Griffith,  E  6 

Grome,  M  18 

Gross,  H  28 

Qroese,  M  38  (bis) 

Groundesburgh,  M  3 

Growte,  M  26 

Grvee,  M  29,  H  33  (bis) 

Grvffvn,  E  36 

Grvggvs,  E  25  (bis),  H  31 

Gryme,  M  7 

Grymston,  E  34 

Guinne,  M  26 

Guipege,  M  3  i 

Gunthorp.  E  28 

Gunvile,  E  28 

Gumev,  M7,  T  19,  T24, 
M  *24,  H  25,  E  26, 
E  28,  M  29,  H  29, 
T  32,  H  32,  M  38 
(bis) 

Guteswisell,  T  22 

Guvton,  M  27,  M  30  (2) 


201 


Gybbon,  H  15,  M  37 
Gybon,  M  14 
Gygges,  M  24 
Gyggys,  H  6 


Habbcs,  M  34 
Habbys,  M  37 
Hacon,   M  28,  M  33,  M 

36,  E  38 
Hagon,  M  34 
Halgate,  T  2 1 

Hall,  M  11,  M  24,  M  26, 
H  30,  M  31  (bis),  H 

37,  M  37  (bis) 
Halle,   E  20-21,    M   34, 

M  37 
Halysden,  H  24 
Hamond,  M  6,  T  30,  M 

30  (bis),  E  35 
Hamonde,  H  17,  E  32 
Hamund,  H  26 
Hardyngham,  M  31 
Hare,  H  21,  M  23,  M  26, 

H  27,   M   29,  M  30, 

T  31,  T  32,  M  32,   H 

33,  E  36 
Harleston,  H  32,  M  36, 

E  37 
Harman,  H  19,  M  23,  M 

29,  M  32 
Harmere,  M  24 
Harpley,  T  27 
Harre,  H  33 
Harres,  M  2 
Harreys,  M  20 
Harrison,  T  18 
Harryson,  M  33,  M  34 
Harvy,  M  31,  H  31 
Harvye,  M  20,  H  20  (bis) 
Harward,  E  16,  M  24,  E 

28,  M  33  (bis),  M  38 
Harwell,  E  7-8 
Hast,  M  29 

Hastyngs,  E  26,  H  32 
Haukyn,  H  26 
Hautley,  E  30 
Havering,  M  26 
Haward,  M  3 
Hawchett,  E  36 
Hawe,  M  33,  M  36 
Hawkyn,  M  29 
Haydon,  T  25 
Haylott,  T  29 
Hay  ward,  T  2, 
Hede,  H  34 
Helton,  H  25 
Helyes,  E  25 
Hemmyng,  M  28 
Hendrv,  M  38 


Here,  M  23 
Hcrthyll,  E  28 
Herward,  M  26 
Heryngton,  E  23 
Hevenyngham,  M  22,  M 

31,  M  37 

Hewar,  Mil,  H  26,  M 
30,  M  36 

Hewer,  M  23,  T  26 

Hewson,  M  34 

Heycok,  H  25 

Heydon,  M  4,  T  7,  H  8, 
M  11,  H  11,  M  16, 
M  22,  M  24,  E  25,  T 
26  (bis),  E  28,  T  31 
(bis),  M  35,  H  35,  M 
37,  T  38,  H  38  (bis), 
M  38,  T  39 

Heylett,  M  29 

Heyward,  E  36 

Hildwell,  M  29 

Hill,  M  11,  E  26,  H  29 

Hill,  al's  Roper,  M  28 

Hillyngton,  M  28 

Hirne,  E  28 

Ho,  M  37 

Hobard,  T  25,  M  36,  H 
36 

Hobart,  E  31,   M  31,   II 

32,  T  33,  M  36,  H  37 
Hobarte,  T  I 

Hobert,  T  6,  H  24 
Hodson,  E  25 
Hogam,  H  22,  M  29 
Hogan,   M  20,  T  23,  M 

26,  M  29,  E  30 
Hoggys,  E  33 
Hogon,  M  20,  H  33 
Hogun,  H  14 
Hoke,  M  15 
Holand,  E  31 
Holder,  M  25 
Holdich,  E  23-24 
Holdiche,  T  19,  E  26 
Holdyche,   M  24,  T  26, 

T  29,  E  34,  M  38 
Holland,  E  33,  M  38 
HoUes,  H  38 
Hollys,  M  35 
Holme,  M  33 
Holt,  M  28 

Homerston,  H  32,  E  36 
Honyter,  E  33 
Hoo,  T  25,  M  38 
Hooke,  H  33 
Hopkynson,  H  8 
Hopton,  M  23,  H  29 
Horewood,  T  1 
Home,  E  28 
Horpole,  M  25 


Houghton,   T  31,  T  33, 

E  34 
Housewold,  M  18 
Howard,  E  11,  M  27 
Howarde,  E  26 
Howe,  M  7,  M  23,  E  34, 

11  35 
Houghton,  E  26 
Howke,  M  38 
Howlyn,  M  10 
Howman,  T  36 
Howse,  H  17,   M  20,  H 

27,  T  29,  E  32,  M  32 
Howson,  M  19,  M  24 
Howys,  M  37 
Hubart,  E  31 
Hubbard,  E  23,  M  26 
Humfrey,  H  29 
Hunston,   M   18,   M  23, 

E  33 
Hunt,  T  32 
Huntley,  E  30 
Hunte,  T  36 
Huse,  H  4, 
Husee,  T  19 
Hussey,  M  30  (bis) 
Hybberd,  M  26 
Hychecoke,  M  4 
Hyckys,  M  31 
Hylle,  al's  Ilopere,  M  31 
Hynde,  M  15 
Hyndys,  E  33 


Ilbert,  T  21,  M  30 
Ingaldesthorp,  M  36 
Ingleus,  E  20-21 
Inglos,  E  23-24 
Ipswich,  Bishop  of,  E  30 
Ipswich,  Coll.   of  B.  M. 

of,  E  20-21 
Iron,  M  38 
Isake,  M  29,  M  31 


Jacob,  M  33 

Jakson,  H  12 

Jamys,  M  16,  M  33 

Jary,  M  33 

Jay,  M  26 

Jekler,  E  37 

Jeley,  E  7 

Jenkyns,  M  28 

Jenkys,  M  31 

Jenney,  E  25,  T  31,  H 

34    (four),    T   35,  M 

38,  H  38,  T  39 
Jenny,  T  19  (bis) 
Jenour,  T  26 
Jent,  E  26 


202 


Jenvson,  E  36 

Jerden,  M  38 

Jermv,  31  37 

Jenny,  M  32,  H  32  (bis), 

Bi  36,  M  37 
Jermvn,   M  8,   31  11,  E 

19,  H  28,  T  31,  T36, 

M    36,    T    39    (vide 

Germyne) 
Jerves,  M  32,  H  36 
Jettour,  M  20 
John,  M  18  (bis),  E  20 
Johnson,    E    19,    E    28 

(his),  If  34,  E  37,   M 

38 
Julvan,  T  33 
Jurdan,  M  22,  M  31.  T 

35,  H  35,  M  37 
Jurden,  E  34 
Jurdon,  T  32,  If  33,  31 

34 

Karvevle,  H  17 
Karvile,   M  11,  E  14,  H 

24,  M  26 
Karvyle,  E  23  (vide  Ker- 

vyle) 
Karvyll,  M  12 
Kech'esham,  31  30 
Keene,  E  16,  T  16  (vide 

Kene) 
Kegvll,  E  34 
Kenipe,  M  18,    M  23,   T 

33,  H  33,  31  38 
Kendall,    al's    Cvndele, 

M  37 
Kene,  M  15,  M  27 
Kennett  (?  v.  Kenyte) 
Kense,  31  21 
Kensey,  H  21 
Kenston.  E  14 
Kensv,  31  23 
Kent  E.  of,  H  4  (bis) 
Kenvte,    E  20   (his),    31 

21,  M  31 
Kersev,  31  25 
Kervile,  E  19,  31  28 
Kerr  vie.  31  5.  31  23 
Kettyl,  31  34 
Ketrvngham,  E  16 
Keryll,  T  26 
Kevmere.  E  35 
Kilham,  T  16 
King,  the,  31  29  (bis\  H 

29,  E  30,  T  30  (bis), 

H  35 
Knape.  H  29,  T  39 
Knevett,  E  32,  T  34,  T 

36 
Knolles,  31  29 


Knvghtley,  31  18,  E  19 

Knyvet,  E  7.  31  33 

Knvvett.  31  24,  31  25,  E 
30,  31  31,  E  33,  31  33 
(bis),  H  33,  H  35.  31 
38 

Kokwood,  31  23 

Kvbyt,  31  4 

Kybytt,  31  29 

Kvdbald.  31  29 

Kyng,  31  19 

Kvppvng,  T  17 

Kyrbv,  31  30 

Kytbald,  T  29 


Laborn,  H  35 

Lacv,  31  11,  31  13,  3124, 

E  28 
Lamberd,  31  34,  T  39 
Lambert,  H  22 
Lamme,  T  31 
Lane,  E  4-5,  E  34,  31  37, 

31  38 
Langdon,  E  28 
Langlev,  T  17 
Lard,  H  37 
Large,  31  32 
Larke,  E  19 
Larwod,  T  36 
Larwood,  31  19,  E  28 
Launde,  E  11 
Laurance,  H  38 
Lawes,3I13,  T  29,  31  29, 

H  31 
La  wrens,  E  28 
Laws,  31  25  (3) 
Lawse.  E  35 
Lawson,  31  26,  E  36,  H 

36,  H  38 
LawBse,  T  15 
Lawter,  31  27 
Laygham,  T  29 
Ledar,  E  17 
Ledvs,  E  9 
Legate,  H  38 
Legatte,  31  37 
Legge,  31  7 
Legh,  H  17 
Leke,  31  15 

Leman,  II  8.  31  23,  H  23 
Lemroan,  31  34 
Lestrange,  E  4-5 
Le  Strange,  E  4-5 
Lestraunge,Le'Straunge. 

T  13,  M  16,  T  19,  M 

20,31  21.  3122,31  25 

(bis),  E  28,  H  29,  M 

30,  E  31,  T  31 
Le  Strawnoro,  31  27 


Lether,  31  31 
Levald,  31  34 
Leveroke,  E  33 
Leverton,  31  32 
Leveson,  T  13 
Levold,  31  23,  E  36 
Lewes,  Prior  of,  31  29 
Lewvs.  31  23 
Lever,  M  19,  M  20,  M  22 
Leveester,  T  27 
Levgood,  E  37 
Lichfield,  31  23 
Limine,  T  34 
Limnar,  E  33 
Limner,  E  34 
Lincoln,  E  18 
Loft,  M  37 
Lokewood,  E  34 
Lomenonr,  M  33 
Lomner,  E  38 
Lomnor,  T  24 
Lomnore,  H  35 
Lomnour,  H  11,  E  28,  T 

36  (bis) 
London,  M  16 
Long,  E  28 

Long  worth,  M  11,  M  25 
Loret,  31  34 
Lounde,  H  24 
Loured,  H  29 
Louth,  31  27 
Love,  E  3 
Lovedv.  If  3 
Lovell,  T  5,  E  15,  T  26 

(bis),  31  26,  T  33,  H 

35 
Lowe,  T  32,  H  32 
Lowes,  T  36 
Lubbocke,  31  33 
Lucas,  H  34 
Lvcberd,  H  35 
Lvchefeld,  M  30 
LVo-htfote,  E  28 
LVghtwvn,  H  20 
Lvn,  31  30 
Lyster,  M  25,  31  33 


3Iachvn,  T  31 
Machvns,  31  37 
Maget,  H  13 
Makauntur,  H  31 
Makyn,  H  34 
Malbe,  E  28 
Maldeaon,  H  13 
Malham.  E  20 
31an,  M  26,  If  30,  II  31, 

E  36 
Manfeld,  T  29,  T  31 
Marifer,  II  6,  E  7 


203 


Manno,  T  33 

More,  T  1,  M  27,  E  30, 

Marche,  M  23 

II  31,  T  33, E  34,  M  37 

Markant,  M  30 

Morell,  M  28 

Markaunt,  M  31 

Mores,  E  32 

Marks,  M  18 

Morley,  Lord,  M  24 

Marler,  T  36 

Morreis,  M  37 

Marsam,  M  36 

Morys,  E  26 

Marsham,  M   7  (bis), 

M 

Moundeford,  II  17,  T  36 

15,   T    26    (bis), 

M 

Mower,  H  30 

34 

Mowle,  M  24 

Marshe,  H  27 

Mowtyn,  M  3 

Marshome,  M  14 

Mowtyng,  II  1 7 

Marten,  M  26,  E  34 

Mowyer,  T  22 

Martyn,  H  12,  M  26, 

H 

Moys,  T  38 

38 

Mundeford,  M  34 

Masham,  T  26 

Mundy,  M  31 

Massyngham,  M  31 

Mundys,  II  11,  M  34 

Mason,  M  5,  M  20,  M  25, 

Mundforth,  M  29 

II  28  (bis),  M  37 

Munsawe,  H  34 

Mather,  H  29,  M  34 

Murdok,  II  13,  E  28 

Mathewe,  E  25 

Musgrave,  M  33 

Mathewe  ( videEudland), 

Myett,  E  31 

H  24 

Mykelhyll.  M  6 

Mauclark,  IE  37 

Mylam,  E  26 

Mauncell,  M  14 

Mvlborn,  E  9 

May,  H  30 

Mylle,  M  6 

Maye,  E  33 

Myller,    E    31    (bis),    II 

Mayhewe,  H  32,  E  36 

35,  T  38 

MaVhu,  M  19 

Mylward,  M  31 

Maynard,  T  34,  E  37 

Mynne,  T  5,  H  31,  E  37 

Mayne,  T  14 

May  our,  M  24 

Medylton,  M  37 

Naunton,  T  32 

Meggy s,  E  26 

Neele,  E  36 

Meke,  T  29,  M  35 

Nele,  M  19,  H  21,  T  32 

Mendam,  M  25 

Nelson,  H  33 

Mens,  M  33 

Nesse,  H  25,  E  34 

Menwyke,  M  36 

Nesshe,  M  27 

Messenger,  E  36 

Neve,  M  4,  M  19,  M  26, 

Methwold,  T  21,  H 

25, 

M  31,  E  32,  M  33  (bis) 

M  27,  T  29,  T  31 

Nevell,  E  34 

Mewse,  H  32 

Nevile,  E  26 

Michell,  M  29,  M  33 

Nevyle,  E  36 

Michellys,  M  24 

Newharn,  II  30 

Might,  E  26 

Newlande,  T  17 

Mikilbor,  M  37 

Newman,  M  24 

Milbourne,  E  18 

Newon,  E  4-5,  T  13 

Miller,  H  13,  E  18,M23, 

Newport,  M  37 

E  26  (bis),  E  28, 

M 

Newporte,  T  34 

34,  H  35 

Newton,  E  26,  M  37 

Millyller,  M  21 

Nichollys,  T  35 

Mingay,  M  32 

Nobby s",  H  26 

Molle,'E  3,  T  21 

None,  H  25 

Mompesson,  M  33 

Noon,  E  36 

Monoux,  T  26 

Noone,  M  23,  H  32  (4), 

Monyman,  M  33 

T  33 

Moore,  T  29 

Norfolk,  Duke  of,  E  16, 

Mordaunt,  T  21,  T  29 

,T 

E  20-21,  T  21,  M  21, 

36,  E  37 

II  22,  M  23,  E  23-24, 

Mordok,  M  1 1 

II  29 

Norman,  H  37 
Norsford,  M  35 
Norsse,  H  23,  M  34 
North,  M  30 
Northumberland,    Com', 

T  21 
Norton,  M  23 
Norwich,  M  30 
Norwich,  Bp.  of,  H  24 
Norwiche,  H  25,  E  26 
Norwych,  M  36 
Norwyche,  H  21 
Novell,  T  19 
Nulleman,  M  27 
Nycollson,  T  31 
Nycolson,  H  35 


Oldman,  E  25 

Olyet,  E  7 

Orell,  M  4 

Orrell,  T  11 

Orwell,  E  25 

Osbern,  H  33 

Osborn,  M  37,  H  37 

Osborne,  M  34 

Osburn,  M  23 

Oundell,  M  12 

Overall,  T  35,  H  35  (3). 

M  36,  H  36 
Overend,  T  32,  M  34 


Pagrave,  H  38 

Palmer,  M  31 

Palmer,  H  11,  E  29,  T 

11   (bis),  E  33,  E  36, 

M  37,  H  38 
Pamplyn,  II  14 
Panell,  M  26  (bis),  M  29 
Parke,  M  28,  H  32,  M  33 
Parker.  T  11,  M  18  (bis), 

M  24,  M  26,  E  30,  M 

30,  M  36,  E  37 
Parres,  T  9 
Parrett,  E  28 
Parson,  E  28 
Parys,  M  7 
Paston,  T  9,  E  15,  E  23- 

24,  H  28,  H  31,  M  33 

(bis),  E  34,  E  35,  H 

35.  (bis),  T  36,  M  37 
Pauly,  II  11 
Pawle,  M  22 
Payn,  M  30 
Payne,  M  23,  E  26,  M  26, 

M   27,   T    32,   E    37 

(bis),  M  37 
Payn  ell,  E  31,  II  37 
Payton,  E  28 


204 


Peckett,  H  24 

Pecoke,  E  7 

Pedder,  M  31 

Peerson,  M  21,  H  23 

Pegion,  M  25 

Pele,  E  18 

Pell,  E  32 

PeUe,  E  16 

Peper,  M  31,  E  32 

Pepes,  H  25 

Pepper,  H  31,  E  33 

Pepvr,  M  18 

Pepvs,  E  25,  E  26,  H  26 
E  30 

Pernell,  M  30 

Perpotfvld,  E  2 

Pers,  E  36 

Persev,  E  33 

Peryman,  T  18 

Peryn,  H  32 
Perys,  M  30 
Pestell,  M  1 1 
Peterson,  M  33 
Petrngale,  M  21,  M  33 
Petvver,  M  23 
Pevnter,  M  20,  H  35 
Peyton,  T  35 
Phvlvp,  M  34 
Pitte,  E  29 
Platfote,  H  35 
Plavford,  M  20 
Playter,  H  17 
Plowman,  M  18,  E  34 
Plume,  T  2 
Plumstead,  M  15 
Polescon,  vel    Polesoon, 

M  31 
Pollard.  M  19 
Polle,  H  20  (bis),  E  36 
Poly,  M  30 
Ponvnges,  E  6 
Pope,  H  29 
Popv,  M  1 1 

Porter,  H  12,  M  18,  M 
26,  E  31,  M  32,  E  33, 
M  36 
Porv.  E  34.  M  34 
Porye,  H  35 
Poterell,  M  25 
Potter,  M  18,  T  21,  T  31, 

M  31,  H  33 
Powdych,  T  36 
Power,  E  31 
Powle,  M  12 
Powleson,  M  37 
Povnter,  E  31,  M  31,  M 

'35,  M  38 
Pranssam,  E  33 
Pratt,  H  18,  M  31 
Pratte,  E  25 


Prent,  E  2,  T  27 
Prentise,  E  14 
Prentys,  M  5 
Prentyse,  E  22 
Preston,  E  26 
Prudde,  T  13 
Prykell.  M  34 
Pukvns,  E  33 
Purdee,  M  18 
Purser,  M  24 
Puttok,  M  32 
Puttoke,  M  32 
Pycher,  T  14 
Pvgeon,  M  37 
Pvghtelvn,  M  15 
Piggot,  M  31 
Pvgott,    M    32,    M    34, 

"  T39 
Pykarell,  E  36 
Pvle,  M  38 
Pyne,  T  28 
Pynnes,  H  34 
Pvpar,  M  34 
Pype,  M  18 
Pvper,  M  24 
Pvteher,  H  33 
Pytt,  M  25 


Quarles,  T  17  (bis),  M  36 
Quavntrell,  M  30,  M  31, 
M  37 


Rackey,  M  11 
Raraesbury,  H  28 
Rammesbury,  M  3S 
Ramsev,  M  30 
Ramson,  H  33 
Randall,  M  38 
Randolf,  M  31 
Rant,  M  27,  T  28,  M  31 
Raurryn,  T  29 
Rawlvn.  II  35 
Rawhngs,  T  18 
Ravnold,  M  8,  M  30 
Barter,  M  28 
Rechers,  M  34 
Rede,  M  26,  T  31,  M  32, 

E  33,  H  33,  M  34,  E 

35,  M  37,  T  38 
Reddell,  H  37 
Reppes,  H  12,  T  13,  H 

24.  E  31,  M  32,  E  33, 

H  38 
Eeppvs.  E  38 
Reve*  E  28 

Reve,  al's  Wolvy,  H  24 
Revmes,  H  24 
Reynold.  M  24 


Richards,  E  34 
Richardson,  al's    Code, 

H  33 
Riche,  M  28  (bis) 
Richemond,  H  16 
Richers,  H  13,  M  23,  M 

38 
Riches,  M  28 
Ridesdale,  II  12 
Riplingham,  M  4 
Roberdys,  M  38 
Roberts,  H  19 
Robson,  E  36 
Robyns,  E  20,  H  26 
Robynson,  H  29 
Rockwood,  M  34 
|  Roffensis,  Ep's,  M  4 
Roger,  M  23 
Rogers,  E  18,   H  22,  M 

28,  M29,  T31,  M  31, 

M  32,  If  37 
Rokewode,  M  29,  T  33, 

M  36  (bis),  H  37 
Rokewood,  T  32 
Rokvs,  E  7 
Roos,  M  29 
Roose,  E  36 
Ropar,  M  33 
Roper,  M  25,  Iff  28 
Roper  (v.  Hill),  M  23 
Ropere  (v.  Hvlle),  M  31 
Rose,  T  29 

Rothwell,  H  33,  H  36 
Rous,  M  30,  M  31,  H  32 
Routhale,  M  2 
Rouus,  M  5,  M  29 
Rowthale,  H  20 
RovaU,  T  32 
Roydon,  T  27 
Rudland,  al's  Mathewe, 

Rngg,  M  28 

Rugge,  M  30,  M  32,  H 

35,  E  37 
Rugis,  M  36 
Russell,  M  6,  M  10,  T  13, 

M  16,  M   30,  Iff  31, 

E  37 
Rust.  M  34,  E  36 
Rutland,  E.  of,  E  23-24 
Rycar,  M  20 
Rychards,  al's    Alyxon, 

'  M  34 
Rvchardson,  E  31 
Rvche.  T  24 
Rychers,  M  38 
Rvdeoute,  Ell 
Rydesdale,  H  12 
Rvghtwise,  H  17 
Rvneldv.  M  37 


205 


Ryngolde,  M  31 
liyppour,  M  14 
Rysyng,  H  37 
Rythe,  T  38 
Rytsone,  M  26 
Ryve,  H  28 
Ryvely,  T  34 


Sacheverell,  H  18,  M  22 
Sadeler,  M  30 
Saham,  M  38,  H  38 
St.  John,  E  4 
Salman,  H  30,  M  36 
Salter,  M  6,  M  11,  H  26, 

T29,H29,M31,E34 
Samme,  E  32 
SandeU,  E  37 
Sanderson,  E  36 
Sare,  T  33 
Sarys,  H  38 
Saunder,  M  37 
Saunders,  T  35 
Saunderson,  E  37 
Savell,  T  32 
Say,  T  35 
Saye,  M  27  (bis),  E  31, 

E  36,  M  36,  E  37 
Sayer,  M  31 
Scarlett,  M  34 
Scherston,  T  39 
Scotyn,  M  13 
Scowle,  H  25 
Sebarne,  E  33 
Sefoull,  H  26,  T  36 
Sefowle,  H  27 
Seggewyke,  M  26 
Seinacrofte,  H  22 
Sekker,  M  10 
Seman,  M  12,  E   18,  M 

25,  H  31,  H  35 
Sendall,  M  35,  E  36 
Sendell,  E  28 
Sewald,  H  23 
Seward,  M  28 
Sewer,  E  31 
Seygrave,   T  13,   M  13, 

M  21 
Seyve,  E  35 
Shakerley,  M  32,  T  39 
Shardlowe,  M  33,  M  37 
Sharp,  M  37 
Sharpe,  M  25 
Sharyngton,  H  22,  T  23 
Shawe,  M  23 
Shaxton,  E  18,  M  27 
SheUey,  M  23 
Shelton,  H  18,  H  22,  II 

24,  M25,H25,M30, 

E  33,  E  36 


Shene,  M  38 

Shenell,  al's  Gay  ton,  M 

19 
Shepard,  E  33 
Shephey,  H  17 
Sherford,  M  27 
Sheris,  E  37 
Sherman,  M   23,  H    25 

(bis),    T    29,   H    32 

(bis),  M  36 
Shernebourne,  T  4 
Shernburne,  M  2 
Sheryngham,  M  38  (bis) 
Sheryngton,  T  23 
Shetyll,  M  25,  M  33 
Shord,  M  26 
Shreve,  M  20 
Shrymplyng,  H  21 
Shuldham,  M  5,  E  18 
Siwhatt,  M  27 
Skarlett,  M  38 
Skelton,  M  22,  E  36 
Skepper,  T  25,  H  35 
Skete,  E  37 
Skevyngton,  H  12 
Skey,  H  29 
Skrymsher,  E  26  (bis) 
Skye,  M  31 
Skynner,H  16,  M  19,  M 

26,  H  37 
Skypwith,  E  25 
Slyngesby,  M  23 
Small,  E  31 
Smalley,  H  23 
Smalpace,  E  37 
Smartwet,  E  33 
Smyth,  E  7-8,  M  11,  H 

11,  M  14,  H  15,  M  20, 

M  21,  M  24,  M  25, 

M  29,  E  31,  M  31,  H 

31,  H  32,E37,  M  37, 

H  38 
Smythe,  M3,T16,  E  28, 

M  30,  M  33 
Snede,  M  12 
Snellyng,  H  11 
Snowe,  H  34 
Snytterton,  M  20 
Soham,  T  14 
Sohame,  M  13 
Sokely,  M  24 
Some,  T  34 
Somerset,  H  4 
Sompter,  al's   Crowland, 

M21 
Sotherton,  M  20 
Southous,  E  36,  E  37 
Southwell,   T  25,  E    26, 

M  29,   M   33,  T  36, 

E  36 


Sowthwell,  T  28,  T  31, 

E  36 
Spaldyng,   M  23,  M  29 

(bis) 
Spany,  M  7,  M  24,  H  26, 

M    30,    M  31,  T  35, 

M  37,  M  38 
Spanye,  M  30 
Spare  we,  M  33 
Sparham,  M  19,  M  21 
Spark,  T  33 
Sparowe,  M  34 
Sparrowe,  M  12,  E  20, 

T  26 
Spelman,  E  18,  M  31,  E 

33,  M  33,  H  33,M34 
Spencer,  M  25,  M  30,  M 

36,  M  38 
Spendley,  H  32 
Spendlove,  M  27 
Spendlowe,  M  30 
Spenser,  M  7 
Speyn,  M  27 
Speyne,  M  24 
Spicer,  M  10 
Spilman,  E  22 
Spodell,  H  32 
Sponer,  M  19,  M  21,  T 

27,  H  33,  M  34 
Sporle,  T  21 
Spratt,  M  38 
Spryng,  M  5,  E  16,  T  36 
Sprynge,  E  9 
Spryngolde,  T  21 
Spryngwell,  M  15,  E  30 
Spurpoyncte,  M  38 
Spylman,  E  4-5,  M  7,  M 

11 
Sroope,  M  1 
Stacey,  H  23 
Stacy,  H  26 
Stalles,  M  24 
Stalon[er],  E  33 
Stalworth,  M  26 
Stanhowe,  H  11 
Stannard,  M  21 
Staunford,  M  31 
Stele,  M  15,  M  25,  T  26, 

M  31,  E  37 
Stephenson,  M  20 
Stephyns,  H  38 
Stern,  M  33 

Sterthwayte,  M  20,  E  28 
Stevenson,  T  32,  H  35 
Stevynson,  M  21,  E  38 
Steward,  E  34 
Stoke,  H  33 
Stokes,  T  29 
Stone,  E  4-5,  H    18,  H 

35 


206 


Storthwayte,  M  21 

Stuard,  M  24 

Stubbe,  E  2,  T  26,  M  29 

Studde,  M  21 

Sturges,  E  13,  M  20,  H 

20,  E  22,  M  27,  M  33, 

H34 
Sturgeys,  T  36 
Sturgyes,  E  25 
Style,"  E  32 
Styrley,  T  36 
Stysted,  E  36 
Styward,  M  32,  M  36 
Suffeld,  M  24 
Suffolk,  Duke  of,  H  21, 

T  30,  M  31,  T  34 
Sumpter,  al's  Cropland, 

E  20 
Sussex,  E  of,  M  34,  E  35, 

M37 
Suthwell,    T   32,    H  32 

(4),  E  36 
Sward,  E  38 
Swyft,  T  36 
Sydley,  E  37 
Sydney,  T  28 
Syham,  T  13 
Symond,  M  10 
Symondes,  M  24,  H  32 
Symondys,  M  30,  M  33 
Sympson,  M  31,  M  32 
Sympton,  M  27 
Symys,  T  1 7 
Sywe,  E  29 


Talpe,  M  27,  E  31 
Tame,  T  39 
Tanner,  H  30 
Tante,  M  36 
Tapelyn,  M  30 
Tasburgh,     M  26    (bis), 

E  33 
Tassell,  E  2,  M  27 
Tayllor,  H  35 
Taylour,  M  29  (bis) 
Tele,  T  31 
Tendale,  M  21 
Tendall,  T  34,  M  34 
Tendalle,  H  33 
Terry,  M  12 
Thasburgh,  E  28 
Tbeede,  M  18 
Tbemylthorp,  M  33 
Thetford,  H  35,  H  36 
Thirkkell,  E  23-24 
Thirkyll,  H  24,  T  25 
Thomas,  T  3,  H  17,  M  19 
Thomson,  E  14 
Thorneton,  M  34 


Thorresby,  M  23 
Thorsh,  E  28 
Thorysby,  T  29,  E  33 
Thower,  M  36 
Thurketyll,  M  34 
Thurleby,  T  32 
Thurresby,  E  7,   M  20, 

H20 
Thursby,  M  28,  M  30 
Thurslye,  M  37 
Thurston,  M  34 
Thuxton,  E  22 
Thwayts,  H  32 
Thwaytys,  H  17,  T  29, 

M  31,  M  32 
Thymbulthorp,  H  31 
Thyrkyll,  E  23-24,  M  33 
Thyrne,  M  20 
Tilney,  M  26 
Toftwood,  M  20,  E  22 
Togoode,  H  31 
ToUer,  E  36 
Toly,  M  28 
Tomlinson,  H  13 
Tompson,  M   23,  M   28 

(3),  M  31  (bis),  M38 
Tooke,  E  35 
Toppes,  M  6 
Toppyng,  M  35 
Toppys,  M  22 
Totoft,  E  26 
Touneshend,  T  23  (bis), 

T  26  (bis),  H  30,  H 

31,  M  35  (bis),  E  36, 

T  36  (3),  H  36 
Towers,  M  34,  M  37 
Townesbury,  T  25 
Townesemf,  E  4-5,  E  17 
Townesende,  M  2,  E  19 
Towneshend,  M  26,  M  34 
Towneshende,  H  8 
Townshend,  E  4 
Tracy,  M  25 
Treman,  M  26,  M  28 
Trend vll,  M  38 
Tropnall,  T  21 
Tubbyng,   T   28,   M  31, 

M  34 
Tudenham,  H  28 
Ture,  M  7 
Turner,  M  19 
Tumour,  M  30,  M  33 
Tumour   (v.  Fleche),   E 

29 
Twaytys,  M  33 
Tydye,  T  36 
Tyllvngton,  M  33 
Tylney,  T  19,  M  31 
Tvllott,  E  26 
Tympe,  M  30 


Tyndall,  M  16,  E  36 
Tyrell,  T  24 


Underwode,  T  28,  M  28, 

E  34,  E  36 
Uttyng,  H  21,  M  26,  H 

33 


Valenger,  T  25,  M  26, 

E  28,  E  33 
Valy,  (?)  M  37 
Veare,  T  39 
Verdon,  M  33 
Verney,  E  7 
Yylers,  E  19 
Vyrley,  M  23 
Vyncent,    M   20,    H   34 

(bis) 
Vyntner,  M  33 


Wacye,  H  38, 
Wade,  H  33,  M  35 
Wagstaffe,  M  15 
Walbott,  (?)  T  39 
Waldegrave,  E  7,  E  26 
Walker,  T  32,  E  37 
Walle,  M  10,  H  17 
Wallenger,  H  35 
Waller,  T  14,  T  33 
Wallour,  E  32 
Walman,  E  16  (bis) 
Walpol,  M  32 
Walpole,  E  28,  T  29,  M 

31  (bis) 
Walshe,  E  37 
Walsyngham,E  17,  H20, 

E  25 
Walton,  M  28 
Walwyn,  H  17 
W^arcop,  M  23 
Warde,  E  28, 
Waren,  E  16,  T  21,  M  24 
Warmall,  E  22 
Warmoll,  M  30 
Warner,  M  33,  E  34,  H 

36,  E  37,  M  37,  H  38 
Warwyk,  E  29 
Waryn,  M  34 
Waters,  T  34  (bis) 
Watson,  M  23,  M  28,  T 

29,  H  29 
Wattvs,  M  23,  M  33 
Wavte,  M  12 
Webb,  E  33 
Webster,  T  12 
Welby,  M  32 
Well,  M  19 


207 


Welles,  E  13,  E  17 
Wellys,  E  35 
Weloughby,  M  20 
Welton,  M  7 
Wenne,E  19,  M  29  (bis) 
Westacre,  Prior  of  H  29 
Westgate,  M  1,  M  21,  M 

25 
Wethe,  T  32 
Weylond,  H  6 
Whayt,  M  29, 
Wheler,  T  11,  H  11,  H 

15 
Whelpaile,  M  14 
Whelpale,  M  18 
Whippell,  E  26,  M  29 
Whitacre,  H  30 
White,   E  13,   M  20,  M 

21,  M23,  (bis),  M  30, 

E  32 
Whitnam,  M  29 
Whykke,  M  31 
Whyppell,  M  30 
Whyte,  M  31,  M  37 
Whytefote,  M  36 
Wilby  M  29 
Williams,  E  4-5,   M  20, 

M  35 
Williamson,  T  33 
Willis,  E  16 
Willoughby,  T  27 
Willy,  T  5,  H  30 
Wilson,  E  26,  H  31 
Wiltes,  Com  de,  H  27 
Winchester,    Bishop    of, 

T  11 
Wingfeld,  T  27 
Winter,  M  29 
Wode,  M  30,  M  33 
Wodehous,  H  13 
Wodehouse,  E  35,  T  35 
Wodehows,  M  23 
Wodehowse,  M  22,  M  31 
Wodeward,  M  36 


Woddous,  M  27,  M  29, 

M  30 
Wodhouse,  M  20,  E  22 
Wodhowse,  E  28 
Wodthorp,  M  12,  E  14, 

H  17 
Wolley,  T  26 
Wolman,  E  34,  M  34 
Wolmere,  T  27 
Wolsey,  Cardl.,E  20-21 
Wolverton,  T  33  (bis) 
Wolvy  (vide  Keve),  H  24 
Wood,  T  29 
Woodhous,-  M    29   (bis), 

M  33,  M  38 
Woodhouse,  M  22 
Woodward,  M  30,  M  31 
Woolmer,  E  16 
Worlyngton,  M  27 
Worroke,  M  24 
Wortys,  M  31 
Wotton,  T  35 
Wrentham,  M  37 
Wright,  M  16,  M  23,  M 

25,  H  25,  E  28,  T  30, 

M  37 
Wriothesley,  M  37 
Wroe,  M  34 
Wrote,  M  18 
Wryght,  T  14,  H  29,  H 

30,  E  33  (bis),  M  33 

M  34,  H  35.  M  38 
Wryothesley,  E  35 
Wulffe,  E  9,  M  10 
Wutton,  E  19,  M  24,  H 

25,  E  25,  T  25,  E  26, 

H  28,  T  35,  M  36 
Wyat,  M  5 
Wye  M  6 
Wygmore,   T  15,   H  24, 

E  35,  M  37 
Wykys,  E  37 
Wylde,  M  29 
Wylkyns,  M  31 


Wylkynson,    M    25,    H 

28,  M  38 
Wylly,  E  4-5 
Wyllyngton,  E  33 
Wylmington,  M  23 
Wylson,   M    34,    H   35, 

E  36 
Wymer,   E   4-5,   M    15, 

E  25,  M  26 
Wynde,  M  38 
Wyndam,  E  34,   M  35, 

M  37 
Wyndham,   M  11   (bis), 

M  24,  M  27,  M  29, 

M  30,  H  34 
Wyngfeld,    T   6,  T   13, 

M   14,   E    20,    E  22, 

M  22,  E  23-24,  E  28, 

H  28,  M  28  (bis),  H 

29,  M  37,  M  38,  T  39 
Wynne,  M  37 
Wynter,M24,M28,M37 
Wyseman,  E  2 
Wysemen,  M  31 
Wyskard,  E  3,  E  17,  M 

29 
Wyth,  M  33 
Wytham,  M  6 
Wythe,  H  27,  M  33,  M  38 
Wytherley,  M  38 
Wytherowe,  E  14 


Yad,  T  29 

Yaloppe,  M  10 

Yaxley,  Mil,  E  19,  E 

23-24,  M  36 
Yelverton,  T  33 
Yeme,  H  37 
Yngson,  H  30 
Yong,  T  2,  M  13,  M  27 


Zouche,  M  21 


EDWAED  VI. 


Abbot,  E  2,  M  4 
Adamson,  M  4 
Adrianson,  M  1 
Afowe,  Atowe  ?  M  5 
Albon,  T  6 
Alden,  H  4 
Alenson,  M  4 
Aleyn,  H  2,  E  4 
Allen  (v.  Aleyn) 
Allen  son  (v.  Allenson) 


Attou,  E  5 
Anderson,  E  7 
Andrewes,  E  3 
Anger,  E  6 
Appleyard,  Aplyard,  Ap- 

plyarde,    Appylyard, 

M  5,  M  6  (3) 
Armigara,  M  6 
Arton,  M  1,  E  4 
Ashewell,  T  7 


Asteldy,  M  2 
Astley,  E  2,  T  3 
Atkyns,  H  5-6 
Auphen,  M  2 
Aylward,  M  1 


Bacheler,  M  6 
Bacon  and  Bakon,  E  5, 
M  5 


208 


Baker,  T  2,  M  5 

Baldeler,  M  2 

Balle,  M  2 

Balls,  M  6 

Barker,  M  2  (bis),  M  4, 

E  6,  M  6 
Barnard,  M  5 
Baron,  M  2 
Barret,  H  4 
Barsham,  M  5,  E  6 
Bartram,  M  4,  M  6 
Baspole,  M  1 
Bassett,  E  2  (bis) 
Bastard,  Basterd,  T  2,  M 

2  (bis),  M  5,  H  6 
Bathcombe   &  Bathcam, 

M  4,  E  5 
Beale,  BeaUe,  T  2,  T  3 
Beaumanyn  (Bemanyn)  ?  I 
Beaupre  ( Beawpre,Bewa- 

pre),  M  2  (bis),  E  2, 

H  2,  E  5,  M  5 
Becker  (v.  Bekker) 
Beekham,  H  2,  E  3,  E  5 
Bedingfield,  H  2,  E  3,  M 

4,  E  5  (bis),  M  5,  M 

6  (bis),  4  (bis),  and  r 

Benyfeld 
Beffeld,"T  6 
Bekett,  E  6 
Bekker,  M  1 
BeU,  M  1 
Belward,  E  6 
Belys,  M  1 
Bemanvn,  E  2 
Bennet,  T  6 
Bennett,  M  4 
Benvf  eld,  H  2  (?  Beding- 
field) 
Bernev,  M  5 
Bert,  M  5 
Bete,  T  2  (twice) 
Betesford,  M  4 
Blackwood    (vel     Blak- 

wood)  M  4,  If  6 
Blake,  M  2 
Blakenev,  E  2  (bis),  If  2, 

E  4,  M  5 
Blevsbv,  E  2,  M  6 
Blogge,  M  2,  M  4 
Blomefield,  M  1,  M  4 
Blomevyle,  M  1,  M  6 
Boke  (v.  Carrow),  E  3 
Bolev,  E  2 
BoleVn,  H  2,   If  2,  T  3, 

M  4 
Bolton,  M  2 
Bonnyng,  M  5 
Boty,  E  o 
Bowmere,  M  6 


Bovlev,  M  2 
Boys,  M  6 
Bradde,  E  2 

Bradfortt,  M  2 
Brampton,  If  4 
Bramysby,  E  6 
Brate,  H  5-6 
Bredfeld,  If  1 
Breeze  (v.  Brese) 
Brend,  M  5  (bis) 
Brese,  M  2 
Brett,  M  2 
Brodestrate,  E  6 
Brokebanke,  E  5 
Broun,  M  6 
Browne,  Ml,  M  2,  E  5 

(bis),  E  6 
BryaU,  M  2 
Bucke,  E  6 
Bull,  E  3,  E  4 
Bulwer,  E  2 
Bumpstede,  E  7 
Burgh,  E  2 
Bussell,  E  4 
Busshe,  T  7 
Butler,  If  6 
Bvgot,  M  1 
Bygott,  E  4 
Byman,  M  6 


Caldwey,  M  5 
Calthorpe,  M  6 
Calvbut,  E  2,  T  3 
Cambrydge,  T  2,  M  2 
Candvssbe,  E  4 
Capefl,  M  1 
Cappes  and  Capps,  M  3, 

If  4 
Carleton,  M  1 
Carman,  E  6 
Carmolde,  M  4 
Carowe,  E  7 
Carrow,  al's  Boke,  E  3 
Carter,  E  6 
Carvyle,  T  2 
Castvlton,  M  5,  M  6 
Catelvn,  M  2  (bis),  E  3 
Catlvn,  M  6 
Caton,  E  2 
Caunceller,  E  5 
Cavendish   (v.    Can- 

dvsshe),  E  5 
Chapman,  E  3.  M  5,  M  6 
Chesse,  E  2,  H  2 
Cheston,  If  6 
Chevnv,  E  2 
Chittings  (v.  Ghyttyngs] 
Chittocke,  E  7 
Child  (see  Chvlde) 


CTiurche,  H  5-6,  M  6 
Chylde,  If  1 
Ghyttyngs,  If  1 

Cirlyng,  E  6 

Clamp  or  Clamper,  E  5 

Clarke,  E  5  (v.  Clerke) 

Cleare,  M  5 

Clere,    If  1,  M  2    (bis), 

T  3,  M  4,  E  5,  H  5-6 
Cleres,  M  1 
Clerke,  Ml,  E  2,  H  5-6, 

E  6  (3) 
Clevburne,  M  6 
Cobb,  E  2 
CockreU,  M  1 
Codde,  M  2 
Coddvngs,  H  1 
Coke;  M  4 
Cokett,  M  1 
Colby,  E  4 
Colpeper,  M  6 
Constable,  E  4 
Conv,  M  5 
Cook,  E  4 
Cooke,  E  2,  M  4,  M  5  (2), 

M  6,  T  7 
Coote,  E  3 
Copildicke,  E  7 
Corbett,  M  2 
Corbold,  M  2 
Corbyn,  M  4 
Cossev,  M  6 
Cotton,  T  7 
Cozaunte,  M  4 
Cranes,  T  2 
Cranham,  T  6 
CranweU,  T  2 
Creche,  M  4 
Cresham  ?  T  6 
Crispe  (v.  Cryspe) 
Cristmas,  H  6 
Critoft,  E  7 
Crofts,  E  2 
Crome,  M  2 
Croppe,  M  2 
Crosseby,  E  5 
Crowne,  E  2,  M  2,  E  5 
Cryspe,  M  1 
Curlvngton,  M  4 
Curson,  M  2,  M  5 
Cusshyn,  H  1 

Dale,  M  1 
Damett.  M  4 
DanveU,  M  6 
Danvett,  T  2 
Darrell,  M  2 
Daw,  M  1,  E  6,  M  6 
Delse,  M  2 
Dene,  H  1 


209 


Dennok,  M  1 

Dethick,    Dethicke,  De- 

thyck,  M  1,  H  4,  E 

5,  H  5-6 
Dey,  T  6,  E  7 
Deynes,  M  1 
Dickinan  (v.  Dykman) 
Discipline  (v.  Dusplyn) 
Disney  (v.  Dysney) 
Dive  (v.  Dyve) 
Dix  (v.  Dyx) 
Dogett  vol  Doggett,  M  2, 

E  3 
Dooke,  M  4 
Dowe,  E  3 

Downes,  E  3,  M  4,  H  6 
Dowsynge,  M   2  ( ?  vide 

Dussynge) 
Doys,  M  3 
Drake,  M  6  (2) 
Drewry,  M  4 
Drowrye,  E  6 
Drury,    M  5   (v.  Drewry 

and  Drowrye) 
Duddyn,  M  4 
Duke,  M  2,  M  6 
Dunham,  M  4 
Dusplyn,  II  2 
Dussyng,  E  7 
Dyckman,  H  3 
Dykman,  II  4 
Dyon,  M  4 
Dysnev,  M  4 
Dyve,  "H  6 
Dyx,  H  2 

Elmeth,  E  7 
Elward,  M  5 
Englysshe,  E  2 
Erie,  E  4 
Ese,  T  6 
Esthaugh,  H  2 
Eston,  E  7 
Estryk,  M  2 
Everard,  M  4 

Falley,  M  2 
Felowe,  H  4,  M  5 
Fermor,  M  1 
Eish  (v.  Fysshe) 
Eisher  (v.  Fvssher) 
Fitt  (v.  Fytte) 
Flotman,  M  1 
Flowre,  M  2 
Flynt,  E  4 
Flyte,  M  2 
Forster,  M  1 
Forty  (v.  Symonds) 
Fotour,  E  2 
Fountain(P)  Fowteyn,M  4 

VOL.  II.] 


Fox,  E  4,  M  6 

Foxton,   M  5  (3),   H  6, 

M  G  (2) 
Frary,  M  5 
Fraunces,  M  2  (3) 
Freman,  M  2,  II  5-6,  M 

6(2) 
Frend,  E  3 
Fulbourn,  M  5 
Fulborne,  E  5 
Fuller,  E  5,  M  5,  H  6 
Fulmerston,  E  3 
Futtor,  M  1,  M  2 
Fysshe,  E  2,  E  5 
Fyssher,  E  4,  H  6 
Fytte,  E  7 


Galle,  M  1 

Garrarde,  M  4 

Gately,  M  5 

Gawdy,  E  2,  H2,M2(2) 

Gawdson,  E  2,  E  6 

Gent,  E  2  (2) 

Gibbs  (v.  Gybbys) 

Gilberd  (v.  Gylberd) 

Girlyng,  E  6 

Glamfeld,  E  5 

Glide  (v.  Glyde) 

Glover  (v.  Rychers),  M  2 

Glyde,  M  5 

Godfray,  E  3 

Goldesmyth,  M  1 

Gollys,  M  1 

Gonre,  E  5 

Gonner,  H  4 

Goodred,  E  2 

Gosse,  T  2 

Gray,  M  6 

Green  (v.  Grene) 

Grendell,  E  2,  M  2  (2) 

Grendell,  M  2 

Grene,  M  1 ,  E  6,  E  7  (2) 

Grenlyn,  M  1 

Gressham,  E  6 

Grice  (v.  Gryce),  Hi 

Grimsby  (v.  Grymsby) 

Gross,  M  1 

Gryce  (v.  Grice),  M  2 

Grymsby,  M  1 

Gunter,  M  6 

Guibon(v.  Guybon),  M  6 

Gunthorp,  E  6 

Gunvyle,  M  2 

Gusshyn,  M  2 

Guvbon  (v.Guibon),  E  6, 

E  7 
Gybbes,  E  3,  M  4,  M  5, 

M  6  (2) 
Gylberd,  H  6 


Hackard,  E  6 

ITacon,  M  4,  M  5 

TIagon,  E  2 

Ilalby,  M  1 

Halifax  (v.  Hallyfax) 

Hall,  M  2,  M  4 

Halle,  E  5  (2) 

Hallyfax,  E  4 

Hals,  M  4 

Halss,  M  1 

Hales,  M  4 

Hamond,  T  2,    M  2,  M 

5-6 
Harcok,  M  4 
Harlsey,  E  2 
Hare,  M  1  (2),  M  4,  H 

5-6 
Harleston,  H  5-6 
Harpely,  E  6 
Harryson,  E  7 
Harvey,  M  1 
Harvy,  E  4 
Harward,  M  1  (2),   M  2, 

M  5 
Harydaunce,  M  6 
Haslerton,  T  7 
Hast,  M  6 
Hastynges,  M  6 
Hekylston,  M  2 
Hevenyngham,  T  2  (2) 
Heydon,  E  2,  M  2,  E  5, 

E  7 
Heyth,  T  2 
Hill,  M   1   (vide  Hyll), 

M  6 
Hobard,  M  5 
Hobson,  M  5 
Hodgekyn,  M  6 
Hogan,  T  7 
Hogon,  E  2  (2) 
Holdyche,  M  1 
Hollys,  M  5 
Holme,  E  4 
Holstock,  T  6 
Hoo,  M  1,  E  2 
Hopton,  E  2  (?) 
Hopkynson,  H  5-6 
Horsley  (v.  Smyth) 
Howard,  H  6,  E  7 
Howe,  M  3 
Howghton,  E  3 
Howlett,  M  5,  M  6  (2) 
Howse,  M  6 
Hudysmawe,  E  2 
Huns,  M  1 
Hunte,  H  2 
Hunter,  T  7 
Huntley,  E  5 
Huntvng,  M  1 
Huson,  E  2 


210 


Ibottys,  M  4 

Inglett,  M  5 

Ives,  M  4 

Ivimye  vel  Inimye,  E  3 

Inscyng  vel  Juscyng,  M  4 

Jay,  M  5 
Jaye,  M  6 
Jeffreys,  T  6 
Jenkvnson,  H  5-6 
Jennev,  E  2  (3),  M  2,  M 

4,  H6 
Jenyson,  T  2 
Jernegan,  M  1 
Jernyngham,  M  1 
Jerrys,  M  1 
Johnson,  E  2,  M  4  (2),  E 

5,  M  5 
Jurdan,  H  6 
Jurden,  M  1 
Juscyng  (?),  M  4 

Kedyll,  M  2 
Kene,  E  7 
Kepas,  H  1,  M  4 
Kervile  (v.  Carwll) 
Kett,  M  4 
Ketylborough,  M  1 
Keymer,  M  4 
Knaper,  E  4 
Knvght,  M  5 
Knyvett,  M  6  (2) 

Lambe,  E  3 

Lane,  E  6 

Large,  E  3,  E  7 

Laverak,  E  6 

Laverock,  E  6 

Lawes,  E  7 

Lawys,  M  2 

Laycok,  E  6 

Legate,  M  1 

Leman,  M  5,  H  5-6 

Lestraunge,  E  2 

Leverett,  E  5 

Leverton,  M  4,  M  6 

Lerett,  M  4 

Levold,  M  6 

Lewyn,  E  2 

Limsey  (v.  Lymsey) 

Lingolne  (v.  Lyngolne) 

Linde  (v.  Lynde) 

Lindsey  (v.  Lynsey) 

Linstead  (v.  Lynsted) 

Littleton  (v.  Lytylton) 

Long,  M  4 

LoveU,  M  2,  H  4,  31 4  (2) 

Lutley,  E  5 

Lymsey,  M  5 

Lynde,  M  1 


Lyngolne,  M  4 
Lynne,  M  4 
Lynsey,  E  7 
Lvnsted,  M  1 
Lyttelton,  M  1 
Lytylton,  M  2 


Mabbes,  M  6 

Mack    (?)    (vide    Make, 

Max) 
Make,  E  4 
Malby,  M  2 
Maner,  H  2 
Manforth,  M  6 
Manne,  M  4,  E  6 
Mannyng,  E  2 
Mapis,  M  5 
Marchalk,  M  5 
Marty ndale,  E  4,  M  4 
Marsham,  M  4  (twice) 
Masse,  M  1 
Massyngham,  M  6 
Max,  M  5  (?  Mack) 
Mayhewe,  M  4 
Megges,  E  6 
Meke,  M  5 
Metholde,  E  4 
Metton  (see  Mitton  P) 
Mickleborough  (see  My- 

kylborough) 
Mighell  (see  Mvghell) 
Might,  E  3 
Mildemayne  (see  Mylde- 

maye) 
Milk  (see  Mylke) 
Miller,  M  1,   E  3,   M  6 

(see  My  Her) 
Miller  (v.  ThreseU),  H  2 
MinceH  (see  Myncell) 
Minne  (see  M.ynne) 
Mirell  (see  MyreU) 
Mitton,  E  3 
Mody,  Moody,  M  6 
Moore,  H  5-6  (vide  More) 
Mordaunt,  M  5 
More,  E  6,     M  6   (vide 

Moore) 
More,  M  6 
Morlev,  T  2 
Moundeford,  M  2,  E  4 
Mowlvng,  M  2 
Mowtyng,  M  6,  E  7 
Mvldemaye,  E  3 
MygheU,  M  5 
Mykylborough,    M    1 

(twice) 
Mvlke,  E  6 

Mvller,  M  4  (see  Miller) 
Mvncell,  M  4 


Mynne,  E  5 
MyreU,  E  6 


Nele,  M  1 

Nesste,  M  1 
Newgate,  M  4 
Xewton.  H  1 
Nidye,  E  2 
Norman,  H  2 
Norres,  E  6  (2) 
Northeclvff,  E  3 
Nycotte,  M  4 

Ogarde,  H  2 
Oldman,  M  5 
Olvett,  M  2 
Orrell,  E  3 
Osborne,  M  2 
Overend,  M  1,  H  3,  M  4 
Oxeburgh,  M  4 
Oxford,  Earl  of,  E  2 

Packe,  E  7 
Page,  M  2,  M  6 
Palfrey  man,  E  5 
Palmer  (2),  E  5 
Palsey,  E  4 
Panyarman,  H  6 
Pargeter,  H  5-6 
Pargetor,  H  4 
Pargvter,  E  6 
Parker,  M  1,  M  2,  E  7 
Paston,  M  1,  E  2 
Pavne,  M  4 
Peacok,  H  3 
Pecocke,  H  2 
Peckover  (v.  Pegvover) 
Pedder,  E  6 
Pegvover,  M  1 
Pelf,  M  2 
Pellys,  M  2 
Pepys,  M  2 
Percy,  E  4 
Peryn,  M  1 
PesteU,  M  6 
Pevnter,  M  5 
PhVlepott,  T  3 
Pierpount  (v.  Pyerpount) 
Pinchbeck    (v.    Pynche- 

becke) 
Pipe  (v.  Pvpe) 
Plane,  E  6* 
Platerpte,  H  2 
Playford,  M  4,  M  6 
Plume,  E  7 
Plumer,  M  6 
Pollard,  E  4 
Pollev,  H  2 
Potter,  H  6 


211 


Powell,  E  5 
Powle,  M  2 
Poynter,  M  6 
Pratt,  M  5 
Prentysoe,  M  4 
Proctor,  M  4 
Pudsey,  M  2 
Purveys,  E  7 
Pyerpount,  T  3 
Pynchebecke,  E  3 
Pype,  M  5 


Ragland,  M  2 
Raglond,  H  3 
Ram  son,  E  3 
Randolffe,  H  5-6 
Rante,  M  4 
Rapkyn,  E  2 
Ravyngham,  M  4 
Reade,  M  4 

Rede,  E  3,  M  4,  E  5,  M  6 
Reppes,  E  2,  M  2,  E  3 
Reve,  M  2 
Reynberd,  M  5 
Reynies,  M  1 
Richeman,  M  2  (2) 
Richers  (v.  Rychers) 
Rightman,  M  5 
Risuppe  (v.  Rysuppe) 
Rix  (v.  Ryxe) 
Robtvs,  E  3 
Rode  (?),  E  4 
Rolkin,  E  3 
Roppes.  H  5-6 
Rouse,  M  1 
Rose,  M  1 
Roys,  M  6 
Rudde,  H  4 
Rudlond,  E  5 
Rudston,  M  4 
Rugge,  M  2 
Rumbold,  M  1 
Rusk,  M  5 
RusseU,Ml,M2,E4(?), 

E  5  (3),  M  6 
Rust,  E  3 
Ryall,  M  4 

Rvcbers,  al's  Glover.  M  2 
Rychers,  M  2,  T  3,  M  4 

(2) 
Ryppes  (?)  Ryxes,  E  2 
Rysuppe,  E  7 
Ryxe,  M  6 


Saborne,  M  5 
Sadde,  E  7 
Sadler,  E  3 
Saham,  H  6 


Salysbury,  M  6 

Sandell,  E  2,  M  2 

Saundersoe,  M  4 

Savage,  E  2,  M  2 

Saxer,  Scarlett,  Scar- 
burn  (v.  Skarlett), 
M4 

Scott  (P),  M4 

Scott,  E  5 

Sedeley,  E  3 

Sefull  al's  Wallf ran,  M  6 

Seigvave,  E  3 

Sekok, M  5 

Sellers,  M  6 

Seman,  H  4,  M  5 

Serle,  E  5 

Sewall,  E  5 

Sexton,  E  7 

Shakelocke,  H  1 

Shaklok,  E  2 

Shalok,  E  4 

Shanke,  M  4 

Sheldon,  E  2 

Shelton,  M  1,  H  2,  T  2 

Shephard,  E  4 

Sherard,  E  4 

Sheryff,  T  2  (twice) 

Shyngleton,  E  3 

Sidney  (v.  Sydney) 

Sinionds  (v.  Symonds) 

Skarborough,  E  7 

Skarlett,  M  5 

Skepper,  M  1 ,  M  6 

Skeyman,  E  3 

Skeyncoo,  T  6 

Skowy  (?),  E  3 

Skulton,  E  7 

Skynner,  E  6 

Smyth,  M  1  (2),  M4  (2), 
E  5 

Smyth  (v.  Start) 

Smythe,  M  4,  M  5 

Somerset,  Duke  of,  E  2 

SouthweU,  H  1,  E  2,  H  2, 
T  2,  E  5,  M  6,  E  7 

Spany,  M  1 

Spany  (?),  M  5 

Spelman  (v.  Spylman) 

Spencer,  H  1,  E  5,  T  6 

Spensar,  M  4 

Speyn,  M  1  (twice) 

Sponer,  E  2,  H  5-6 

Sprewe,  E  5 

Spryng,  M  4 

Spurlyn,  H  5-6 

Spurlyng,  M  4,  M  5 

Spylman,  H  1,  M  1,  M6 

Stanton,  M  2 

Start  al's  Smyth,  T  3 

Staxton,  E  6 

p  2 


Steward,  E  2 
Stregett,  M  1 
StudLey,  E  6,  E  7 
Sturdye,  E  5 
Style,  M  4 
Styward,  M  5 
Suffeld,  M  1 
Sussex,  Earl  of,  M  6 
Swayne,  T  6 
Sydney,  T  6 
Sylesdon,  M  5 
Symonde,  al's  Forty,  M  1 
Symonds,  M  1  (2) 

Tayler,  E  7 
Taylbrer,  M  6 
Tele,  E  2 
Tendall,  M  2 
Teny  (vel  Tevy),  M  5 
Tharold,  E  4 
Tharrold,  T  2 
Thatlher    (?)    Thatcher, 

M  5 
Thaxster,  E  2 
Thimilby  (v.  Thymylby) 
Thirkyll,  E  3 
Thorneham,  M  5 
Thorpe,  M  1,  E  4 
Thorysby,  M  2 
Threnell,  al's  Miller,  H  2 
Throkmerton,  M  6 
Thymylby,  E  2 
Thyrleby,  M  5 
Tibbenham  (v.  Tybben- 

ham) 
Tilney  (v.  Tylney) 
Toll,  M  6 
Toly,  M  4 
Tonge,  E  6 
Torre  (?)  M  6 
Towneshend,  Ml,    M  2 

(3),  M  4  (twice) 
Trewy,  E  4 
Turner,  M  5 
Turnor,  M  6 
TuthilL  E  6 
Tybbenham,  M  5 
Tylnev,  M  4 
Tyndall,  E  4 

Underwood,  M  5 
Ussher,  M  6 

Valenge,  M  1 
Vimnour,  M  4 
Vincent  (v.  Vyncent) 
Vunstone  (?)  E  4 
Vunthorne  (?)  E 
Vybolde  (?)  M  4 


212 


Vyncent,  M  2 
Yvnes,  M  4 


Wadnow,  E  3 
Wadrowne,  T  6 
Walker.  IT  2 
Walle,  M  5 
Waller,  E  7 
Wallfran  (vide  Sefull) 
Walpole,  M  6,  T  7 
Walters,  M  1 
Warcoppe,  E  5 
Warde,  M1,T  6,  M  6 
Warner,  M  1  (2),  E  5 
Warren,  E  6,  M  6 
Warton,  M  5 
Warvson,  M  4 
Watson,  E  4,  M  5,  M  6 
Watters,  E  6 
Wattvs,  E  4 


Wells,  H  1 
Weston,  E  6 
Wetherlev,  M  1 
Whaplode,  E  6 
Whetba,  II  1 
Whetley,  E  7 
Whitbv,  E  6 
Whyght,  M  3 
Whvtewood,  M  6 
Whvtt.  E  2 
Wi  (vide  Wv) 
Witt,  M  5 
Wolbv,  M  4 
Wolverton,  M  2 
Wood,  E  6 
Woode,  M  6 
Woodhouse,  H  1,  31  2. 

E  3,  M  4  (2),  M  5 
Woodward,  M  2 
Wrethani,  E  7 


Wright,  E  3 
Wryght,  M  1 
Wurcham,  E  4 
Wvtwode,  M  2 
Wvethe,  E  6 
Wvlehvn,  E  3 
Wylcocks,  M  5 
Wyllock,  E  5 
Wyllyamson,  E  4 
Wvllvmote,  E  7 
Wyllys,  M2,E  5 
Wvlson,  M  2 
Wvlton,  E  4 
Wynde,  II  2,  M  2,  M  4 
Wynne.  M  1 
Wysbyche,  E  5 
Wytton,  E  4 


Yaxleye,  E  4 


MAEY. 


Abbes,  M  1-2,  If  4-5 

Abbvs,  M  2-3,  E  3-4 

Age^E  1-2 

Agge,  E  1 

Alden,  E  3-4 

Aldham,  H  1-2 

Aldriche,  E  1-2,  M  2-3, 
M  3-4 

Alen,  M  4-5 

Alewvn,  E  1-2 

AlWod,  H  3-4 

Anderson,  T  1-2 

Annett,  M  5-6 

Antbonv,  H  4-5 

ApoAvell,  M  1-2 

Appiliard,  AppiHarde, 
Appliard,  Applvard, 
Apvlvard,  H  1-2,  E 
2-3*,  T  2-3,  M  2-3 
(bis),  H  3-4  (bis),  M 
4-5  (bis),  M  5-6  (3) 

Arundell.  Earl  of,  M  3-4 

Atkvns,  M  2-3 

Atthill,  M  3-4 

Attmere,  E  1 

Austen,  E  1 

Aylrner,  M  1-2,  E  2-3 


Bacchus,  E  2-3 
Bacheler.  M  4-5 
Bacon,  E  1.  E  1-2,  E  2-3 
Baker,  M  1-2,  E  3-4 


Baldwvn,  M  2-3,  M  4-5 
Ballvs;  E  1 
Bannok,  E  1-2 
Barbour.  M  2-3 
Barker,  E  1,  E  3-4 
Barkham,  T  4-5 
Barnard.  M  4-5 
Barne,  M  2-3 
Baron,  H  1-2  (bis),  M  2-3 

(bis) 
Barrett,  E  1-2,  T  1-2,  E 

3-4 
Barroclough,  E  4-5 
Bartilmewe,  H  3-4  (bis) 
Barton,  E  1-2 
Barwell,  M  2-3 
Bassingham,  H  4-5 
Bastard,  E  1-2,  E  2-3 
Batelv,  H  4-5 
Battellv,  M  1-2 
Baxster,  E  3-4,  H  4-5 
Baxter,  E  1-2 
Bavfeld,  M  1-2 
Baylye,  E  1 
Bavnard,  M  2-3 
Bavspole,  M  2-3 
Beale,  M  3-4  (bis) 
Beckham,  M  2-3 
Bedina;feld,  Bedvngfeld, 

E  1-2,  T  1-2 '(bis),  M 

1-2.  M  2-3,  H  3-4,  H 

4-5,  M  4-5 
Bekham,  E  1 


Bekke,  E  3-4 

Belle,  E  1-2 

Benett,    Bennet.  E    2-3, 

M  2-3,  M  5-6 
Benslvn,  H  2-3 
Benslvng,  M  3-4 
Berney,  T  2-3 
Berrv,'  M  1-2,  T  4-5 
Bertie,  H  1 
Best,  M  1-2 
Bettys,  E  1-2 
Bewpre,  E  3-4 
Bexwell,  E  2-3 
Blake,  E  4-5 
Blomefeld,  M  3-4 
Blomwll.  M  4-5 
Boldero,  T  1 
Bolevn,  E  1  (bis),  M  3-4 
Bolton,  M  5-6 
Bomyng,  E  1-2 
Bonde,  H  4-5 
Boster.  M  4-5 
Botie,  E  4-5 
Botvld,  M  3-4 
Bowbright.  E  2-3 
Bowde,  H  4-5 
Brampton,  M  2-3,  M  3-4 
Bramysby,  M  1-2 
Bransbv,  M  4-5 
Braunche,  T  3-4 
Bretlande,  E  3-4 
Bretten,  31  3-4 
Brigs,  M  2-3 


213 


Brown(e),  E  1,  H  1-2. 
M  2-3  (3),  E  3-4,  M 
3-4,  E  4-5,  M  4-5 
(bis) 

Bryggys,  T  1-2 

Buk,  M  4-5 

Buknam,  M  2-3 

Bull,  E  I,  E  4-5 

Bullock,  H  2-3 

Bulwer,  M  1-2,  E  2-3 

Buntyng,  E  1-2,  M  3-4 

Burbek,  H.  2-3 

Burges,  E  1-2,  M  3-4 

Burrough,  M  5-6 

Burton,  E  I 

Burwell,  T  1-2,  M  3-4 

Butler,  M  3-4  (2) 

Butt(e),  M  1-2,  E  2-3 

Bvgott,  M  4-5 

Byllesby,  M  3-4 


Cady,  M  1-2 
Caleys,  M  1-2 
Calfe,  M  4-5 
Call(e),  M  3-4,  H  4-5 
Callant,  M  1-2 
Calybut,  E  1 
Cannell,  T  4-5 
Cantrell,  M  2-3 
Cappes,  M  3-4 
Carowe,  M  d-6 
Carter,  M  4-5 
Carvile,  E  4-5 
Cater,  M  4-5  (bis) 
Cattes,  M  1-2 
Chamber,  E  1-2 
Chambleyn,  M  1-2 
Chapman,  E  3-4 
Chaunceler,  H  3-4 
Chedwike,  M  4-5 
Chetylburghe,  M  3-4 
Chvrch,  M  3-4 
Clarke,  E    1,  M  3-4,  M 

5-6 
Claxton,  M  1 
Clement,  T  1-2 
Clerke,  M  4-5,  T  1 
Clere,  E  1-2,  E   2-3,  E 

3-4,  E  4-5,  T  4-5,  M 

2-3 
Clotch,  E  2-3 
Clytherall,  E  2-3 
Cockett,  M  4-5 
Codington,  H  1-2 
Coke,  M  1,  E  4-5,  M  4-5 
Cokett,  H  1-2 
Cole,  M  1 
Cottys,  M  1-2 


Colvyle,  M  1-2,  H  4-5 
Colye,  M  1-2 
Colynder,  M  2-3 
Colyson,  M  4-."> 
Comforth,  INT  1-2 
Congham,  M  4*5 
Coo,  H  1-2 
Cooke,  E  1,E  1-2,  T  1-2, 

M  1-2,  E  2-3 
Copping,  E  1,  M  1-2 
Coppyn,  M  3-4 
Corbett,  E  2-3 
Cowper,  E  1,  M  3-4,  H 

4-5 
Crane,  M  1-2,  H  4-5,  T 

4-5 
Crastner,  M  2-3 
Cremer,  M  1-2 
Cressy,  M  1 
Crestner,  E  1-2 
Croftes,  T  1 
Crofts,  M  1-2  (3) 
Croftys,  E  1 
Crossman,  H  3-4 
Curbye,  M  2-3 
Curson,  M  3-4 
Cutty ng,  M  1  (2) 


Dabby s,  T  4-5 

Dade,  M  5-6 

Damett,  E  3-4,  M  4-5 

Dannett,  E  3-4 

Dannocke,  E  4-5 

Darcy,  M  1 

Darty,  E  3-4 

Davis,  H  1 

Davy,  M  1-2,  M  2-3,  E 

3-4 
Davye,  M  2-3,  E  3-4,  M 

3-4  (bis) 
Dean(e),  M  4-5,  E  4-5 
Delahay,  M  3-4 
Denny,"  M  2-3 
Denyse,  M  3-4 
Dereham,  H  2-3 
Derv,  T  1 
Dethick,  M  2-3 
Dethyk,  E  1 
Dexster,  E  1-2 
Deye,  H  3-4 
Dixe,  E  4-5 
Dobbe,  H  3-4 
Dobbes,  T  1-2 
Docker,  H  4-5 
Doille,  T  4-5 
Dorant,  M  1-2,  M  3-4 
Dormer,  H  4-5 
Dowe,  M  1-2  (bis),  M  3-4 
Downe,  E  3-4 


Downos,  M  1,  E  2-3,  M 

3-4,  E  4-5 
Doyle,  M  1-2  (bis) 
Doylle,  M  5-6 
Drake,  E  1-2,  M  1-2,   M 

2-3  (bis) 
Draper,  T  1 
Drawer,  M  1-2 
Drorey,  M  3-4 
Drury,  M  1,  fl  2-3,  H  3-4 
Drye,  M  4-5 
Duckworth,  M  4-5 
Dudley,  E  2-3 
Duffeld,  E  1 
Duffyld,  E  3-4 
Duplake,  H  1-2 
Dunton,  M  3-4 
Dyman,  M  3-4 
Dynte,  E  3-4 
Dysney,  M  1-2,  M  5-6 
Dyx,  Ml -2,  M2-3,  M3-4 
Dyxson,  E  3-4 


Edon,  H  2-3 
Egerton,  M  5-6 
Ellys,  M  5-6 
Elwyn,  M  2-3 
Elyett,  H  2-3 
Everard,  T4-5,  M4-5(3) 
Eyer,  H  1-2,  T  4-5 


Fa3Trehacer,  T  4-5 
Fellowe,  M  2-3 
Fen,  M  4-5 
Fermer,  M  2-3 
Fermour,  T  3-4 
Ferrour,  E  2-3 
Flegg,  M  1-2 
Flegge,  M  4-5 
Flotman,  M  3-4 
Flowerdewe,  M    1-2,    M 

4-5 
Folser,  T  4-5 
Fowker,  E  3-4 
Fox,  E  1-2 
Framyngham,  E  1 
Fraunces,  M  4-5 
Freman,  M  4-5 
Frynde,  E  1 
Fuller,  T  2-3 
Fulmerston,  M  1-2 
Funcke,  E  1-2 
Funnale(seeSilverstone), 

E4 
Futter,  E  2-3,  E  3-4  (bis) 
Fyer,  M  1 
Fyncham,  T  1-2,  H  2-3, 

H  4-5 


214 


Fyske,  E  1 
Fysshe,  M  3-4 
Fyssher,  M  1-2  (bis) 


Gallant,  M  1-2 
Galte,  M  4-5 
Gardiner,  M  3-4 
Garrard,  M  1-2,  E  2-3 
Garton,  M  5-6 
Gaskeyn,  E  3-4,  T  3-4, 

M4-5 
Gatelev,  E  4-5 
Gayer^  E  3-4 
Gawdy,  H  4-5,  E  2-3 
Gawdye,  M  4-5 
Gawnt,  E  1-2 
Gay  ton,  M  4-5 
Geffrey,  H  1-2 
Geppes,  M  3-4 
Gibbes,  H  1-2 
Gibbis,  M  4-5 
Gibbs,  E  2-3 
Gibbvs,  M  1-2 
Glasewrvght,  T  2-3 
Gloyer,  M  1-2 
Gloyer  (see  Kichars),  M 

4-5 
Goche,  E  3-4 
Godsalve,  E  1-2,  T  3-4 
Goffe,  M  2-3 
Goldesmyth,  M  5-6 
Goldyng,  E  2-3 
Goode,  E  3-4 
Goodwin,  E  3-4 
Goose  (?),  M  2-3 
Goote,  M  1-2 
Gose,  E  3-4,  M  3-4 
Gosselyng,  IT  4-5 
Gosslyn,  M  4-5 
Graye,  M  1-2 
Grendell,  M  1-2 
Grene,  E  2-3,  M  4-5 
Grenewey,  E  2-3,  T  2-3 
Grenewood,  M  3-4 
Gresbam,  E  1-2,  T  2-3, 

M3-4 
Grice,  H  1-2 
Grise,  H  1-2   ^ 
Gronge,  M  4-5 
Grougbt,  E  1 
Grubbe,  M  5-6 
Gryme,  M  1-2 
Gunthorpe,  E  1-2 
Gurlinge  (?),  H  1 
Gurney,  E  1,  H  3-4 
Guybon,  E  3-4,  E  4-5 
Gybbys,  M  2-3 
Gyttyns,  al's  Owslee,  M 

3-4 


Hacon,  H  4-5,  M  4-5 
Haller,  M  4-5 
Haltnett,  M  1-2 
Hamont,  M  4-5 
Hampton,  E  1-2,  E  2-3, 

E4-5 
Hare,  H  2-3 
Harise,  M  1-2 
Harleston,  E  1-2 
Harmer,  E  3-4,  M   3-4, 

E4-5 
Harryson,  E  2-3,  E  3-4 
Harward,  E  2-3,  M  5-6 
Harwell,  E  3-4 
Haryson,  M  4-5 
Hastings,  H  3-4 
Helmyn,  E  1-2 
Hempton,  M  2-3 
Hercok,  E  I 
Herenden,  T  1 
Herfyld,  M  1-2 
Heyyngham,  ~M  4-5 
Hewett,  E  1 
Hewke,  M  1-2 
Hey,  T1,M  2-3 
Hevdon,  E   1-2,  E  2-3, 

T  1-2,  M  2-3,  M  4-5 
Heylesdon,  M  2-3 
Heylott,  M  1-2 
Hill,  M  1-2  (bis),  M  5-6 
Hobart,  M  1 
Hocker,  M  3-4 
Holdvche,  E  3-4 
Hollvs,  T  1-2.  M  2-3 
Hoo,"  T  2-3,  E  3-4 
Hopton,  H  1 
Horwood,  E  2-3 
House,  E  4-5 
Hovel,  M  1 
Hovell,  E  1-2 
Howard,  E  3-4 
Howse,  E  2-3,  M  3-4 
Howys,  M  2-3 
Hullocke,  M  1-2 
Humfrey,  M  2-3 
Hungate,  M  2-3 
Hylders,  T  1-2 


Iwerd,  M  4-5 

Ives,  E  2-3,  E  3-4,  E  4-5 


Jakson,  H  1-2 

Jamys,  al's  Massy,  E  3-4 

Jennev,  M  1,  E  2-3 

Jeny,  M  2-3 

Jenys,  T  3-4 

Jermy,  T  4-5 

Jermyn,  M  2-3 


Jernegan,  T  1-2,  E  2-3 
JhoDson,  E  1 
Joanes,  M  3-4 
Jobnson,  H  1-2,  E   1-2, 

M  1-2,  E  2-3,  M  2-3, 

M  3-4,  M  4-5 
July  on,  H  2-3 
Jurden,  E  4-5 
Jurdon,  M  4-5,  M  5-6 


Kempe,  E  1-2 

Kendall,  al's  Tvndall,  M 

4-5 
Kempe  ( ?  al's  for  Kupe), 

M  4-5 
King,  E  1-2 
Kinge,  E  1 
Knvgbt,  E  4-5 
Knyvet,  M  4-5 
KnVvett,  H    1,  M    1,  E 

3-4,  T  4-5 
Koo'e),  M  4-5 
Kypmay,  M  2-3 
Kytts,  M  1-2  (3) 


Lacy,  E  1 

Ladyman,  M  5-6 

Lane,  T  4-5 

Langdon,  H  4-5,  M  5-6 

Larkin,  H  3-4 

Larwode,  E  3-4 

Larwoode,  E  3-4 

Lassell,  E  2-3 

Latymer,  Lord,  H  1 

Lawes,  E  1 

Laws,  M  4-5 

Layton,  E  1 

Legge,  M  1-2 

Leighe,  H  3-4 

Leman,   H    1-2,  M   1-2, 

E  2-3,  M  2-3  (bis) 
Lemman,  T  2-3 
Lestrange.  H  3-4,  H  4-5 
Leverton,  E- 1-2 
Lewes,  M  1-2,  HI  2-3 
Limmer,  H  1-2 
Lodge,  E  1-2 
Lome,  M  2-3,  II  3-4 
Lomnor,  M  4-5 
Lomnour,  M  1 
Longe,  T  2-3 
Lord,  E  3-4 
Losse,  T  3-4 
Lovell,  E  2-3,  E  3-4,  M 

4-5 
Lowald,  M  3-4 
Lowdale,  E  1-2 
Lowthe,  M  4-5 


215 


Lynde,  E  3-4 
Lyngehoke  (?),  E  4-5 
Lyngwood,  E  3-4 
Lynno,  E  1-2 
Lyon,  E  3-4,  M  4-5 
Lynsted,  M  1-2 


Magett,  M  3-4 
Maham,  M  1 
Makkis,  M  3-4 
Makyn.  E  3-4 
Malyn,  E  2-3 
Mannyng,  T  3-4 
Manser,  M  1-2,  M  5-6 
Marche,  H  1-2,  E  3-4 
Marham,  M  1 
Marsham,  E  1,  M  2-3 
Martingdale,  M  2-3 
Martyns,  M  3-4 
Massy    (see    Jamys),    E 

3-4 
Mather,  T  3-4 
Mawnde,  T  4  5 
Maye,  M  1-2 
Mayne,  M  1-2 
Mendham,  T  2-3 
Mene,  E  1-2 
Methewold,  E  1-2,  T  1-2 
Michell,  E  2-3 
Miller,  E  3-4 
Miller  (see  Threvill),  M 

3-4 
Monnox,  E  1 
Monson,  E  1 
More,  M  4-5,  M  5-6 
Moundeford,  E  4-5 
Munes  (?),  M  4-5 
Murdock,  M  3-4 
Mydelton,  E  2-3 
Myght,  M  3-4 
Mylter,  E  1-2,  M  2-3 
Mynnes,  M  3-4 


Neele,  E  2-3 
Neve,  M  1-2 
Nevell,  H  1 
Newgate,  E  1-2 
Newman,  M  2-3 
Newson,  M  4-5 
Newsted,  M  4-5 
Nicholas,  M  2-3 
Nicolls,  E  1-2 
Norfolk,  Duke  of,  T  2-3, 

T4-5 
Norsse  (?),  E  3-4 
Norres,  M  2-3 
Norse,  M  2-3 
Norton,  M  5-6 


Nudde,  M  2-3 
Nunno,  E  2-3,  T  2-3,  M 
2-3 

Oke,  T  2-3 
Oliver,  H  2-3 
Olyver,  E  4-5 
Ormeston,  T  1-2 
Osborne,  E  3-4,  M  3-4 
Owslee  (see  Gyttyns),  M 

3-4 
Owtlawe,  M  5-6 
Oxx,  M  1-2,  H  2-3 

Pace,  H  1-2 
Page,  M  1-2,  E  2-3 
Palgrave,  M  2-3 
Pallyng,  M  4-5 
Palmer,  E  1-2,  E  3-4,  T 

4-5 
Paly,  E  3-4 
Palye,  E  1 
Pargetour,  T  1-2 
Pargetter,  E  1 
Parker,  T  1,  M  3-4 
Parkyn,  E  3-4 
Parlett,  H  1-2,  E  2-3 
Paston,  T  4-5 
Pate,  E  3-4 
Patrikke,  M  2-3 
Payn,  M  4-5 
Payne,  T  2-3,  M  2-3 
Paynell,  T  2-3 
Peche,  M  1-2 
Pecher,  E  3-4 
Peers,  T  4-5 
Pennell,  M  3-4,  E  4^5 
Penrede,  M  3-4 
Percy,  H  2-3 
Platfote,  E  2-3 
Plome,  M  3-4 
Plomer,  M  5-6 
Plume,  M  2-3,  M  3-4 
Poope,  T  1-2 
Porter,  H  2-3 
Porv,  E  1-2 
Poryche,  H  3-4 
Potter,  H    1,  E   2-3,   T 

2-3,  H  4-5 
Powdiche,  E  3-4 
Powdyche,    E     3-4,    H 

4-5 
Prator,  T  1-2 
Pratt,  E  2-3 
Pratte,  M  4-5 
Pulle,  M  3-4 
Pynchyn,  M  2-3 
Pytt,  E  3-4 

Queen,  The,  M  3-4 


Rabbett,  E  4-5 
Rackey,  E  1 
Radbowrne,  M  4-5 
Rakke,  E  1-2 
Rakyn,  E  3-4 
Randall,  E  4-5 
Pawling,  T  4-5 
Raye,  M  2-3 
Rayniard  (?),  M  2-3 
Redell,  M  4-5 
Reignold,  M  2-3,  H  3-4 
Rese,  E  3-4 
Reve,  E  1,  M  2-3 
Reynolds,  H  2  3 
Richars,  al's  Glover,  M 

4-5 
Richeman,  M  5-6 
Richman,  M  1-2 
Rissheton,  E  1 
Robberdys,El,H3-4,  M 

4-5 
Robkyn,  E  1-2 
Robyns,  E  3-4 
Rokewode,  E  1 
Rookewood,  E  3-4 
Roose,  M  2-3 
Rotelans,  Comes,  E  1-2 
Rows,  M  2-3 
Rowse,  M  4-5 
Rudde,  M4-5 
Rumbald,  M  4-5 
Russell,  E  2-3,  M  5-6 
Ruste,  E  2-3,  M  2-3 
Richardson  (?),  M  2-3 
Ry chars,  M  2-3 
Ryder,  T  4-5 
Rysing,  M  3-4 


Saburne,  E  4-5 
Salter,  M  2-3 
Samson,  H  3-4 
Saunderson,  E  3-4 
Savage,  M  3-4 
Sayer,  H  1-2,  H  4-5,  M 

4-5 
Sedley,  T  1 
Sefolde,  M  2-3  (bis) 
Sefoule,  E  3-4,  E  4-5 
Sefowle,  M  4-5 
Sefowll,  M  3-4 
Sekford,  T  2-3 
Seman,  E  1,  T   1-2,   M 

1-2,  E  3-4,  H  4-5,  M 

4-5 
Sewgar,  M  4  5 
Silverstone,  al's  Funnale, 

E4-5 
Shank,  M  4-5 
Shanke,  M  2-3 


216 


Shardelowe,  E  1,  E  1-2, 

H  1-2 
Sharpull,  M  3-4 
Sharson,  E  3-4 
Shawe,  T  4-5 
Shelton,  H  1-2 
Sherman,    E     1,  T    4-5 

(bis) 
Sherwood,  E  2-3 
Sherynghani,  E  3-4 
Shilling,  M  1-2 
Shirwood,  E  3-4 
Shorte,  M  2-3,  M  4-5 
Showldham,  E  3-4 
Skarhorough,  E  1 
Skarborowe,  M  1-2 
Skarlett,  M  1,  M  2-3 
Skarndell,  M  3-4 
Skett,  H  2-3 
Skoles,  M  4-5 
Skotte,  M  1-2 
Skottowe,  M  1-2 
Skynner,  E  1,  Jtl  4-5 
Smyth,  E  1,  H  2-3,  M 

1-2,  E  2-3,  M  2-3,  M 

3-4,  M  4-5 
SneUyng,  T  2-3 
Some,  H  3-4 
Somer,  M  1-2 
Sotherton,  M  4-5 
Southwell,  H  1-2 
Sparrowe,  E  1 
Spelman,  E  3-4 
Spencer,  M  1-2,  T  2-3,  M 

4-5 
Sponer,  T  2-3,  M  3-4 
Sporle,  M  1-2 
Sprate,  M  4-5 
Stagus   (yel   Scagus),  E 

2-3 
StaUon  (?),  E  1 
Stalon,  E  4-5 
Stalon(erF),  E  3-4 
Staloner,  M  4-5 
Stalworthy,  E  1 
Standelevi  H  3-4 
Standforde,  M  3-4 
Stanley,  E  1 
Stannowe,  H  1-2,  M  3-4 
Starfe,  E  1 
Stegell,  E  3-4 
Stennage,  T  1-2 
Sterne,  M  1 
Steward,  H  1-2 
Storer,  M  4-5 
Stubbard,  M  4-5 
Stubbe,  M  1-2  (bis),  M 

3-4 
Suffeld,  M  2-3 
Sulyard,  T  1-2 


Sutton,  E34 
Swayne,  T  4-5 
Swygate,  E  4-5 
Sylvester,  E  2-3 
Symonds,  M  1,  M  1-2 
Symondys,  H  3-4 

Taillor,  H  4-5 
Tavllar,  H  3-4 
TaVlor,  E  1 ,  M  4-5 
Tawdall,  E  1-2 
Teele,  M  1-2 
Tendall,  E  1-2 
Thakker,  M  3-4 
Thederyke,  E  2-3 
The  Queen,  M  3-4 
Thetford,  M  4-5 
Thetforth,  E  2-3 
Thetforthe,  M  1-2 
Thompson,  T  4-5 
Thorne,  E  1 
Thowrie,  E  4-5 
Threvill,  al's  Miller,   M 

3-4 
Thursbv,  E  2-3 
Tobye,  M  3-4 
Toly,  M  1-2 
Tomlvnson,  H  4-5 
Tompson,  E  3-4  (bis) 
Toose,  E  1-2 
Toumand  (?),  E  2-3 
Touneshend.T  1-2,  M  2-3, 

E  1-2  (?),T  1-2 
Trendyll,  M  2-3,  E  3-4 
Trewe,  M  2-3 
Trulle,  M  2-3 
Tubbvng,  M  3-4 
Tudaie,  E  2-3 
Turkel,  M  1-2 
Turnor,    M    1-2,    M    3-4 

(bis) 
Tyndall    (see    Kendall), 

M  4-5 

TTlff,  M  1-2 
Ullff,  E  1 
Ungle,  E  4-5 
Uttyng,  E  2-3 

Yeysey,  H  4-5 
Veysy,  E  3-4 
Vincent,  E  1  (bis) 
Virley,  E  2-  3 
Vyncent,  E  2-3 
Yynt,  M  1-2 

Wace,  M  3-4 
Wade,  E  3-4 


Waffan  (?),  E  1 

Wakerlev,  M  4-5 
Walden,  M  3-4 
Walle,  H  4-5  (bis) 
Walpole,  E  1  (bis),  H  1-2 
Walshe,  M  5-6 
Walsyngham,  M  4-5 
Walter,  E  3-4 
Walysshe,  M  1-2 
Ward,  M  2-3  (bis\E  3-4, 

M  3-4  (bis) 
Warner,   E    1-2,  M   1-2 

(bis),   E  2-3,  M  2-3, 

M  3-4,  E  4-5,  T  4-5 
Warde,  M  4-5 
Water,  E  1-2 
Waters,  E  1-2,  M  3-4 
Watson,  E  1,  E  1-2 
Webster,  H  2-3 
Wentlond,  E  2-3 
Went  worth,  M  4-5 
West,  H  2-3 
AVcstbroke,T3-4,M3-4, 

M  4-5 
Whetlv,  H  3-4 
Whorwood(e),  H  4-5,  T 

4-5 
Whyte,  E  1-2 
Wightman,  E  4-5 
Wilford  (?),  E  2-3 
Wilkvnson,  H  1 
WiUmott,  E  1 
Windhem,  E  2-3 
Wodehous,  H  4-o 
Woode.  M  3-4  (bis) 
Woodhous  (?),  H  2-3,  E 

4-5 
Woodhouse,  E  1 
Woodehouse,   E  2-3,  M 

5-6 
Woodehows,   E    2-3,    H 

3-4,  M  2-3,  M  3-4  (3) 
Woodstock,  E  4-5 
Woodvard,  M  5-6 
Wright,  M  1-2 
Wroght,  M  3-4 
Wryght,  E  1-2,  E  3-4 
Wull,  M  3-4 
Wvere,  M  3-4 
Wykys,  H  1-2 
Wymond,  E  1-2,  M  2-3 
Wy nter,  T  3-4 
Wyseman,  E  1-2 
Wytman,  M  3-4 


Yaloppe,  M  1-2 
Yarham,  M  3-4 
Y^elverton,  M  2-3,  E  3-4 
Yronges,  H  4-5 


ux  Home  in  (BixbI  %n%lfai 


BY 


EDWARD    MILLIGEN    BELOE. 


I  shall  endeavour  in  this  sketch  to  isolate  its  subject 
from  the  remainder  of  the  kingdom  of  which  we  now 
apparently  form  so  undivided  a  part,  and  as  a  Norfolk 
man  addressing  Norfolk  men,  to  trace  ourselves  and  our 
ancestry. 

The  distinction  of  boundary  and  race  of  the  original  tribal 
divisions  of  a  country  are  almost  indestructible.  Let  it  be 
overrun,  cut  up,  made  the  subject  of  treaty,  either  of  con- 
venience or  conquest,  they  are  extinguished  only  for  a  time, 
to  reappear  when  the  storm  has  passed  or  the  ties  of  treaty 
have  been  slackened.  If  we  require  strongly- defined  examples 
to  illustrate  our  positions  in  history  we  have  to  look  to  France, 
where  the  territorial  lines  have  been  more  strongly  marked, 
and  the  civilization,  though  it  may  have  received  temporary 
shocks,  has  never  been  annihilated  and  reformed  as  has 
been  the  case  with  us.  In  Gaul  the  old  tribal  divisions  of 
the  different  races  and  governments  were  never  obliterated, 
though  gathered  under  one  government  by  the  Romans ; 
overrun,  conquered,  and  apparently  stamped  out  by  Yisigoths, 
and  reduced  as  part  of  one  homogeneous  empire  by  the  con- 
quest of  Charlemagne ;   when  the  government  of  that  great 


218 

king  relaxed  after  his  death,  in  the  hands  of  his  incompetent 
successors,  the  alien  governors  of  the  several  outlying 
districts  attracted  to  themselves  the  old  stock  on  whose 
supjDort  they  had  to  depend,  and  when  the  wave  of  conquest 
subsided,  the  original  division  of  the  ancient  tribes  re- 
appeared and  were  formed  again  round  those  same  governors 
who  relied  on  the  support  of  the  original  inhabitants  to 
gain  and  sustain  their  independence  against  their  overlords. 

Frequently  the  governing  city  took  its  name  from  the 
Celtic  or  Belgic  tribe  which  the  first  conqueror  disturbed, 
and  whose  identity,  apparently,  he  had  stamped  out  as  he 
did  its  language  and  government.  But  the  race  and  the 
character  and  instinct  remained,  to  appear  again  after  eight 
hundred  years,  to  close  itself  round  its  protecting  and 
governing  power,  whether  it  was  a  bishop  or  baron,  nomi- 
nally still  dependent  on  the  original  authority  of  the 
empire,  but  practically  independent,  thereby  forming  that 
system  which  fostered  the  early  growth  of  Europe  when  it 
settled  down  after  the  breaking  up  of  the  Roman  authority 
and  the  invasion  and  conquest  of  the  northern  and  western 
barbarians.  The  Continent  alone  gives  us  illustration  of  the 
feudal  system,  our  own  was  but  a  feeble  example  of  its 
power. 

"We  have  first  to  learn  of  ourselves  from  our  enemies,  or 
at  least  from  our  invaders.  Julius  Caesar  made  two  visits  to 
Britain.  He  arrived  the  first  time  on  the  26th  August, 
in  55  B.C.,  and  left  on  the  20th  September — scarcely  a 
month — and  he  does  not  seem  to  have  gathered  much  know- 
ledge of  us  on  this  visit ;  but  he  returned  again  in  May 
of  the  following  year,  and  made  a  longer  stay,  and  it  is  on 
this  visit  we  have  the  first  mention  of  our  home.  The 
note  is  short,  and  shows  us  in  the  light  of  more  discretion 
than  valour.  He  says,  "  The  Trinobantes  being  protected 
"  and  secured  from  the  violence  of  the  soldiers,  the  Ceni 
"  3Iagni   (and   others   named)  sending  embassies   surrender 


219 

"  themselves  to  Coosar. "  We  were  called  b}^  him  the  Great 
Ceni.  That  is  the  only  special  notice  of  ourselves  by  the 
first  historian  who  wrote  of  our  island  from  personal  ob- 
servation, and  it  is  the  only  notice.  The  opening  statement, 
however,  of  his  history,  describing  Gaul,  will  assist  us  a 
little  in  finding  out  who  we  were.  He  says,  "  All  Gaul  is 
"divided  into  three  parts,  one  of  which  the  Belgse  inhabit; 
"the  Aquitani  another;  those  who  in  their  own  language  they 
"  call  Celts,  in  ours  Gauls,  the  third."  So  that  when  Caesar 
speaks  of  Gauls  he  means  Celts,  and  they  were  distinct 
from  the  Belgao.  When  he  came  he  found  the  interior  of 
our  country  inhabited  by  those  born  in  the  island  itself, 
the  maritime  portion  by  those  who  had  passed  over  from 
the  country  of  the  Belgse  (I  am  quoting  literally),  "  almost 
"  all  of  whom  are  called  by  the  names  of  those  states  from 
"  whence  they  sprung."  "The  number  of  the  people,"  he  says, 
"is  countless,  their  buildings  exceedingly  numerous,  for  the 
"  most  part  very  like  the  Gauls,  and  the  number  of  their 
"  cattle  is  great."  And  again  he  says,  by  way  of  parenthesis, 
in  his  description  of  a  battle,  "  Now  the  Britons,  when  they 
"  have  fortified  the  intricate  woods,  in  which  they  are  wont 
"  to  assemble  for  the  purpose  of  awaiting  the  incursion  of  an 
"  enemy,  with  an  intrenchment  and  a  rampart,  call  them  a 
"  town  (oppidum)."  This  describes  and  accounts  for  many 
of  those  grand  earthworks  which  in  East  Anglia,  more  than 
any  other,  have  marked  the  land. 

Now,  from  the  above  description  of  Caesar,  it  is  very 
doubtful  if  in  his  time  East  Anglia  was  Celtic,  or  whether  it 
was  of  the  maritime  part  in  which  the  Belgse  had  settled. 
Boadicea,  the  great  central  figure  of  our  early  history,  would 
seem  by  her  fair  hair  and  figure  rather  to  belong  to  Belgic 
settlers  who  had  supplanted  the  original  inhabitants.  Dion 
thus  describes  her,  in  a  piece  of  what  we  may  call  picturesque 
reporting,  "  She,  however,  who  chiefly  excited  and  urged 
"  them  to  fight,  was  Boadicea,  who  was  deemed  worthy  to 


•220 

"  command  them,  and  who  had  led  them  in  every  battle,  a 
"  Briton  of  royal  race,  and  of  more  than  female  spirit.  Having 
"collected  an  army  of  120,000" — lam  quoting  literally — 
"  she,  after  the  Roman  custom,  ascended  a  tribune  of  marshy 
"earth."  And  this  is  the  rather  poetic  description  of  the 
person  of  the  queen,  whether  Celtic  or  Belgic,  "  She  was  of 
the  largest  size,  most  terrible  of  aspect,  most  savage  of 
countenance  and  harsh  of  voice,  having  a  profusion  of  yellow 
hair  which  came  down  to  her  hips,  and  wearing  a  large 
golden  collar.1  She  had  on  a  par ty- coloured  floating  vest, 
drawn  close  about  her  bosom,  and  over  this  she  wore  a  thick 
mantle  connected  by  a  clasp.2  Such  was  her  usual  dress,  and 
she  had  a  spear  that  she  might  appear  more  formidable.  Her 
speech  is  given,  and  she  then  led  her  army  against  the 
Romans,  their  commander  being  absent,  and  wrought  inde- 
scribable slaughter.  But  the  Romans  returned  and  defeated 
our  queen,  and  killed  numbers  in  the  fight  near  the  waggons 
and  in  a  wood,  and  were  all  dispersed.  "  ButBoadicea  died, 
"  and  they  bewailed  her  sorely,  and  buried  her  with  great 
"funereal  splendour." 

Tacitus  gives  the  account  with  much  greater  simplicity, 
and  his  story  is  the  one  generally  quoted.  He  says,  "But 
'  Astorius,  sensible  how  much  first  events  would  either  sink  or 
'  raise  his  reputation,  and  because  a  treacherous  or  slight 
1  peace  would  be  no  security  to  the  general  or  his  army, 
'  he  prepared  to  disarm  the  suspicious,  and  to  post  his  forces 
1  upon  the  river  Antona  and  Sabrina  to  check  them  upon  all 
'  occasions ;  but  first  the  Iceni  could  not  brook  this,  a  potent 
1  nation,  and  not  yet  shaken  by  the  wars,  having  before 
1  sought  the  friendship  of  the  Romans.  By  their  example  the 
'  bordering  nations  rise  likewise,  encamping  in  a  convenient 
'  place,  fenced  with  an  earthen  rampier,  and  accessible  by  a 
'narrow  passage  only  to  prevent  the  entrance   of  the  horse. 

1  The  torque,  of  the  purest  gold  found  in  British  graves. 

2  The  fibula,  of  which  so  many  beautiful  examples  remain. 


221 


"  The  Roman  general,  though  without  his  legions,  drew  up  his 
"  auxiliary  troops  to  force  the  camp,  and  having  posted  his 
"  foot  to  the  best  advantage,  brought  up  the  horse  for  the  same 
"  service.  The  signal  was  given  :  they  forced  the  rampart 
"  and  disordered  the  enemy,  pent  up  and  hindered  b}r  their 
"own  entrenchments.  However,  they  defended  themselves  with 
"  great  valour,  being  conscious  of  their  own  baseness  in  re- 
"  volting,  and  sensible  that  their  escape  was  impossible,"  and 
after  this  we  hear  no  more  of  the  Iceni.  The  Roman  admin- 
istration became  dominant ;  it  divided  and  levelled  all,  and 
took  upon  itself  the  protection  of  the  country  from  outlying 
foes  by  its  walls  and  littoral  forts;  and  from  internal  dis- 
content by  their  camps  and  stations.  These,  so  far  as  they 
relate  to  ourselves,  I  will  shortly  describe.  The  first 
authority  is  Ptolemy,  whose  brief  description  of  us  is,  "  Next 
"  after  these  (the  Catyenchlayni)  are  the  Simeni,  whose  town 
"is  Yenta."  Then  we  have  the  book  which  has  caused  so 
much  lively  discussion  among  those  who  have  little  to  do, 
the  Itinerary  of  Antonine.  He  takes  all  the  great  roads  of 
the  country,  and  puts  down  (like  an  ancient  Bradshaw)  the 
stations  between  the  great  towns  ;  and  the  thing  to  do  is  to 
sort  out  these  names  among  the  several  towns  and  camps 
that  remain.  Of  us  Antonine  gives  the  following  brief 
account  : — 

The  journey  from  Yenta  Icenorium  (of  the  Iceni)  to 
London.  1st,  Yenta  Icenorium  is  understood  to  come  first, 
though  not  named. 

Sitoma^us     .  .  .  .  .32  stadia. 


Combretonio          . 

22     „ 

Ad  Ansam    .... 

15     „ 

Cameloduno            . 

6     „ 

Canonio         . 

8     „ 

Caesaromago           . 

12     „ 

Durolito        .... 

16     „ 

Londinio       .... 

■     15     „ 

222 

The  site  of  the  capital  of  the  powerful  nation  of  the  Iceni 
i3,  I  think,  decided.  The  Yenta  (the  British  Gwent,  a 
field,)  and  called  Yenta  Icenorum  to  distinguish  it  from 
Yenta  Belgarum  of  the  Belgo  whom  Caesar  found,  and  the 
Yenta. 

About  four  miles  to  the  south  of  Norwich  lie  the  great 
embankments,  and  a  few  ruined  walls  of  the  Roman,  stretch- 
ing out  on  one  side  into  the  marsh  in  its  very  loneliness;  the 
heron  which  I  started  rose  with  indignant  scream,  claiming 
the  solitude  for  her  own.  The  road,  as  of  old,  runs  by  the 
other  side,  and  stretches  on  southward  to  the  great  camp  of 
Tasburgh. 

In  times  then  distant,  but  now  long  past,  the  Norseman 
sailed  np  the  estuary  of  the  Yare,  and  finding  a  more 
convenient  spot  for  his  ships  and  his  enterprise,  founded  the 
citv,  which  became  the  capital  of  East  Anglia,  whose  towers 
and  castle  are  seen  from  the  now  lonely  and  ruined  camp. 

We  have  still  a  third  authority,  the  Notitia  of  the  Empire 
in  Britain ;  and  these  three  books  are  the  very  slender  and 
almost  only  materials  for  the  Roman  geography  of  our 
island.  The  Notitia  is  the  description  of  the  divisions  of  the 
country,  the  military  stations  of  the  army,  and  the  names  of 
the  troops  which  occupied  them. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  "  Comes  Littoris  Saxonici  per 
Britanniarn,"  Count  of  the  Saxon  shore  in  Britian, — extended 
round,  as  the  following  is  the  part  belonging  to  us : — 

Sub  dispositione  viri  spectabilis  Comitis  Littoris  Saxonici 
per  Britanniam. 

Propositus  numeri  Fortensium  Othono. 

Propositus  militum  Tungricanorum  Dubiis. 

Propositus  numeri  Turnavencium  Lemanis. 

Propositus  Equitum  Dalmatarum  Branodunensis  Brano- 
duno  (Brancaster). 

Propositus  Equitum  Stablesiorum  Garriannensis  Gar- 
riannoni  (Burgh). 


223 

Tribimus  Cohortis  primaB  Yetasiorum  Regulbio. 

Propositus  Legionis  II.  Aug.  Rutupis.     . 

Propositus  numeri  Abulcorum  Anderida3. 

Praopositus  numeri  Exploratorum  Portu  adurni. 

(Then  follow  the  names  of  office  of  the  several  offices  of 
the  staff  of  the  Court  of  the  Saxon  Shore.) 

For  the  storm  was  rising  in  the  east,  and  even  before  they 
left  us  the  Romans  had  to  make  great  camps  for  protection 
from  a  new  invader  by  the  sea.  So  great  and  sudden  was  that 
storm  on  us  in  East  Anglia  that,  excepting  the  earthworks 
of  their  camps  and  a  few  personal  ornaments  and  coins,  we 
have  no  remains  of  the  Roman  occupation.  I  am  aware  of 
no  pavements,  nor  villas,  nor  altars ;  for  these  we  must  go  to 
York,  Newcastle,  London,  Lincoln,  and  Leicester,  where  we 
can  study  their  art  arid  life  when  living  with  and  civilizing 
the  Celt, 

The  iron  hand  which,  as  I  have  said,  so  long  administered 
our  government  and  protected  our  shores,  at  length  relaxed 
its  grasp.  The  Dalmatians  were  removed  from  Brancaster, 
where  their  camp  remains  ;  the  Stablesian  Horse  from 
Garrionum  (Burgh  by  Yarmouth)  ;  and  the  invader  from  the 
shores  of  the  Elbe  came  in  his  ships  and  drove  back  and  back 
the  people  thus  left  to  themselves.  The  precise  manner  and 
time  of  their  first  invasion  is  left  in  great  obscurity.  There 
is  no  contemporary  history.  The  one  book  bearing  the  name 
of  Gildas,  probably  a  Romanised  Christian  Briton,  Excidium 
Britanum  Liber  Querulus,  the  Book  of  Wailing  of  the  Fall 
of  Britain,  is  only  the  wild  raving  over  wrong  and  slaughter 
wrought  by  the  Saxon.  It  is  just  known  that  Kent  was 
conquered  first ;  the  old  people,  the  Cantii,  whom  Csesar 
found,  appearing  again  and  retaining  still  as  indestructible 
the  trace  of  their  tribal  territory.  It  was  doubtless  so  with 
us.  The  battle  gained  by  the  invaders  would  paralyse  the 
district,  which  the  leaders  governed,  and  from  which  the 
soldiers  came,  and  the  government  of  the  conquerors  would  be 


224 

substituted.  It  would  extend  only  to  the  boundaries  of  the 
conquered  race ;  beyond,  the  unsubdued  tribes  would  again 
struggle  for  their  liberty  and  retain  their  land,  so  that  East 
Anglia  would  still  correspond  with  the  old  land  of  the  Iceni, 
though  under  a  changed  name.  To  the  south  the  East 
Saxon  settled,  and  the  same  gulfs  and  rivers  that  divided  the 
Iceni  from  the  Trinobantes  would  divide  the  Anglian  and 
Saxon  settlements. 

In  the  same  manner  the  broad  bay  of  the  Nene  separated 
us  from  a  people  which  to  this  day  are  distinct,  having  a 
different  dialect,  accent,  and  customs,  which  show  that  the 
Coritavi  were  different  in  race. 

Again,  to  the  west,  there  were  great  and  natural  impassable 
boundaries.  The  wild  fens  then  were,  and  but  for  art  would 
now  soon  be  a  great  lake,  in  which  the  higher  grounds  were 
islands  or  a  beach.  Where  the  fens  end  and  the  higher 
grounds  begun  the  invaders  made  a  dyke,  which  for  grandeur 
as  it  waves  over  the  distant  hills  is  quite  unsurpassed.  It  ex- 
tended from  the  fens  to  the  woods,  which  then  joined  the 
southern  rivers  and  bays,  and  protected,  as  I  have  said, 
the  southern  frontier. 

I  do  not  exaggerate  when  I  say  I  have  never  been  more 
struck  with  the  colossal  work  of  man  than  by  the  Devil's 
Dyke  just  after  it  rises  from  the  fens  at  Heach  and  Burwell, 
and  stretches  out  over  the  bare  hills  to  Xewmarket.  The 
fosse  or  ditch  is  on  the  western  side,  showing  that  it  was 
raised  by  the  people  of  the  east,  that  is  the  East  Anglian, 
for  protection  from  the  west. 

This  dyke  is  very  interesting  in  illustrating  this  paper  as 
to  the  boundaries  of  our  East  Anglia.  We  have  no  account 
whatever  of  the  administration  and  division  of  the  Christian 
Church  under  the  Romans  ;  but  when  the  heathen  Teutonic 
nation  had  driven  back  the  old  inhabitants,  each  division 
settled  on  the  land,  and,  probably,  as  I  have  mentioned, 
with  the  boundaries  of  the  old  tribe.     No  sooner  had  they 


225 

settled  than  a  Christian  mission  appeared,  the  head  of  which 
would  be  the  bishop  of  the  tribe,  and  his  jurisdiction  the 
limits  of  the  tribe.  His  diocese  would  be  fixed  by  these. 
He  was  named,  not  by  a  territorial  title,  not  at  first  by  the 
name  of  the  see,  but  the  bishop  of  the  people.  Thus  our 
early  bishops  were  never,  in  speaking  of  their  jurisdiction, 
the  Bishops  of  East  Anglia,  but  the  Bishops  of  the  East 
Angles.  The  Bishop  of  Worcester  was  the  bishop  of  the 
old  district  of  the  Hwiccii  of  the  Celtic  division,  which  the 
Teutons  occupied  in  its  old  limits.  Now,  kindly  follow  me 
further,  for  this  portion  of  my  paper  may  be  useful.  These 
dioceses  once  formed  and,  especially  after  the  settling  of  the 
ecclesiastical  government  of  the  country  under  Theodore  of 
Tarsus,  never  varied.  The  kingdoms  themselves  might  alter 
their  limits  by  conquest,  but  the  Church  was  bound  by  no 
secular  treaty.  It  was  distinct,  and  the  priests  of  the  district 
still  held  allegiance  to  the  old  bishops,  though  under  other 
secular  government.  The  fixture  of  the  lines  of  the  dioceses 
with  the  old  boundaries  of  the  tribes,  and  of  the  Saxon 
kingdoms,  is  curiously  illustrated  here.  The  kingdom  of 
East  Anglia  was  afterwards  a  little  beaten  in  on  the  west, 
and  the  Bishop  of  the  East  Angles,  now  called  the  Bishop  of 
Elinham,  retained  his  old  territory  marked  by  the  great  forti- 
fication of  the  East  Angles,1  so  that  the  diocese  of  the  East 
Angles  has  handed  down  to  us  the  limits  of  the  Celtic  or 
Belgic  kingdom  of  the  Iceni.  There  was,  however,  one 
piece  of  the  old  territory  of  East  Anglia  broken  off  to  the 
west  in  the  seventh  century,  and  in  which  the  most 
beautiful  of  all  our  cathedrals  is  built ;  and,  though  I  seem  to 
anticipate,  I  think  it  better  to  finish  the  question  of  the 
boundaries  of  East  Anglia  now.  Anna,  the  third  independent 
king  after  Sigebert  (whom  we  shall  shortly  name),  has  been 

1  The  diocese  of  Norwich  extended  heyond  the  county  of  Suffolk  to  the 
Dyke  before  the  recent  change. 

VOL.    II.]  Q 


226 

more  renowned  in  his  daughters  than  in  himself.  The 
eldest,  Etheldreda,  married  the  prince  of  the  south,  Gervii, 
whose  seat  was  at  Ely,  expressly  mentioned  in  the  Liber 
EHensis  to  be  in  East  Anglia.  Bede  says,  "Elge,  a  province 
of  the  East  Angles,  a  district  in  the  form  of  an  island,  sur- 
rounded either  with  fens  or  waters."  Etheldreda  became  the 
ruler  of  the  province  on  her  husband's  death,  and  having 
been  advanced  to  great  honour  as  the  Queen  of  Xorthumbria, 
withdrew  from  the  world  and  founded  the  Monastery  of  the 
Fens,  and  died  its  abbess.  Her  three  sisters  became  famous 
as  saints,  and  St.  Withburga  lajT  at  Dereham,  whence  her  body 
was  stolen  by  the  monks  of  Ehr,  who  tell  the  whole  stor}r  of 
the  taking  of  her  remains  in  their  Chronicle  with  the  most 
audacious  candour,  praising  God  for  the  success  of  the 
expedition.  The  building  up  of  the  four  great  monasteries 
of  the  fens  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  events  of  these 
early  times.  Crowland,  Peterborough,  and  Ramsey  were 
built  close  to  the  edge  of  the  wild  and  desolate  region, 
either  fen  or  water,  as  Bede  has  it.  They  became  the  lights 
and  support  and  missions  of  the  early  Christianity  of  our 
district,  and  with  Glastonbury  and  Westminster,  were  the 
greatest  in  the  kingdom. 

Having  now  described  where  our  East  Anglia  extended, 
we  will  get  together  the  few  materials  from  which  we  may 
trace  its  special  history. 

The  conquest  of  Britain  was  the  most  complete  of  all  the 
Teutonic  invasions  of  the  Roman  empire.  It  completely  sup- 
planted the  old  language.  It  adopted  entire  the  Germanic 
system  of  government  and  administration,  and  a  Teutonic 
people  inhabited  the  counfay,  giving  to  their  settlements  the 
names  either  of  their  families  or  the  houses  or  enclosures,  for 
in  East  Anglia  there  are  but  few  British  names  of  places  left, 
the  town  of  Lynn  being  a  very  exceptional  example.  A 
comparison  with  Gaul  will  show  this  clearer.  There  the 
Latin  completely  supplanted  the  Celtic  tongue.     The  natives 


227 

spoke  it  well,  and  became  great  advocates  even  among  the 
Romans  themselves.  As  each  German  wave  swept  over  Gfaul 
the  language  of  the  conqueror  could  not  withstand  the 
strength  of  the  more  perfect  Latin  tongue.  The  Yisigoths, 
though  long  settled,  left  no  impression  on  the  language.  And 
you  must  remember  that  Charlemagne,  though  the  head  of 
the  Franks,  was  not  a  Frenchman  in  our  meaning  of  the 
word;  but  he  and  the  Franks  were  German,  and  spoke 
German  ;  and  though  he  laid  the  whole  of  Gaul  under  his 
feet,  and  the  land  was  called  after  his  own  nation,  the  speech 
of  that  nation  left  no  impression  on  the  language  of  the 
country.  Again,  the  Normans  settled  and  occupied  a  large 
territory,  but  in  two  generations  they  forgot  their  own 
tongue,  and  spoke  perhaps  more  firmly  than  the  rest  the  lan- 
guage of  Rome.  In  France  the  older  Roman  institutions 
survived  and  still  impress  the  government  locally  and  nation- 
ally. With  us  all  is  different.  The  Roman  language  never 
got  the  better  of  the  native  Celtic  as  it  did  in  France,  and 
the  Celt,  when  driven  back,  took  with  him  his  language  almost 
untouched.  Our  own  language,  the  English,  is  partly  Teutonic 
in  structure,  and  though  the  Saxon  must  now  be  learnt  as  a 
dead  language,  yet  it  is  the  foundation  of  our  own.  For  our 
institutions  we  must  look,  not  to  Rome,  but  to  the  Germania 
of  Tacitus.  We  had  the  same  love  for  country  life,  the  same 
power  of  government  in  public  meeting  of  the  tribes.  The 
Teuton  held  the  land  free  from  the  influence  and  the  tradition 
and  the  language  of  all  the  people  that  had  inhabited  it 
before  them. 

But  history  is,  as  I  have  said,  almost  silent  as  to  these  first 
settlements.  When  some  distinctness  begins  we  find  the 
different  invading  tribes  had  formed  seven  or  eight  indepen- 
dent kingdoms,  of  which  our  East  Anglia  was  one.  I  have 
said  the  coming  storm  was  rising  before  the  Romans  left  us. 
They  had  found  it  necessary  to  build  fortresses  on  the  coast 
to  resist  the  invasions  of  the  barbarians,   who  were  called 

q  2 


228 

by  the  common  name  of  Saxons.  When  those  fortresses  were 
deserted  those  "  Saxons "  came.  There  is  a  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  the  manner  of  their  invasion.  On  the  one 
hand  it  is  contended  that  the  invaders  settled  as  conquerors 
only,  not  exterminating  the  native  Celts  or  Belgse,  but 
keeping  them  as  the  subject  race,  the  other  that  the  in- 
habitants were  driven  out  or  slaughtered,  and  that  the  land 
was  cleared.  If  we  believe  the  wail  of  Gildas,  the  old 
people  were  swept  off  the  land.  It  was  with  us  in  East 
Anglia  probably  a  slow  and  gradual  process,  begun  before 
the  Romans  left,  and  making  more  rapid  progress  when 
their  resistance  was  gone.  Florence  of  Worcester  gives 
their  early  kings,  sprung  from  Woden  of  course,  and  all 
mythical . 

When  history  begins  we  find  the  royal  seat  of  our  kings 
at  Dumnoc  (Dunwich),  where  barbarian  kings  ruled  a 
heathen  race.  Hedwold  comes  to  the  front  as  the  first  on 
whom  dependence  can  be  placed.  He  was  tenth  from  Woden, 
and  the  grandson  of  Uffa,  hence  the  patronymic  liftings  to 
our  East  Anglian  kings,  so  Bede  says.  His  sons  Eorpwold 
and  Reghere  succeeded  him,  and  Sigebert,  the  brother  of 
Eorpwold,  resigned.  On  Reghere's  death  he,  Sigebert, 
a  most  Christian  and  learned  man,  having  been  banished 
to  France,  received  there  the  Christian  faith  and  the  sacra- 
ments, which,  when  he  succeeded  to  his  kingdom,  he  caused 
all  his  province  to  partake.  His  exertions  were  most  nobly 
promoted  by  the  Bishop  Felix,  who  coming  to  Honorius, 
the  Archbishop  from  Burgundy,  where  he  had  been  born 
and  ordained,  and  having  told  him  what  he  desired,  he  sent 
him  to  preach  the  word  of  life  to  the  aforesaid  nation  of  the 
Angles.  He  had  the  see  of  his  bishopric  appointed  him  at 
Dunmoc,  and  having  presided  over  the  same  province  with 
pontifical  authority  for  seventeen  }Tears,  he  ended  his  days 
there  in  peace,  and  from  him  to  our  present  worthy  Bishop 
there  has  been  one  continued  succession. 


229 

We  possess  two  contemporary  records,  the  Saxon  Chronicle, 
which  continued  in  the  native  tongue  long  after  the 
Conquest ;  the  other,  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  the  Vene- 
rable Bede,  written  in  Latin.  From  these  we  have  to 
gather  our  early  development.  We  learn  that  there 
was  another  kingdom  of  the  Angles  in  the  north,  North- 
umbria.  This  rose  the  dominant  kingdom,  and  held  the 
Bretwalda  or  overlordship  of  the  Saxon  seven  kingdoms, 
and  on  Edwin  their  king  and  his  succcessors  depended  the 
East  Anglian  kings.  Then  the  central  heathen,  the  Mer- 
cians (a  mixed  race,  and  who  were  first  so  called  because 
they  dwelt  on  the  borders  or  marches  of  the  settled  eastern 
kingdoms),  under  their  heathen  King  Penda,  beat  back  the 
Northumbrian  from  the  Humber,  and  raised  his  country  to 
the  supreme  power ;  and  Sigebert,  who  had  retired  and  was 
a  monk  at  Bury,  was  killed  in  634.  Eyrie  the  son  of  Sigebert 
was  killed  by  Penda,  and  Anna  his  son,  famous  as  we  have 
seen  in  his  daughters,  was  involved  in  similar  destruction. 
Then  Oswin  the  Northumbrian  again  comes  supreme,  and 
murders  Penda  the  Mercian  heathen,  and  Ethelhere  the 
brother  of  Anna,  who  was  a  traitor.  Then  comes  confusion, 
till  St.  Ethelbert  of  East  Anglia,  who  was  treacherously 
slain  by  OfFa  the  Mercian  king,  who  and  whose  successors 
kept  down  our  royal  race. 

These  facts  show  the  only  well- authenticated  events  of  one 
of  the  smaller  kingdoms.  The  kingdoms  of  the  eastern 
coast  were  small,  and  never  gained  supremacy,  but  they  all 
retained  their  old  boundaries  and  name,  and  are  so  known 
to  the  present  day,  East  Anglia,  Essex,  with  whom  were 
the  Middle  Saxons,  Kent,  and  Sussex.  The  struggle  for  the 
master  power,  lay  down  the  centre  of  the  kingdom.  First 
Northumbria,  then  Mercia  came  to  the  head ;  and  still 
proceeding  southward,  in  Wessex,  whose  royal  seat  was 
Winchester,  under  a  series  of  able  kings,  permanently 
made  subject   all  the   rest,  and  formed  one  kingdom  ;    and 


230 

in  this  ebb  and  flow  of  power  in  the  centre  of  the  kingdom 
caused  the  divisions  of  the  country  to  be  uncertain  and 
varying,  and  as  each  part  was  conquered  a  new  division 
had  to  be  made,  and  so  formed  the  "shires,"  named  after 
the  seat  of  some  small  local  power,  and  on  which  we  who 
have  our  kingdom  entire,  and  claim  the  name  of  North 
and  South  Folk  of  East  Anglia,  look  down,  I  fear,  with 
something  like  contempt. 

The  year  that  Egbert  the  great  West  Saxon  king  beat 
the  Mercian  at  Helledon  was  826,  and  the  East  Anglian, 
then  oppressed  by  the  Mercian  and  protected  by  Egbert, 
killed  two  other  of  their  kings ;  and  the  following  year,  827, 
is  generally  fixed  as  the  union  of  the  kingdom,  "Angle 
Land,"  though  Egbert  was  not  crowned  till  829.  But 
Egbert  had  only  just  gained  the  headship  of  the  kingdom 
when  a  kindred  race  came  over  the  sea,  untameable  savage 
heathens,  of  such  ferocity,  energy,  and  cruelty,  there  had 
nothing  been  seen  or  heard  of  before.  Their  first  coming 
was  in  787,  and  for  two  hundred  years  the  Chronicles  are 
filled  with  the  details  of  rapine,  robber y,  murder,  and 
crime  which  these  invaders  committed.  They  were  met, 
however,  by  a  race  of  kings  who  ruled  the  land  of  England, 
one  after  another,  with  courage,  ability,  and  energy. 

The  annals  of  no  country,  certainly  not  in  contempo- 
raneous history,  can  show  a  continued  succession  of  kings 
who  by  their  courage,  care,  and  wisdom  met  the  invaders  in 
war,  and  in  peace  themselves  provided  literature  and  culture 
for  their  own  people,  and  spread  learning  and  made  laws  for 
their  security  and  prosperity.  A  king,  called  by  his  subjects 
the  "  Unready,"  however,  allowed  the  people  to  become  the 
subjects  of  a  Dane,  who  also  left  in  these  Chronicles  a  name 
as  great,  if  not  greater,  than  the  kings  of  the  native  race. 

Now,  as  East  Anglia  is  the  most  Danish  of  all  counties, 
we  will  continue  our  historv  of  it  through  the  sad  and 
bitter  period.     For — 


231 

"  He  burned  the  churches,  that  wicked  Dane, 
To  light  his  men  to  their  ships  again." 

Mercia  had  been  throughout  the  Heptarchy  the  great 
enemy  and  oppressor  of  East  Anglia.  On  the  rise  of 
Egbert's  power  we  gladly  accepted  his  overlordship  and 
protection.  "We  were  still  allowed  to  be  ruled  by  our 
native  kings,  but  the  storm  of  invasion  so  confused  our 
affairs  that  it  is  difficult  to  give  their  succession  until 
St.  Edmund,  whose  name  still  survives  in  our  memory  as 
our  saintly  East  Anglian  King  and  Martyr,  of  whom  a 
Chronicle  states,  "a  most  holy  man,  and  accepted  of  God, 
"  descended  from  the  old  Saxons  (of  Germany),  a  most  exact 
"observer  of  the  Christian  faith,  affable  and  kindly  spoken  to 
"  all,  eminent  for  the  grace  of  humility,  a  liberal  entertainer 
"  of  the  needy,  a  most  fostering  parent  to  orphans  and 
"widows,  obtained  the  kingdom  of  East  Anglia."  Legend 
has  enlarged  on  this,  and  makes  him  the  son  of  Alkumid, 
and  that  he  was  born  at  Nuremberg  ;  and  on  Offa  the  King 
of  the  East  Angles  passing  through  on  a  pilgrimage  to 
Home,  struck  with  his  presence,  named  him  his  heir  and 
gave  him  a  ring.  Offa,  on  his  return,  told  his  nobles  of 
his  intention  as  to  his  succession,  and  on  his  death  soon 
after,  they  hastened  to  Saxony  to  bring  back  their  adopted 
king.  This  was  in  the  reign  of  Ethelwolf,  King  of  all 
Eng-land,  Egbert's  successor.  Edmund  landed  at  Hun- 
stanton,  at  the  point  where  tradition  has  placed  the  event, 
and  where  the  piety  of  his  people  erected  the  chapel  to 
his  memory  on  the  cliff. 

But  the  Danes  were  in  the  land.  These  are  the  entries 
in  the  Chronicles  during  his  reign  : — 

"  865.  This  year  the  heathen  army  sat  down  at  Thanet, 
and  made  peace  with  the  men  of  Kent,  and  the  men  of  Kent 
promised  them  money  for  the  peace  ;  and  during  the  peace 
and  the  promise  of  money  the  army  stole  away  by  night 


232 

and  ravaged  all  Kent ;  then  going  north  they  came  to 
East  Anglia. 

"  866.  This  year  a  great  heathen  army  came  to  the 
land  of  the  English  nation,  and  took  up  their  winter 
quarters  among  the  East  Angles,  and  there  they  were 
housed,  and  the  East  Angles  made  peace  with  them. 

"867.  This  year  the  army  went  from  East  Anglia 
over  the  north  of  the  Humber  to  the  city  of  York  in 
]STorthumbria. 

"870.  This  year  the  army  rode  across  Mercia  into 
East  Anglia,  and  took  up  their  winter  quarters  at  Thetford ; 
and  the  same  winter  King  Edmund  fought  against  them, 
and  the  Danes  got  the  victory,  and  slew  the  king,  and 
subdued  the  land,  and  destroyed  all  the  minsters  which 
they  came  to.  The  names  of  their  chiefs  who  slew  the 
king  were  Ingwair  and  Ubba." 

The  simple  words  of  the  Chronicle  are,  they  "  slew  the 
"  king  and  subdued  the  land,"  great  events  of  which  we  will 
talk  of  separately,  and  there  is  much  to  say  of  each. 
Edmund  was  the  last  of  the  kings  of  the  East  Anglian  nation, 
and  the  people,  borne  down  by  cruel  oppression,  long 
cherished  his  memory.  His  Life,  written  some  hundred 
years  after,  shows  the  gentle  tenderness  and  sympathy  with 
which  people  regarded  the  last  of  their  royal  race  who  died 
in  defence  of  religion  and  themselves.  The  invaders  pro- 
posed terms  of  peace,  but  St.  Edmund — so  his  history  says — 
would  never  make  peace  with  the  heathen.  They  bound  him 
to  a  tree,  and  shot  him  with  arrows,  and  threw  his  head  into 
a  neighbouring  thicket.  The  legend  of  the  head  found 
guarded  by  a  wolf,  shows  the  strength  of  native  feeling. 
Gently  gathering  his  remains,  they  buried  him  at  Hoxne, 
and  erected  a  chapel  of  wooden  beams,  according  to  the  then 
custom  of  building,  over  his  body  ;  but  thirty  years  after- 
wards, when  the  land  became  their  own  again  and  the 
invader  was  driven  out,  they   placed  them  in  the  [Monastery 


233 

of  Beodricsworth,  and  over  them  the  enthusiasm  of  after 
times  erected  to  the  honor  of  the  great  king  saint  of  East 
Anglia  the  grand  and  splendid  minster  of  Bury  St. 
Edmund's,  the  largest  and  stateliest  church  that  the  Normans 
built.  "  So  they  slew  the  king  and  subdued  the  land."  On 
this  last  fact  we  must  expend  something  more  than  legend 
and  feeling.  It  was  important  in  the  settlement  of  the 
kingdom. 

It  was  in  870  that  they  slew  the  king ;  in  871  the  great 
King  Alfred  began  his  reign.  Of  Ingwair  and  Ubba  we 
hear  no  more.  The  leader  who  succeeded  them  in  command 
of  the  "  army  "  was  the  great  Guthrum,  with  whom  and  the 
King  Alfred  are  entwined  so  many  beautiful  tales  and 
incidents  that  trained  our  early  minds.  From  870  to  878 
the  Danes,  making  East  Anglia  their  basis,  pressed  onward 
westward,  this  time  not  by  way  of  raid  and  marching  through, 
as  we  have  formerly  seen,  but  of  settled  conquest ;  com- 
pletely scattering  to  hiding  places  the  king  and  his  army.  But 
Alfred,  gathering  strength  and  his  forces,  fought  the  whole 
army  at  Essendon,  and  pursued  them  as  far  as  their  fortress ; 
and  the  Chronicle  gives  a  long  account  of  the  baptism  of 
Guthrum,  the  king  being  his  godfather,  and  of  his  "  chrism 
losing  "  at  Wedmore.  The  king  greatly  honoured  him  and 
his  companions  with  gifts,  "  And/'  adds  another  historian, 
"  after  the  murder  of  Edmund,  gave  him  East  Anglia." 

"  880.  This  year  the  army  went  from  Cirencester  to  East 
Anglia,  and  settled  in  the  land  and  apportioned  it,  and  from 
this  time  the  land  was  at  peace,"  and  the  Chronicle,  during 
the  reign  of  Alfred  (excepting  a  descent  of  pirates  on  East 
Anglia,  which  King  Alfred  stopped  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Stour)  contains  no  tale  of  any  invasion,  but  our  kingdom  of 
East  Anglia  was  subdued  and  governed  by  Guthrum  the 
Dane,  and  peopled  by  his  army. 

Now  the  treaty  made  between  King  Alfred  and  Guthrum 
is  extant.     This  is  its  opening  and  its  first  two  articles  : — 


234 

"A.D.  879.  Alfred  and  Guthruni's  peace.  This  is  the 
peace  that  King  Alfred  and  King  Gruthruni  and  the  witan 
of  all  the  English  nation  and  all  the  people  that  are  in  East 
Anglia  have  all  ordained  and  with  oaths  confirmed,  for 
themselves  and  for  their  descendants,  as  well  for  born  as 
unborn,  who  reck  of  God's  mercy  or  of  ours. 

"  1.  Concerning  our  land  boundaries :  up  on  the  Thames, 
and  then  up  on  the  Lea,  and  along  the  Lea  unto  its  source, 
then  right  to  Bedford,  then  up  on  the  Ouse  unto  TVTatling 
Street. 

"  2.  If  a  man  be  slain  we  estimate  all  equally  dear,  English 
and  Danish,  at  YIIE  half  marks  of  pure  gold,  except  the 
'  ceorl '  who  resides  on  '  Gafol '  land,  and  their  ( liesings/ 
they  are  also  equally  dear  either  at  CC  shillings." 

Then  comes  thirty-eight  articles  solely  relating  to  detail 
of  government. 

The  boundaries  of  East  Anglia  are  by  the  treaty  enlarged. 
On  the  south  was  the  Thames,  on  the  east  the  Lea,  taking 
in  all  the  East  Saxons,  then  to  the  great  road  leading  from 
London  to  Chester,  Watling  Street,  but  how  far  north  is  not 
said. 

The  treaty  in  no  way  altered  the  diocese.  The  extended 
lines  were  those  of  conquest,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  were 
retained  but  for  a  short  time. 

The  basis  of  the  treaty  was,  that  in  East  Anglia  the 
English  and  the  Dane,  the  conqueror  and  conquered,  were  to 
be  governed  by  equal  laws.  And  Guthrum  never  broke 
that  treaty.  He  remained  with  us  and  ruled  his  province. 
His  seat  of  government  is  not  known,  probably  at  Thetford, 
where  Ingwair  and  Ubba  passed  their  winter,  and  where  the 
earthworks  now  existing  may  show  the  fortifications  of  his 
capital ;  but  England  was  at  peace  during  his  life.  He  died 
in  891,  ten  years  before  Alfred,  and  this  is  the  entry  of  his 
death : — 

"  A.D.  891.    King  Guthrum,  to  whom  King  Alfred,  as  we 


235 

before  said,  receiving  from  the  holy  font,  gave  the  name  of 
Athelstan,  died  this  year.  He  dwelt  with  his  followers  in 
East  Anglia,  and  first  inhabited  and  possessed  the  province 
after  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Edmund  the  King." 

Later  historians  have  seen  in  this  treaty  not  only  the 
greatness  and  goodness  but  the  genius  of  King  Alfred.  lie 
made  a  subsequent  treaty  with  Griitred,  the  Danish  King  of 
Northumbria.  Therefore  Alfred  never  ruled  either  there  or 
in  East  Anglia.  He  had  felt  the  strength  of  the  Danish 
force.  He  saw  their  object  was  now  not  piratical  attacks, 
but  a  settlement  of  territory,  and  that  to  contend  with  them 
would  be  one  continued  war  and  misery  for  the  people  who 
required  peace  and  good  government.  He  controlled  his 
ambition  to  govern  the  kingdom  of  Egbert,  and  rested 
satisfied  to  rule  that  which  he  could  without  war. 

"  To  Alfred  succeeded  his  son  Edward  the  Elder,  inferior 
"in  polite  learning,  but  in  dignity,  in  power,  as  well  as 
"  glory,  superior ;  for,  as  will  appear,  he  extended  the  bound- 
aries of  his  father's  kingdom. "  Those  are  the  words  of  a 
Chronicle  commencing  the  year  899  ;  for  the  Danes,  when 
Guthrum  died,  and  in  the  lifetime  of  Alfred,  no  longer  held 
down  by  their  leader,  "committed  their  wives  and  their 
ships  and  their  wealth  to  the  East  Angles,  and  went  at 
one  stretch,"  I  am  quoting  the  Chronicle,  "day  and  night, 
until  they  arrived  at  Chester.  And  they  took  the  cattle, 
and  slew  the  men,  and  burned  all  the  corn  of  the  sur- 
rounding neighbourhood."  There  are  many  entries  of  this 
kind  in  Alfred's  declining  years,  and  there  is  scarcely  that 
resistance  of  the  English  to  their  rapine  that  we  had  seen 
in  Alfred's  earlier  reign.  The  Chronicle  says  that  Athelwald 
the  Dane,  905,  having  enticed  the  army  in  East  Anglia  to 
break  the  peace,  they  ravaged  over  all  the  land  of  Mercia. 
Then  Edward  went  after  them  as  speedily  as  he  could  gather 
his  forces,  and  overrun  all  their  lands  between  the  Dikes 
(the  Devil's  Dyke  and  Balsham  Dyke),  and  the  Ouse,  as  far 


236 

north  as  the  fens.  And  in  the  year  following,  906,  peace  was 
concluded  at  Yttingford,  even  as  King  Edward  ordained, 
as  well  with  the  East  Angles  as  with  the  Northumbrians, 
so  that  he  recovered  his  kingdom,  and  the  Danes  dwelling 
with  the  older  inhabitants,  all  of  one  race  and  one  language, 
soon  lost  their  national  distinction,  and  became  merged  in 
one  people.  And  for  one  hundred  years,  till  the  rise  of 
the  Danish  kings,  we  have  little  of  history  which  can  be 
appropriated  to  the  East  Anglian  folk  as  divided  off  from 
the  English  kingdom.  These  hundred  years  were  of  great 
progress  and  interest  to  us  in  our  national  history,  but  I 
must  not  be  diverted  from  the  purpose  of  this  sketch,  which 
is  simply  to  treat  in  a  continuous  line  of  the  province  in 
which  we  live. 

If  it  were  not  without  our  purpose,  we  might  trace  the 
decline  of  the  free  owner,  and  his  clinging  round  a  greater 
neighbour  for  protection,  altering  the  system  of  the  holding 
of  land.  AYe  should  see  the  thane  increasing  in  power,  more 
dependent  on  the  king  for  honours  and  land,  gradually 
commencing  a  system  of  feudality  which  was  completed  at 
the  Conquest.  "VYe  should  see  the  rise  of  the  first  Churchman 
that  became  the  minister  of  successive  kings,  St.  Dunstan, 
and  commenced  a  line  of  the  great  ecclesiastical  statesmen 
with  whom  our  literature,  our  progress,  our  freedom,  and 
our  national  feeling  are  combined,  and  who  are  traced 
through  Anselm  and  Thomas-a-Becket  and  Langton,  till 
they  ended  in  Wolsey  and  Laud. 

But  in  the  latter  years  of  Ethelred,  the  last  of  this  line 
of  Saxon  kings,  the  attacks  of  the  Danes  on  the  line  of 
coast  and  far  into  the  interior,  were  renewed  with  a  vigour 
and  carried  on  with  a  cruelty  and  savageness  which  far 
outdid  all  previous  invasions. 

But  the  most  determined  to  resist  the  Danes,  the  most 
courageous  of  the  defenders,  were  our  own  East  Anglians. 
This  shows  how  in  the  hundred  years  from  Guthrum  the 


237 

Danish  feeling  was  gone,  and  the  two  races  had  coalesced 
ready  to  resist  the  enem}^  There  is  one  year  devoted  in 
the  Chronicle  to  the  invasion  of  East  Anglia  by  Swegen,  I 
quote  the  whole  of  it.  It  speaks  well  for  our  courage  and 
determination,  which  it  is  said  has  yet  not  left  us. 

"This  year  (1004)  came  Swegen  with  his  fleet  to  Norwich, 
and  entirely  spoiled  and  burned  the  town.  Then  decreed 
TJlfcytel  and  the  Witan  of  East  Anglia  (we  had  our  own 
council)  that  it  were  better  that  they  should  purchase  peace 
of  the  arm}?-  before  they  did  very  much  harm  in  the  land. 
Then,  during  the  truce  which  ought  to  have  been  between 
them,  they  stole  the  army  from  their  ships,  and  went  their 
way  to  Thetford.  When  TJlfcytel  understood  that,  then 
sent  he  word  to  have  the  ships  hewed  to  pieces ;  but  they  in 
whom  he  trusted  failed  to  do  it,  and  he  then  gathered 
his  forces  secretly,  as  he  best  might,  and  the  army  then 
came  to  Thetford  within  three  weeks  of  their  having  before 
plundered  Norwich,  and  were  one  day  there  within,  and 
plundered  and  burned  the  town.  And  then,  on  the  morrow, 
as  they  would  have  gone  to  their  ships,  then  came  TJlfcytel 
and  his  band.  There  were  the  chiefs  of  the  East  Anglians 
slain,  and  if  the  full  force  had  been  there,  they  never  again 
have  gone  to  their  ships,  inasmuch  as  they  themselves  said 
they  had  never  met  worse  handplay  among  the  English 
nation  than  TJlfcytel  had  brought  to  them." 

"A.D.  1010.  This  year  after  Easter  (9th  April)  came 
the  fore-mentioned  army  into  East  Anglia,  and  landed  at 
Ipswich,  and  went  forthwith  where  they  understood  TJlfcytel 
was  with  his  forces.  This  was  on  the  day  called  the  first 
of  the  Ascension  of  our  Lord,  and  then  the  East  Angles  soon 
fled.  Then  stood  Cambridgeshire  firmly  against  them. 
There  was  slain  Athelstan  the  king's  son-in-law,  and  Oswig 
his  son,  and  Wulfric,  Leofwine's  son,  and  Edwy,  Afic's 
brother.  And  the  Danes  had  the  place  of  carnage,  and 
there  were  they  housed,  and  afterwards  had  dominion  over 


238 

East  Anglia,  and  they  even  went  into  the  wild  fens,  and 
the}T  destroyed  men  and  cattle,  and  burned  throughout  the 
fens ;  and  Thetford  they  burned  and  Grantabridge,  and  after 
they  went  southward  again." 

The  people  could  bear  no  more.  Unprotected  by  their 
own  king,  whose  imbecility  executed  nothing  for  their 
safety,  the  inhabitants  of  Wessex,  Mercia,  and  Northumber- 
land would  rather  have  order  and  government  under  their 
conqueror,  and  in  the  end  the  son  of  Sweyn,  Canute,  was 
king:  of  all  England.  He  divided  the  whole  kingdom, 
irrespective  of  the  ancient  boundaries,  into  four  earldoms, 
which  must  have  been  almost  independent  in  their  adminis- 
trations. 

The  entry  in  the  Chronicle  is  : — "  1017.  In  this  year 
King  Cnut  obtained  the  whole  realm  of  the  English  race, 
and  divided  it  into  four  parts,  Wessex  to  himself,  and  East 
Anglia  to  ThorhjU,  and  Mercia  to  Eadric,  and  Xorthumbria 
to  Irke." 

It  must  be  remembered  that  in  the  earlier  and  ruder 
periods  of  a  nation's  life  the  basis  of  government  must  be  in 
small  areas.  The  centralisation  by  the  union  of  these  small 
areas  must  be  the  work  of  gradual  development  and  educa- 
tion in  government,  and  though  England  had  then  been 
long  united  under  one  king,  yet  a  strong  local  independence 
and  self-government  was  still  left  in  smaller  areas,  in 
which  it  was  necessary  the  whole  land  should  continue  till 
the  time  came  when  they  should  merge,  and  one  central 
power  should  control  the  whole.  This  has  been  the  gradual 
process  in  all  the  countries  which  now  form  the  kingdoms 
of  Europe,  and  if  we  may  look  long  into  the  future  by  the 
light  of  the  experience  and  development  of  the  past,  as  the 
great  kingdoms  have  been  formed  by  the  amalgamation  and 
centralisation  of  the  smaller  independent  ones,  so  a  time 
may  come  when  it  may  be  no  longer  necessary  to  be 
governed  in  nations,  but  those  may  go  on  amalgamating  till 


239 

all  nations  are  joined  in  and  obedient  to  one  central 
authority. 

Canute  seems  to  have  taken  a  special  interest  in  us.  His 
countrymen  had  formed  a  settlement  to  the  north  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Yare,  where  the  ending  "by  " — the  Danish  of 
town,  and  so  our  "  bye  law  " — is  added  to  nearly  all  the 
villages  of  the  district.  Near  the  settlement  of  his  country- 
men he  founded  the  monastery  of  St.  Ben't  at  Holme,  in  the 
wilds  of  a  dreary  marsh,  far  from  habitation,  whose  superior 
became  one  of  the  mitred  abbots  of  the  kingdom.  It  has  a 
singular  interest  with  us,  because  it  was  never  dissolved,  but 
before  the  Reformation  its  lands  given  to  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese,  who  gave  up  his  own  endowment,  part  of  which  was 
our  town 2  itself,  to  the  king,  and  the  land  of  the  abbey 
of  Canute's  foundation  was  up  to  the  last  few  years  the  land 
of  the  bishop.  We  have  nothing  special  to  mention  of 
ourselves  during  this  time.  The  last  Earl  of  East  Anglia 
was  Harold,  the  last  Saxon  King,  for  whom  and  for 
whose  name  and  fate  we  from  children  have  felt  a  pride  and 
sympathy,  for  the  tramp  of  the  Norman  was  now  heard,  and 
he  was  soon  on  our  shores.  That  made  us  English  feel  the 
love  and  honour  for  these  older  kings  of  the  native  race  such 
as  have  never  been  felt  or  expressed  for  the  kings  of  the 
alien  line  that  superseded  them,  however  good  they  may  have 
been.  It  is  the  tradition  of  liberty,  the  remembrance  of 
great  victories,  and  the  love  of  the  land  of  which  they 
were  dispossessed,  that  continues  among  us  the  affection 
and  respect  for  the  Saxon  line. 

No  part  of  England  more  quickly  or  sincerely  adopted  the 
government  of  William  the  Conqueror  than  East  Anglia. 
We  find  the  East  Angles  soon  in  his  army  repressing  re- 
bellion in  the  west,  and  the  whole  south-east  of  the  kingdom 
seemed  resigned  to  his  rule. 

2  King's  Lynn. 


240 

It  was  this  acquiescence  which  probably  induced  him  to 
appoint  to  the  earldom  of  the  East  Angles,  Ralph,  whose 
mother  was  a  Briton,  i.e.,  Welsh,  and  his  father  an  English- 
man born  in  Norfolk.  This  was  in  1070.  The  kino- 
therefore  gave  the  son  the  earldom  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk, 
and  he  then  took  his  wife  to  Norwich  ;  but  at  the  marriage 
feast  at  Ixninge  in  the  province  of  Cambridge,  he  formed 
a  conspiracy,  in  which  most  of  the  party  joined,  and  Earl 
Waltheof  among  them.  The  Chronicle  contains  a  long 
account  of  this  affair,  and  how  it  was  crushed  :  "and  there 
were  destroyed  all  the  Britons  who  were  at  the  bridal  at 
Norwich.  Some  were  blinded,  some  banished  from  the 
country,  and  some  were  put  to  shame.  Thus  were  the 
traitors  of  King  William  subdued/' 

The  East  Anglian  Earldom,  which  contained  the  East 
Anglian  Kingdom,  therefore  kept  its  place  after  the  Conquest. 

The  Conqueror,  it  is  well  known,  continued  the  local 
institutions  of  the  kingdom,  altering  them  but  little  ;  indeed 
they  are  very  little  altered  to  our  time.  The  foundation  of 
all  local  government  was  then  the  meeting  of  the  townfolk, 
headed  by  the  priest.  The  parish  afterwards  adopted  the 
boundaries  of  the  township,  the  townships  being  the  older 
division ;  and  our  present  vestry  of  the  parish,  which  re- 
presents the  township,  where  all  townspeople  can  meet  and 
speak,  is  our  oldest  institution,  being  older  than  parliaments, 
perhaps  tracing  up  into  the  forests  of  Germany. 

But  the  Conqueror  seldom  forgave.  He  had  trusted  an 
Englishman  to  govern  a  province,  and  he  had  rebelled.  He 
appointed  afterwards  a  Norman,  Roger  Bigot,  who  governed 
in  William's  name,  and  with  the  rebel  Ralph  Guader  or  the 
Wader,  East  Anglia  ceased  to  be.  Our  last  ruler  was  the 
representative  of  the  two  races,  Welsh  and  Saxon. 

If  we  wish  to  know  what  East  Anglia  was  at  this  time,  we 
have  to  refer  to  Domesday  Book,  compiled  by  the  Conqueror 
immediately  on  the  settlement  of  the  country.     It  shows  us 


241 

exactly  the  territory  included  in  the  Norfolk  and  Suffolk 
of  East  Anglia.  The  Isle  of  Ely  was  broken  off  and  in- 
cluded in  Cambridgeshire.  It  shows  the  complete  change 
of  ownership  of  the  soil. 

The  history  of  East  Anglia,  in  its  separate  secular  govern- 
ment, here  ends  :  in  its  ecclesiastical,  it  continued  under  its 
bishops  and  in  the  old  boundaries  of  the  ancient  kingdom  of 
the  East  Angles,  and  perhaps  of  the  Iceni,  till  the  recent 
addition  of  the  portion  of  Suffolk  comprising  the  Arch- 
deaconry of  Sudbury  was  given  to  Ely.  The  ecclesiastical 
history  of  the  successive  sees  ofDunwich,  Elmham,  Thetford, 
and  Norwich  is  of  high  interest.  I  leave  it,  perhaps  for  a 
future  sketch. 


VOL.  II.]  R 


THE   WOOING   AND   THE   MARRIED   LIFE 


(£lr^rfactlj  ^abg  ^(Kstrange;  nit  |sljam. 


THE   KEY.    AUGUSTUS   JESSOPP,    D.D. 


The  family  of  Isham  has  been  settled  in  the  county  of 
Northampton  for  many  centuries.  They  haye  held  extensiye 
estates  in  that  shire  as  far  back  at  least  as  the  reign  of 
Edward  III.,  their  capital  mansion  continuing  to  be  at 
Picheley  through  seyeral  generations.  In  the  reign  of 
Henry  VIII.  John  Isham,  fourth  son  of  Euseby  Isham 
of  Picheley,  Esq.,  took  up  his  residence  at  Lamport,  and 
from  him  the  present  baronet  is  lineally  descended. 

The  Ishams  of  Lamport  have  for  generations  been 
unusually  careful  and  scrupulous  in  preserving,  not  only 
such  muniments  as  have  to  do  with  the  history  of  the 
estates  they  have  so  long  held,  but  all  documents  and  papers 
which  concern  the  fortunes  of  the  family ;  and  perhaps  no 
mansion  in  England,  except  Hatfield,  contains  a  larger 
collection  of  private  letters  than  is  to  be  found  at  Lamport. 
From  this  vast  mass  the  following  correspondence  has  been 
selected  for  publication  in  the  pages  of  the  Norfolk  Anti- 
quarian Miscellany,  not  only  because  it  affords  some  valuable 
illustrations   of   the   habits   and  tone  of   feeling  prevalent 


243 

among  English  country  gentlemen  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, but  because  it  has  to  do  with  the  domestic  history  of 
more  than  one  family  of  position  and  importance  in  East 
Anglia  during  the  later  years  of  the  Commonwealth  and 
the  first  five  or  six  years  of  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  The 
series  of  letters  which  follows  will  tell  their  own  story  ; 
but  some  brief  account  of  the  principal  actors  in  the  curious 
little  drama  which  is  presented  to  us  in  the  correspondence 
will  not  be  out  of  place  by  way  of  introduction. 

Sir  Justinian  Isham  of  Lamport,  Bart.,  of  these  letters, 
was  born  on  the  20th  of  January,  1610,  and  married  as  his 
first  wife  Jane,  daughter  of  Sir  John  Garrard  of  Lamere, 
Herts,  Bart.,  by  whom  he  had  a  family  of  four  daughters, 
and  a  son  who  died  in  infancy.  Of  these  daughters  two, 
Elizabeth  and  Judith,  were  twins,  born  on  the  27th  of 
August,  1636 ;  a  third  daughter,  Susanna,  was  fifteen 
months  younger,  being  born  on  the  29th  of  November, 
1637.  Their  mother  died  a  year  after  the  birth  of  her 
daughter  Susanna.  Their  father  appears  to  have  remained 
a  widower  for  sixteen  or  seventeen  years,  and  then  took  as 
his  second  wife  Yere,  daughter  of  Thomas  Lord  Leigh  of 
Stonely,  by  whom  he  had  a  second  family. 

Sir  Justinian  had  two  aunts,  sisters  of  his  father,  Sir 
John  Isham,  who  had  married  two  gentlemen  of  wealth  and 
position  before  Sir  Justinian  was  born ;  the  one,  Elizabeth 
Isham,  having  been  wedded  to  Sir  Anthony  Denton  of 
Tunbridge,  the  other,  Susanna,  being  the  wife  of  Sir  Martin 
Stuteville  of  Dalham,  co.  Suffolk.  Lady  Denton  lost  her 
first  husband  some  time  in  1622,  and  in  the  following  year 
she  married  Sir  Paul  D'Ewes  of  Stowlangtoft  Hall,  co. 
Suffolk,  being  thus  brought  into  her  sister's  neighbourhood. 
She  retained  the  name  which  she  had  gained  by  her  first 
husband,  and  continued  to  be  called  Lady  Denton  to  the 
end  of  her  life. 

When  Sir  Justinian  married  his  second  wife,  it  seems  that 

r  2 


244 

the  three  daughters  already  named  ceased  to  reside  at 
Lamport,  and  made  their  home  for  the  most  part  either  at 
Stow  Hall  or  Dalham.  When  this  correspondence  opens 
Susanna  was  in  her  twentieth,  Judith  and  Elizabeth  in 
their  twenty-first  year;  that  is,  they  were  all  of  a  marriage- 
able age,  and  it  was  time  that  suitable  alliances  should  be 
arranged  for  them.  In  those  days  young  ladies  were  allowed 
but  yery  little  yoice  in  the  choice  of  a  husband  ;  for  them  to 
haye  a  strong  inclination  for  any  chance  suitor  was  regarded 
as  indelicate,  and  eyen  a  veto  in  such  matters  was  hardly 
permitted  them.  The  parental  authority  was  submitted  to 
with  unquestioning  obedience,  and  the  bridegroom  whom  a 
father  had  accepted  was  accepted  by  the  daughter  without 
hesitation  or  demur.  Accordingly,  when  it  became  known 
that  Sir  Justinian  was  prepared  to  settle  a  yery  handsome 
portion  upon  each  of  his  daughters — for  in  those  days  £5000 
was  a  yery  large  fortune  indeed — the  young  ladies  became 
at  once  heiresses,  who  would  be  sure  not  to  lack  wooers. 
Susanna,  the  younger,  was  the  first  to  secure  a  husband,  and 
by  the  intervention  of  John,  Sir  Martin  Stuteville's  son, 
she  was  married  to  Sir  Nicholas  Carew  of  Beddington, 
co.  Surrey,  on  the  4th  May,  1656.  John  Stuteville 
seems  to  haye  been  somewhat  elated  at  this  match,  and  in  a 
letter  dated  1st  April,  1656,  he  writes  as  follows : — 

"Wee  can  not  but  congratulate  and  must  rejoyce  at  the  bon 
adventure  my  cosin  Susan  is  like  to  arrive  at.  Wee  heare  but 
litle  of  the  Gentleman,  he  is  soe  young:  but  his  family  and  fortunes 
have  reached  us  and  his  rare  house  and  gardens  have  made  a 
sweet  smell  in  or  nostrils.  If  their  be  nothing  wanting  in  the 
accomplishment  of  it  but  the  young  ones  consents,  I  am  confident 
nature  and  opportunity  will  effect  that  or  wishes  and  desires  shall  goe 
along  wth  you  for  the  finishing  of  it  and  or  hopes  are  shee  will  not 
forget  us  when  shee  comes  to  be  seated  in  that  earthly  Paradise; 
for  wee  doe  all  of  us  very  much  rejoyce  in  her  and  yor  prosperitie,  &c. 

The  younger  sister  being  thus  happily  provided  for,  it 
remained  to  arrange  a  suitable   alliance  for  the  elder  ones, 


245 

and  simultaneously  with  the  completion  of  the  negociations 
for  the  Carew  marriage  it  would  appear  that  proposals  were 
commenced  for  finding  a  husband  for  Elizabeth  Isham, 
who,  if  we  may  judge  by  the  number  of  her  lovers,  was 
a  young  lady  of  some  personal  attractions,  in  addition  to 
those  which  her  fortune  offered.  But  the  Carew  match 
seems  to  have  made  Sir  Justinian  difficult  to  please;  perhaps 
he  was  reluctant  to  bestow  his  elder  daughter  upon  any 
gentleman  of  lower  rank  or  less  estate  than  her  sisters 
husband,  and  though  the  young  lady  had  no  lack  of 
aspirants  for  her  hand,  they  were  rejected  one  after  another, 
the  father  always  finding  some  reason  for  withholding  his 
consent,  and  the  daughter  submitting  to  his  decision,  though 
it  might  be  with  sorrow  and  bitterness  of  heart.  The  poor 
young  lady  was  kept  at  this  humiliating  game  for  six  years, 
and  the  histor}r  of  her  wooing  has  been  preserved  with 
extraordinary  care  in  the  curious  letters  which  still  exist 
at  Lamport.  We  cannot  be  sure  that  we  know  more  than 
a  part  of  what  might  have  been  told ;  but  that  which  we  do 
know  presents  us  with  a  strange  drama.  Elizabeth  Isham's 
suitors  were  all  gentlemen  of  the  Eastern  Counties ;  three 
of  them  at  least  were  Norfolk  men,  and  the  letters  that 
follow  may  be  left  to  tell  their  own  tale. 

Eight  days  after  John  Stuteville  had  written  on  the 
subject  of  the  Carew  match,  Ralph  Verney  of  Middle 
Claydon,  co.  Bucks,  whose  mother  was  a  Denton,  addressed 
a  letter  to  Sir  Justinian,  in  which  he  makes  some  advances 
on  the  part  of  an  Essex  gentleman,  who  had  no  small 
advantages  in  his  favour.  This  was  Mr.  Henry  Wright,1 
only  son  of  Laurence  Wright,  M.D.,  of  Dagenhams,  co. 
Essex,  who  was  Physician  in  Ordinary  to  Oliver  Cromwell, 
and   who  had    amassed    a   large   fortune   by   his   extensive 

1  He  was  created  a  baronet  by  Charles  II.  in  1660,  married  Anne,  daughter 
of  John  Lord  Crewe  of  Steene,  and  died  in  1663,  set.  27. 


246 

practice  as  a  medical  man.  The  young  man  was  of  the 
same  age  as  Elizabeth  Isham,  and  no  objection  could 
reasonably  have  been  made  to  his  proposals  if  they  had 
gone  on.  Yerney,  whose  letter  is  dated  9th  April,  1656, 
writes  as  follows  : — 

Beeing  casually  at  a  place  where  Dr  Wright  was  visiting  a  patient, 
amoungst  other  discourse  one  told  him  shee  heard  his  sonne  was  a 
sutor  to  one  of  your  daughters  in  Suffolke,  whereuppon  hee  acknow- 
ledged there  had  been  a  motion  to  that  purpose  and  expressed  a  very 
good  esteeme  both  of  your  person  and  family  and  how  good  a 
carracter  my  lady  Spring  had  given  him  of  those  young  Ladies,  soe 
that  I  see  no  reason  but  the  business  might  succeed,  if  you  desire  it. 

The  young  man  I  doe  not  know,  but  I  heare  soe  well  of  him  and 
know  soe  much  of  his  Father  that  I  can  say  with  confidence  very  few 
in  England  can  have  greater  choyce  of  greater  Fortunes,  but  money 
is  not  the  thing  hee  cheifly  aymes  at  in  his  sonnes  marriage ;  yet 
where  it  can  be  spared  hee  expects  a  good  proportion  according  to 
what  hee  settles  and  what  that  is  you  know  soe  well  already  that 
I  need  not  now  repeate  it  and  farther  the  very  hopes  of  a  Future 
addition  (hee  being  a  very  thriveing  man  and  this  his  only  childe) 
in  his  oppinion  is  very  considerable. 

Sr.  if  you  would  be  pleased  to  say  your  daughter  shall  have  five 
thousand  pounds,  I  am  sure  his  sonne  would  soone  attend  you  at 
Lamport  and  then  if  you  approve  him  goe  directly  into  Suffolke,  &c. 

He  adds  in  a  postscript : — 

Some  say  Sr Cary  of  Bedington  is  a  pretender  to  on  of 

your  Daughters  in  Suffolke,  if  soe  and  that  you  intend  to  proceed 
with  the  Dr.  twere  well  he  knew  it,  and  to  which,  for  many  reasons. 

Whether  Mr.  Wright  really  was  in  earnest,  whether  Sir 
Justinian  refused  the  terms,  or  whether  the  younger  and  not 
the  elder  sister  was  the  object  of  the  suitor's  choice,  it  is 
impossible  now  to  decide.  Certainly  this  first  courtship 
came  to  nothing,  and  the  young  lady  was  still  to  win. 

During  the  course  of  the  same  summer  a  fresh  aspirant 
had  appeared,  whose  name,  however,  we  cannot  even  guess 
at.  He  was  probably  some  Suffolk  or  Xorfolk  gentleman, 
and   Elizabeth   Isham    writes   to   her  father  in  her  usual 


247 

style  of  dutiful  respect  of  the  overtures  this  gentleman  had 

made,  and  the  way  in  which  they  had  been  received. 

Sir,  I  am  obliged  to  a  great  returne  of  thankes  with  acknowledg- 
ments of  the  favor  that  you  will  please  to  thinke  noe  more  of  that 
which  was  not  approv'd  of  by  my  Lady  and  so  not  rejected  by  me 
without  the  advice  of  those  whose  Judgment  (next  to  yours)  my  will 
shall  ever  be  resign'd  to. 

Next  year  another  suitor  appears  on  the  stage ;  James 
de  Grey  of  Merton,  who  had  married  Elizabeth,  daughter 
of  Sir  Martin  Stuteville  of  Dalham,  seems  in  some  way 
to  have  helped  the  business  on,  for  on  the  20th  July,  1657, 
Elizabeth  Isham,  writing  to  her  father  as  to  Lady  Denton's 
health,  adds: — 

There  was  somthing  spoken  to  her  from  Sir  K.  E.  [query  R.  GKP] 
soone  after  you  went  from  hence  and  I  believe  if  she  heares  anything 
that  is  pleasing  to  her  you  shal  know  it.  My  cosen  Gray2  and  his  wife 
Was  heere,  she  told  mee  that  Sir  Rob:  was  wisht  to  Doctor  Rants 
Daughter  and  hee  would  not  herken  to  it  so  I  shall  not  wonder  if  hee 
proceeds  noe  further  heer  yet  I  supose  will  come  of  civilty  with  my  Lady. 

This  proposal  fell  through  as  the  previous  ones  had  done, 
and  another  year  passed,  and  the  young  lady  was  another  year 
older. 

In  the  following  spring  again  a  new  wooer  appears,  and 
Thomas  Isham,  Sir  Justinian's  first  cousin,  appears  to  have 
been  employed  to  get  what  information  he  could  about  the 
character  and  means  of  the  young  gentleman.  The 
following  amusing  letter  written  from  Hamerton  gives  us 
the  result  of  his  investigations  : — 

1  have  made  what  enquiry  I  coulde  into  the  buisnes  comitted  to  me 
and  understande  that  the  gent  beyonde  us  is  lately  marryed 
privately  wthout  his  mothers  knowledge  to  a  gent  of  noe  greate 
fortune  and  more  yeares  than  himself  e :    As  for  the  other  he  is  generally 

2  James  de  Grey  of  Merton,  Esq.,  married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir 
Martin  Stuteville  of  Dalham,  died  in  1655.  They  had  an  only  son,  "William, 
who  married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Thomas  Bedingfield  of  Darsham, 
co.  Suffolk,  Esq. 


248 

reported  to  have  a  greate  estate  left  him  by  his  father,  wch  was  lately 
increased  by  the  addition  of  500£  p  annii  by  the  death  of  an  uncle  ; 
neither  have  I  hearde  otherwise  of  his  personall  worth  but  wl  may  be 
very  acceptable  : — only  I  muste  not  be  soe  unfaythfull  as  to  conceale 
from  you  (wch  it  is  probable  you  may  have  elsewhere  hearde)  that 
there  lys  a  blemish  upon  him  for  a  rash  act  the  laste  yeare  upon  one 
whom  he  met  in  the  way  upon  a  loaded  horse,  who  refusinge  to  give 
him  the  way,  he  beate  the  man  and  made  him  forsake  his  horse  and  then 
tooke  the  horse  home  wth  him  for  wch  the  man  sued  him  and  the  laste 
Assizes  in  Eutlande  had  a  judgment  against  him  and  recovered  40u  of 
him :  otherwise  I  have  not  hearde  but  he  may  be  a  civill  gent :  &c. 

It  is  hardly  to  be  wondered  at  if  the  prudent  Baronet 
gave  this  energetic  young  gallant  but  little  encouragement, 
and  we  bear  no  more  of  his  suit.  But  a  few  days  later  we 
are  introduced  to  Elizabeth  Isham's  first  real  lover,  a  man 
who  entertained  for  her  a  strong  and  earnest  affection,  which 
stood  the  test  of  years  of  somewhat  severe  trial,  and  which 
was  tenderly  reciprocated  by  the  lady  herself,  although  the 
two  young  people  were  never  destined  to  become  man  and 
wife. 

Francis  Gardiner,  Esq.,  the  writer  of  the  following 
letter,  was  lord  of  the  manor  of  Tollesbury  in  the  county  of 
Essex,  where  his  family  had  been  settled  for  about  a  century. 
By  Timothea,  daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Bokenham,  he  had 
a  son  Thomas  Gardiner,  and  after  the  death  of  his  first 
wife  he  had  married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir  John 
Garard  of  Lamer,  by  whom  he  had  no  issue. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Sir  Justinian's  first  wife,  the 
mother  of  Elizabeth  Isham  and  of  Lady  Carew,  was  also 
a  daughter  of  Sir  John  Garard,  and  it  could  hardly  be 
but  that  Mrs.  Gardiner  would  feel  special  interest  in  her 
sister's  daughter,  and  that  Elizabeth  Isham  would  be  a 
frequent  visitor  at  her  aunt's  house  at  Tollesbury.  Mr. 
Gardiner's  son,  Thomas  Gardiner,  had  married  early  to 
Jane,  daughter  of  Sir  Robert  Kempe  of  Spain's  Hall, 
Finchingfield,   co.   Essex,    but   she    unhappily   died  on  the 


249 

10th  October,  1654,  leaving  him  a  widower  without  offspring. 
More  than  three  years  had  passed  since  his  bereavement. 
It  is  pretty  certain  that  during  that  time  he  must  have  met 
Elizabeth  Isham  frequentty.  The  following  correspondence 
needs  no  comment : — 

Sr' 

After  it  had  pleased  God  to  bereaue  my  son  of  ye  comfort  and 

content  lie  enjoyed  in  his  own  home  as  a  diversion  of  sad  thought  he 

determined  to  spend  a  few  weekes  among  his  kindred  and  allies  in  Suff: 

their  neighborhood  to  Stow  gave  ye  opportunity  of  seeing  yor  daughter 

Mrs.  Elizabeth  Isham  and  his  eye  soon  affected  his  heart,  wch  prompted 

both  his  toung  and  hand  to  make  knowne  how  much  of  his  happines 

he  conceived  depending  on  her  good  acceptance  of  his  devoted  service. 

This  I  presume  as   it  was  meet  you  had  notice  of  and  of  his  slow 

prosecucon   since   the   severall  successive  grounds  of  wch  himself  is 

ready   to    acquaint    you    with,    who    now    waits    on    you    to    crave 

your    favour,    yf     with    yor    good    leave    he    may    freely  make  his 

addresses  and  endeavour  the  obtaining  from  yor  daughter  reciprocall 

affection. 

The  estate  may  be  looked  on  as  beneath  hir  fortune  yet  being  free 
from  jointure,  porcions,  or  debts,  it  is  such  as  they  may  live  very 
comfortably  with  and  what  shall  reasonably  and  proporcionably  be 
required  will  be  readily  assented  unto  by 

Sr.  Yor  most  humble  servant 

Mar.  29°.  58.  Fran.  Gardiner. 

The  draft  of  an  answer  is  written  on  this  letter  thus : — 

I  acknowledge  yr  kind  respects  wth  yT  sons  for  me  and  my 
family  in  what  you  are  now  pleased  to  acquaint  me  wth  and  shall  very 
seriously  consider  how  I  may  returne  answer  for  so  great  a  kindness 
but  am  at  present  (some  few  hours  since  yf  sons  coming)  ordered 
amongst  divers  other  gents  of  these  parts  to  be  suddenly  at  North- 
ampton town  under  a  gaurd  (?)  of  soldiers — not  yet  knowing  anything  of 
the  business  or  occasion  so  sone  as  please  God  I  may  befor  you  shall 
by  my  brother  Garrard  hear  further  from  me  and  be  pleased  to  receive  (?) 
an  order  (?)  of  yr 3 

3  This  letter  must  have  been  written  about  three  weeks  before  the 
appointment  of  the  "High  Court  of  Justice,"  on  the  27th  of  April,  1C58. 


250 

In  less  than  a  month,  viz.,  on  the  26th  of  April,  the  lady 
writes  to  her  father  as  follows  : — 

The  gentleman  that  came  to  Lamport  wth  my  uncle  Garrad  was 
here  the  day  before  I  had  your  letter,  but  it  was  only  to  give  an 
account  of  your  health  and  restraint,  he  had  noe  incoragement  from 
mee  as  to  his  business  neither  did  hee  I  believe  expect  any  only  hinted 
that  he  was  not  quite  rejected  by  you  though  but  weake  hopes  as  yet 
and  should  receive  the  result  from  my  uncle.  For  my  inclination  it 
shall  never  bee  for  him  nor  noe  man  else  without  you  first  approve  of 
the  person  and  be  satisfied  in  those  things  that  you  inquire  into.  Of  all 
things  acted  heere  below  this  affaire  is  to  be  done  wth  greatest 
circumspection  because  being  once  done  it  cannot  be  amended.  I 
have  had  an  acquaintance  of  him  this  3  or  4  yeares  and  doe  think  as 
every  one  saies  of  him  that  he  is  well  inclined  and  free  from  all  the 
vices  that  doe  raigne  in  most  young  men  in  this  age.  I  shall  like  this 
well  in  any  and  esteeme  it  above  wealth  or  honor,  yet  I  must  desire  a 
competency  to  live  upon  and  if  the  other  may  be  had  into  the  bargain 
I  shall  not  refuse  that  which  our  sex  love  so  well.  His  affection  I 
confess  has  bin  of  some  continuance  and  he  has  proffessed  to  divers 
that  it  is  more  than  ordinary,  upon  what  score  I  know  not  therefore  I 
will  not  ascribe  to  much  value  to  it,  for  I  see  by  others  there  is 
nothing  more  subject  to  change.  I  can  freely  declare  to  you  as  I 
have  to  some  who  has  spoke  for  him  that  I  have  no  aversion  nor 
consent  to  him  more  than  what  you  shall  thinke  fit.  In  this  and  all 
things  else  it  will  be  my  greatest  happines  ever  to  approve  my  selfe 
Sir,  Your  most  obedient  Daughter 

Elizabeth  Isham. 

Next  we  get  a  letter  from  "William  Garrard,  dated  from 
London,  on  the  5th  May,  1658,  in  which  occurs : — 

Mr.  Gardner  is  now  in  towne.  I  was  tould  by  himselfe  and  others 
that  his  estate  is  betweene  eight  and  nine  hundred  per  anum  it  lieth 
all  together  in  Essex  and  much  of  it  is  in  old  rents  not  improved. 

IMr.  Gardiner's  suit  does  not  seem  to  have  found  much 
favour  in  the  eyes  of  Sir  Justinian,  for  we  hear  no  more  of  it 
for  upwards  of  a  year,  and  in  the  meanwhile  another 
proposal  is  made.  It  is  found  in  a  letter  from  Sir  Thomas 
Dayrell,  dated  the  26th  June,  1659. 


251 

It  is  almost  a  yeare  since  I  designed  a  nephew  of  my  cosen  Chich : 
to  be  a  servant  to  one  of  your  deserving  daughters  but  ye  mother  and 
ye  other  friends  were  seeking  great  matters  heer  in  towne  in  wh  they 
have  been  disapoynted,  so  y*  ye  last  weeke  I  remembered  my  cosen 
agayne  

The  fortune  not  much  inferiour  to  Mr.  Cutts 4  if  truly  represented 
unto  you  but  largely  compensated  on  ye  person  and  partes.  Mr.  Cutts 
hath  many  pretences  but  as  I  heer  not  yet  engaged,  my  interest  was 
ever  very  small  in  that  family  even  when  we  were  very  neer 
neghbours  for  reasons  I  may  hereafter  acquaynt  you,  but  eyther  in  y* 
or  anythynge  else  I  can  find,  &c.,  &c. 


In  a  foot  note  is  an  illegible  memorandum — "  Sr.  John 
"Walpole  in  }-e Rembr  to  me  yr  serV  5 

On  the  11th  November,  1660,  Judith  Isham  writes  about 
her  own  marriage,  and  while  doing  so,  makes  the  following 
touching  appeal  on  her  sister's  behalf  : — 

I  do  humbly  beg  and  implore  your  pardon  for  my  sister  who 
merrited  your  just  displeasure  in  not  discovering  her  affection  to 
Sr.  Thorn :  Gard  :  sooner,  and  if  I  may  (without  presumption)  speake 
somthinge  in  her  behalfe  (though  not  wholly  to  excuse  her)  she  did 
strive  often  and  beg  of  God  that  she  might  overcome  and  vanquish 
that  passion  and  banish  it  from  her  heart  and  had  obtained  so  much 
victory  that  if  any  civill  person  agreeable  to  her  friends  good  liking 
had  been  tendred  she  had  accepted  it  and  bin  obedient,  before  his 
father  died,  since  that  she  had  hopes  he  might  give  what  sattisfaction 
he  possible  could  concerning  his  estate  but  if  he  cannot  do  it  she  must 
submit  her  will  to  God's  will  be  patient  and  resigned,  for  she  knowes 
she  ought  not  nor  did  she  ever  thinke  of  disposing  her  selfe  wthout 
your  consent  and  approbation. 

Sir  Thomas  Gardiner  himself  writes  to  the  father  on  the 
20th  December,  as  follows  : — 

4  Possibly  another  suitor. 

5  Can  this  be  the  name  of  a  new  admirer  ?  Hardly.  Sir  John  Walpole 
of  Dunston,  co.  Lincoln,  Knt.,  was  Standard  Bearer  to  Charles  I.  and 
Charles  II.  He  is  described  as  a  a  man  "  of  good  parts,  but  maddish  and  a 
Papist."  He  died  unmarried  in  1672,  but  as  he  was  baptized  in  July,  1612, 
he  must  have  been  old  enough  to  be  Elizabeth  Isham's  father  in  1660. 


252 

So  8oone  as  I  came  to  towne  I  made  it  my  business  to  remove 
the  most  visible  present  obstruction  to  that  treatie  which  I  have  so 
long  with  so  ardent  a  desire  and  with  such  constant  care  endeavoured 
that  it  might  receive  a  favourable  beginning  from  your  hand. 

I  have  Sir  applied  my  selfe  to  severall  merchants,  in  particular  to  Sr 
Rob1  Abdy  who,  contrary  to  my  expectation,  refuseth  to  purchase  the 
whole  estate  but  would  willingly  buy  two  or  three  farmes  that  ly  neere 
him  which  without  any  great  addition  may  I  think  be  enough  for  a 
seate,  and  5  or  600£  per  an.  remaine  entire  viz.  the  mannor  and  that  part 
which  is  judg'd  to  be  improvable.  If  it  might  be  thus  the  damage 
which  would  probably  attend  the  hasty  sale  of  so  much  together  may 
certainely  be  avoided  and  a  convenient  seat  the  more  readily  found  out. 

This  Sr  I  onely  mention  to  you  as  my  opinion  without  using  any 
argument  to  incline  you  to  be  of  the  same  minde,  reserving  to  my  selfe 
so  perfect  and  willing  a  submission  yl  in  case  you  shall  upon  second 
thoughts  still  conceive  'twill  be  better  to  have  it  otherwise  I  shall 
then  freely  make  it  my  owne  choise  and  begin  immediately  to  treat  with 
some  other  person.  What  disadvantage  or  difficulty  soever  I  may  meet 
with  in  ye  putting  of  my  estate  will  be  of  no  consideration  to  me  if  Sir 
I  may  but  give  you  satisfaction  in  it,  so  true  and  cordiall  an  affection  I 
have  for  your  daughter,  so  real  and  just  an  honor  for  your  selfe,  that 
it  forceth  me  already  to  give  you  the  same  respect  which  'eere  long  I 
hope  my  duty  will  oblige  me  to  pay  you. 

He  adds  a  postscript :  — 

Favour  me  I  beseech  you  Sir  with  y1  presentment  of  my 
humble  service  to  your  truly  noble  Lady  and  to  your  daughter  to 
whom  I  would  have  done  it  myselfe  but  y*  I  believe  she  would  be 
unwilling  to  receive  it  without  your  express  allowance  first  obtained, 
which  libertie  I  doe  therefore  now  heartily  beg  at  your  hand. 

The  draft,  rather  illegible,  of  a  reply  is  written  on  the  back 
of  this  : — 

My  chiefest  answer  to  what  you  are  pleased  to  write  will  be 
but  a  repetition  of  what  I  have  formerly  declared  that  it  shall  be  no 
desire  from  me  that  you  sell  all  or  any  part  of  yr  Land  in  Essex 


This  I  have  openly  professed  from  the  beginning  .  .  .    think  it  some- 
what strange  that  any  application  should  be  further  made  especially 


253 

wlout  my  privity,  and  I  being  in  London  last  somer  an  "•  often  in  yr  eye 
and  sollicited  for  my  daughter  from  other  of  my  acquaintance  and  not  at 
all  by  yourselfe  then,  though  I  have  reason  to  believe  she  was  (so) 
and  though  my  Lady,  as  I  presume,  Denton  (?)  might  be  partly 
acquainted  with  it,  it  is  more  than  she  then  thought  fitt  either  to  owne 
or  countenance  ....  I  take  myself  to  be  most  of  any  living  con- 
cerned in  her  and  this  was  the  reason  that  I  acquainted  your  selfe 
when  last  .  .  .  that  there  was  a  mistake  in  makeinge  yr  application, 
who  might  w1  less  inconvenience  to  yor  selfe  (or  any  else)  have 
knoweing  my  mind,  by  letter  then,  wch  you  desire  now.  For  yr  writing 
to  my  daughter  or  making  any  further  application  to  her,  I  conceive 
it  very  improper   till   there   be   a  greater  likelihood   of  proceeding, 

taking  (upon  ?)  myselfe  in  ye  mean  tyme  to  be at  libertie 

to  dispose  of  her,  as  thinking  it  unreasonable  to  depend  upon   such 

r  as   I   now  perceive   yr  alteration  of  yr  estate  may  put 

me  upon. 

If  you  have  brought  any  inconvenience  upon  yrselfe  by  not  ordering 
this  business  aright  (it)  is  much  against  the  desire  of  Sr  [yours  &c] 

Whether  or  not  the  receipt  of  this  somewhat  chilly  letter 
made  the  lover  ill  I  cannot  say,  but  that  he  was  ill  soon  after 
appears  clearly  enough  from  the  following  letter  the  young 
lady  wrote  to  her  father  : — 

At  my  return  from  my  cosen  Greys  I  found  your  letter  at 
Stow  and  heard  of  the  affliction  it  pleased  God  to  lay  upon  Sir  T.  G. 
I  here  since  he  is  better  than  he  was  and  in  a  very  hopefull  way  of 
recovery.  I  am  sure  he  will  endeavour  all  meanes  possible  to  satisfie 
you  as  to  estate,  but  the  selling  much  of  it  will  be  such  an  apparent 
disadvantage,  because  they  look  upon  him  as  necessitated  to  doe  it, 
that  my  Lady  Denton  and  divers  others  my  good  friends  think  it  most 
reasonable  if  you  please  to  give  way  to  it,  that  he  part  with  only  so 
much  at  present  as  may  buy  a  healthfull  seat  at  another  place  is  now 
my  humble  request,  the  encouragement  I  receive  from  your  in- 
dulgence to  mee  and  kind  consideration  that  an  affection  is  the 
principle  in  this  business  gives  me  hopes  of  obtaining  this  favour  for 
which  I  shall  remaine  your  gratef  ull  debtour  as  I  am  by  nature,  Your 
obliged  Daughter,  Elizabeh  Isham  Stow  Jan.  N.  25 

1661 


254 

Very  shortly  afterwards  the  father  seems  to  have  gone  to 
London,  staying  "  at  the  Lady  Montague's  house  near  the 
Turnstile  at  the  east  end  of  Henry  the  7th  Chappell  at 
"Westmr."  He  seems  to  have  stopped  there  all  the  summer. 
One  letter  of  Lady  Long — a  very  old  correspondent — dated 
the  19th  July,  seems  to  hint  that  more  matrimonial  schemes 
had  been  in  the  wind,  but  failed.  Her  letter  ends  thus : 
"  But  all  this  amounts  not  to  the  destroying  my  designes  on 
your  daughter  Mol  to  whom  pray,  &c." 

At  the  end  of  the  autumn  (3rd  October,  1661)  the  young 
lady  writes  from  Stow  to  her  father  : — 

I  am  at  this  time  perfectly  well  I  thanke  God  and  hope  I  shall  con- 
tinue so  and  can  declare  so  much  for  my  self  e,  as  I  have  ever  done,  that 
I  am  free  as  to  ingagement  to  any  man  and  shall  incline  to  any  of 
sutable  yeares  approved  goodness  and  civill  behaviour,  but  was  ever 
and  am  still  better  pleased  wl  this  condition  I  am  in  then  to  marry  any 
to  young  for  me  especially  6  years,  and  though  my  sister  and  some 
others  wiser  than  myself e  may  dispense  w*  this  obj  ection,  and  possibly 
might  have  done  well,  caried  all  things  hansomely  in  the  world,  yet  I 
confess  my  dissability  besides  my  ayersness  to  rule  any  man  or  his 
estate  and  desire  a  man  of  wisdome  and  experience  wch  is  so  necessary 
for  mee  if  I  change  my  quiet  single  life  to  that  of  more  cares  and 
business.  I  did  thus  far  thinke  Sr  Tho  :  Gar  :  sutable  to  mee  and  his 
long  professed  affection  to  mee  did  gaine  so  much  that  I  did  esteeme 
him  above  others  for  that,  but  the  proposals  you  made  to  him  was  so 
much  to  his  disadvantage  and  he  could  not  possibly  satisfie  you,  hee 
may  seeke  elsewhere.  For  all  anything  has  bin  done  here  if  I  have 
comitted  or  done  anything  to  displease  you,  it  was  my  error,  but  I  did 
never  intend  to  persist  in  any  disobedience  but  hope  ever  to  approve 
myselfe  Sr  your  most  obedien1  Daughter  Elizabeth  Isham. 

Less  than   three   weeks   after    (21st   October,    1661)  she 

writes  again  : — 

I  here  that  Sr  Thorn.  Gardiner  is  recovered  of  a  hurt  in  his  leg  and 
still  continues  the  affection  he  has  so  long  profest  and  will  use  all 
endeavors  to  satisfie  you  and  gaine  your  consent,  I  doe  humbly  beg 
your  pardon  that  my  inclination  was  more  for  him  than  your  likeing, 
and  cannot  but  confesse  now  (that)  I  consider  him  constant,  I  doe 


255 

preferre  him  before  all  others  and  humbly  beg  you  will  not  reject  his 
sute  wch  he  will  address  by  the  mediation  of  a  friend  if  with  him  I 
may  have  your  blessing  and  kind  affection,  I  will  not  desire  greater 
earthly  Happiness  (whatever  my  portion  bee)  but  without  your  favor  I 
cannot  reckon  anything  a  contentment.  I  once  more  beg  your  pardon 
for  these  desires  and  shall  implore  a  divine  assistance  in  so  great  a 
business.  How  ever  you  determine  of  it  I  will  performe  my  duty  in  a 
patient  submission  and  ever  shall  beseech  you  to  owne  me  for  Sr  your 
&c. 

This  extremely  touching  letter  had  apparently  no  effect  on 
the  father,  and  it  was  reserved  for  Lady  Spring  to  find  the 
eventual  husband.  She  introduces  her  kinsman  in  the 
following  letter,  which  she  wrote  on  the  5th  April,  1662, 
to  John  Stuteville. 

The  "  friend "  was  Sir  Nicholas  Le  Strange  of  Hun- 
stanton, Bart.  He  had  married  Mary,  daughter  of  John 
Coke  of  Holkham,  co.  Norfolk,  Esq.,  who  had  recently  died 
in  childbed,  leaving  him  with  one  son,  Nicholas,  who  was 
his  successor  in  the  baronetcy,  and  who  was  baptized  on  the 
10th  December,  1661.  Sir  Nicholas  had  been  a  widower 
less  than  four  months  when  these  proposals  were  first  made. 

Lady  Spring  was  the  only  daughter  of  Sir  Hamon  Le 
Strange  of  Hunstanton,  by  Alice,  daughter  and  coheir  of 
Richard  Stubbe,  Esq.,  of  Sedgeford  ;  she  was  therefore  aunt 
to  the  young  baronet,  whose  cause  she  pleads  so  warmly. 
She  married,  on  the  3rd  November,  1636,  Sir  William 
Spring  of  Pakenham,  co.  Suffolk,  Bart.,  by  whom  she  had 
a  family  of  six  children.  Her  portrait,  with  that  of  her 
husband,  is  now  at  Hunstanton  Hall.  She  survived  her 
husband  twenty-four  years,  and  died  21st  March,  1678-9. 
She  was  buried  at  Pakenham,  where  there  is  a  monument  to 
her  memory. 

April  5,  1662. 

I  have  ever  found  that  kindness  and  respect  from  the  family 
of  Stow  as  I  was  bound  in  gratitude  to  wish  well  to  it,  and  that 


256 

vertuous  paire  of  sisters  have  ever  had  that  high  esteeme  from  mee 
as  I  have  often  wisht  them  in  a  nearer  relation  than  only  vicinity. 
There  is  now  a  freind  of  mine  who  I  am  confident  would  make  a  very 
good  husband  for  one  of  them  if  eyther  be  free  :  he  is  a  Baronet  and 
hath  at  least  £1200  a  year  present:  400  more  in  reversion:  only 
£3000  debt  which  is  most  for  provision  for  yonger  brothers.  He 
hath  a  plentiful  stocke  and  a  house  well  furnisht,  and  now  I  shall  not 
need  name  him  to  you  tis  not  long  since  he  waited  on  you  at  Stow 
and  had  a  view  of  the  Lady  wch  wth  the  Character  I  was  able  to  give 
of  her  did  highly  satisfy  him.  Sr  I  confesse  this  motion  lookes  un- 
seasonable in  a  time  of  soe  much  sadnes 6  in  which  I  assure  you  I  am 
deeply  concern'd  and  should  have  wav'd  it  till  a  better  time  but  the 
Importunity  of  my  freind  who  hath  been  a  great  journey  on  purpose 
puts  mee  upon  a  necessity  to  moove  it. 

Sr  if  this  Lady  or  the  other  be  disengaged  he  will  thinke  himselfe 
very  happy  might  he  have  any  hopes  of  a  favourable  reception  and  I 
assure  you  did  I  not  wish  as  well  to  them  as  my  friend  I  should 
never  appeare  in  it,  but  I  know  him  to  be  a  very  good  natur'd  man 
and  noe  way  vicious. 

Please  to  favour  mee  with  a  return  and  to  let  mee  know  the  Lady's 
portion  if  there  be  any  hope  for  him. 

Sr  I  am  forced  to  give  you  the  trouble  of  reading  this  paper  having 
noe  other  meanes  to  impart  the  business  and  I  hope  a  womans  name 
at  the  bottom  will  be  a  sufficient  excuse. 

Sr  your  very  reall  friend 

E.  Spring. 

A  week  or  so  later  the  daughter  wrote  thus  to  her 
father  : — 

I  praise  God  my  Lady  is  a  little  better  than  she  was  last 
weeke  and  can  speake  some  few  words  weh  wee  can  understand,  &c. 

I  shall  presume  to  acquaint  you  with  what  was  proposed  by  my 
Lady  Spring  as  you  may  perceive  in  this  letter  to  my  cosen  Stuteville, 
the  Gentleman  is  her  owne  nephew  Sr  Nicholas  Strange  a  widdower, 
he  had  3  children  by  his  wife  too  of  them  are  dead  but  I  thinke  the 
last  son  his  wife  died  off  is  alive  though  my  Lady  does  not  mention 
him.     He  is  of  good  repute  in  his  countrie  and  counted  a  good  husband 

6  Lady  Denton  appears  to  have  had  a  stroke  of  paralysis  a  few  days  before 
this  letter  was  written. 


257 

for  his  estate.     My  Lady  Grey  of  whom  I  made  inquirie  says  he  has 

7  hundred  pound  a  yeare  that  is  not  settled  upon  his  eldest  son  and 

that  he  has  so  much  money  in  his  hands  of  his  father  in  lawes  as 

brings  him  in  5  hundred  pounds  a  yeare  the  use  being  given  to  him  ; 

the  principle  to  grandchildren  when  they  come  of  age.     My  Lady 

Grey  has  often   told  mee,  next  to  her  owne  daughters  she  did  not 

concerne  her  selfe  for  any  so  much  as  my  sister  and  I,  and  I  know  she 

will  give  mee  a  certaine  account  with  her  opinion   which  is  that  this 

offer  is  worthy  consideration     The   family  of  the  Stranges  is  not  un- 

knowne  to  you.     I  could  only  desire  my  cosen  Stuteville  at  that  present 

to  returne  a  letter  of  my  humble  thanks  for  her  great  civility  and  well 

wishes  to  us  both  and  that  you  should  be  made  acquainted  with  this 

business  very  speedily :  My  cosen  Stuteville  presents  his  service  to 

you.      My   sister   Judith  came  well  to  us  last  Wedensdy  night  wo 

both  desire  our  duties  to  your  selfe  and  my  Lady. 

I  am  Sr, 

Your  obedient  Daughter 

Stow,  April        )  Elizabeth  Isham. 

ye  13th  1662.    } 

The  writer  of  the  following  letter  was  a  first  cousin  of  Sir 
Justinian's,  being  the  only  son  of  Sir  Martin  Stuteville 
of  Dalham,  by  his  second  wife,  Susanna  Isham  (see  p.  243). 
At  his  father's  death,  in  July,  1631,  Dalham  passed  to  an 
elder  brother  by  a  previous  marriage,  Thomas  Stuteville, 
Esq.  ;  and  John  Stuteville  thereupon  removed  to  Stow- 
Langtoft  to  take  upon  himself  the  management  of  Lady 
Denton's  estate,  she  having  been  again  left  a  widow  some 
months  previously  by  the  death  of  Sir  Paul  D'Ewes. 

Honoured  Sr, 

I  received  yors  of  the  17th  of  April  for  wch  I  give  you  many 
thanks  and  could  not  till  now  render  you  any  account  concerning  the 
businesse  promooted  by  the  La  :  Spring.  Yesterday  my  cosin  Tho  : 
Isham  and  my  selfe  were  to  wayte  upon  Sr  Nicholas  at  the  La  :  Spring's 
house,  where  wee  acquainted  him  wtb  what  respectfull  entertainement 
you  received  that  motion  and  what  an  high  esteem  and  great  value 
you  ever  had  for  that  family  and  what  portion  you  would  bee  willing 
to  give  and  upon  what  termes  :  and  did  desire  to  know  of  him  what 
estate  hee  had  free  to  settle  upon  Joynture  and  upon  future  Issue. 

VOL.  II.]  S 


258 

Hee  tels  that  besides  what  is  settled  already,  hee  hath  G00u  p  ann 

absolutely  free   and   180u  p   an :   more  charged  with   300011   to   his 

Brothers  and  wth  20u  p  an  :  during  his  mothers  life.      Wee  did  further 

desire  a  particular  of  his  whole  estate,  and  that  hee  would  set  downe 

what  was  free  and  what  setled,  hee  tells  us  that  hee  hath  one  ready 

drawne  at  home,  wch  upon  his  returne  the  next  weeke  hee  will  send 

over  to  my  La  :  Springs  for  yor  perusall.      Wherefore  I  thinke  (if  you 

bee  willing  that  it  shall  proceed  upon  these  termes)  that  it  will  bee 

very  convenient  (if  yor  affayres  will  permit)  that  you  come  into  Suff., 

where  you  may  better  discover  yor  mind  in  person  than  by  way  of 

letter.     The  Gentleman's  Character  is  fayre  from  all  hands,  and  there 

is  a  very  considerable  estate  in  possession,  besides  that  in  reversion, 

and  a  great  possibility  that  the  whole  may  descend  to  second  issue. 

My  lady  (I  thanke  God)  growes  not  worse,  that  wee  can  perceive, 

but  rather  better,  and  soe  I  hope  may  (notwithstanding  hir  great  age) 

continue  a  while  wth  us  to  or  further  comfort.      I  adde  noe  more  but 

the  tender  of  all  or  due  respects  of  duty  and  service,  w°h  I  desire  you 

favourably  to  receive  from  the  hands  of  Sr 

Yor  very  devoted  serv1  and  most  affectonate  kinsman 

John  Stuteville. 
May  7th  1662. 

May  16,  1662. 

I  received  this  Particular 7  from  Sr  Nicholas  wch  I  am  ordered 
to  convey  speedily  to  your  hand  and  I  hope  upon  view  you  will  find 
an  honest  man  is  better  then  his  word,  and,  because  he  sent  it  mee,  I 
send  you  a  more  punctuall  account  under  my  Mothers  owne  hand ; 
which  may  serve  to  confirm  e  what  he  gives  in  :  In  an  abbreviate 
Sr  Nich  :  presents  his  humble  service  to  the  Ladys  and  yor  selfe  and 
hopes  Sr  Justinian  will  receive  that  satisfaction  in  this  particular,  as 
he  will  give  him  leave  to  wait  upon  him  ;  which  he  is  very  ready  to 
doe  when  he  may  know  the  time  and  place  and  shall  esteeme  it  a  very 
great  honour  and  happines  if  he  may  be  thought  worthy  of  such  an 
Alliance.  Sr  if  you  have  received  anything  of  hopes  from  him  in  the 
meane  time  it  will  be  very  welcome  news  to  Sr  Nichs  and  if  you  please 
to  entrust  it  with  me  it  shall  be  very  carefully  convey'd. 

Your  most  assured  freind 

Elizabeth  Spring. 
[Endorsed]      These  For  her  very  worthy  freind 
John  Stuteville  at  Stow. 

7  The  enclosure  has  disappeared. 


25!) 

May  28,  1662. 
Honoured  Sr, 

About  3  weekes  since  I  directed  a  letter  to  you  at  London  to 
bee  conveyed  by  Mr  Garrard,  but  because  I  heare  nothing  of  the 
receipt  of  it  I  feare  the  miscarriage  thereof,  wch  troubles  mee  the 
more,  because  it  was  of  some  concernement.  And  now  whither  to 
shoote  an  other  shaft  after  the  former,  I  well  know  not.  I  hope  (the 
Parliament  being  adjourned8)  this  messenger  may  find  you  at  Lamport, 
where  perhaps  you  may  have  heard  before  this  time  by  my  cos  :  Tho  : 
Isham,  how  farre  wee  proceeded  (at  his  being  in  Suff.)  in  that  businesse 
propounded  by  the  Lady  Spring ;  as  that  we  both  wayted  upon  the 
Baronet  at  the  Lady  Spring's  house,  where  wee  acquainted  him  wth 
what  respectfull  entertainment  you  received  that  motion  and  what  a 
great  value  you  ever  had  for  that  family  and  what  portion  you  would 
be  willing  to  give  and  upon  what  termes  and  did  desire  him  to 
discover  what  estate  he  had  left  free  to  settle  for  joynture  and  upon 
future  issue :  hee  then  told  us,  that  besides  that  already  settled,  hee 
hath  60011  p  ann :  free  and  1 80u  p  anii  more  charged  wth  3000  to  two 
of  his  Brothers  and  wth  20u  p  ann.  during  his  mothers  life  :  thus  farre 
wee  had  gone  before  my  cos  :  Tho  :  Isham  left  us  ;  since  wch  time  hee 
hath  according  to  his  promise  sent  us  a  particular  of  his  whole  estate, 
as  well  in  possession  as  reversion,  and  what  is  setled  and  what  free : 
wherein  hee  makes  appeare  that  his  estate  is  and  wilbee  above  1900u 
p  ann,  soe  much  is  hee  better  than  his  word,  onely  there  is  some 
wch  you  will  find  to  bee  but  Lease  lands.  Sr,  if  you  bee  willing  that 
it  shall  proceed  upon  these  termes,  it  will  be  worth  yor  Journey  into 
Suff :  where  Sr  Nicholas  upon  reasonable  notice  wilbee  ready  to  give 
you  a  meeting,  and  you  may  treate  in  person  better  than  by  way  of 
letter.  I  gave  you  in  the  last  a  short  character  of  the  gentleman, 
wch  is  rendred  from  all  hands  very  fayrely  as  that  hee  is  a  person 
very  Civill  and  much  obliging,  much  addicted  to  the  life  that  his 
ancestors  led  of  keeping  up  his  chiefe  mansion  house  by  good  hos- 
pitality and  yet  desires  not  to  doe  it  by  wrong  and  oppression  of  his 
tenants.     My  Lady  (I  thanke  God)  lies  still,  &c,  &c. 

Yor  humble  serv*  and  unworthy  kinsman 

John  Stuteville. 

On  the  fly-sheet  of  this  letter,  in  a  different  handwriting, 

8  The  first  Parliament  of  Charles  II.  was  adjourned  after  the  passing  of 
the  Act  of  Uniformity,  on  19th  May,  1652. 

s  2 


260 

probably  a  copy  of  a  memorandum  by  Sir  Nicholas,  as  it  is 
not  in  his  hand  : — 


The  estate  in  my  owne  Possession. 

The  mannor  of  Hunstanton 

The  manor  of  Great  Ringstead 

The  mannor  of  North  Hall 

Part  of  the  manor  of  Caly 

Part  of  Heacha  manor  w*  ye  Tith  of  ye  flock  and  ye 
parsonage 

The  manor  of  Barret  Eingsted 

The  manor  af  East  Hall  and  West  Hall  and  Strange 
manor  in  Sedgford  all  amounting  w*  ye  Parson- 
age to 

Hunstanton  Parsonage 


I.      s.    d. 
0300  00  02 

011G  14  00 

0057  19  01 

0167  13  04  ob. 

0183  15  02  ob. 
0141  02  01  ob. 


0442  16  08 
0050  00  00 


Su  1460  00  07  ob. 


The  Estate  in  jointure  of  j*  Lady  Ann  Lestrange 

my  mother  The  mannor  of  Gressenhall  . .  0244  07    0 

Part  of  the  manor  of  Heacha  . .  . .  . .  0195  05  10 

Part  of  the  manor  of  Caly         0029  00  00 


S    0467  13  00 
1460  00  07  ob. 


Besides  ye  profitts  of  Courts  my  whole  estate  is 

Su  total  1927  13  07  ob. 


The  Estate  entayled  upon  my  Heirs  male 

The  manor  of  Hunstanto 
The  manor  of  Great  Ringstead 
Manor  of  North  hall 
Manor  of  Heacha 
Part  of  the  manor  of  Caly 
Manor  of  Gressenhall 


I.      8.    d. 
0300  00  02 

0116  14  00 

0057  19  01 

0392  15  08  ob. 

0070  10  05 

0243  07  02 


Su  1181  06  06  ob. 
The  Estate  not  entayled. 

The  manor  of  Barret  Rinstead  morgagd  for  100011    . .  0141  02  01  ob. 

Part  of  the  manor  of  Caly  tied  for  ye  payment  of 

200011  to  my  brother  John  Lestr 0126  02  11  ob. 

Stranges  manor  in  Sidgford  about       . .  . .  . .  0100  00  00 


261 

The  manor  of  Easthall  and  Westhall  in  Sidgford  a       I.      s.     d. 
lease  of  ye  Deane  and  Chapter  of  Norwich  with 
ye  Parsonage9  •■  0342  1G  08 

The  Parsonage  of  Hunstanton  a  Lease  of  ye  Bishop 

of  Ely »  0050  00  00 


Honoured  Sr 


Su  0760  01  09 


Sept:   1,  1662. 


Having  now  rested  above  a  weeke  since  or  returne  and  Sr 
Nich  :  being  gone  home  as  I  have  more  leisure,  soe  I  think  it  very 
expedient  to  direct  this  missive  to  you  as  well  as  to  express  or  gratef ull 
acknowledgement  of  that  bountifull  and  noble  traictment  wee  receive 
from  you,  as  to  give  you  a  short  account  of  or  health  and  state  of 
affayres  with  us.  You  may  be  pleased  to  receive  that  at  or  return  wee 
found  my  Lady  in  the  same  Condition  for  health  wherein  wee  left  her 
or  rather  (as  wee  can  perceive)  still  tending  toward  the  better,  able 
to  come  downe  and  accompany  the  generation  of  the  D'ewes's  who 
dined  here  the  last  weeke  :  I  am  sure  shee  is  not  so  crazed  as  the  Lady 
Bowes,  who  cannot  walk  ye  length  of  a  room  wthout  hir  two  sup- 
porters. The  rest  of  or  family  (I  thank  God)  enjoy  their  health  still, 
although  not  farre  from  us  many  have  beene  taken  away  and  some  are 
still  languishing  of  feavers. 

Since  or  returne  wee  sent  for  or  counsell  againe  who  hath  perused 
the  Deeds,  and  finds  the  unsettled  estate  (as  was  given  in)  to  bee 
cleare  upon  the  discharge  of  ye  300011 :  the  Deeds  are  now  in  his  hands, 
where  he  will  looke  them  over  againe  wth  more  deliberation,  and 
p'pare  a  draught  for  the  joyncture  and  setlem*  according  to  his  instruc- 
tions. Hee  saith  wee  must  strictly  observe  the  authority  that  is  given 
us  for  ye  300u  p  ail  for  joynture  out  of  the  former  setlem*  and  bee  sure 
not  to  exceede  it,  least  wee  make  all  void  :  for  the  assignem*  of  that, 
wee  have  left  it  to  Sr  Nich :  himselfe,  whose  Steward  knowes  best, 
whereto  assigne  a  convenient  joyncture  house  wth  an  estate  about  it, 
wch  may  not  exceede  the  300H  p  an,  and  for  the  other  50u  p  an  (wch  is 
the  residue  of  hir  joyncture  to  bee  taken  out  of  the  unsetled  estate) 

or  counsel  thinkes  it  best  to  bee  secured  by  way  of  annuity 

Yor  very  humble  serv1  and  most  affectionate  kinsman, 

John  Stuteville. 

9  This  lease  ended  in  1736,  so  that  was  seventy-four  years  in  it  not  yet  expired. 
1  This  Lease  renewed  in  1G61  fur  three  lives. 


262 

Stow,  Octo.  the  7*,  1662. 

I  had  sent  these  writings  before,  but  Mr  Maltwood  is  soe  full 
of  imployment  and  has  not  beene  well  that  I  could  not  get  them  till 
now.  Sr  Nicolas  came  hether  yesterday  and  is  extreame  desirous  to 
marrie  next  weeke  because  he  must  goe  up  to  London  at  the  tearme. 
My  cosen  Stuteyille  saith  all  things  may  be  finished  and  ingrossed 
afterwards.  Mr  Maltewood  did  object  the  smallness  of  the  rents  and 
the  watermill  for  joynter  but  my  cosen  Thorn.  Isham  who  is  now  here 
saith  by  reason  it  is  all  in  a  towne  it  will  be  well :  but  Sr  Nicolas  if 
you  doe  not  like  it,  will  be  content  it  should  be  taken  in  greater 
farmes.  My  Lady  is  resonable  well  I  thanke  God  and  would  be  glad 
to  see  you  here  next  weeke  if  your  ocasions  will  give  you  leave  to 
take  a  jorny.  I  shall  not  goe  from  hence  all  this  winter.  Sr  Nicolas 
has  often  ocasions  at  London  wch  makes  him  willing  to  lett  me  be  still 
w*  my  Lady  who  is  well  pleased  wl  it.  She  tenders  her  respects  to 
3"ou  and  my  Lady  Isham.  Sr  Nic.  and  cos.  Stu.  present  there  service 
my  sister's  duty  and  mine  presented  to  your  selfe  and  my  Lady. 

I  am  Sr  your  obedient  Daughter 

Eliza.  Isham. 

The  marriage  was  solemnized  next  week,  according  to  Sir 
Nicholas'  wish,  and  the  following  letter  explains  the  terms 
of  the  settlement. 

Octob.  16,  1662. 
Worthy  Sr, 

Upon  Tuesday  the  14th  of  this  month  was  consummated  the 
marriage  betweene  Sr  Nich  :  and  yor  daughter ;  after  they  both  had 
sealed  another  copy  of  yor  articles  and  yor  daughter  alone  had 
sealed  and  delivered  two  Eeleases,  one  to  yor  selfe,  the  other  to  Mr 
Greene  and  mee.  The  Articles  differ  not  from  yors  excepting  the  4th 
and  the  last ;  In  the  4th  the  trust  is  onely  explained  according  to  the 
sence  in  yor  letter  and  the  last  is  restrained  w,h  this  exception  in- 
cluded wthin  the  following  parenthesis  viz.  that  the  land  to  bee  assured 
shall  bee  freed  and  discharged  by  ye  said  Sr  Nich  :  of  all  charges  and 
incumbrances  (the  leases  now  in  being  under  a  valuable  rent  made 
knowne  to  the  agents  of  the  said  Elizabeth  the  several  annuities 
issuing  out  of  the  lands  to  the  younger  Brothers  of  the  said  Sr  Nich  : 
not  exceeding  40u  p  ann :  the  rents  goeing  out  of  ye  premises  to  the 
Bish'1  of  Ely  and  Deane  and  Chapiter  of  Norwich  and  the  rents  and 


2G3 

services  from  henceforth  to  grow  due  to  the  Chiefe  Lord  or  Lords  of 
the  fees  of  the  said  premises  onely  excepted  and  foreprized)  and  these 
exceptions  Mr  Greene  himselfe  might  have  observed  in  the  draught 
sent  and  soe  have  inserted  them  into  that  Article,  but  because  he  did 
not  Mr  Malteward  thought  fit  to  put  it  in,  meerely  to  secure  Sr  Nich  : 
upon  this  covenant  and  not  for  any  thing  besides,  for  the  rents  hold 
good  as  they  were  given  in  notwthstanding  these  charges  excepting 
onely  the  younger  Brothers  annuities  wch  are  but  for  their  lives.  The 
marriage  was  hastened,  because  my  Cos  :  Tho  :  Isham  could  not  well 
make  any  longer  stay  and  Sr  Nich  :  himselfe  is  for  London  before  the 
Terme.  Neither  can  the  Deed  bee  well  passed  till  Mr  Go :  Strange 
gives  up  his  right  in  the  lands  charged  wth  his  20 0011  and  that  must 
be  by  a  Eeconveiance  from  him  to  Sr  Nich  :  therefore  there  must  be 
great  care  had  of  getting  his  discharge,  otherwise  the  foundation  of 
the  setlement  for  that  part  may  bee  shaken.  Mr  Malteward  heth  beene 
as  carefull  as  is  possible  in  this  businesse  and  his  advice  hath  beene 
followed  in  everything,  wherein  I  hope  wee  have  not  exceeded  or 
Comission  nor  done  anything  but  what  may  give  you  full  satisfaction. 
My  humble  service  I  desire  may  bee  accepted  by  yorselfe  and  yor 
honourable  Lady  whose  I  am  wholly  devoted  In  all  respectfull 
observance 

John  Stuteville. 


The  next  two  letters  are  perhaps  the  earliest  ones  written 
by  the  married  pair  to  the  bride's  father. 

Sr, 

Although  I  continue  my  wonted  course  of  writing  yet  I 
shall  at  this  time  change  the  subject  (as  I  have  done  my  condition)  but 
it  is  noe  new  thing,  but  as  old  as  my  selfe,  your  love  and  care  of  mee, 
which  alwaise  obliges  mee  to  pay  the  due  tribute  of  my  humble 
thanks,  now  more  especially  I  shall  acknowledge  your  kindness 
principly  respecting  my  satisfaction  in  this  great  affaire  of  my  life 
which  I  hope  will  be  happy  all  my  life. 

Sr  Nicolas  presents  his  duty  to  you,  my  sister  and  selfe  tender  our 
duty  and  service  to  your  selfe  and  my  Lady.  I  shall  ever  pray  for 
your  health  and  Happiness  whilst  I  am,  Sr, 

Your  obedient  Daughter 

Elizabeth  L'estrange. 
October  ye  16th,  1662. 


264 

Stowlangtoft,  Nov.  10'fa,  62. 
Honoured  Sr, 

It  is  now  high,  time  yl  I  should  make  an  acknowledgement 
of  all  those  inestimable  favours  you  have  beene  pleased  to  conferr 
upon  soe  undeserving  a  person  as  myselfe.  And  in  especiall  manner 
for  y1  great  blessing  I  soe  lately  enjoyed  (though  partly  from  heaven 
as  I  must  owne  it)  from  yrselfe  in  vouchsafing  mee  soe  much  honour 
as  to  admit  mee  to  be  one  of  your  family  in  the  bestowing  your 
daughter  upon  soe  meane  a  subject  as  my  selfe.  And  now  Sr  as 
I  am  bound  in  duty  to  doe,  I  humbly  beg  yr  blessing  and  my  Lady 
Ishams  for  us  both  and  I  beg  your  pardon  Sr  for  my  long  and  rude 
silence.  Truly  I  confess  I  have  justly  deserved  to  be  branded  with  ye 
censure  of  ingratitude  but  I  hope  my  urgent  occasions  will  plead  my 
excuse  having  beene  so  unfortunate  (I  may  say  itt)  as  soone  as  I  was 
marryed  to  be  called  away  to  London  and  ever  since,  scarce  time  to 
rest  anywhere,  And  God  willing  I  shall  be  there  againe  this  weeke, 
where  my  stay  will  be  for  a  time  by  reason  of  ye  great  tryall 
depending  betweene  my  bro  :  Coke  and  myselfe.  I  understand  Sr  you 
were  in  expectation  to  heare  from  me  concerning  ye  money  payable  to 
my  brother  Eokeby  but  really  Sr  ye  enjoyment  of  a  good  wife  and  soe 
sudden  a  multiplicity  of  business  wch  involved  me  put  away  all 
such  thoughts  as  minerall  [?]  vanities.  Truly  had  I  not  had  these 
divertisements  I  think  it  would  have  showne  a  great  deal  of  indiscretion 
in  mee  immediately  to  forget  yl  heavenly  happiness  I  enjoyed  and 
thinke  of  earthly  drosse.  However  now  I  shall  give  you  some  satis- 
faction as  to  the  business.  Sr  when  I  was  last  in  London  I  spake  wto 
my  bro :  Eokeby  2  who  is  now  in  London  and  continueth  there  a  time, 

2  "My  brother  Eokeby"  of  this  letter  was  Alexander,  the  elder  son  of  Sir 
"William  Eokeby  of  Skiers  in  Yorkshire,  Bart.  He  married  Margaret, 
daughter  of  John  Coke  of  Holkham,  co.  Norfolk,  Esq.,  a  younger  sister  of 
Sir  Nicholas  L' Estrange' s  first  wife.  Mr.  Coke,  who  was  fourth  son  of  the 
great  Sir  Edward  Coke,  died  in  1661,  and  the  following  letter  (from  the 
archives  of  Hunstanton  Hall)  throws  some  light  upon  the  subject  of  the 
lawsuit  in  which  Sir  Nicholas  was  at  this  time  engaged.  The  writer  was  Sir 
Francis  Cobb  of  Otteringham  in  Holderness,  co.  Ebor.,  Knt.,  whose  son  and 
heir,  Sir  William  Cobb,  Bint. ,  married  Winifred,  another  daughter  of  Mr. 
Coke,  and  by  her  had  a  son,  Francis,  who  died  young,  and  was  probably  the 
"  grandson  "  mentioned  in  the  letter. 

Sr  Nicholas  Lestrange. 
I  am  informed  that  Mr  Cole  and  you  either  haue  Agreed,  or  are  uppon 
Agreeing,  about  the  great  contests  that  haue  growne  betwixt  the  will,  and 


265 

he  told  me  he  should  be  ready  to  take  itt  about  ye  middle  of  December, 
soe  as  I  shall  be  ready  to  observe  your  commands  therein  whilst  I  am 
in  London  or  my  bro  :  will  be  there  to  receive  itt  from  such  person  as 
you  shall  appoint  ther  to  deliver  up  the  writing  of  morgage  he  now 
hath.  If  you  please  Sr  to  direct  a  letter  to  mee  to  be  left  at  my  uncle 
Garrets  I  shall  receive  itt.  Thus  wth  or  dutys  to  your  selfe  and  my 
Lady  Isham  and  loves  to  or  brothers  and  sisters  I  once  more  crave  a 
blessing  on  him  who  is  ever  ready  to  manifest  himselfe  to  be  Dum 
spiritus  hos  regit  Artus. 

Sr  your  ever  highly  honouring  Sonne  in  law 

Nich :  L'estrange. 

The  following  draft  of  a  reply  to  Sir  Nicholas  is  on  the 
fly-leaf  of  his  letter. 

Sr  Nicholas, 

Yr  expression  of  so  much  content  in  yor  late  choice  makes 
me  now  Congratulate  what  I  before  did  most  heartily  wish  you.     As  a 

pretended  deede  to  destroy  that  will  of  old  Mr.  Cokes,  whoe  left  A  great 

trust  uppon  you  for  the  good  of  Ids  grand  children,  wherein  I  hope  you  will 

not  faile,  but  uppon  all  occations  vindicate  their  rights,  as  you  are  obliged 

by  honour,  and  conscience ;    and  as  I  am  concerned   for  the  good  of  my 

grand  childe,  I  shall  not  feare  any  man's  person,  or  fortune,  so  far  as  to 

make  me  for  beare  A  just  legall  and  faire  prosecution  for  the  obtaining  of 

what  her  grandfather  Coke  hath  giuen  her  by  his  will,  wherein  I  doubt  not 

(though  all  other  persons  concerned  leave  me)  to  evince  to  the  world  either 

by  law  or  in  parliament  that  the  will  ought  to  stand.     Some  further  steps  to 

truth  I  haue  aduanced  since  I  saw  you,  and  hope  to  discouer  it  clerely,  to 

Mr  Watts  his  shame,  therefor  Sr  in  pursuance  of  my  resolution  to  bring  this 

busines  once  more  to  a  triall,  I  send  A  subpena  to  yow,  and  have  for  my 

grande   childes   good   directed  A  bill  that  yow  may  not  part  with  any 

writings  that  was  at  the  last  triall,  or  that  is  otherwaies  in  your  custodie 

concerning  that  affaire,  and  Sr  though  I  be  mutch  your  servant,  yet  if  you 

doe  any  thing  while  I  live  to  the  prewdigh  (?  prejudice)   of  my  granchilde 

committed  to  yr  care  by  the  Trust  of  old  Mr  Coke  reposed  in  yow,  I  shall 

use  my  utmost  Interest  and  endeavors  she  may  be  repaired  by  you  and  your 

fortune,  but  I  hope  you  will  doe  no  thing  contrary   to  yr  trust,  or  to  her 

prewdish  and  in  that  confidence  I  rest 

Sr 

Your  humble 

The  3d  of  decembr  Seruent 

1663.  (Signed)  ffr  Cobb. 


266 

good  wife  is  the  gift  of  God  and  certainly  one  of  ye  best  gifts  God  can 
give  a  man  upon  earth,  so  we  find  to  who  she  is  given  as  a  portion. 
And  so  I  wish  you  Both  much  joy  and  comfort  one  of  another. 
Beseeching  God  almighty  to  Bless  you  Both. 

Mr  Theod  :  Greene  my  Attorney  at  Clements  Inn  can  acquaint  you 
when  to  receive  10001  so  soone  as  you  please  and  whilst  he  is  in  towne 
who  may  be  witness  to  yr  performance  of  it,  as  also  to  yr  taking  in  yr 
mortgage. 

Stow,  May  the  4th,  1663. 

this  weeke  I  received  yours  from  my  sister  Carew  with  the  good 
newes  of  my  Lady  Isham's  safe  delivery.  My  Lady  Denton  is  in  the 
same  condition,  she  usually  stirs  little  out  of  her  chamber,  she  con- 
tinues her  prayers  for  you  and  all  yours.  [She]  desires  her  kind  saluts 
may  bee  tendred  to  you  and  my  Lady.  I  thanke  God  I  injoy  my  health 
in  so  great  a  measure  as  is  consistant  with  one  in  my  condition  and  I 
am  to  goe  this  weeke  wth  Sr  Nicholas  to  his  owne  house,  I  was  lately  to 
waite  upon  the  Countess  of  Diser3  and  Sr  Lionell  was  here  wth  her 
this  day,  she  is  very  pleasant  and  wishes  heartily  she  could  see  you 
and  her  uncle  Robert  Tolmach  who  hath  made  a  new  discovery  of  a 
countrie  about  the  Centre  of  the  world  and  savags  w*  fine  women 
and  great  riches  are  in  Pantanomia.  But  the  best  discovery  is  900 
pound  by  the  Death  of  his  wife  wch  furnishes  him.  for  inteligence  from 
this  place. 

My  Lady  Diser  has  a  son  lately  borne  who  she  intends  shall  be  a 
prince  there  and  she  hopes  one  of  yours  may  accompany  him.  Sr 
Nicholas  my  sister  and  selfe  present  our  dutys  to  your  selfe  and  my 
Lady  Isham. 

I  am  Sr  your  obedient  Daughter 

Elizabeth  L'estrange. 

[Sir  Nicholas  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.     The 
quaint  punctuation  is  retained.] 


3  Elizabeth,  daughter  and  heir  of  William,  first  Earl  of  Dysart,  at  whose 
death  she  became  Countess  of  Dysart.  She  married  Sir  Lionel  Tollemache, 
of  Helmingham,  co.  Suffolk,  Bart.,  and  secondly,  to  John,  Duke  of 
Lauderdale. 


267 

London,  July  y«  11th,  1663. 
Honoured  Sir, 

You  may  justly  wonder ;  at  the  suddainesse  of  these  lines 
attending  you,  But,  I  am  sure ;  they  cannot  be  with  you  to  soone 
when,  I  consider,  how  unhappy  I  was  in  that,  I  did  not  performo  that 
duty  I  ought  to  have  done  before  your  departure  out  of  towne  truly  I 
was  3  times  at  your  lodging  and  you  were  not  within  and  I  was 
severall  times  in  Wesminster,  but  could  not  light  on  you  Sr  I  beg  your 
pardon,  and  earnestly  desire  you  not  to  misinterpret  any  thing,  as  to 
thinke  there  was  a  willing  neglect  in  mee.  Ingratitude  is  a  thing 
wch  I  utterly  abhorre,  and  I  should  be  unpardonable  if  I  were  guilty 
of  ye  crime  especially  towards  a  person  soe  nearely  concerned  as  your 
selfe  Sr  I  should  have  spoken  to  you  concerning  ye  5001  now  due  Mr 
Greene,  yr  attorney,  seemeth  to  know  nothing  of  yr  minde  my  request 
therefore  is  (Sr,  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  order  the  payment  thereof 
because  I  shall  be  out  of  towne  next  weeke)  to  Mr  Charles  Everard  at 
ye  starre  in  Lombard  Street,  and  a  receipt  to  my  use  will  be  sufficient 
at  present,  and  if  afterwards  you  shall  require  one  from  mee  I  shall 
willingly  give  one.     At  prsent  I  beg  yr  blessing  for  mee  and  mine  and 

Eest 

Sr  your  truly  honouring  Sonne  :  in :  Law 

Nich:  L'Estrange. 

[John  Stuteville,  Esq.,  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

August  13th,  1663. 
Honoured  Sr, 

Sr  Nicholas  L'Estrange  tels  mee  that  hee  receiued  a  letter 
lately  from  Mr.  Greene,  wherein  hee  intimates  to  him,  that  there  hath 
laine  500H  ready  for  him  a  good  while  since  at  London  (being  part  of 
his  Ladyes  portion)  and  that  hee  might  haue  receiued  it  before  now, 
but  that  there  was  some  scruple  as  yet  remayning,  whither  Sr  Nich. 
had  sealed  the  conveyances  for  his  Ladyes  Joynture,  and  estate  upon 
issue  according  to  the  couenants.  Truly  Sr,  this  hath  beene  soe  long 
agoe  effected,  and  immediately  certified  by  the  Lady  Strange  hir  selfe, 
who  was  chiefely  interested  in  it,  that  (if  that  letter  came  to  yor 
hands)  wee  much  wonder  any  scruple  can  bee  made  of  it :  therefore 
fearing  the  miscariage  of  it,  I  thought  it  concerned  mee  (as  well  to 
vindicate  Sr  Nich :  his  honor,  as  to  giue  an  account  of  that  trust 
imposed  upon  mee)  to  assure  you  that  upon  the  seaventh  of  ffebruary 
last,  I  was  a  witnesse  to  the  cancelling  of  Mr.   John  L'estrange's 


268 

morgage  by  way  of  ffeofrmt,  and  of  Sr  Nich  :  his  reassurance  by  Lease 
for  1000  yeares ;  whereby  (the  enheritance  being  wholly  in  him)  hee 
was  enabled  afterwards  to  passe  (as  hee  did)  those  two  grand 
conveyances  of  joyntnre  and  estate  upon  issue,  &c.  the  latter  of  them 
yet  still  subject  to  the  mortgage  of  a  1000  yeares  for  the  paym*  of 
2000u  to  his  Brother  according  to  the  draught  sent  into  Northampton- 
shire :  w** 1  hope  (his  revenew  being  encreased  by  the  decease  of  his 
mother  aboue  400u  p  ami,  and  his  resolucon  of  laying  downe  his 
vexatious  suite  against  his  too  potent  adversary,  wth  the  remainder  of 
his  Lady's  portion)  hee  will  bee  carefull  at  the  appointed  time  to  see 
discharged.  I  suppose  before  this  time  you  haue  heard  of  my  Lady 
Stranges  safe  deliuery  of  a  daughter  :  yesterday  shee  was  made  a 
Christian  :  the  witnesses  my  Lady  Denton,  the  Lady  Spring,  and  Sr 
Christopher  Calthorpe,  the  Childs  name  Elizabeth  :  my  Lady  Denton 
went  to  the  Church,  and  answeared  hir  selfe  for  it :  Soe  well  it  pleaseth 
God  to  deale  wth  hir. 

The  litle  remainder  is  scarce  sufficient  to  prsent  the  due  observance 
and  respects,  w0*1  is  tendered  to  yor  selfe  and  Lady  from  all  yor 
relations  heere,  and  in  particular  from,  Sr 

Your  most  devoted  serv1  and  affecconate  kinsman 

John  Stuteville. 

My  Lady  Denton  desires,  that  if  you  be  pleased  to  keepe  the  500'* 
still  in  yor  hands  of  hirs,  wch  shee  hath  giuen  to  my  Lady  Strange, 
that  shee  may  haue  yor  Bill  or  Bond  for  hir  security,  and  the  enterest 
for  it  ever  since  shee  married. 


[John  Stuteville,  Esq.,  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Septemb.   14,  1663. 
Honoured  Sr, 

Since  my  last  to  you  of  ye  13  Aug  :  (but,  as  I  now  perceive, 
mistaken  3  dayes  in  the  date)  I  haue  received  two  of  you13 ;  the  1st 
of  them  not  long  after  I  had  sent  away  mine  to  you  ;  the  other,  of 
the  17  of  the  last,  came  not  to  my  hands  till  the  6*  of  this  :  by 
both  of  them  I  find  a  miscariage  of  some  former  letters,  and  a  very 
slow  passage  of  others,  but  where  the  fault  is  wee  can  not  discouer: 
wee  have  formerly  and  doe  still  make  use  of  the  London  way  as  the 
surest,  though  longest  in  the  conveiance.  My  Lady  Denton  hath  of 
late  beene  some  what  distemperd  wth  a  few  fainting  fits,  and  had  a 
desire  to  see  the  Doctor,  who  onely  gaue  hir  a  cordiall  water,  and 


269 

prescribed  some  few  rules  for  hir  diet :    shoo  is  at  this  present  in 

indifferent  good  health,  and  the  rest  of  the  family  (except  one  serv* 

now  sicke  of  a  feavor) :    but  it  is  to  bee  feared,   ye  yeare  will  not 

conclude  soe  by  reason  of  the  plenty  of  unwholsome  fruit.      Sr  Nich. 

l'estrange  and  his  Lady  present  their  humble  duty  to  yor  selfe   and 

Lady,  and  desire  that  at  the  time  you  would  bee  pleased  to  pay  in  the 

other   1000  pounds  to  Mr.  Charls  Everard,    and  for  the  500u    in  yor 

hands,  my  Lady  desires  it  may  continue  there  still,  paying  enterest 

to  hir  from  the  mariage,  and  that  the  Bill  to  bee  sealed  by  you  for  it, 

may   bee  deferred   till   yor  next  meeting.       Concerning  the  ffrench 

Lutanist,  who  tells  you  hee  formerly  taught  at  Bury,  I  can  giue  noe 

account,  by  reason  of  the  small  Pox,  wch  hath  beene  very  much  there 

all  this  yeare,  and  wee  haue  but  little  or  noe  entercourse  at  all  wth 

them  :  if  I  heare  otherwise  then  well  heereafter  of  him,  I  shall  not 

f ayle  to  acquaint  you  wth  it.      "Wee  all  tender  or  due    and  respective 

remembrances,  and  doe  pray  for  the  continuance  of  all  health,  and 

happines  to  yor  selfe  and  worthy  Lady,  wth  yor  numerous  issue,  both 

in  this  world  and  that  wch  is  to  come,  and  all  this  bee  pleased  to 

receiue  from 

Worthy  Sr, 

Yor  devoted  serv1,  and  most  affecconate  kinsman 

John  Stuteville. 

[Mr.  Charles  Everard  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Nouember  26th,  1663. 

Yours  I  receued  with  the  Inclosed  to  your  Daughter  wich 

shall  be   sent  away  by  the  first  yl   to  Mr  Cotton  was   sent  away 

presently  I  suppose  you  will  haue  an  anser  this  post  of  it.      I  haue 

Inquired  of   many  but  cannot  finde  any  mony  heare,  to  serve  this 

occation,  Sr  Nicholas  Le  strange  wrote  neare  a  month   since  y*  beside 

y  5001  you  formerly  payd  you  would  pay  10001  more  and  desire  yl  it 

might  be  all  riddy  for  hime,  for  he  was  to  pay  it  all  in  december,  with 

what  more  was  in  my  hands  beside  your  mony,  wch  is  but  little,  but 

he  did  not  wright  the  day  he  was  to  pay  it  in,  my  seruis  presented  I 

ame 

Sr, 

Yours  to  serue  you 

Charles  Everard. 
At  y  Brasen 
rame  smithfeild. 


270 

It  is  evident  from  the  foregoing  correspondence  that  Sir 
Nicholas  and  his  lady  made  their  home,  during  the  first  year 
of  their  married  life,  at  Stow  Langtoft,  according  to  the 
common  practice  of  the  time,  whereby  for  the  first  year  the 
bride  had  none  of  the  duties  and  cares  of  housekeeping  laid 
upon  her.  After  the  birth  of  the  first  child,  in  August, 
1663,  it  became  necessary  that  the  mother  and  child  should 
remove  to  a  home  of  their  own,  and  accordingly  Sir  Nicholas 
appears  to  have  once  more  taken  up  his  residence  at  Hun- 
stanton in  the  early  spring  of  1664.  The  change  did  not 
suit  the  young  mother,  and  she  was  soon  seriously  ill  with 
rheumatism.  The  first  letter  which  we  get  from  Hunstanton 
is  the  following  : — 


[Sir  Nicholas  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.     Punc- 
tuation retained  as  before.] 

Hunstanton,  Apr.  ye  19th,  1664. 
Honord  Sr, 

After  ye  tender,  of  our  humble  dutyes  to  yr  selfe,  and 
craving  yr  blessing  for  orselves,  and  ours  ;  I  am  bold  as  Secretary  at 
this  time ;  to  my  wife ;  to  let  you  understand  that  this  night  she 
received  ;  Yrs,  and  my  Sister  Carews  letters  wherein  she  received ; 
some  hopes  of  assistance,  towards,  the  hastening,  and  perfecting  her 
recovery;  Out  of  this  present  most  troublesome,  and  malignant 
distemper.  She  maketh  it  her  most  humble  request ;  that  all  possible 
meanes  may  be  used,  for  j*  procuring  the  Balsome,  You  are  pleased 
to  mention,  or  any  other  thing,  which  may  Conduce  the  removing 
or  rather  utter  suppressing  those  humours,  that  at  present  are  soe 
predominant.  Blessed,  be  God  she  is  finely  chearly,  and  maketh  shift 
to  step  about  j*  chamber.  But,  ever,  and  anon  the  paine  is  flitting 
from  one  place  to  another.  Thus  Sr  I  shall  trouble  you  noe  ffarther 
knowing ;  ye  weighty,  occasions,  you  have  now  in  hand,  but  onely 
Subscribe  my  selfe,  as  in  duty  I  am  bound  to  doe 

Sr, 
Your  truly  honering  Sonne  in  law 

Nich.  L'estrange. 


271 

[Lady  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Hun  :  May  ye  6th,  1664. 

I  bless  God  I  am  now  able  to  give  an  account  of  my  better 
condition,  then  I  have  been,  I  can  with  the  helpe  of  sticks  goe  a  little 
about  the  house  and  I  doe  increase  in  strength  dayly.  the  Humor 
does  still  shift  first  from  one  Arme  to  another  and  then  the  same  in 
my  legs  but  it  is  not  in  such  extreamity  as  I  was  in  7  weekes  together, 
the  Doctor  does  comfort  mee  in  being  very  confident  I  shall  not  be  so 
ill  againe  of  this  distemper,  and  he  sayes  my  often  sweating  was  a 
great  releife  to  mee  though  I  was  exceeding  weake  till  very  lately. 

Sr  Nicolas  having  ocasion  to  send  a  man  up  to  London  I  was  glad 
of  so  speedy  an  opertunity  of  presenting  our  duties,  and  hope  to 
here  of  your  health  which  I  shall  pray  for  whilest  I  am  Sr 

Your  obedient  Daughter 

Elizabeth  L'estrange. 

Lady  Denton,  who  had  been  ailing  for  so  long,  was 
now  drawing  near  her  end,  and  it  seems  that  Lady  L'Estrange 
was  summoned  to  her  bedside.  The  old  lady  had  been  as  a 
mother  to  the  two  sisters,  and  Judith  Isham's  devotion  to 
her  aged  relative  overtaxed  her  strength.  Lady  L'Estrange 
went  to  her  assistance  and  remained  till  the  end  came. 

[Judith  Isham  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Stow,  May  the  16th,  1664. 
I  did  not  write  since  I  sent  one  by  my  sister  Carew  not  knowing  how 
to  direct  it,  My  Lady  is  weake  and  faint  this  hot  weather,  she  walkes 
about  her  chamber  with  two  to  Lead  her.  my  cosin  Thorn  :  Isham  was 
here,  we  herd  from  Lamport  by  him ;  my  cosin  Stuteville  went  to 
Dallham  last  weeke  to  attend  my  Lady  Newdigates  corpes  who  was 
buried  there,  my  Lady  knowes  not  of  her  Death  for  she  would  be 
troubled  at  it  she  was  10  years  elder  then  her  selfe.  I  shall  aquaint 
Mr  Danford  that  you  are  pleased  to  be  mindfull  of  his  business.  I  did 
write  my  sister  Lestrange  word  of  the  mony  that  Mr  Everard  had 
for  us  she  will  get  it  returned  shortly.  My  Lady  desires  to  be  remem- 
bered to  your  selfe  she  is  a  little  cheerful  towards  night,  my  cosen 
Stuteville  tenders  his  seruice  with  my  humble  duty  presented 
I  rest  Sr  your  obedient  Daughter 

Judith  Isham. 


272 

[Lady  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Stow,  July  the  25*    1664. 
Sr, 

I  came  hether  last  weeke  and  found  my  Lady  very  weake  my 

sister  ill  of  a  feavor,  care  and  want  of  sleepe  had  bin  cause  of  her  dis- 
temper she  lieng  in  my  Ladys  chamber  as  long  as  she  could  hold  well. 
I  persuaded  her  to  lie  out  of  it  now,  my  Lady  being  little  sencible  of 
any  thing,  Doc  :  Bucknam  was  here  and  let  her  blood  I  hope  she  will 
get  well  againe  though  at  present  she  is  very  low  and  weake  I  send 
this  by  sis  :  Carew  my  sister  Judeth  sent  2  letters  to  the  Earn 3  and 
supposes  you  never  had  them,  while  I  wright  this  my  Lady  lies 
struggling  for  life  I  beseech  God  assist  her  in  this  her  last  agony,  she 
has  tooke  little  sustenance  this  weeke  but  lay  quiet  till  now,  my  sister 
must  stay  here  some  time  after  the  f  unerall  to  dispatch  business  she  is 
onely,  and  my  Cosen  Stuteville  executors,  when  she  can  leave  this 
place  Sr  Nicolas  and  my  selfe  doe  earnestly  desire  her  company  at 
Hunston  I  am  much  alone  there  without  woeman  society;  she  is 
willing  with  your  leave  to  be  with  us,  I  would  have  sent  upon 
purpose  with  this,  but  Sr  Nicolas  being  at  Norwich  sizes  I  am  here 
without  servants.  I  thanke  God  I  am  so  well  to  be  here  and  attend 
and  doe  my  last  duty  to  my  Lady  there  is  life  still  and  breath  in  her 
she  may  continue  thus  a  day  or  too,  I  can  add  noe  more  at  present  in 
some  disorder  and  sadness  our  duties  presented  I  remaine 

Sr  your  obedient  Daughter 

Elizabeth  L' estrange. 

[Lady  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Stow,  August  the  1st,  1664. 
S', 

the  last  weeke  I  sent  a  letter  to  you  by  Sis :  Carew  in  which 

I  gave  an  account  of  my  Lady  Denton's  weake  condition,  it  pleased 

God  to  release  her  about  3  howers  after  upon  the  25th  of  July,  the 

funerall  was  the  next  night  after  privatly  as  she  desired.     My  sister 

Judith  is  I  thank  God  recouering  of  her  fevor.    She  has  a  dimond  ring 

wch  my  Lady  comanded  her  to  keepe  for  you  till  she  see  you.    There 

is  ten  pound  in  the  will  for  your  selfe  for  mourning  and  a  100£  for  my 

brother  Thomas  and  40  pound  to  the  poore  of  Lamporte  which  moneys 

cannot  be  payd  till,  Sr  Thomas  Bowes  payes  in  that  which  is  due  half  e 

3  Apparently    the    Brazen    Earn,    Smithfield,    Mr.    Everard's    place    of 
business. 


273 

a  yeare  after  her  Death,  she  had  onely  by  her  for  funeral  charges  and 
to  keepe  the  family  together  a  month,  my  sister  Carew  Cosen  Grayes 
and  Stewards  and  her  3  daughters  in  Law,  have  all  mournings  given 
them,  divers  small  Legacies  to  other  of  her  friends.  My  cosen 
Steuteuille  continues  here  till  Michaelmas  if  not  longer  till  he  can  put 
of  his  stocke.  He  desires  his  servise  to  you.  my  sister  and  selfe 
present  our  humble  duties  to  your  selfe  and  my  Lady  I  rest 

Sr 
Your  obedient  Daughter 

Elisabeth  L'estrange. 

Lady  Denton's  will  is  at  Somerset  House  {Reg.  Bruce,  39). 
For  the  following  abstract  I  am  indebted  to  my  friend 
Colonel  Chester : — 

Dame  Elisabeth  Denton,  of  Stowe  Langtofte,  co.  Suffolk, 
widow.  Dated  27  November,  1662.  To  my  nephew  Sir  Justinian 
Isham  my  ring  with  five  diamonds  and  £10; — to  his  eldest  son 
Thomas  £100  ; — to  ye  town  of  Lamport  £40,  the  yearly  profit  thereof 
to  be  laid  out  for  the  benefit  of  ye  poor  so  long  as  ye  name  of  the 
Ishams  continue  there. 

To  my  nephew  Stuteville  and  his  heirs  for  ever  all  copyhold  lands 
in  Brockley  and  all  household  stuff,  plate,  goods,  and  chattels 
whatsoever. 

To  my  nephew  and  niece  Grey  each  £10 ; — to  my  god-daughter 
Elisabeth  Grey  £10; — to  Susan  Grey  £50  and  mourning; — to 
William  and  Ann  Grey  each  £10. 

To  my  nephew  and  niece  Steward  each  £10,  and  to  his  two 
daughters  rings. 

To  Lady  Bowes,  Lady  Poley,  and  my  daughter  Bokenham, 
mourning. 

To  Sisillia  Bowes,  Elisabeth  Poley,  Sisillia  Bokenham, 
Henry  Bokenham,  Mr  Gascoigne,  and  my  god-daughter  Elizabeth 
Webb,  rings. 

To  my  cousin  Atjnly  a  mourning  gown,  and  to  her  brother  William 
Denton  £o; — to  my  cousin  Clayton  £10;  to  my  cousin  Isham  the 
widow  £20  and  a  mourning  gown  ; — to  her  son  Gardiner  £10  and  a 
mourning  suit ; — to  Mr  Speed  a  mourning  cloak ; — to  Gascoigne 
cloth  for  suit  and  cloak  ; — to  my  cousin  Thomas  Isham  and  his  wife 
each  £5  .  .  .  . 

VOL.    II.]  T 


274 

All  residuo  equally  between  my  nephew  Stuteyille  and  my  two 
nieces  the  Lady  Strange  and  her  sister  Judith  Isham  ....  Lady 
Strange' s  portion  to  be  for  the  benefit  of  her  children,  and  Sir 
Nicholas  to  take  no  advantage  by  it.  John  Stuteyille  and  Judith 
Isham,  executors,  also  proved  the  will  jointly  (P.C.C.)  18  August,  1664. 


[John  Stuteville,  Esq.,  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Honoured  Sr, 

had  that  letter,  wch  I  dispatched  away  the  same  day  my  Lady 

Lestrange  wrote  hirs,  beene  deliuered  according  to  the  directions,  it 

might  have  come  to  yor  hands  a  weeke  sooner  then  hir  Lap*  but  I 

perceiue  it  fell  short  of  Lamport  and  therefore  I  now  find  my  Lady 

Carews  to  bee  the  surest,   though  furthest  way  about.     In  that  I  did 

intimate  of  some  legacies  bequeathed  to  yor  selfe,  sonne  Thomas,  and 

the  poore  of  yor  towne,  wch  as  sonne  as  mony  comes  in,  wee  shall 

take  care  to  see  discharged.     In  the  interim  I  must  acknowledge  it  for 

a  very  great  favor,  that  free  offer,  wch  you  make  of  any  of  yor  houses 

in  that  country  for  me  to  live  in.      I  returne  you  my  very  hearty 

thanks  for  it,  and  could  I  but  recall  a  score  of  yeares ;  yor  noble  offer, 

together  wth  the  pleasantnes  of  yor  conversation,  and  country  might 

have  induced  me  to  accept  of  it :  but  as  yor  selfe  does  well  remember, 

my  Ladys  going  before,  does  but  put  us  in  mind,  that  wee  must  both 

follow  after  hir  :  and  it  is,  and  shallbe  my  desire,  after  my  dissolution, 

when  I  am  gathered  to  my  fathers,  to  bee  likewise  interred  among 

them.     Indeed  I  am  much  obliged  to  yor  selfe,  and  to  all  my  friends 

in  Norfolke,  and  in  this  country  for  the  like  offer :  but  my  Lady,  by 

leaving  mee  hir  stocke  upon  the  Ground,  has  engaged  mee  soe  far  in 

the  world,  that  I  can  not  readily  quit  my  selfe  of  it,  especially  soe 

neere  Michaelmas ;  and  therefore  I  am  resolued  for  one  yeare  more 

to  abide  heere  at  Stow,   the  execution  of  my  Lady's  will  likewise 

requiring  my  attendance  in  these  parts.     But  where  soever  I  am,  or 

howsoever  it  shall  please  God  to  dispose  of  mee,  I  desire  you  should 

bee    assured  of    that  observance,   and  respect,  wch  to  yor  selfe,  and 

ever  honoured  Lady,  wth  all  yor,  and  or  relations,  I  must  acknowledge 

to  bee  ever  due  from 

S' 

Yor  most  faithfull  serv*,  and  most  honouring  kinsman 

Aug.  29,  John  Stuteville. 

1664. 


275 

[Judith  Isham  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Stow,  August  the  29th  1664. 
Sr, 

I  receiued  yours  of  August  the  15,  the  28.  which  I  shall  send 
to  my  sister  Lestrange  she  has  bin  gone  from  hence  aboue  a  fortnight, 
I  thanke  God  I  am  in  some  measure  restored  to  health  somthing  faint 
upon  stirring.  But  cannot  so  easily  passe  ouer  the  great  losse  I  have 
had  of  my  Dear  Aunt,  whose  vertues  I  shall  Indeavour  to  imitate, 
though  I  come  short  of  being  so  like  her  as  I  desire,  I  shall  stay  here 
with  my  cosen  Stuteville  about  3  weekes.  if  your  commands  had  not 
obliged  me,  (yet  his  kindness  will.)  to  pay  him  all  the  respect  I  can 
wch  I  hope  I  shall  not  be  wanting  In,  nor  my  sister,  who  takes  all 
occasions  to  expresse  her  gratitude ;  he  was  kindly  Invited  to  Hunston 
by  them  both  to  liue  there  if  he  had  pleased,  he  has  promised  to  giue 
them  a  vissit  when  his  occasion  permit,  his  sisters  haue  bin  very 
earnest  to  haue  him  with  either  of  them  and  he  is  as  much  desired  at 
Dalham  but  he  could  not  please  himselfe  with  any  of  those  places,  he 
keepes  the  family  as  it  was  till  Michaelmas  after  that  he  lessens  it.  for 
he  intends  to  continue  here  one  yeere  longer,  in  wch  time  he  hopes  the 
Executors  will  pay  in  most  of  the  mony  which  is  due  before,  but  they 
desire  time  for  the  paiment.  he  is  very  carefull  to  performe  all 
according  to  the  Will  wch  is  proued  and  sent  downe  from  London,  the 
Neighbours  haue  bin  very  civill  in  vissiting,  but  I  am  most  obliged  to 
the  Lady  Disere  for  her  kind  invitation  of  me  to  come  and  be  wth  her 
some  good  while.  I  excused  myselfe  that  I  was  not  so  fit  to  waite 
upon  her  In  regard  I  had  not  been  well,  I  shall  wait  upon  her  one 
day,  and  acknowledge  my  great  obligation,  my  sister  did  wait  upon 
her  before  she  went  with  the  Lady  Spring,  my  humble  duty  and 

seruice  presented,  I  rest 

Sr  your  obedient  Daughter 

Judith  Isham. 

[Lady  L' Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Hunstanton,  Sept.  26.  1664. 
Sr, 

My  sister  and  child  came  safe  to  me  this  weeke  I  received 
your  letter  by  her  and  returne  many  thankes  that  you  are  pleased  to 
let  us  be  together  at  present  which  is  a  great  comfort  to  us  both  after 
the  loss  of  our  dear  Aunt  wee  should  be  glad  to  here  that  my  cosen 
Stuteville  had  fixed  upon  a  good  choyse  for  a  wife  he  seemes  to  be 

T    2 


276 

solicitous  for  one,  and  I  did  incourage  him  to  doe  well  for  him  selfe, 

and  did  name  a  neece  of  my  Lady  Springs  that  I  know  will  suit  him, 

and  it  is  very  like  he  may  be  accepted,  but  wee  feare  his  humor  of 

stirring  so  little  abroad,  may  make  him  doe  that  which  all  his  friends 

will  take  noe  satisfaction  in.    Sr  Nicholases  Eldest  Brother 4  will  marry 

his  cosen  my  uncle  Ham :  Le  Stranges  daughter  wch  though  it  is  not 

approved  by  some  yet  being  it  is  liked  by  my  Aunt  Mary  Lewkner5 

from  whom  he  (and  the  rest  of  the  Brothers)  expect  considerable 

advantage ;  it  is  yeelded  too.      She  being  so  kind  to  keepe  house  to 

entertaine  them  all,  that  wee  have  little  of  there  companys  wth  us. 

Sr  Nicolas  my  sister  and  selfe  present  our  humble  dutys ;  and  servise 

to  my  Lady  Isham  I  am 

Sr  your  obedient  Daughter 

Elisabeth  L'Estrange. 


[Lady  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 


Sr, 


Hunstanton,  Decern. 

the  13th,  1664. 


I  received  yours  from  Mr.  Evarard  and  defer' d  writing  till  I 
supposed  you  might  be  come  to  London,  there  falling  much  raine 
since  many  might  be  prevented,  I  thanke  God  wee  all  injoy  our 
healths  I  am  very  free  from  the  Gout  this  winter  Season  goeing  much 
warmer  in  Cloaths  then  ever  I  did.  There  is  3001  in  your  hands  left  my 
sister  Judith  by  my  Aunt  Denton  wcb  she  does  not  desire  should  be 
paid  onely  the  interest  from  the  time  my  Aunt  died  which  she  allowed 
her  when  she  lived.  Wee  are  glad  to  here  of  my  sister  Carews  health 
wth  her  little  ones  by  whom  I  send  this  Mr.  Evarard  being  at  Norwich 
upon  the  business  of  marrieng  which  busines  my  cosen  Stuteville  will 
onely  talke  of,  for  he  makes  noe  hast  in  proceeding  as  I  here  ;  Sr 
Nicho :  my  sister  and  selfe  present  our  duty  and  service  to  your  selfe 
and  my  Lady  Isham,  I  am  Sr  your  obedient  Daughter 

Elizabeth  L'estrange. 


4  This  is  John  L'Estrange,  who  married  his  cousin  Dorothy. 

5  Sir  Nicholas  L'Estrange,  uncle  of  the  writer  of  this  letter,  married  Anne 
Lewkner,  daughter  of  Sir  Edward  Lewkner  of  Denham,  on  the  26th  August, 
1629.  Who  this  "Aunt  Mary  Lewkner "  was,  in  the  present  condition  of 
the  Lewkner  pedigree,  I  dare  not  conjecture. 


277 

[Lady  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Hunstanton,  Aprill  ye  24th, 

1665. 

Sr' 

I  beleive  this  may  find  you  at  London.     I  see  by  your  last 

your  intentions  was  to  bo  there  the  begining  of  the  terme  which  was 

the  cause  I  deffered  writing  till  this  time  we  injoy  health  and  peace 

heare,  my  Ld  Townsens 5  being  ill   at  London  gives  my  Husband  Sr 

Ed.  Walpole 6  and  others  much    publicke  business,    they  are  all  at 

Norwich  and  must  goe  againe  next  weeke ;  it  is  most  inconvenient  for 

us  we  live  so  remote,  but  Sr  Nicholas  will  not  draw  backe  in  any 

servise   he  is   able   to   doe,    as  my   cosen   Stuteville  writt   my  Ld  of 

Hereford 7  would  have  done.     After  he  treated  the  Duke  of  Yorke  at 

Harwich  [he]  offered  his  servise  to  waite  upon  him  in  the  ingagement, 

which  was  so  much  accepted  he  could  not  in  honour  retreat,  which 

made   Sr  "Will   Spring   and   divers    others   spare  such    complements. 

However  wee  have  all  cause  to  pray  for  there  Happy  success.8      My 

sister  and  selfe  present  our  humble  duty 

I  remaine  Sr  your  obedient  Daughter 

Elizabeth  L'estrange. 

if  you  please  to  pay  my  sisters  money  and  mine  to  Mr  Evarard  we 
shall  receive  it  as  formerly. 

[Lady  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Aprill  the  2d,  1666. 

I  have  received  yours  with  that  to  my  cosen  Stuteville  wch 
shall  be  sent  to  him,  wee  have  received  the  money,  my  sister  keeps 
what  remaines  till  she  has  opportunity  to  deliver  it,  My  husband  went 
from  Thetford  to  Newmarket  when  the  king  was  there  and  see  him 
alight  from  his  Horse  and  run  up  Divels  ditch  which  Sr  Nicolas  was 
more  pleased  wth  then  with  the  horse  race.     Mr.  Aldridge  was  with  us 

5  Horatio,  first  Lord  Townshend,  of  Kainham.  He  was  at  this  time  Baron 
Townshend,  and  not  created  Viscount  till  1682. 

6  Grandfather  of  the  great  Sir  Robert  Walpole.  He  was  created  a 
Knight  of  the  Bath  in  1661,  and  was  at  this  time  M.P.  for  King's  Lynn. 

7  Leicester  Devereux,  sixth  Viscount  Hereford. 

8  War  was  declared  against  Holland  on  the  15th  March,  1665.  The  en- 
gagement with  the  Dutch  fleet  off  Lowestoft,  in  which  the  Duke  of  York 
defeated  the  enemy  under  Opdam  and  Van  Tromp,  took  place  on  the  3rd  June. 


278 

this  weeke  wth  my  Lady  Walpole  and  desired  rnee  to  tender  his  service 
to  you.  Wee  acknowledge  it  a  great  favour  you  are  pleased  to  offer  us 
a  retreat  in  time  of  danger.  About  2  months  since,  I  was  in  some  feare 
as  they  were  in  Suffolke ;  at  present  I  thanke  God  wee  are  in  health  and 
peace  and  hope  the  continuance  of  that  mercy  wch  will  be  more  com- 
fortable to  me  in  regard  of  my  present  condition,  my  burthen  dis- 
abling mee  for  travell,  Sr  Nicholas  my  sister  and  selfe  present  our 
humble  duties  to  your  selfe,  service  to  my  Lady  Isham, 
I  am  Sr  your  obedient  daughter 

Elizabeth  L' estrange. 

[Judith  Isham  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Aprill  the  23d,  1666. 

The  last  weeke  my  sister  was  safely  deliuered  of  a  Daughter 
we  hope  she  went  her  full  time  though  she  was  deceiued  in  her 
reckoning ;  It  suckt  very  well  at  first  But  after  3  dayes  it  changed 
and  turned  Blacke  that  we  feared  it  would  not  liue  so  it  was  presently 
christened  the  name  is  Jane  :  it  is  now  much  better  and  suckes  againe 
and  my  sister  I  thanke  God  is  in  a  reasonable  good  condition  hauing 
a  very  quicke  Labour  but  is  so  weake  after  it  that  we  dare  not  take 
her  out  of  her  Bed  till  it  please  God  she  gather  strength,  my  Brother 
and  she  both  present  their  humble  Duty  to  your  selfe  and  seruice  to 
my  Lady  with  the  tender  of  mine.  I  receiued  this  from  my  cosin 
Stuteville  since  the  receipt  of  the  mony  due  to  your  selfe,  returning 
humble  thanks  for  that  weh  I  haue  of  it : 

I  rest  Sr  your  obedient  Daughter 

Judith  Isham. 

[Lady  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Hunstanton,  May  ye 
28,  1666. 

I  received  yours  of  May  ye  7th  the  26.  I  bless  God  for  the 
continuance  of  health  at  Lamport  and  here,  the  plague  is  no  nearer  us 
than  Norwich  there  it  increases  dayly.1     Mrs  Le  Gross2  is  gone  up  to 

1  "  There  died  in  this  city,  from  Oct.  3,    1665,  to  Oct.  3,  1666,   3012 
whereof  of  the  plague,  2251."— Blom.,  III.  410. 

2  Apparently  Frances,   daughter  of    Sir  Charles  Le  Gross,  who  married 
Nicholas  Barwell,  Esq.,  of  Gray's  Inn. 


279 

London  to  marry  one  Mr.  Burrcl  it  was  well  she  had  not  Mr.  Evarard 
there  is  divers  Gentrie  lose  much  of  there  money  yl  was  in  his  hands, 
being  glad  to  take  a  noble  in  the  pound,  my  husband  had  but  a  very 
little  at  this  time.  My  cosen  Stuteville  paid  1G51  which  was  all  the 
Legacies  due  in  Northamptonshire  there  was  98  pound  taken  out  for 
my  sister  and  selfe  there  remaines  in  her  hands  671  wch  shall  be  payd 
to  them  you  please  to  appoint,  my  cosen  Stute  :  desired  the  receipt 
for  the  poor  of  Lamport  might  be  from  the  chiefe  inhabitants  minister 
and  Church  warden  of  the  Towne.  S'  Nicholas  my  sister  and  selfe 
present  our  duty  and  service  to  your  selfe  and  my  Lady  Isham 

I  am  Sr  yr  obedient  Daughter 

Elizabeth  L'estrange. 

[Judith  Isham  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

March  24th,  1667. 
S', 

I  receiued  yours  of  March  ye  9th  the  20th,  I  hope  you  are  now 

free  from  those  paines  of  the  Stone  and  feare  of  a  Strangury.     My 

Brother l  use  to  be  troubled  wth  that  sharpe  Urine  after  an  ill  fit  of 

the  Stone  wch  would  goe  off  againe ;  his  Grandfather  had  it  much  In 

his  later  time ;  Sr  Edward  Walpole  died  the  last  Wednesday  2  he  was 

Buried  priuately   upon   Thursday   night   as   he    desired,    his    Tutor 

Dr.  Duport 3  was  wth  him  in  his  Sickness  and  his  wiues  Mother  the 

Lady  Crane  to  whom  he  commited  the  care  of  his  children;  Goddards 

Dropps  had  very  ill  effects  gave  him  convulsions  and  a  numbnes  that 

he  was  a  most  sad  spectacle  a  month  Before  he  died.   Dr.  Browne 4  and 

all  his  other  Phisitions  was  very  much  against  his  taking  the  Dropps 

and  he  himselfe  was  not  of  opinion  they  could  do  him  good  till  the  Lord 

Townshend  advised  him  to  take  them ;  I  haue  my  Ague  still  But  I 

thanke  God  it  is  much  more  favorable  then  at  the  Beginning  keeping 

low  diet  and  taking  cooling  broaths  I  had  almost  got  it  away  till  the 

cold  weather  came ;  my  Brother  and  sister  present  their  duties  and 

service  to  my  Lady  wth  the  tender  of  mine  I  rest,  Sr, 

yr  obedient  Daughter 

Judith  Isham. 

1  I.e.,  as  we  say,  her  brother -in-law  Sir  Nicholas  L'Estrange. 

2  18th  March,  as  his  M.  I.  records. 

3  James  Duport,  D.D.  He  had  been  Fellow  of  Trin.  Coll.,  Cambridge,  and 
was  Regius  Professor  of  Greek,  1639 — 1654.  He  was  made  a  Prebendary  of 
Lincoln  in  1641  and  Dean  of  Peterborough  in  1664. 

4  Sir  Thomas  Browne.     He  was  not  knighted  till  1671. 


Sr, 


280 

[Lady  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

April  ye  13th,  1668. 


I  had  yours  this  weeke  of  March.  ye  29,  my  sister  some  while 
since  mentioned  our  loss  of  Sr  Ed :  Walpoole  the  Towne  of  Lin  hath 
chosen  one  Mr  Wright 5  that  married  Bpp  "Wrens  daughter.  Sr  Nicholas 
was  excited  by  many  to  stand,  but  he  declyned  it.  My  sister  is  not 
quite  free  of  her  ague  she  hath  lost  it  two  or  three  times  and  then  it 
comes  againe,  she  is  in  a  cource  of  Phisick  for  it.  I  thanke  God  I  have 
good  health  this  spring,  my  youngest  Girle  hath  not  yet  brought  up 
her  worst  teeth  she  is  often  ill  wth  the  anguish  of  them,  if  you  please 
to  pay  the  money  to  Mr  John  Fisher  at  the  peare  in  the  broad 
Sanctuary  in  Westminster  wee  shall  soone  have  it,  Sr  Nicholas  my 
sister  and  selfe  present  our  humble  dutys  to  your  selfe  and  service  to 
my  Lady.  I  remaine  Sr 

Your  obedient  Daughter 

Elizabeth  L'estrange. 

[Sir  Nicholas  Carew  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

On  Sunday  night  last  about  eight  of  the  clock  my  Wife  was 
safely  deliuered  of  a  lusty  Boy,  and  I  prayse  God  both  of  them 
continew  uerey  well,  we  daly  expect  my  Brother  L'estrange  here  and 
sisters  who  will  be  uery  welcome  espetially  at  this  time;  the  D  of 
Albemarle 6  has  sold  his  plase  of  Master  of  the  Horse  to  the  D : 
of  Buckinghame "  other  alterations  are  talked  of  but  nothing  knowne 
as  yet  perhaps  by  the  next  you  may  here  more  from 

Sr 
Beddingtone  Your  obedient  soon  in  Law 

June  the :  3d :  1668.  Nicholas  Carew. 

5  Robert  Wright  of  Wangford,  co.  Suffolk,  the  infamous  associate  of 
Judge  Jeffreys,  and  much  patronized  by  him.  He  married  as  his  second 
•wife  Susan,  daughter  of  Matthew  Wren,  Bishop  of  Ely,  and  as  his  third  wife 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Chief  Justice  Scroggs.  He  was  an  ignorant  and 
vicious  man,  but  by  the  influence  of  Jeffreys  he  was  made  a  judge,  in  spite 
of  the  Lord  Keeper  North's  protest,  and  became  even  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Common  Pleas  in  1687.  He  died  in  Newgate  in  1690.  There  is  much  about 
him  in  Roger  North's  Lives  of  the  Norths. 

6  Christopher  {Monke}  second  Duke  of  Albemarle. 

7  George  ( Villiers)  second  Duke.  He  was  at  the  head  of  the  Cabinet 
known  as  "the  King's  Cabal,"  which  came  into  office  after  the  banishment 
of  Lord  Clarendon.  The  "alterations"  talked  of  were  those  consequent 
upon  the  break  up  of  the  Clarendon  ministry. 


281 

[Lady  L'estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Octo  :  ye  12th,  68. 

I  received  yours  dated  the  27  7ber  the  10th  of  this.  I  thinke  a 
letter  I  wrott  some  time  since  might  miscarry  I  confess  I  have  not 
sent  lately,  we  are  glad  to  heare  my  Lady  is  so  well  delivered  of  a  son 
my  children  hath  all  bin  sicke  of  a  disease  that  is  called  the  water  or 
swines  pox  and  Sr  Nicholas  is  inolyning  to  the  gout  and  many  are 
troubled  wth  feavors  and  agues  this  hott  unseasonable  weather.  I 
lately  met  wth  Sr  Jacob  Ashly 8  and  his  mother  and  Lady  at  Mrs  Gibons 9 
a  widdow  who  is  to  marry  young  Mr  Woodhouse,  they  did  all  aske  if 
there  was  hopes  of  that  happiness  of  seeing  you  next  summer  in 
Norfolke,  Sr  Justinian  Lewin  1  and  his  Lady  was  here  wth  mee  and  did 
tender  there  seruice  to  you.  Sr  Nicholas  presents  his  duty.  My  sisters 
and  selfo  Injoy  reasonable  Good  health  I  thanke  God ;  we  both 
present  our  duties,  service  to  my  Lady  Isham. 

I  am  Sr  your  obedient  Daughter 

Elizabeth  L'estrange. 

We  hope  Dell  may  prove  a  better  nurs  the  next  time  she  must  not 
fall  off  the  table  for  y*  my  Husband  sayes  might  be  the  destruction 
of  the  puppies. 


When  the  foregoing  letter  was  written  Sir  Nicholas  and 
his  lady  had  enjoyed  six  years  of  almost  uninterrupted 
domestic  happiness.  Quietly  settled  in  their  Norfolk  home, 
and  removed  from  the  dissipation  and  the  vices  of  the 
wicked  court  of  Charles  II.,  they  had  had  "no  history." 
Their  letters  had  little  to  record,  and  their  Norfolk  gossip 
could    rarely   be    of    much    interest    to    their    friends    in 

8  Sir  Jacob  Astley  of  Melton  Constable,  created  Baronet  in  1660.  His 
mother  was  the  Hon.  Elizabeth  Astley,  daughter  of  Jacob  Lord  Astley. 

9  Mercy,  daughter  of  Sir  Philip  Parker  of  Erwarton,  co.  Suffolk,  Knt., 
and  relict  of  William  Guibon  of  Thurston,  Esq.  She  married  (2)  Edmond 
Wodehouse  of  East  Lexham,  Esq. 

1  Of  St.  Bartholomew  the  Less,  London.  He  was  a  Master  in  Chancery, 
and  knighted  for  his  loyalty  12th  May,  1661.  See  General  Memoirs  of  the 
Chester s  of  Chicheley,  p.  411. 


282 

Northamptonshire.  Sir  Nicholas  disliked  politics,  and,  as 
we  have  seen,  declined  to  become  a  Parliament  man,  though 
requested  to  stand  for  Lynn  after  the  death  of  Sir  Edward 
Walpole.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  uncertain  health 
for  some  years,  suffering  from  the  gout  and  other  ailments. 
He  left  behind  him  two  daughters  and,  according  to  some 
authors,  a  son  as  the  issue  of  his  second  marriage.  Of  the 
son  I  know  nothing,  but  the  expression  in  Lady  L'Estrange's 
letter  of  the  12th  October,  1668,  "my  children  hath  all  been 
sicke,"  clearly  implies  that  there  were  more  than  two 
children,  unless  indeed  her  ladyship  includes  the  young 
heir  as  among  her  own.  Of  the  daughters,  according  to 
Blomefield,  Elizabeth,  the  elder,  married  Robert  Tash  of 
Ivor,  co.  Bucks,  Esq. ;  Jane,  the  younger,  became  the  wife 
of  William  Barnsley,  Esq.,  Counsellor-at-law.  Lady 
L'Estrange  at  the  time  of  her  husband's  death  was  in  her 
thirty-seventh  year ;  whether  she  married  again  I  have 
not  ascertained. 

The  following  letter,  which  closes  this  interesting  cor- 
respondence, may  be  left  to  tell  its  own  sad  tale.  The 
writer  was  Sir  Nicholas'  third  brother,  as  appears  by  the 
settlement  made  on  Sir  Nicholas'  marriage  with  Mary 
Coke,  20th  April,  1657,  and  printed  in  extenso  in  the 
Hastings  Peerage.  According  to  this  document  the  brothers 
named  in  the  entail  of  the  estates  are  (1)  John,  (2)  TTilliam, 
(3)  Edward,  (4)  Roger,  (5)  Charles,  (6)  Thomas,  all 
then  living.  The  pedigree,  therefore,  given  in  the 
Norfolk  Visitation  (vol.  L,  p.  QQ)  should  be  corrected,  for  the 
marriage  settlement  can  hardly  be  wrong.  In  the  monu- 
mental inscription  quoted  by  Blomefield  (x.  326)  it  is  stated 
that  Sir  Nicholas  died  on  the  thirteenth  of  December.  It  will 
be  noticed  that  his  brother  Edward,  writing  with  stricter 
regard  to  accuracy,  mentions  that  Sir  Nicholas  died  at  three 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  fourteenth.  He  was  only 
thirty-seven  years  of  age,  and  was  succeeded  in  the  baronetcy 


283 

by   his  son  Nicholas,  who  at  his   father's  death   had    just 
completed  his  eighth  year  : — 

[Mr.  Edward  L'Estrange  to  Sir  Justinian  Isham.] 

Hunstanton,  Decembr  ye  1 5th 

1669. 
Honoured  Sr, 

Since  ye  receiuing  of  yours  of  the  15th  last  past,  it  has  pleased 

ye  all  disposing  providence  of  Almighty  God  to  cause  a  Sad  change  in 

this  family,  by  ye  sudden  death  of  my  Brother  Sr  Nicholas  L'estrange 

who  changed  this   life   for  a   better,  about  three  of  ye  clock  in  ye 

morning,  last  tuesday,  (ye  14th  of  this  instant:)  he  did  complaine  of 

ye  gout  in  his  foot  two  dayes  before  he  died  ;  but  was  not  confined  to 

his  bed,  untill  Munday,  about  six  of  ye  clock  in  ye  afternoone,  when 

he  was  taken  wth  violent  convulsion  fits,  wch  continued  untill  3  of 

ye  clock  next  morning,  ye  time  of  his  departure :  his  Lady  is  left  a 

uery  Sad  Widdow,  for  her  great  and  Suddaine  Losse ;  wch  she  being 

not  able  to  acquaint  you  wth,  her  selfe ;  has  laid  her  comands  upon 

mee,  (wth  ye  tendure  of  her  duty)  to  make  it  knowne  to  you  :  desiring 

your  advice,  and  assistance ;  my  Brother  not  hauing  left  a  will,  y1  can 

be  found;  unlesse  it  be  at  London,  wth  Mr  L'estrange  calthorpe,2  or 

Mr  Jn°.  Fisher ;  who  have  most  of  his  writings  of  concernment  at  this 

time ;  wch  if  you  please  to  puse,  and  to  aduise  her  Ladyship  how  to 

act ;  whether  to  administer,  or  not ;    will  be  a  great  satisfaction  to 

ye  disconsolate  Lady :    her  Ladyship  desires  Madam  Judeth  Isham, 

may  be  acquainted  wth  her  losse,  by  degrees,  least  ye  great  affection 

y*  euer  was  betwixt  my  deceased  Bror  and  her ;   may  occasion   too 

violent  a  passion :  Honoured  Sr  if  I  may  be  any  wayes  service-able, 

to  your  selfe,  or  much  respected  family  ;  you  shall  euer  find  me 

Sr 

Your  most  faithfull  Servant 

Edward  L'estrange. 
Sr  be  pleased  to  present 
my  humble  Service  to 
your  honoured  Lady, 
Madam  Isham  :  and  ye 
Best  of  your  worthy  family  : 

2  Of  G-ressenhall,  co.  Norfolk.  He  was  one  of  the  trustees  under  the 
marriage  settlement  of  Sir  Nicholas  with  his  first  wife,  Mary  Coke,  and  is 
there  described  as  "of  the  Middle  Temple,  London,  Esq."  He  was 
knighted  by  Charles  II.  and  was  made  Serjeant-at-law. 


284 

[I  am  compelled  to  throw  myself  upon  my  readers'  in- 
dulgence for  once,  while  I  depart  from  my  almost  invariable 
custom  of  citing  my  authorities  for  statements  in  the  text 
and  notes  of  this  paper,  which  must  be  more  or  less  new  to 
all  but  experts  in  our  local  and  family  history.  I  can  only 
pledge  my  accuracy  and  good  faith  to  the  assurance  that 
chapter  and  verse  could  in  every  instance  be  produced,  but 
in  the  circumstances  in  which,  for  the  moment,  I  find 
myself,  le  jeu  ne  vaut  pas  la  chandeUe. — A.  J.] 


AN  INDEX  i 


TO    THE 


ftanws  of  %  Htmtnrs  menthmetr  irt 


iltftmM&'a 


Abbey  m.,  Marham,  vii.  374 
Abbot's  m.,  Surlingbam,  v.  470 
Abbot's  m.,  Tibenbam,  v.  281 
Abbot's  m.,  Wymondbam,   ii. 

504 
Aguillon's  m.,  East  Herling,  i. 

318 
Albini  m.,  Sizeland,  x.  178 
Albon's    m.,   Hillington,    viii. 

460 
Aldenbam's  m.,  Weston,  viii. 

289 
Allen's  m.,  Hockwold,  ii.  183 
Almoner's  m.,  Wicklewood,  ii. 

463 
Ampner's  m.,  Wicklewood,  ii. 

463 
Aphaw's   m.,  E.    Tuddenbam, 

x.  279 
Argentein's  m.,  Ketteringbam, 

v.  91 


Arundel  m.,  Beeston,  ix.  463 
Arundel  m.,  Dunbam,  ix.  481 
Asbby  m.,  Snetterton,  i.  427 
Asbe's  m.,  Easton,  ii.  398 
Asbfield  m.,  Beacbamwell,  vii. 

288 
Aspal's  m.,  Swaffbam,  vi.  201 
Astley's     m.,     Blakeney,    ix. 

363 
Astley's  m.,  Melton,  ix.  416 
Astley  m.,  E.  Tuddenbam,  x. 

257 
Aubries  m.,  Scottow,  vi.  343-4 
Aubyn's  m.,  Hillington,   viii. 

460 

Bacon's  m.,  Wacton,  v.  300 
Bacon's  m.,  Edgefield,  ix.  384 
Bacon's  m.,  Loddon,  x.  156 
Baconstborp  m.,  Attleborougb, 
i.  504 


1  This  Index  is  doubtless  very  imperfect,  and  is  intended  to  serve  only  as  a 
draft  of  a  more  complete  one,  to  be  worked  into  my  forthcoming  Index  to  Norfolk 
Topography.  All  corrections,  additions,  &c,  will  be  very  gratefully  received. 
— W.  K. 


286 


Bainard's  m.,  TVramplingham, 

ii.  488 
Bainard's  in.,  Bun  well,  v.  135 
Bainard  Hall  m.,  Barton,  vii. 

277 
Bainard  Hall  m.,  Fincham,  vii. 

352 
Bardolf's  m.,  Cantley,  vii.  228 
Bardolf's   m.,    Islington,    viii. 

472 
Bardolf's   fee,  Terrington,  ix. 

85 
Bardolf's  m.,  Ringstead,  x.  342 
Bardolph's  m.,  Up  well,  vii.  461 
Bardolph's  m.,  Bergh,  x.  197 
Bardolph's  m.,  Caistor,  xi.  202 
Barret's  m.,  Hardwick,  v.  219 
Barrie's  m.,  Rockland,  ii.  286 
Barrie's    m.,    Rocklandtoft,  i. 

480 
Barrv's  m.,  E.  Tuddenham,  x. 

259 
Barton  Burial  in.,  Barton,  vii. 

276 
Barun's     m.,    Cringleford,    v. 

37 
Bavent's  m.,  Besthorp,  i.  497 
Bavent's  m.,  Fritton,  v.  310 
Bavnard's  m.,  TVellingham,  x. 

"  72 
Baynard's  m.,  Holm,  x.  330 
Beacham's  m.,   TTymondham, 

ii.  506 
Beaufo's    m.,  W.   Herling,   i. 

299 
Beaufo's  m.,  W.  Newton,  ix. 

35 
Beaufoe's  m.,  Scottow,  vi  341 
Beaufoe's  m.,  S.  Creak,  vii.  78 
Beaupre  Hall  m.,  Upwell,  vii. 

456 
Beckhall  m,  Banham,  i.  348 
Beckhall  m.,  Wilby,  i.  363 
Beckhall  m.,  Starston,  v.  347 
Bedon  m.,  Stow,  ii.  278 


Beeston    Priory    m.,    Runton, 

viii.  159 
Bekerton  m.,  Stow,  ii.  279 
Belasis  m.,  Emneth,  viii.  405 
Beleter's   m.,    Congham,    viii. 

385 
Belet's  m.,  ^larham,  vii.  377 
Belhonse  m.,  N.  Tuddenham, 

x.  264 
Belhouse's  m.,  TV.  Bilney,  viii. 

353 
Belhouse     m.,    "Wreningham, 

v.  118 
Benefeld's    m.,    Fincham,   vii. 

347 
Berd's  m.,  Hoveton,  xi.  40 
Berde  well's  m.,  Gates  thorp,  i. 

Berdewell's   m.,   W.    Herling, 

i.  299 
Bereford  m.,  Anmere,  viii.  334 
Berford's   m.,   Cringleford,   v. 

34 
Berking  m.,  Rollesby,  xi.  184 
Bernardston's    m.,    Flitcham, 

viii.  414 
Bernham's  m.,   Hellesdon,   x. 

425 
Berningham's  m.,  E.  Barsham, 

vii.  61 
Berrer's  m.,  Holm  Hale,  vi.  10 
Berry's  m.,  Holm,  x.  328 
Bezile's  m.,  Scole,  i.  132 
Bigot's  m.,  Mundford,  ii.  245 
Bigot's  m.,  W.  Tofts,  ii.  258 
Bigot's  m.,  Rainham,  vii.  142 
Bigot's  m.,  Hales,  viii.  16 
Bigot's  m.,  Hunstanton,  x.  321 
Billinglev's  m.,   Runham,   xi. 

243" 
Bilney  m.,  Heverland,  viii.  229 
Binham  Priory  m.,  Ryburgh, 

vii.  169 
Binham   Priory  m.,   Dersing- 

ham,  viii.  394 


287 


Binham  Priory  m.,  Berney,  ix. 

213 
Binham  Priory  m.,  Walsing- 

ham,  ix.  267 
Binham  Priory  m.,  Edgefield, 

ix.  384 
Binham  Priory  m.,  Gunthorp, 

ix.  391 
Binham  Priory  m.,  Kelling,  ix. 

406 
Bintre  m.,  Itteringham,  vi.  476 
Bishop's  m.,  Thornham,  x.  392 
Blackborough  Priory  m.,  Grim- 
ston, viii.  449 
Blackforth  Hall  m.,  Stoke,  v. 

520 
Black  worth  m.,  Stoke  v.  520 
Blomefield's  m.,  Morningthorp, 

v.  294 
Blomevile's    m.,  Depham,    ii. 

491 
Bois'  m.,  Garboldisham,  i.  258 
Bokenham's  m.,  Garboldisham, 

i.  261 
Bokenham's  m.,  "VV.  Herling, 

i.  298 
Bokenham's  m.,  Tottington,  ii. 

361 
Bokenham's  m.,  Carlton  Pode, 

v.  130 
Bole's  m.,  Snoring,  vii.  185 
Bolewike  m.,  Aylsham,  vi.  273 
Bolton's  m.,  Hardwick,  v.  220 
Bolton's  m.,  Starston,  v.  348 
^Botetourt's  m.,  Kimberley,  ii. 

539 
Botetourt's  m.,  Cranworth,  x. 

199 
Botiler's  m.,  Saham,  ii.  330 
Botour's    m.,    Kimberley,    ii. 

539 
Bouton's  m.,  Hardwick,  v.  220 
Bou ton's  m.,  Starston,  v.  348 
Boy  land    m.,    Brisingham,    i. 
*  57 


Bojdand's  m.,  Scole,  i.  132 
Boyland's  m.,  Tasburgh,  v.  214 
Boyland's    m.,    N.    Walsham, 

xi.  75 
Boyland    Hall   m.,    Morning- 
thorp,  v.  291 
Bozoun's  m.,  Caistor,  xi.  205 
Bozun's  m.,  Ovington,  ii.  297 
Bozun's  m.,  Grimston,  viii.  446 
Brampton's  m.,  Winterton,  xi. 

194 
Brancaster  Hall  m.,  Burnham, 

vii.  8 
Brancaster   Hall  m.,    Barton, 

vii.  273 
Branch's  m.,  N.  Barsham,  vii. 

48 
Branston  Hall  m.,Honingham, 

ii.  448 
Breccles  m.,  Breccles,  ii.  275 
Breccles  m.,  Burnham,  vii.  37 
Breccles    m.,    Grimston,    viii. 

441 
Bresingham   m.,   Starston,    v. 

346 
Bretenham's  m.,  Bretenham,  i. 

444 
Breton's  m.,  Shropham,  i.  455 
Breton's     m.,    Witchingham, 

viii.  302 
Brettenham's  m.,  Besthorp,  i. 

498 
Brian's  m.,  Felmingham,xi.  35 
Bridgeham's  m.,   Besthorp,  i. 

498 
Brisingham  m.,  Poydon,  i.  48 
Briton's  m.,  Hethel,  v.  107 
Brockdish    m.,   Wymondham, 

ii.  506 
Brockdish  m.,  Pingland,  viii. 

253 
Brockdish  m.,  Attlebridge,  x. 

400 
Brockdish  Hall   m.,   Burston, 

i.  127 


288 


Brome  Hall  m.,  Norton  i.  243 
Brome's  m.,  S.   Walsham,  xi. 

139 
Bromhall  m.,  Metton,  viii.  139 
Bromliill  m.,  Croxton,  ii.  151 
Bromhill  m.,  Feltwell,  ii.  192 
Bromhill     m.,     Methwold,    ii. 

202 
Bromhill   Priory  m.,   Barton, 

yii.  276 
Bronham   Hall  m.,   Fincham, 

vii.  350 
Brook   Hall  m.,   Dersingham, 

viii.  398 
Brothers    Hall    m.,    Fincham, 

vii.  352 
Broughton'sm.,  Islington,  viii. 

473 
Brussyerd's    m.,    Watlington, 

yii.  478 
Bryan's  m.,  N.  Walsham,  xi. 

76 
Buckenham    Priory    m.,    Gt. 

Barwick,  x.  296 
Buckenham's  m.,    Hillington, 

i.  448 
Buckenham  m.,  "W.   Newton, 

ix.  35 
Bule's  m.,  Breccles,  ii.  276 
Burdeloss  m.,  Scoulton,  ii.  347 
Bures  Hall  m.,  Holm  Hale,  vi. 

10 
Burfield's  m.,  Wyniondham,  ii. 

503 
Burgh's,  De,  m.,  Runham,  xi. 

242 
Burgh    Hall   m.,  Fishley,   xi. 

102 
Burgh  Hall  m.,  Gt.  Ellingham, 

i.  484 
Burgh  wood  m.,  Mileham,  x.  21 
Burgolion'sni.,Kerdeston,  viii. 

241 
Burnham   Hall  m.,  Fincham, 

vii.  350 


Burnvilles   m.,  Bretenham,  i. 

444 
Burtoft's  m.,  Fritton,  v.  310 
Burton  Lazars  m.,  Chosely,  x. 

348 
Bury's    m.,    Hillington,    viii. 

463 
Bury  Abbey  m.,  Howe,  viii.  26 
Burv   Abbey    m.,    Middleton, 

ix.  27 
Burv,  Abbot  of,  m.,  Thorpland, 

vii.  410 
Burv,  Abbot  of,  m.,  Islington, 

viii.  473 
Butler's  m.,  "Wickmere,  vi.  460 
Butler's    m.,    Babingley,   viii. 

348 
Butter's  Hall  m.,  Thompson,  ii. 

372 
Buttley  Priory  m.,  Chat  grave, 

x.  125 
Buttort's  m.,  Thompson,  ii.  372 
Bydon  m.,  Stow,  ii.  278 
Byntre  Hastings  m.,  Brandes- 

ton,  viii.  197 

Caley's   m.,  N.  Barsham,  vii. 

50 
Caley's  m.,  Tittleshall,  x.  66 
Caley's  Hall  m.,  Hitcham,  x. 

309 
Calthorp's  m.,  Wickmere,  vi. 

461 
Calthorp's  m.,  N.  Creak,  vii.  71 
Calthorp's  m.,  Kerdeston,  viii. 

242 
Calthorp's   m.,    Harpley,   viii. 

452 
Calthorp's  m.,  Stanhow,  x.  383 
Calveley  m.,    Beymerston,    x. 

240 
Camois    m.,    Hardin gham,    x. 

222 
Campesse    m.,   Tottington,    ii. 

361 


289 


Campsey  m.,  Stanford,  ii.  252 
Cankewell's   m.,   Beeston,    ix. 

463 
Canon's  m.,  Fran  sham,  ix.  501 
Cantelose  m.,  Hethersett,  v.  26 
Carbonel's  m.,  Rockland  toft,  i. 

478 
Carle's  m.,  Hockwold,  ii.  183 
Carleton  Hall  m.,  Bretenham, 

i.  443 
Castelyn's  m.,   Ketteringham, 

v.  96 
Caster's  m.,  Caistor,  xi.  204 
Castleacre  m.,  Bagthorpe,  vii. 

40 
Castleacre  m.,  Barsham,  vii.  46 
Castleacre  m.,  S.  Creak,  vii.  81 
Castleacre  m.,  Hillington,  viii. 

465 
Castleacre   m.,    Gt.    Massing- 

ham,  ix.  4 
Castleacre  Priory  m.,  "W.  Rud- 

ham,  vii.  159 
Castleacre  Priory  m.,  Sidestern, 

vii.  182 
Castleacre  Priory  m.,  Geyton, 

viii.  431 
Castleacre   Priory,    m.   Grim- 

ston,  viii.  448 
Castleacre  Priory  m.,  Wesen- 

ham  x.  76 
Castleacre  Priory  m.,  Wend- 

ling,  x.  88 
Castleacre  Priory  m.,  Banner, 

vii.  3 
Castle  Hall  m.,  Middleton,  ix. 

29 
Caston  Hall  m.,  Westofts,  ii. 

257 
Caston's  m.,  Cawston,  vi.  261 
Caston's  m.,  Sedgeford,  x.  388 
Catswache  m.,  0.  Buckenham, 

i.  382 
Catton  Hall  m.,  Bretenham,  i. 

443 

VOL.    II.] 


Catt's  m.,  Smallburgh,  xi.  65 
Catt's  cum  Criketot's  m.,  Hev- 

ingham,  vi.  375 
Cavenham  m.,  Stokeferry,  vii. 

438 
Cavenham  m.,  Wereham,  vii. 

503 
Cay  ley's  Hall  m.,  Guist,  viii. 

214 
Chalkhill  m.,  Lerling,  i.  430 
Chamberer's,  the,  m.,Felming- 

ham,  xi.  35 
Chanceler's  or  Chaunticlers  m., 

Attleborough,  i.  505 
Chaneux's    m.,   Tibenham,  v. 

282 
Channon's   m.,    Tibenham,    v. 

282 
Chantry  m.,  Oxburgh,  vi.  179 
Charles'  m.,  Loddon,  x.  154 
Cheppy's  m.,  Diss,  i.  26-27 
Chervile's    m.,    Beachamwell, 

vii.  289 
Chervile's  m.,  Tilney,  ix.  73 
Chevere's  m.,  Ickburgh,  ii.  235 
Child's  m.,  E.  Barsham,  vii.  62 
Chossell's  m.,  Wymondham,  ii. 

504 
Churche's  m.,  Garboldisham,  i. 

261 
Churche's  m.,  !N\  Barsham,  vii. 

50 
Churchman's  m.,  Necton,  vi.  46 
Clare's  m.,  S.  Pickenham,  vi.  71 
Clare's  m.,  Rainham,  vii.  144 
Clare,  Earl  of,   m.,  N.  Creak, 

vii.  71 
Clare's,   Earl  of,  m.,  Clench- 

warton,  viii.  379 
Clare's,  Earl  of,  m.,  Islington, 

viii.  471 
Clare,  Earl  of,  fee,  Tilney,  ix. 

76 
Clare,  Earl  of,  m.,  Walpole,  ix. 

99 


u 


290 


Clare,    Earl  of,  m.,  Walsing- 

ham,  ix.  268 
Clare  m.,  Blakeney,  ix.  363 
Clare  m.,  Hunstanton,  x.  323 
Claver's     or    Clavering's    m., 

Forncett,  y.  259 
Cley  Hall  rn.,  Witchingham, 

viii.  304 
Cobham's  College  m.,  Martham, 

xi.  170 
Cockarell's  m.,  Morley,  ii.  482 
Cocket's  m.,  Necton,  vi.  46 
Cockfield's   ni.,   Hockwold,  ii. 

183 
Cockfield's  m.,  Flitcham,  viii. 

414 
Cockfield's   m.,   Blakeney,  ix. 

361 
Cockfield's  m.,  Melton,  ix.  421 
Cockfield's  m.,  E.  Tuddenham, 

x.  255 
Cock  Street  m.,  Diss,  i.  15 
Cokesford  Priory  m.,  Geyton, 

viii.  435 
Colbourn's  m.,  E.  Dereham,  x. 

207 
Colby's  m.,  Swerdeston,  y.  49 
Coldham  Hall  m.,  Bedenhall, 

y.  369 
Coldham  Hall  m.,  Hindring- 

ham,  ix.  229 
Coldham' s    m.,    Crimplesham, 

yii.  312; 
Colevile's  m.,  Walpole,  ix.  102 
Collard's  m.,  Ashill,  ii.  354 
College  m.,  Crimplesham,  yii. 

311 
Colt's  m.,  Shouldham,  yii.  415 
Comb's  m.,  Fincham,  vii.  347 
Congham's  m.,  Grimston,  yiii. 

446 
Copsv  m.,  Attleborough,  i.  504 
Corbet's  m.,  Billingford,  y.  320 
Corbet's  m.,  Necton,  yi.  46 
Cordel's  m.,  Griinston,  viii.  445 


Cornwall's,  Earl  of,  m.,  Bacton, 

xi.  17 
Costeyn's   m.,  Grimston,   yiii. 

446 
Coxford  m.,  Kilverstone,  i.  543 
Coxford  m.,  Sydistern,  yii.  183 
Coxford   Priory   m.,    Barmer, 

yii.  3 
Coxford  Priory  m.,E.  Rudhani, 

yii.  153 
Coxford     Priory     m.,     Thorp 

Market,  yiii.  173 
Coxford  Priory  m.,  Grimston, 

viii.  444 
Coxford  Priory  m.,  Tittleshall, 

x.  65 
Crabgate  Lancaster  m.,  Wood 

Dalling,  viii.  320 
Crakeford's  m.,  Banningham, 

vi.  328 
Creak  Abbey  m.,  S.  Creak,  vii. 

80 
Creke   Abbey   m.,    Foulsham, 

viii.  206 
Creke's  m.,  E.  Dereham,  x.  207 
Creping'sm.,  Saxthorp,  vi.  498 
Criketot's  m.,  S.  Walsham,  xi. 

139 
Criktot's  m.,  Up  well,  vii.  461 
Crispin's  m.,  Happisburgh,  ix. 

299 
Cromwell's  m.,  Hethersett,  v. 

25 
Crosses  m.,  Depham,  ii.  492 
Crowshall  m  ,  Attleborough,  i. 

504 
Crow's  Hall  m.,  Stow,  ii.  280 
Crudd's   Hall   m.,    Fransham, 

ix.  497 
Crytoft  m.,  Hevingham,  vi.  376 
Curd's  Hill  m.,  Fransham,  ix. 

497 
Curlew's  m.,  Stiffkey,  ix.  250 
Curtey's  m.,  Hilgay,  vii.  370 
Curpell's  m.,  Barton,  vii.  273 


291 


Curple'sm.,  Hemenhale,  v.  185 
Curple  m.,  W.   Dereham,  vii. 

322 
Curple  m.,  Fincham,  vii.  351 
Curson's  m.,  Watton,  ii.  315 
Curson's   m.,    Honingham,   ii. 

449 
Curson's   m.,   Swainsthorp,   v. 

59 
Curson's  m.,  Carlton,  v.  100 
Curson's  m.,  Hethill,  v.  104 

Dageney's  m.,   Northwold,  ii. 

212 
Dagworth  m.,  Gissing,  i.  175 
Dagworth's  m.,  Tibenham,   v. 

281 
Dalling's  m.,  Gissing,  i.  176 
Dame   Kate's   m.,  Wickmere, 

vi.  461 
Dame  Kate's  m.,  Calthorp,  vi. 

519 
D'Aveler's  m.,  Shelfhanger,  i. 

121 
Dean  and  Chapter's  m.,  Thorp, 

vii.  261 
Denevere  m.,  Lerling,  i.  430 
Denham's    m.,    Marham,    vii. 

377 
Denison's     or     Denston     m., 

Mendham,  v.  375 
Denver's  m.,  Walpole,  ix.  110 
Depedale  m.,  Burnham,  vii.  8 
Dereham,      W.,     Abbey     m., 

Tilney,  ix.  73 
Dereham,  W.,  m.,  Hillington, 

viii.  464 
Derham    Abbots    m.,    Barton, 

vii.  276 
Derham  Abbey  m.,  Stradsett, 

vii.  450 
Derham    Abbey   m.,    Up  well, 

vii.  461 
Dertford's    m.,    Gt.    Massing- 

ham,  ix.  1 


Dike  wood  m.,  Dillington  x.  47 
Diss  Rectory  m.,  Diss,  i.  16 
Diver's  m.,  Breccles,  ii.  276 
Dorward's   m.,    W.   Tofts,    ii. 

258 
Dovedale's  m.,  Tacolneston,  v. 

165 
Downham  Hall  m.,  Wymond- 

ham,  ii.  505 
Down's  m.,  Snettesham,  x.  374 
Drayton  Hall  m.,  Seaming  x. 

42 
Dunham's  m.,  Grimston,  viii. 

445 
Dunston's  m.,   Cringleford,  v. 

36 
Dunton's  m.,  Feltwell,  ii.  191 
Dunton's  m.,  Terrington,  ix.  88 

Earl's  m.,  Dickleburgh,  i.  201 
Earl's  m.,  Tacolneston,  v.  169 
Earl's  m.,  Castle  Acre,  viii.  357 
Earl's  m.,  Somerton,  xi.  188 
Earlham's  m.,  Surlingham,  v. 

469 
East  Hall  m.,  Hillington,  i.  447 
East  Hall  m.,  Feltwell,  ii.  192 
East   Hall   m.,   Mundford,   ii. 

245 
East  Hall  m.,  Cley,  vi.  39 
East  Hall  m.,  Gt.  Pagrave,  vi. 

125 
East  Hall  m.,  E.  Barsham,  vii. 

60 
East  Hall  m.,  Barton,  vii.  274 
East  Hall  m.,  Denver,  vii.  317 
East  Hall  m.,  Walcot,  ix.  349 
East  Hall  m.,  Litcham  x.  11 
East  Hall  m.,  Wesenham,  x. 

75 
East   Hall  m.,   Titchwell,    x. 

396 
Easthall  m.,  Depham,  ii.  492 
Easthall  m.,  Colney,  v.  5 
Esthall  m.,  Bereford,  ii.  484 


u2 


292 


East's  m.,  Helmingham,  viii. 

237 
East   Thorp  m.,  W.  Herling, 

i.  299 
Elinghani  Hall  m.,  Hingham, 

ii.  445 
Ellingham's  m.,  Hockwold,  ii. 

183 
Ellingham's  m.,  Edgefield,  ix. 

381 


Fenhall  m.,  Scottow,  vi.  343-4 
Fenn's  m.,  Tilney,  ix.  74 
Ferrer's  m.,  W.  Rudham,  vii. 

158 
Filbie's  m.,  Brisingham,  i.  62 
Filby's  m.,  Roydon,  i.  48 
Fincham's  m.,  Rougham,  x.  32 
Findern's  ni.,  TYyniondham,  ii. 

506 
Fitton's  m.,  "Wigenhall,  ix.  186 


Elwyn's  rn.,  Holm  Hale,  vi.  10  i   Fitz   Osbert's  m.,  Bunwell,  v. 


Ely,  Bishop  of,  m.,  Northwold, 

ii.  210 
Ely,   Bishop  of,  m.,  Felt  well, 

ii.  188 
Ely,    Bishop   of,  m.,    Upwell, 

vii.  455 
Ely,  Bishop  of,  m.,  Emneth, 

viii.  405 
Ely,  Bishop  of,  m.,  Islington, 

viii.  470 
Ely,  Bishop  of,  m.,  Terring- 

ton,  ix.  90 
Ely  m.,  AValpole,  ix.  101 
Ely  m.,  "Walsoken,  ix.  123 
Erpingham  m.,  Wickmere,  vi. 

461 
Escois  m.,  Garboldisham,  i.  260 
Escois  m.,  Helmingham,  viii. 

237 
Eston  Hall  m.,  Thorpland,  vii. 

409 
Easton   Hall  m.,  Wallington, 

vii.  411 

Fareswell    m.,    Fincham,    vii. 

351 
Fawconer's  m.,  E.  Harling,  i. 

318 
Fawconer's  m.,  Quidenham,  i. 

339 
Felbrigg's  m.,  E.  Herling,  i. 

317 
Felbrigg's    m.,    Runton,    viii. 

159 


137 
Flegg  Hall  m.,  Winterton,  xi. 

194 
Flint  Hall  m.,  Bereford,  ii.  489 
Fountevn's   m.,    Runham,   xi. 

243 
Fox's  m.,  Castle  Acre,  viii.  361 
Frevill's    m.,  'Wellingham,  x. 

72 
Frier's  m.,  Shelfhanger,  i.  120 
Fulbourne    Hall   m.,    Swains- 

thorpe,  v.  59 
Furneaux's  m.,  W.  Herling,  i. 

299 

Galthorp  m.,  Swerdeston,  v.  50 
Grambon's  m.,  Runhall,  ii.  474 
Grambon's  m.,  Skeyton,  vi.  361 
Gambon's  m.,  Whitwell,  viii. 

292 
Garleck's    m.,    Gatesthorp,    i. 

252 
Gawdv  Hall  m.,  Redenhall,  v. 

369 
Gaynes  m.,  Ashill,  ii.  354 
Geist    Regis    m.,    Guist,    viii. 

214 
Gelham's  m.,  Crownthorp,  ii. 

401 
Gelham's  m.,  Carleton,  ii.  404 
Gelham  m.,  "Wood  Norton,  viii. 

312 
Gelham  Hall  m.,  Dersingham, 

viii.  395 


293 


Gerberge's  m.,  Erpingham,  vi. 

420 
Gerbridge  m.,  "Wood  Norton, 

viii.  312 
Geyton's    m.,    Grimston,    viii. 

446 
Geyton  Well  Hall  m.,  Mint- 

lyng,  viii.  427 
Gissinghall  m.,  Roy  don,  i.  46 
Gissinghall  m.,  Gissing,  i.  173 
Glosebrig's  m.,  Gt.  Cressing- 

ham,  vi.  97 
Godard's  m.,  Terrington,  ix.  89 
Godard's  m.,  Walpole,  ix.  110 
Godscroft   m.,    S.   Lynn,    viii. 

541 
Goldingham's   m.,   Hethel,   v. 

107 
Gonvile's  m.,  Lerling,  i.  429 
Gonvile's  m.,  "Wymondham,  ii. 

503 
Goodson's  m.,  Lophara,  i.  231 
Gourney's   m.,    Harpley,    viii. 

454 
Grace's  m.,  Narburgh,  vi.  150 
Grandcourt  m.,  Fincham,  vii. 

354 
Grange   m.,  Old  Buckenham, 

i.  382 
GrangvillesRockell's  ra.,  Stoke, 

v.  521 
Greenesvill  m.,  Stoke,  v.  521 
Green  gate's  m.,   Hoveton,   xi. 

40 
Green's  Hall  m.,  Rougham,  x, 

32 
Greshaugh    m.,    Wacton,     v. 

300 
Greyston's  m.,  Tittleshall,   x. 

66 
Grey's  m.,  Banham,  i.  347 
Grimston's  m.,  Grimston,  viii. 

446 
Grishagb  m.,  "Wymondham,  ii. 

501 


Groose's  m.,  Holm  Hale,  vi.  10 
Grymes'  m.,  Snetterton,  i.  426 
Gunton's  m.,  Seaming,  x.  39 
Gunshaw's  m.,  Starston,  v.  348 
Gurnay's  m  ,  Scottow,  vi.  343 
Gurney's  m.,   Rockland   Toft, 

i.  479 
Gurney's  m.,  Hingbam,  ii.  445 
Gurney's  m.,  Hardingham,  x. 

224 

Hackbcach  m.,   Emnetb,   viii. 

403 
Hackford's   m.,    Bridgbam,   i. 

438 
Hackford     m.,    Tibcnbam,    v. 

284 
Hackford  m.,  Frenge,  x.  304 
Hackford  Hall  m.,  W.  Herling, 

i.  38 
Hacon's  m.,  Great  Melton,  v. 

15 
Hacon's  m.,  Hethersett,  v.  25 
Hacon's  m.,  Snettesbam,  x.  374 
Hadeston's    m.,     B  unwell,    v. 

135,  139 
Hakun's  m.,  Gt.  Melton,  v.  15 
Hale  m.,  Holm  Hale,  vi.  8 
Hales  m.,  Warham,  ix.  263 
Hales  m.,  Holt,  ix.  397 
Hales  Hall  m.,  Houghton,  viii. 

157 
Hall  Close  m.,  Burnbam,  vii. 

21 
Hall  Place  m.,  S.  Lynn,  viii. 

542 
Hall's  m.,  Witcbingham,  viii. 

302 
Hammond's  m.,  E.  Bradenham, 

vi.  138 
Harsick's  m.,  Dunham,  ix.  481 
Haspal's  in.,  Swaffham,  vi.  201 
Hasting's  m.,  Gissing,  i.  168 
Hastings  Hall  m.,  Iriuingland, 

vi.  323 


294 


Hastvng's   m.,    Tibenham,    v. 

281 
Hautevn'sm.,Barnham  Broom, 

ii.  380 
Hautevn's    m.,    Hellesdon,  x. 

427 
Hauvile's  m.,  Kettleston,  vii 

112 
Hauvil's  m.,  Rainham,  vii.  139 
Havell's  m.,  Northwold,  ii.  214 
Havile's  m.,  Rainhara,  vii.  139 
Hawker's   m.,    Pedenhall,    v. 

370 
Hawkins'  m.,Barnhani  Broom, 

ii.  380 
Haw's  m.,  Sail,  viii.  271 
Hemenhale's   m.,    Fritton,    v. 

310 
Hemenhale's   m.,   Pulham,   v. 

403 
Hempton  Priory  m.,   Norton, 

vii.  117 
Hempton  Priory  m.,  Toftrees, 

vii.  202 
Hengham's  m.,  Bale,  ix.  357 
Hereford  m.,  Colney,  v.  12 
Hereford  m.,   Grressenhall,  ix. 

515 
Hereford's    m.,  Wendling,  x. 

88 
Hereward's  m.,  TTickmere,  vi. 

460 
Herford's  m.,  Easton,  ii.  398 
Heringshawe   m.,    Dillington, 

x.  47 
Herling's   m.,  E.   Herling,   i. 

319 
Hern  Hall  m.,  Barton,  vii.  273 
Hertford  m.,  Colney,  v.  12 
Hervey's  m.,  Sahara,  ii.  330 
Hethersett's   m.,    Cringleford, 

v.  36 
Hetherset's  m.,  TTymondham, 

ii.  505 
Hewode  (?)  m.,  Diss,  i.  13 


Heylesdon's    m.,    Cringleford, 

v.  35 
Heywood  Hall  m.,  Diss,  i.  12 
Hill's  m.,  Wramplingham,  ii. 

488 
Hockham's  m.,  Quidenham,  i. 

338 
Hockham's   m.,  Gt.  Cressing- 

ham,  vi.  97 
Hoe's  m.,  Shelfhanger,  i.  117 
Hoe's  m.,  Denton,  v.  408 
Hoe's  m.,  Ingworth,  vi.  367 
Holebrook   m.,  Aldeburgh,  v. 

351 
Holebrook   m.,    Redenhall,   v. 

369 
Holkham's  m.,  Holm,  x.  328 
Holm  Abbots  m.,  Paston,  xi.  57 
Holveston  m.,  Heverland,  viii. 

229 
Holywell  m.,  Blakeney,  ix.  363 
Holywell's  m.,  E.  Tuddenham, 

x.  257 
Hoo    Hall  in.,   Morningthorp, 

v.  294 
Hook   Hall   m.,   Calthorp,   vi. 

519 
Hopton  House  m.,  Little  Cres- 

singham,  vi.  109 
Horford  Hall  m.,  Honingham, 

ii.  448 
Horning  Hall  m.,  Caistor,  xi. 

210 
Horsham     Priory     m.,     Hel- 

houghton,  vii.  103 
Hospital  m.,  Hethel,  v.  107 
Hovil's  m.,  Xorthwold,  ii.  214 
How's  m.,  Topcroft,  x.  187 
Howard's  m.,  Saham,  ii.  330 
Howard's   m.,  Terrington,  ix. 

86 
Howard's  m.,  E.  Walton,  ix. 

146 
Howard's   m.,  S.  Wooton,  ix. 

200 


295 


Hugglesford   m.,    N.   Picken- 

ham,  vi.  65 
Hunt's  m.,  Tasburgb,  v.  215 
Huntingfield  Hall  m.,  E.  Bra- 

denham,  vi.  136 
Huntingfield's  m.,  Bacton,  xi. 

18 

Ilketeshale  m.,  Kelling,  ix.  403 
Ingaldesthorpe's  m.,  Wimbots- 

ham,  vii.  517 
Ingaldesthorp   m.,  Downhain, 

vii.  339 
Ingaldesthorp's    m.,    Emneth, 

viii.  405 
Ingaldesthorp's  m.,  Islington, 

viii.  470 
Ingaldesthorp  m.,  Snettisbam, 

x.  275 
Inglethorp's  m.,  Rainham,  vii. 

122 
Inglose's  m.,  Loddon,  x.  157 
In  the  Brakes  m.,  Gt.  Barwick, 

x.  295 
Ireland's  m.,  Fersfield,  i.  92 
Irmingland's  m.,  StifFkev,  ix. 

249 
Isaack's  m.,  E.  Beckbam,  viii. 

85 

Jernegan's  m.,  Hetbell,  v.  105 
Joce's   m.,    Beacbamwell,    vii. 

288 

Kangbam's  m.,  Ketteringbam, 

v.  97 
Kemp's  m.,  Gatestborp,  i.  254 
Kenwick's  m.,  Tilney,  ix.  78 
Kerdeston  m.,  E.  Huston,  ix. 

338 
Kerball  m.,  Snetterton,  i.  427 
Keritoft   m.,    Hevingbam,    vi. 

376 
King's    m.,  Walsingbam,   ix. 

267 


King's  m.,  tbe,  Stanbow,  x. 
382 

Kingsball  m.,  Mendbam,  v. 
380 

Kirkhall  Moyne's  m.,  Rock- 
land Toft,  i.  479 

Knapele's  m.,  Depbam,  ii.  492 

Knolle's  m.,  E.  Barsbam,  vii. 
61 

Kybald  Hall  m.,  Caltborp,  vi. 
520 

Ladies'  m.,   Rockland  Toft,  i. 

481 
Lancaster's   m.,   Aylsbam,   vi. 

269 
Langetot  m.,  Brandeston,  viii. 

198 
Langetot's     m.,    Stanford,    ii. 

251 
Langley  m.,  Rusball,  v.  341 
Langley  m.,  Surlingbam,  v.  470 
Langley     Abbots    m.,    Kirby 

Bedon,  v.  478 
Langley  Abbey  m.,  Hecking- 

bam,  viii.  23 
Langley  Abbey  m.,   Tburton, 

x.  181 
Langwade  m.,  Cley,  vi.  38 
Latbe's  m.,  Hoveton,  xi.  40 
Latimer's  m.,  Fouldon,  vi.  29 
Latimer's   m.,    South   Picken- 

bam,  vi.  70 
Latimer's  m.,  Bacton,  xi.  19 
Latymer's  m.,  Great  Carbrook, 

ii.  342 
Laund  Hall  m.,  Saxtborp,  vi. 

498 
Launde's    m.,     Tibenbam,    v. 

284 
La  Vile's  m.,  Wacton,  v.  300 
Leeche's  m.,  Olton,  vi.  373 
Lenwade's    m.,    AVeston,    viii. 

289 
Levisbagb  m.,  Buxton,  vi.  445 


296 


Lewes  Priory  m.,   Tilney,  ix. 

78 
Lewes  Priory  m.,  Terrington, 

ix.  92 
Lewes  Priory  m.,  "Walpole,  ix. 

Ill 
Lewes    Priory   m.,    W.    Wal- 

soken,  ix.  132 
Lewes  Priory  m.,  Hitcham,  x. 

308 
Lewes  Priory  m.,  Shernbourn, 

x.  359 
Lewis  m.,  Hillington,  viii.  465 
Lexham's   m.,  Burnham,    vii. 

37 
Limesi's    m.,    Didlington,    vi. 

89 
Lingarth  Hall  m.,  North  Wals- 

ham,  xi.  75 
Lingwise  m.,  Breccles,  ii.  276 
Littlebreeche  m.,  Rockland,  v. 

469—484 
Little  hall  m.,  Denton,  v.  409 
Littlewell    m.,    Fincham,    vii. 

346 
Longrowe's   m.,  Tibenham,  v. 

281 
Longueville's  m.,  Weston,  viii. 

285 
Longueville's    m.,    Witching- 

ham,  viii.  298 
Losehall   m.,   Plunistead,   viii. 

147 
Lose  Hall  m.,  Hempstead,  ix. 

393 
Lo veil's   m.,  Barton  Bendish, 

vii.  270 
Lovell's  m.,  West  Walton,  ix. 

135 
Lovell's    m.,    Hunstanton,    x. 

323 
Lovell's  m.,  Southmere,  x.  363 
Loveney's  m.,  Tharston,  v.  304 


Loverd's    m.,    Shelf  hanger,    i. 

123 
Luton  Fee  m.,  Guist,  viii.  214 
Lyngate    Hall    m.,    N.    Wal- 

sham,  xi.  75 
Lyon's  m.,  Weston,  viii.,  289 

Macham's   m.,    Tottington,   ii. 

361 
Malherbe's  ra.,  Newton,  v.  65 
Manclerk's 2  m.,  Dickleburgh,  i. 

20-3 
Manegrene  m.,  Swerdeston,  v. 

51 
Mantelake's   m.,  Dickleburgh, 

i.  203 
Marshall's  m.,  Banham,  i.  345 
Marshall's  m.,  Tilney,  ix.  75 
Marshall's  m.,  Terrington,  ix. 

88 
Marsh's  m.,  Walpole,  ix.  102 
Marshe's  m.,  Walsoken,  ix.  123 
Marshe's  ra.,  Stanhow,  x.  382 
Mart-ham's   m.,  Tottington,  ii. 

361 
Massingham   m.,   Hilgay,   vii. 

370 
Mauteby's  m.,  Briston,  ix.  377 
Mauteby's  m.,   Winterton,  xi. 

194 
Mauteby's   Hall  m.,  Sparham, 

viii.  259 
Mavnwarvn's  m.,  E.  Harling, 

■  i.  317 
Mekil  Hall  m.,  Saxthorpe,  vi. 

497 
Melding  Hall  m.,  Burston,  i. 

128 
Melton's  m.,  Colney,  v.  5 
Melton  Hall  m.,  Colney,  v.  12 
Merk's  m.,  Redenhall,  v.  370 
Metefield    m.,    Mendham,    v. 

386 


2  Probably  an  error  for  Mawclerk's  m. 


297 


Mey's  m.,  Cawston,  vi.  261         I   Myles'  m.,  Newton,  v.  65 
Middleton's  m.,  Brisingham,  i.      Myles  als.  Ranthorp  m.,  New- 


60 
Middleton's  m.,  Witchingham, 

viii.  301 
Mikelker  m  ,  Bereford,  ii.  484 
Mill's  m.,  Newton,  v.  65 
Moigne's  m.,  Wreningham,  v. 

119 
Mondford's     m.,    Stanford,    ii. 

252 
Money's  m.,  "Wreningham,  v. 

119 
Monk's  Hall  m.,  Kilver stone, 

i.  541 
Monk's  m.,  Great  Massingham, 

ix.  4 
Monk's  m.,  Terrington,  ix.  88 
Monock's  m.,  Ashill,  ii.  354 
Monpinzoun's  m.,  W.  Bilney, 

viii.  355 
Montfort's   m.,   Garboldisham, 

i  255 
More  Hall  m.,  Sail,  viii.  272 
Morley's    m.,    Grimston,    viii. 

447 
Mortimer's  m.,  Rockland  Toft, 

i.  480 
Mortimer's   m.,  Attleborough, 

i.  506 
Mortimer's    m.,    Stanford,    ii. 

251 
Mortimer's  m.,  Scoulton,  ii.  346 
Mortimer's  m.,  Tottington,  ii. 

358 
Mowle's  m.,  East  Dereham,  x. 

207 
Mudigwell    m.,    Shropham,    i. 

458 
Multon's  m.,  East  Harling,  i. 

317 
Mundeford  m.,  Hockewold,  ii. 

181 
Mushell's   m.,  Hunstanton,  x. 
322 


ton,  v.  64 

Narburgh's  m.,  Southacre,  vi. 

80 
Neleshall  m.,Fincham,  vii.  348 
Nerford's  m.,  Wreningham,  v. 

119 
Nerford's  m.,  Tharston,  v.  304 
Nerford's  m.,  Shotesham,  v.  503 
Nerford's    m.,    Houghton,    ix. 

245 
Nerford's  m.,  Cley,  ix.  377 
Nerford's  m.,  Holt,  ix.  395 
Netherall  m.,  Caistor,  v.  427 
Nether   Hall   m.,    Shelton,    v. 

263 
Netherhall     m.,    Itteringham, 

vi.  473 
Netherhall     m.,    Cantley,    vii. 

228 
Netherhall  m.,  Barton,  vii.  275 
Netherhall    m.,    Buxton,    vii. 

299 
Netherhall  m.,  Hillington,  viii. 

463 
Netherhall   m.,    Hickling,    ix. 

303 
Netherhall  m.,  Litcham,  x.  9 
Nevile's  m.,  Hethel,  v.  107 
Nevill's  m.,  Ellingham,  viii.  5 
New  Hall  m.,  Fersfield,  i.  77 
New  Hall  m  ,  Snetterton,  i.  427 
Newhall  m.,  Roudham,  i.  433 
New   Hall   m.,  Fincham,    vii. 

348 
New   Hall   m.,   Tittleshall,  x. 

65 
Newland's  m.,  Scoulton,  ii.  347 
Newland's   m.,    Fincham,    vii. 

348 
Noion's  m.,  Bale,  ix.  357 
Noon's  m.,  Tilney,  ix.  74 
Norman's  m.,  Wells,  ix.  282 


298 


Northall   m.,    West    Kudham, 
vii.  160 

Northall  m.,  Warham,  ix.  262 
North  Hall  m.,  Wesenham,  x. 

77 
Nor  then  Hall  m.,  Seaming,  x. 

39 
Norton  Hall  ni.,  Wood  Norton, 

viii.  313 
Norwich,  Bishop  of,   m.,  East 

Bilney,  ix.  461 
Norwich,  Dean  and  Chapter's 

m.,  Hardingham,  ix.  226 
Norwich     Priory   m.,    Hemp- 
stead, ix.  393 
Norwich  Priory  m.,  Sedgeford, 

x.  386 
Norwich  Priory  m.,  Thornham, 

x.  392 
Nothe's   m.,  Wymondham,   ii. 

503 
Nower's  m.,  Hindringham,  ix. 

227 
Nower's  m.,  Elmham,  ix.  489 
Nowers  Hall  m.,  Itteringham, 

yi.  473 
Nugoun's  m.,  Sail,  viii.  270 
Nugun's  m.,  Bale,  ix.  347 

Ode's  m.,  Oxburgh,  vi.  179 
Old    Hall    m.,    Snetterton,    i. 

423 
Old  Hall  m.,  Narford,  vi.  229 
Old  Hall  m.,  Marham,  vii.  375 
Old  Hall  m.,  Dersingham,  viii. 

398 
Oldhall's     m.,    Fransham,    ix. 

496 
Oldhall  m.,  East  Dereham,  x. 

207 
Oldland's  m.,  Scoulton,  ii.  346 
Olland's  m.,  Scoulton,  ii.  346 
Orreby's  m.,  Tibenham,  v.  280 
Osborne's  m.,  Kirby  Bedon,  y. 

478 


Otringhithe  m.,  Methwold,  ii. 

203 
Oyerhall  m.,  Shelton,  y.  263 
Overhall  m.,  Caistor,  v.  426 
Overhall  m.,  Buxton,  yii.  299 
Oyerhall  m.,  Hickling,  ix.  302 


Page's  m.,  Besthorp,  i.  498 
Page's  m.,  Saham,  ii.  329,  330 
Pakenham's  m.,   Shropham,  i. 

455 
Pakenham     m.,    Dersingham, 

viii.  392 
Palgrave's   m.,    Wymondham, 

ii.  505 
Panclose    m.,    Surlingham,    v. 

467 
Pannel's  m.,  Walpole,  ix.  112 
Pan  worth  Hall  m.,   Ashill,  ii. 

354 
Paradise  m.,  Stradset,  vii.  450 
Parishes'  or  Parys'  m.,  Snet- 
terton, i.  426 
Parks'  m.,  Hedenham,  x.  143 
Paveli's  m.,  Ryburgh,  vii.  168 
Payone's  m.,  Denton,  v.  410 
Peak    Hall   m.,  Tittleshall,  x. 

67 
Pecche's  m  ,  Diss,  i.  12 
Peche  m.,  Bacton,  xi.  19 
Penne's  m.,  Hethel,  v.  105 
Pentney  Priory  m.,  East  Wal- 
ton, ix.  143 
Pentney  Priory  m.,  E.  Winch, 

ix.  151 
Pentney  Priory  m.,  W.   Dere- 
ham, vii.  322 
Perer's  m.,  Holt,  ix.  396 
Per  now  Hall  m.,  Hindringham, 

ix.  228 
Petegar's   m.,    Congham,  viii. 

385 
Peterston  Priory  m.,  Burnham, 
vii.  23 


299 


Peter's    Hall  m.,    B unwell,  v. 

137 
Peverell's  m.,  Gt.  Melton,  v.  16 
Peverell's  m.,  Carlton,  v.  102 
Pinkeny's   m.,   Tattersett,  vii. 

193 
Plais'  m.,  W.  Bradenham,  vi. 

144 
Plasset  or  Plassing    Hall   m., 

Besthorp,  i.  496 
Plasset   or   Plassing  Hall  m., 

Attleburgh,  i.  503 
Poinings  m.,  Hockwold,  ii.  179 
Pouring's   m.,    Flitcham,    viii. 

412 
Polstede   Hall   m.,    Burnham, 

vii.  33 
Polsted  Hall  m.,  Burnham,  vii. 

16 
Pomfret's   m.,    Burnham,    vii. 

21 
Pomfret's  m.,   Kettleston,   vii. 

112 
Popenhow  m.,   Walsoken,    ix. 

121 
Pope's  m.,  Runhall,  ii.  475 
Priory  m.,  Old  Buckenhani,  i. 

382 
Priory  m.,  New  Buckenham,  i. 

396  ' 
Priory  m.,  Brisingham,  i.  62 
Priory  m.,  Aslacton,  v.  179 
Prior's  m.,  Ingworth,  vi.  367 
Prior's  m.,  Thorp,  vii.  261 
Prior's  Thorns  m.,  Swaffham, 

vi.  205 

Pain  thorp  Hall  m.,  Newton,  v. 
65 

Rainthorp  Hall  m.,  Rainthorp, 
v.  217 

Ramsey,  Abbot  of,  m.,  Down- 
ham,  vii.  338 

Ramsey,  Abbot  of,  m.,  Wim- 
botsham,  vii.  516 


Pamsey  Abbot's  m.,  Walsoken, 

ix.  121 
Peed  Hall  m.,  Congham,  viii. 

384 
Peed  Hall  m.,  Grimston,  viii. 

446 
Peedham's  m.,  Woodrising,  x. 

279 
Peedham  Hall  m.,  Fishley,  xi. 

102 
Peedham  m.,  Caistor,  xi.  204 
Reefham   Hall   m.,   Helming- 

ham,  viii.  237 
Pees'  m.,  Stratton,  v.  203 
Peynham  m.,  Burnham,  vii.  37 
Richmond's  Fee  m.,  Islington, 

viii.  472 
Pichmond  m.,  E.  Walton,  ix. 

144 
Rifley's  m.,  Depham,  ii.  492 
Pipton  Hall  m.,   Hevingham, 

vi.  375 
Pivett's  m.,  W.  Newton,  ix.  35 
Robert's  m.,  Depham,  ii.  492 
Pochford's  m.,  E.  Barsham,  vii. 

59 
Pochford's  m.,  Kettleston,  vii. 

113 
Pochford's  m.,  Walpole,  ix.  104 
Pode  Hall  m.,  Carleton  Pode, 

v.  129 
Pokele's  m.,  Watton,  ii.  3J5 
Pokele's  m.,  Trowse,  v.  459 
Posceline's  m.,  Poringland,  v. 

444 
Pose's  m.,  Fersfield,  i.  92 
Pose's  m.,  S.  Creak,  vii.  80 
Poss's  m.,  Whitwell,  viii.  294 
Poss's  m.,  Houghton,  ix.  245 
Poss's  m.,  Holt,  ix.  395 
Poss's  m.,  Cley,  ix.  377 
Pothyng  Hall  m.,  Bretenham, 

i.  444 
Pous's  m.,  Dunham,  ix.  483 
Rouse's  m.,  E.  Lexham,  x.  6 


300 


Rusteline's  m.,  Poringland,  v. 

444 
Rusteyn's  m.,  Wymondham,  ii. 

501 
Rusteyn's  m.,   Congham,   viii. 

384 
Rusteyn's  m.,   Shernbourn,  x. 

353 
Rusteyn's   m.,    Snettisham,  x. 

373 
Rutting  Hall  m.,  Brettenham, 

i.  444 
Ryley's  m.,  Gt.  Cressingham, 

vi.  97 

Sackville's  m.,   Flitcham,  viii. 

413 
Saham  m.,  Bereford,  ii.  484 
Saham  Tony's  m.,  Saham,   ii. 

324 
St.  Andrew's  m.,  Hingharn,  ii. 

443 
St.  Bennet's  m.,    Antingham, 

viii.  78 
St.   Bennett's  m.,   Winterton, 

xi.  195 
St.  Bennett's  m.,   Caistor,   xi. 

203 
St.   Bennet's  m.,  S.  Walsham, 

xi.  140 
St.  Cleere's  m.,  N.  Tuddenham, 

x.  263 
St.    Faith's  m.,    Helhoughton, 

vii.  103 
St.   Faith's   m.,  W.   Rudham, 

vii.  160 
St.   Faith's  m.,    Rudham,    vii. 

170 
St.  Margaret's  m.,   Burgh,  xi. 

153 
St.   Martin's  m.,  E.  Barsham, 

vii.  60 
St.  Omer's  m.,  Tharston,  v.  304 
Salkerk  Hall  m.,  Sail,  viii.  272 
Sal  trey  m.,  S  waff  ham,  vi.  205 


Sawtrey  m.,  Swaffham,  vi.  205 
Saxlingham's  m.,  Olton,  vi.  373 
Saye's  m.,  Stratton,  v.  198 
Scale's  m.,  Hockwold,  ii.  180 
Scale's  m.,  Rainham,  vii.  138 
Scale's  m.,  Barton,  vii.  275 
Scale's  m.,  Islington,  viii.  469 
Scales  Hall  m.,  Middleton,  ix.  21 
Scales  How  m.,  S.  Lynn,  viii. 

542 
Schadewell  m.,   Rush  worth,   i. 

287 
Seaman's  m.,  Morningthorp,  v. 

294 
Seckford  m.,  "W.  Harling,  i.  308 
Seckford  m.,  Tibenham,  v.  284 
Semere's  m.,  Mendham,  v.  377 
Semere  Hall  m.,  Norton,  i.  244 
Sexton's  m.,  Aylsham,  vi.  272 
Shadwell's  m.,  Morley,  ii.  482 
Sharnborn's  in.,  Snettisham,  x. 

374 
Shernbourn's  m.,  Rainham,  vii. 

142 
Shouldham's  m.,  Marham,  vii. 

379 
Shouldham  Priory  m.,  Dersing- 

ham,  viii.  396 
Shouldham  Priory  m.,  "Wigen- 

hall,  ix.  183 
Sibton  m.,  Croxton,  ii.  151 
Sileham  Comitis  m.,  Mendham, 

v.  374 
Skeyton  Hall  m.,  Tibenham,  v. 

284 
Skeyton  Hall  m.,   Thweyt,  vi. 

469 
Smallburgh  m.,  Honing,  xi.  44 
Snape  Hall  m.,  Stratton,  v.  193 
Snore  Hall  m.,  Barton,  vii.  274 
Snorehall    in.,    Fordham,    vii. 

367 
Snoring  m.,  Flitcham,  viii.  414 
Somerton  Hall  in.,  Thwej^t,  vi. 

469 


301 


South  Hall  m.,  Feltwell,  ii.  190 
Southall  m.,   N.  Barsham,  vii. 

47 
South  Hall  m.,  Guist,  viii.  214 
South   Hall  m.,    Wellingham, 

x.  72 
Sparham  Hall  m.,   Necton,  vi. 

46 
Sparked  ni.,Tacolneston,  v.  167 
Sparrow's  m.,  Oxburgh,  vi.  179 
Spicer's  m.,  Hoveton,  xi.  40 
SpinvilTs  m.,  Feltwell,  ii.  191 
Springwell's  m.,  Wymondham, 

ii.  506 
Stafford's  m.,  Wells,  ix.  282 
Stafford's  m.,  Wyveton,  ix.  452 
Stalham   Hall   m.,  Burgh,   xi. 

153 
Stal worthy's  m.,  Wymondharu, 

ii.  503 
Stanfield    Hall    m.,   Wymond- 

ham,  ii.  501 
Stanford's  m.,  Stanford,  ii.  252 
Stanford's   m.,    Tottington,    ii. 

361 
Sterling's  m.,  Cawston,  vi.  261 
Stewkey's    m.,    Hockwold,    ii. 

183 
Stewkey    Hall    ra.,    Sparham, 

viii.  256 
Stoke  Clare  Priory  m.,  Crim- 

plesham,  vii.  311 
Strange's    m.,    Tottington,    ii. 

359 
Strange's  m.,   Little  Pagrave, 

vi.  127 
Strange's    m.,  E.    Walton,   ix. 

146 
Straw  Hall  m.,   Gt.  Cressing- 

ham,  vi.  98 
Street  Hall  m.,  Gt.  Cressing- 

ham,  vi.  98 
Street  Hall  m.,  Witchingham, 

viii.  305 
Stubbe's  m.,  Scottow,  vi.  343-4 


Sturmer  or  Sturmyn's  m.,  Strat- 

ton,  v.  193 
Sturmer  or  Sturmin's  m.,  Pul- 

ham,  v.  404 
Sunderland's  m.,  S.  Walsham, 

xi.  139 
Swan's  m.,  Shotesham,  v.  512 
Swanton's  m.,  Foulsham,  viii. 

205 
Swathing's  m.,  Fransham,  ix. 

497 
Swathing's   m.,    Hardingham, 

x.  224 
Sybeton   Hall   m.,  Thorpland, 

vii.  409 
Sybeton  Hall  m.,  Wallington, 

vii.  411 

Talbot's  m.,  Crimplesham,  vii. 

312 
Talbot's  Hall  m.,  Fincham,  vii. 

345 
Tatersale's  m.,  Tibenham,  v.  280 
Tatishale's  m.,  Babingley,  viii. 

349 
Tattishale's  m.,  Congham,  viii. 

385 
Thetford  Monks'  m.,   Totting- 
ton, ii.  361 
Thorp's  m.,  Bunwell,  v.  141 
Thorphall  m.,  Saxlingham,  v. 

497 
Thuxton's    m.,    Wymondham, 

ii.  506 
Timworth  m.,  West  Dereham, 

vii.  322 
Tintern  Abbey  m.,  Acle,  xi.  93 
Titleshale  m.,  Holme,  vii.  403 
Tofts  m.,  West  Tofts,  ii.  257 
Tofthall  m.,  Shotesham,  v.  511 
Tonwell  m.,  Wimbotsham,  vii. 

517 
Topcroft  m.,  Denton,  v.  406 
Trusbutt's  m.,  Roudham,  i.  433 
Trusbutt's  m.,  Holme,  vii.  404 


302 


Trusbutt's  m.,  Shouldbam,  vii. 

415 
Tufts  m.,  Boydon,  i.  47 
Tunbridge,  Prior  of,  m.,  Crim- 

pleshani,  vii.  312 
Tunstead  m.,  Ranworth,  xi.  114 
Turteville's  m.,  Witchingbam, 

viii.  303 
Turteville's    m.,    Stiffkev,    ix. 

249 
Tusard's   m.,    Erpingham,    vi. 

420 
Twait's  m.,  Hethel,  v.  107 
Tvdd's  m.,  Feltwell,  ii.  192 
Tye  Hall  m.,  Weston,  viii.  286 
Tyrington  Hall  m.,  Middleton, 

ix.  29 


Ufford's  m. 
Ufford's  m. 
Upball  ni., 
Upball  m., 
TJpball  m., 
Upball  in., 
Upball  m., 
Upball  m., 
Upball  m., 
Upball  m., 


,  Stanford,  ii.  252 
,  Cromer,  viii.  103 
Tivetsball,  i.  207 
Runball,  ii.  474 
Tasburgb,  v.  214 
Wickmere,  vi.  461 
Cantley,  vii.  229 
Harpley,  viii. r4 5 7 
Hillington,  viii.  462 
Frenge,  x.  304 


Yance's  m.,  Pulbam,  v.  404 
Yaux's  m.,  Easton,  ii.  398 
Yaux's  m.,  Pulbam,  v.  404 
Yaux's  m.,  Sbotesbam,  v.  503 
Yaux's  m.,  East  Ruston,  ix.  338 
Yaux's  m.,  Caistor,  xi.  205 
Yaux  Hall  m.,  Burgh,  xi.  153 
Yerdon's  m.,  East  Harling,  i. 
v       317 
Yerdon's   m.,    Surlingbam,   v. 

467 
Yerdon's   m.,   Saxlingbam,    v. 

495 
Yerli's  m.,  Snettisham,  x.  375 
Yewtre's  m.,  Burnbam,  vii.  19 
Yicarage  m.,  Aylsham,  vi.  273 


Yice  de  Lou's  m.,  Sbelf  banger, 

i.  118 
Yirley's  m.,  North  Pickenbam, 

vi.  60 
Yirley's  m.,  Burnbam,  vii.  13 

Walcote's    m.,    Snoring,     vii. 

185 
Walcote  Hall  m.,  N.  Burling- 

bam,  vii.  223 
Waldgrave's  m.,  E.  Barsbam, 

vii.  61 
Walpole  Hall  m.,  West  Eyston, 

vii.  396 
Walpole   Hall  m.,  Wroxham, 

vii.  397 
Walsbam  Hall  m.,  Mendbam, 

v.  382 
Walsingbam  Priory  m.,  Burn- 
bam, vii.  22 
Walsingbam  Priory  m.,  North 

Creak,  vii.  71 
Walsingbam  m.,  Upwell,  vii. 

463 
Walsingbam  Priory  m.,  Foul- 

sbam,  viii.  206 
Walsingbam   Priory  m.,   Sail, 

viii.  272 
Walsingbam  Priory  m.,  Bed- 

ingbam,  x.  102 
Waltbam  Abbey  m.,  Scarning, 

x.  41 
Ward's  m.,  Hetbel,  v.  107 
Warren's  m.,  Fouldon,  vi.  27 
Warren's  m.,  Cley,  vi.  40 
Warren's  m.,  N.  Pickenbam, 

vi.  67 
Warren's  m.,Didlington,  vi.  87 
Warren's,  Earl,  m.,  N.  Creak, 

vii.  71 
Warren's,   Earl,   m.,   Briston, 

ix.  374 
Warren's  m.,  East  Bilney,  ix. 

460 
Warren's  m.,  Beeston,  xi.  463 


303 


Warren's,  Earl,  m.,  Tittleshall, 

x.  64 
Warren's,    Ear],    m.,    Snettis- 

ham,  x.  376 
Watlingsete  m.,  Diss,  i.  2 
Watton's  m.,  Diss,  i.  15 
Wauncy's    m.,    N.    Barsham, 

vii.  47 
Wawce's  ra.,  Easton,  ii.  398 
Welby's  m.,   Briningham,   ix. 

373 
Welham's  m.,  Tharston,  v.  306 
Welham    or    Welholme's   m., 

Stratton,  v.  203 
Welholine's  m.,  Larling,  i.  429 
Welholme's   m.,    Tharston,   v. 

306 
Well   Hall   m.,    Beachamwell, 

vii.  287 
Wendling  Abbots  m.,  Feltwell, 

ii.  192 
Wendling  Abbots  m.,  Geyton, 

viii.  432 
Wendling  Abbots  m.,  Tilney, 

ix.  75 
Wendling  Abbey  m..  Scarning, 

x.  39 
Wendling  Abbey  m.,  Peyrner- 

ston,  x.  240 
Wesenham's  m.,  Crimplesham, 

vii.  312 
Westaker  m.,  Houdham,  i.  433 
Westacre    m.,    Narburgh,    vi. 

149 
Westacre  m.,  Narford,  vi.  232 
Westacre  Priory  m.,  Marham, 

vii.  379 
Westacre  Priory  m.,  Geyton, 

viii.  435 
Westacre  Priory  m.,  Grimston, 

viii.  448 
Westacre  m.,  South  Lynn,  viii. 

541 
Westacre   Priory   m.,    Tilnev, 

ix.  75 


Westhall  in.,  Little  Carbrook, 

ii.  332 
West  Hall  m.,  Mundford,  ii. 

242 
Westhall  m.,  Colney,  v.  5 
West  Hall  m.,   Tibenham,   v. 

284 
Westhall  m.,  Denton,  v.  410 
West  Hall  m.,  Cley,  vi.  36 
West    Hall    m.,   Denver,   vii. 

316 
West  Hall  m.,  Babingley,  viii. 

348 
West    Hall    m.,    Dersingham, 

viii.  397 
White's  m.,  Holme  Hale,  vi.  10 
Whitendon's  m.,  Mendham,  v. 

377 
Whitfoot's   Hall   m.,  Irming- 

land,  vi.  323 
Whitsand's  m.,  Swaffham,  vi. 

201—4 
Whitwell's  m.,  Runhall,  ii.  474 
Whit  well's   m.,   Tibenham,  v. 

284 
Whit  well    Hall  m.,    Skeyton, 

vi.  361 
Wichendon's  m.,  Mendham,  v. 

377 
Wigen   or   Wicken   Hall   m., 

Garboldisham,  i.  259 
Wilby's  m.,  Hindringham,  ix. 

228 
Wilby's  m.,  Choseley,  x.  349 
Wilkin's   m.,   West  Barsham, 

vii.  45 
William's  m.,  Tacolneston,  v. 

167 
Windham   m.,   Burnham,  vii. 

13 
Windham    Priory   m.,    Burn- 
ham,  vii.  25 
Winston's  m.,  Pulham,  v.  404 
Wodehouse  m.,  Kir  by  Bed  on, 

v.  477 


304 


Wolterton's   m.,   E.  Barsham,  Woodhouse's     m.,   Saham,    ii. 

vii.  53  330 

"Woodgate's    m.,    Great     Car-  Wortwell    m.,    Pedenhall,    v. 

brook,  ii.  342  371 

Woodhall  m.,  Great  Carbrook,  Wrothani's  in.,  Gatesthorp,  i. 

ii.  342  252 

Woodhall    m.,    Hethersett,    v.  Wymondham  Priory  m.,  North 

26  Wootton,  ix.  201 

Woodhall  m.,  Great  Pagrave,  Wymondham  Priory  m.,  Snet- 

vi.  125  tisham,  x.  376 

Woodhall  m.,  Baconsthorp,  vi.  Wyndham  Priory  m.,  Shern- 

511  bourn,  x.  359 

Woodhall    m.,    Ryburgh,    vii.  Wyrun  Hall  m.,  Wereham,  vii. 

171  506 

Woodhall  m.,  Hilgay,  vii.  369  Wyveling's  m.,  Grimston,  viii. 
Woodhall  m.,  Sandringham,  ix.  I  446 

68 
Woodhouse   m.,   Ovington,  ii.  ;  Zouch's  m.,  Southmere,  x.  365 

298 


AN     INDEX» 


TO   THE 


ftmms  of  %  €lfxd  Iplaas  (not  hnn$  Cofons  ox 

OTIag^s)  occurring  on  %  (Bxbtmxm  Ufap  of  ftorfolk 

attir  irt  ^rjaitt's  Utap  of  itorfofh. 

To  the  places  mentioned    in  the   latter  only  a  *   is  prefixed. 


Abel  Heath  near  Aylsham 
Algar  House  near  Fersfield 
Algarsthorpe  near  Bawburgh 
Alley,  the,  near  Scoulton 
Anterton  Hill  near  Cley 
Ashby   Mere   Plantation  near 

Snetterton 
Austin     Bridge     near    North 

Walsh  am 
Aylmer's  Hall  near  Tivetshall 

St.  Margaret 

*Back  Hole  near  Melton  Parva 
*Baconsthorpe      Street      near 

Attleborough 
*Badly  Moor  near  Yaxham 
*Bagmoor  Pit  near  Stanford 
Bail  Hill  near  Wymondham 
*Balwick  near  Marsham 
*Bampton's  near  Gt.  Ormesby 


Banham     Haugh    near    New 

Buckenham 
*Banthorpe  Hall  near  Flordon 
Banyard's  Hall  near  Bun  well 
Bardolph  Drove  near  Outwell 
Barge  Tubs  near  Briningham 
Barley  Bush  Farm  near  West 

Harling 
*Baron  Duel  Stone  by  Topcroft 
Barret  Ringstead  near  Bing- 

stead  St.  Peter 
Barrow  Common  nr.  Brancaster 
Barrow  Hills  near  W.  Lexham 
*Barrows  near  Swaffham  Heath 
Bartholomew  Hills  near  South- 
acre 
Basil  Farm  near  W.  Dereham 
Bastard's  Green  near  Wacton 
*Bate's  Moor  near  Foulsham 
Battledore  Hill  near  Stiffkey 


1  This  index  is  doubtless  very  imperfect,  and  is  intended  to  serve  as  a  draft 
only  of  a  more  complete  one  to  be  worked  into  my  forthcoming  ' '  Index  to 
Norfolk  Topography."  All  corrections,  additions,  &c,  will  be  very  gratefully 
received. — W.  R. 

VOL.    II.]  X 


306 


Terrington 


Bayfield  Hall  near  Bunhall 
Bays  Farm  near  Hapton 
Beacon   Hill  near 

St.  Clement 
Beacon  Hill  near  Trimingham 
Beaupre  Hall  near  Outwell 
Beck  Barn  near  Haverin  gland 
Beck  Common  near  Bawburgh 
Beck  Grate  near  Denton 
Beck  Hall  near  Billingford 
Beck  Hithe  near  Cromer 
Beck    Pease    Plantation   near 

Colney 
Becks  near  Litcham 
Bedlam  Barn  near  N.  Elmham 
Beggars'     Bush     near     Stow 

Breckles 
*Bellford  Bridge  near  Broome 
Benn  Gate  near  Wor stead 
Bigod's  Wood  near  Woodton 
Bistley  near  Irstead 
*Blackboro'  near  Stow  Bedon 
Black    Beck    Plantation   near 

Pin  gland 
Black   Hall   Lane   near   Ash- 

welthorpe 
Blackfleet  near  Martham 
Blackford  Hall  near  Dunston 
Blackmoor  Bow  nr.  Shipdham 
Black  Park  near  Horsford 
Blackthorne 

land 
*Blackthorpe  Farm  nr.  Thelve- 

ton 
Black  Wall  near  Waxham 
Black  Water  Beck  near  Tut- 

tington 
Blackwater  near  Beetle}7 
Blackwater  near  Hilborough 
Blackwater  near  Sparbam 
Blake's  Grove  near  Starston 
Blood      Hills      near       West 

Somerton 
Blood's  Dale  Lane  near  Bacton 
Bloomstile  Lane  near  Salbouse 


Hall  nr.  Poring- 


Bloy's  Bridge  near  East  Tud- 

denbam 
Blue  Bell  Common  near  North 

Walskam 
Blue  Stone  Hall  near  Cawston 
Blunt's  Corner  near  Holkham 

Park 
Bolwick  near  Marsh  am 
Bond's  Green  near  Bracon  Ash 
Boot's  Grove  near  Toft  Monks 
Bow  Bridge  near  Diss 
Bow  Hill  near  Marlingford 
Bowl's  Farm  near  Alburgh 
Bowthorpe  Hall  near  Colney 
Boyland  Hall  near  Hempnall 
Bradmoor  Wood   near   North 

Walshani 
*Bramedy  by  Melton  Parva 
Brandish   Wood   near  Baven- 


ingham 


Bran's  Meadow  Car  near  Crost- 

wight 
Branson  Hall  near  Tatterset 
Branthill  near  Holkham  Park 
Brentford's  near  Ox  wick 
Brewer's  Green  near  Diss 
Brick  Hill  near  Thursford 
Brickley  Green  near  Scottow 
Bride's  Pit  near  Swaffham 
Bridgirdle  Sand,  off  Burnham 
Bridle  Wood  near  AYatton 
Bri^^ate  near  TTorstead 
Bristol    Green    near   Walpole 

St.  Peter 
*Brixton    Bridge    Lane    near 

Barnham  Broom 
Brixton  Carr  near  Beedham 
Brook's  Green  nr.  W.  Walton 
Broomthorpe  Hall  nr.  Tatterset 
Brow  on  the  Hill  near  Ash- 

wicken 
*Brute's  Grove  Hill  near  Gil- 

lingham 
Bryants    Heath    near    North 

Walsham 


307 


Buckenham's      Claypit     near 

Earsham 
Bugg's  Grave  near  Horsford 
Bullard's       Plantation       near 

Gresham 
Bullfair  Grove  near  Gunthorpe 
Bullsmoor  Cover  near  Runhall 
Bull's  Green,  near  Toft  Monks 
Bunker's  Hill  near  Spixworth  2 
*Bunn's     Bank     near     Attle- 

borough 
Bunn's  Hill  near  N.  Walshani 
Bunwood  Hall  near  Mileham 
Burnt  Fen  Broad  near  Neatis- 

head 
*Burnt  Hill  Grove  near  Cromer 
Burnt  Lane  near  Wiggenhall 

Magdalen 
Burrow   Common  near  Attle- 

borough 
*Burrow     Fen     Drove     near 

Fouldon 
*Burns,  the,  by  Stockton 
Burrow    Farm    near   Binham 

Abbey 
Burrow  Hill  near  Holkham 
*Bury  Hall  near  Smallburgh 
Bury's  Grove  near  Holm  Hale 
Bushey  Bulls  near  Aslacton 
*Butcher  Common  near  Neatis- 

bead 
*Buxted's  Green  near  Burgh 

St.  Peter 

Cake  House  near  East  Braden- 

ham 
Cake  Street  near  Old  Bucken- 

ham 
Cakewick  near  Wymondham 
*Cake's  Hill  near  Attleborough 
Cake's  Lane  near  Bale 
Calton  Yard  near  Thurgarton 


*Camgate  near  Neatishead 
*Camp  Corner  by  Bawburgh 
Campton  House  near  Waterden 
Candle    Yard    near    Fersfield 

Common 
Cantle}^  Hill  near  Arminghall 
Cargate  Green  by  Upton 
*Castle  Hill  Wood  near  Hun- 
worth 
Cat  Brook  runs  into  "Wensum 

by  Little  Byburgh 
Catch  Back  near  Byburgh 
Catchers  near  Stibbard 
Catling  Grove  near  JNew  Wal- 

singham 
*Cat  Pits,  Kelling  Heath 
Cats'  Common  near  Smallburgh 
*Catshall     Heath     near    East 

Harling 
Cattwood  near  Aylsham 
Cauldwell     Hill     near     South 

Pickenham 
Cavelly  near  Southburgh 
Cavenham  Hithe  near  Were- 

ham 
Chamber  Hill  near  New  Wal- 

singham 
Channonz  Hall  near  Aslacton 
Chantrey  Farm  near  Egmere 
Chapman's  Entry  near   Fers- 
field Common 
Chard's  Farm  near  Westfield 
Cheney's  Lane  near  B unwell 
Cherry  Ground  near  Swanton 

Morley 
Chilvey  House  near  Bawsey 
Chimney  Farm  near  Walcot 
Chiswick's  Wood  near  Should- 

ham  Thorpe 
*Choseley  Farm   near  Thorn- 
ham 
Clannow's  Hills  near  Swaffham 


2  E.  G.  E.  [The  Rev.  E.  Gillett  of  Eunham]  in  Notes  and  Queries,  iii.,  Series  1, 
p.  236,  thinks  this  "Bunkey"  or  Hemlocky  Hill. 

x  2 


308 


Clapham's  Dams  near  Triruing- 

ham 
Clapper  Farm  near  Harleston 
Claremont  Lodge  nr.  Threxton 
Claypit  Moor  near  Litcham 
Clink  Hill  near  West  Caister 
Clintergate  Farm  nr.  Alburgh 
Clip  Lane  near  Scoulton 
*Clock  Hern  Farm  near  West- 

field 
Cobbe  Hall  near  Ingoldisthorpe 
Cobblers'  Lane  nr.  Terrington 

St.  John 
Cobb's  Grove  near  Gt.  Melton 
*Coble     Hill    near    Burnbam 

Westgate 
Cobler's  Green  nr.  Bedingham 
*Codd's  Hole  near  Shotesham 

All  Saints 
Colder  Green  Farm  near  Al- 
burgh 
Coldham  Hall  near  Aylsharn 
Coldham  Hall  nr.  Surlingham 
Coldham's  Cross  near  Holkham 

Park 
Cold  Harbour  near  Ludham 
Colegate  near  Hardwick 
*Collin  Green  near  Lyng 
Colend's  Green  near  Lvn<> 
Cole's  Common  near  Hardwick 
Compit  Hill  near  Cromer 
Congham  Hill  near  Run  ton 
Copy's  Green  near  Wighton 
Cordwell  near  Bun  well 
Cork  Mere  Bottom  near  East 

Wretham 
Cottenham   Hall   near  Wood- 
bast  wick 
*Court  Green  near  Hempstead 
Coxford  near  Tatterset 
*Cox  Hill  by  Burlingham  St. 

Peter 
Crabbit's  Marsh  near  Horning 
Crabb's  Castle  near  Wighton 
Crabgate  near  Wood  Palling 


Cradle  Hill  near  Stanhoe 
*Crainers  nr.  Briston  Common 
Crane's  Watering   Farm  near 

Harleston 
Crankham  Barn  near  Salthouse 
Creaking     Hill     near     Little 

Bittering 
Crimer's  Beck  near  Briston 
Crome's  Hill  near  Honing 
Crome's  Hill  near  X.  Walsham 
Crossdale    Street    near   North 

Repps,  on  Cromer  Road 
Crow  Green  near  Hardwick 
Crow     Hall    near    Downham 

Market 
Crow  Hall  near  Haverin gland 
Crow   Hall   Farm   near   West 

Lexham 
Crow  Hill  near  Bedingham 
Crowland  Lane  near  Binham 

Abbey 
(  Crown  Point  by  Xorwich 
(  *Crown  Point  by  Poringland 
Crow  Lane  near  Shipdham 
Cruddshole  near  Swafield 
Cubit's   Hill    Plantation   near 

Tasburgh 
Culham  Farm  near  Alburgh 
*Cupid's  Bower  near  Shropham 
Curd's  Hall  nr.  Lit.  Fransham 
Currol  House  near  Swaffham 
Cutthroat  Planting  nr.  Merton 


Damgate  near  Acle 
_  *Dangate  near  Acle 
Dandyshall  near  Stanfield 
*Darrow  Farm  and  Wood  near 

Alburgh 
Darrow    Wood      Farm     near 

Shelf  hanger 
Davy's  Grove  nr.  Kenninghall 
*Dead man's  Grave  near  Eding- 

thorpe 
Deal  Row  near  East  Wretham 


309 


Deansend  Plantation  near  West 

Harling 
Dee  Bridge  near  Honing 
Delve  Bank  near  Waxham 
Devil's  Bottom  near  E.  Winch 
*DeviPs  Ditch  near  E.  Harling 
*DeviPs  Dyke  nr.  Beach  am  well 
*Devil's  Dyke  near  Longham 
•Devil's     Punch     Bowl    near 

Croxton 
Dickmalaw  Wood  near  South 

Pickenham 
Dockeney  near  Geldeston 
Doctor's  Grove  near  Stanfield 
Dogget  Farm  nr.  Happisburgh 
D'Oyly's  Grove  near  Saxling- 

ham  Thorpe 
Drabblegate  near  Aylsham 
Drayton  Drewray  nr.  Felthorp 
Drosier's  Plantation  near  East 

Rainham 
*Drunken  Drove  near  Massing- 

ham  Heath 
Duckstown's  End  near   Great 

Snoring 
Dudwick  Houses  near  Buxton 
Duffield's     Barn     near     East 

Wretham 
Dull's  Farm  (and  House)  near 

Kirby  Cane 
Dumpling    Green    near    East 

Dereham 
Dunberry  Hills  nr.  Gillingham 
*Dun      Cow      Common       by 

Swainsthorpe 
Dunham  Farm  near  Newton 
Dunkirk  near  Sail 
*Dunmore  Green  near  Coston 
Duttle  Bridge  near  S.  Lopham 
Dyke  Moor  near  Longham 
*  Dyke's  Common  nr.  Felbrigg 

*Eagle's  Falgate  near  Breccles 
Eastaugh  near  Lyng 
Eastfield  near  Horsey 


nr.  Itterinsrham 


East  Gate  near  Narburgh 
*Eastmore  near  Beechamwell 
Eastward  Plills  near  Costessey 
Eaton  near  Sedgeford 
Edgar  Farm  near  Old  Walsing- 

ham 
Edge  Green  near  Kenninghall 
Edgefield  Heath  near  Holt 
Eding  Green  near  E.  Dereham 
Elder  Hill  near  Kilverstone 
Elgar's  Wood  near  E.  Rudham 
*Ellis  Street  near  Marsham 
*Elmundale  \ 
Ellmeldale    J 
Emily's  Bower,  Roughton  Park 
Enterbeck  Common  near  Hil- 

lington 
Erneford    Brook    near    Holm 

Hale 
Everet's  Grove  nr.  Saxlingham 

Falgate  near  Potter  Heigham 
*Fangate  near  Marsham 
*Farrow   Street   by  Ditching- 
ham 
*Farrow's    Farm    and    Spring 

by  Mundham  St.  Peter 
*Farthing  Green  near  Loddon 
Ferret's  Hill  near  East  Winch 
Fib's  Hole  near  Coleby 
Finnegate  Ling  near  Kirstead 
*Fish    House    Common    near 

Old  Buckenham 
Flagmoor  Plantation  near  Fa- 

kenham 
Flash  Pit  near  Blickling 
Fleece  Plantation  nearHoveton 

St.  Peter 
Fodderstone  Gap  near  Should- 

ham  Thorpe 
*Folthorp  Manor  near  Harding- 
ham 
Folly  Farm  near  Fersfield 
Foul  Mere  near  East  Wretham 
Foulness  near  Cromer 


310 


Fountain  Grove  near  Moulton 
Fox  Common  near  Crostwight 
Frankfort  near  Sloley 
Frans  Green  near  Weston 
Freethorpe  Common  nr.  Wick- 

hampton 
Friar's  Thorns  near  Swaffham 
Fring  Wood  near  Calthorpe 
Fritton  near  Ludham 
Frogs'  Hall  near  Mattishall 
Frogs'  Hall  near  Mundesley 
Frogs'  Hall  near  North  Repps 
Frogs'  Lane  near  N.  Walsham 
Fromow  Farm  near  Drayton 
Fuller's  Hole  near  Heigham 
♦Fy  eland  Farm  near  Saxling- 

ham 

Gaffer's  Plantation  near  East 

"\Yretham 
Galleyhill      Plantation      near 

Morston 
♦Galley  Hill  near  Toft  Monks 
Galley  Moor  near  E.  Dereham 
Garlick  Street  near  Starston 
Gaston's  Plantation  near  Bale 
Gaudy  Hall  near  Pedenhall 
Gay  House,  the,  near  Starston 
Gilham    Wood  near   Carleton 

Forehoe 
Gillow's  Willows   Farm   near 

Alburgh 
Gilpit's  Hole  near  E.  Beckham 
Godfreys  near  Hindringham 
Godfry's  Hall  near  Thwaite 
Goldie's  Car  near  Cantley 
Golond  Plantation  near  Hel- 

houghton 
Gonville  Hall  near  Wymond- 

ham 
Gooderstone  nr.  Cockley  Cley 
Goose  Acre  Lane  nr.  Shipdham 
Gorgate  Hall  near  Hoe 
*Granborough  Hill  near  Wey- 

bourne 


Grandcourt   Farm   near   East 

Winch 
*Granson  Moor  near  Litcham 
Granston  Lodge  nr.  Tittleshall 
*Greenwa3's  by  Swainsthorpe 
Grigstone  Plantation  nr.  East 

Wretham 
*Grimmer's   Farm   near   Toft 

Monks 
*Grimrner's  Mill  nr.  Haddiscoe 
Gringland  Barn  near  Topcroft 
Grint  Mill  near  Worthing 
Grirey's  Earth  near  Hecking- 

ham 
Grishaugh  near  Ashwelthorpe 
Grub's  Lane  near  Ingham 
Grub  Street  near  Happisburgh 
Gudgeons,  Aldborough 
Gulgate  Lane  near  Calthorpe 
Gun's  Bridge  nr.  Dickleburgh 
Gunstead  Car  near  Wheatacre 

Marsh 
Gunthorpe  Sluice  nr.  Walpole 

St.  Peter 
Guton  Hall  near  Brandiston 
Guttermere  Bridge  near  Hick- 
ling  Broad 

Haggard  Street  near  Horstead 
Hagon  Beck  Farm,  Houghton 
Hall  Green  nr.  West  Walton 
*Halthorp  near  Ingham 
*Hamfer   House   near   Holme 

Hale 
Hammer  Hills  near  Wiveton 
Ham  on  d  Lodge  near  Terring- 

ton  St.  Clement 
Hardy  Plain  Hall  near  Upwell 
Harmon  Grove  near  Easton 
Harper  Green  nr.  Horningtoft 
Hartford  Bridges  nr.  Keswick 
Hasgate  Lane  near  Salthouse 
Hassall     Grove     near     Little 

Fransham 
Hastings  near  Stibbard 


311 


*Havercroft  Street  near  Attle- 

borough 
Haw  Hill  near  East  Dereham 
Hawker's  Hill  near  Burnham 

Norton 
Heath  Field  near  Bayfield 
*Heggatt  Street  nr.  Horstead 
Hell  Lane  near  B unwell 
Hell's  Mere  Hole  near  Carleton 

St.  Peter' 
Hermitage  Staith  near  Aele 
Heron  Farm  nr.  Attleborough 
Hezicus  Lane  near  Salthouse 
High  Ash  Hill  nr.  Didlington 
High  Cross  Grove  near  North 

Elmham 
High  Field  near  Fakenham 
Hillbro'  Hole  near  Thrigby 
Hillbro'  Hole  and  Farm  near 

Thrigby 
Hill  Hall  near  Westfield 
Hin  grave  near  Alderford 
Hobs  Hole  near  Pensthorpe 
*Hodnom  Green  near  Weston 
Hole  House  near  Crostwight 
Holgate  near  North  Walshani 
Holo-ate  Road  near  Tibenham 
^Holland  Hills  near  Barnham 

Broom 
Holland's  Green  near  Beding- 

ham 
Holmes'  Common  near  Honing 
Holmes  in  Brunstead  Marshes 
Holt  House  near  Middleton 
*Holy   Cross   Hill   Plantation 

near  Glanford 
Honey  Beck  near  Thornage 
Honeypot  Wood  nr.  Wendling 
Honeypots  near  Shropham 
Honor    Common    Yard    near 

Shropham 
Horse  Hill  near  Bayfield 
Horseshoe  Common  nr.  Briston 
Horsewell  near  Snettisham 
Horsford  Water  near  Hapton 


Houchens  near  Felthorpe 
How  Hill  near  Ludham 
Howard's  Hill  near  Cromer 
Howard's  Hill  near  Honing 
Hulver  Farm  near  Panxworth 
Humbletoft  House  by  Gressen- 

hall 
Humbleyard  Wood  nr.  Sward- 

eston 
Hungry  Hill  near  North  Bepps 
Huntingfield  Hall  nr.  Braden- 

ham 

Incleborough  Hill  nr.  Punton 
Ingleborough  nr.  West  Walton 
Ingmote  Hill  near  Holt 
Isaac's  Heath  near  Sheringham 
Ivy  Todd  near  W.  Bradenham 
*Iybey  near  Wood  Dalling 


Jack  Bell's  Grove  nr.  Blickling 

*  Jealous    Wells'    Farm     near 

Alburgh 
*Jorden's  Green  nr.  Whitwell 
Jordon  Green  near  Whitwell 

*  Justice  Green  nr.  Wheatacre 

*Keeler  Farm  nr.  Be}Tmerston 
*Keeler  Fen  near  Peymerston 
*Keeling  Hall  near  Foulsham 
*Keeling    Heath    near    West 

Pudham 
Kendall  Farm  nr.  New  Bucken- 

ham 
Ken  wick    Hall    near    Clench - 

warton 
Keswick  near  Bromholm 
Kett's  Field  Farm  near  Wy- 

mondham 
Kettlehill      Plantation      near 

Morston 
Kidd's  Moor  nr.  Wymondham 
King's  Beck,  Skeyton 
King  Pow  near  Shipdham 
Kirby  Hill  near  Overstrand 


312 


Knights   Wood   near   Wood- 

bastwick 
Knoll,  the,  near  Hindringham 

Lady  Mound  near  Salhouse 
Lakeford  should  be  Lechford. 
[H.  Daveney,  in  N.  8f  Q  , 
3rd  S.  1,  p.  438.] 
Lambridge  near  Hickling 
Lambridge  near  Waxham 
Langate  or  Ostend  nr.  Walcot 
*Langmore  Green  nr.  Dickie- 
burgh 
Langmere  Hill  nr.  Brettenham 
Lang  Mere  near  E.  Wretham 
Langmoor  near  Coleby 
Langmore  Farm  nr.  Horstead 
Langmore  Green  nr.  Rushall 
Langor  Hill  near  Pensthorpe 
Lascoe  Plantation  near  Colney 
Lath   Street   and  Green  near 

Saxlingham 
Leaths  near  Burnham  Overy 
Lechford,  see  Lakeford 
Leech  Pit  near  Stiffkey 
Lenwade  near  Sparham 
Lenwade  Bridge  nr.  Alderford 
Letton  Grove  near  Shipdham 
Lincoln  Hall  near  Beighton 
Ling  End  nr.  Little  Fransham 
Linghouse  near  Stanfield 
*Litchmore  Grove  near  Kirby 

Cane 
Little  Barwick  nr.  Stanhoe 
Little  Brigg  near  Bessingham 
Little  Ease  nr.  Swanton  Morley 
Little  London  near  Northwold 
Little  Marsh  nr.  Field  Dalling 
Little  Moor  Green  near  East 

Huston 
Live's  Heath  near  Chedgrave 
*Lizard  Common  by  Wymond- 

ham 
Loggan  Hill  Farm  near  South- 
mere 


Lolly  Moor  near  Westfield 
*Lom    Loss    near    Plumstead 

Magna 
Long  Gore  Marshes,  Hickling 
Lord's  Bridge  near  Wiggenhall 

St.  Mary 
Loss  Row  near  Wilby 
*Lot's  Bridge  over  Old  Welney 

River  south  of  Upwell 
Lound  Bridge  near  Palling 
Lound's  Wood  near  Tittleshall 
Low  Farm  near  Limpenhoe 
*Low    Ford    near    Eaton    by 

Norwich 
Low  Street  nr.  North  Elmham 
Lowe  Farm  near  Kipton 
Lucas  Hill,  Holkham  Park 

Maiden's     Green     near     East 

Tuddenham 
Mangreen    Hall   near   Caistor 

St.  Edmund's 
Man's  Beck  near  Marsh  am 
Mansom   Green  near  Stratton 

Strawless 
Marble  Hill  near  Felbrigg 
Marrowbone         Hall         near 

Heigh  am 
*Marrow  Hill  near  Barmer 
Mason's  Grove  near  Cranworth 
*Maudland  Bridge  near  .Acle 
May   Pole     Green    near    Toft 

Monks 
Mayes'    Dole  Plantation  near 

Aylsham 
Mayton  Hall  near  Hautboys 
Micklehaugh  near  Banham 
Micklemoor  Hill  near  Bridg- 

ham 
Millbonds  near  Aylsham 
Mill  Common  near  Burston 
*MilI  Hoe  near  Thurgarton 
Modney  Court  and  Bridge  nr. 

Hilgay 
Mona  Hill  near  Holm  Hale 


313 


Monks'   Hall    near    Brandon 

Parva 
Monks'  Wood,  Roughton 
Moorclose      Plantation      near 

Baconsthorpe 
Morley  Hill  near  Sheringkam 
Morton  Grove  near  Hockering 
Morton  Warren  nr.  Attlebridge 
Moss  Fen  near  Palling 
Mount  Amelia  near  Ingoldis- 

thorpe 
Mount-epping  Barn  near  East 

Wretham 
Mousekall     Clump,    Holkkam 

Park 
*Mousehold  Farm  near  Ryston 
Mousehold  Heath  nr.  Norwich 
Mucklands  near  Aylsham 
Muckleburgh   Hill   nr.   Wey- 

bourne 
Muckledyke     Greenway    near 

Stiffkey 
Mucklefield  near  Worstead 
Muckle  Hill  near  N.  Walsham 
Muckle  Hill  near  Runton 
Muckleton  near  Stanhoe 
Mullicourt  Priory  nr.  Outwell 
Mullin's  Farm  nr.  Shelf  hanger 
Murgate  near  Bracon  Ash 
*Muskett's  Bridge  near  Baw- 

burgh 
Muzzle  Farm  nr.  W.  Dereham 

Nab,  the,  nr.  Burgh  Margaret 
Nare's  Hill  near  Roughton 
Nargate  near  Beeston 
Neal  Moor  near  Upwell 
Neatherd's  Moor,  E.  Dereham 
Neaton  near  Watton 
Needless  Barn  nr.  Snettisham 
*Nethergate  near  Guestwick 
Newarp,  a  sand  off  Yarmouth 
*Newfound  by  Colney 
Newhouse  near  Litcham 
Newport  Lane  nr.  Happisburgh 


Night  Marsh  near  Babingley 
Nogdam    End    near    Hardley 

Cross 
Nooks,  the,  near  Gt.  Snoring 
No   Man's  Friend   near  Sher- 

ingham 
Norman's  Barrow  near  South 

Bainham 
Norton    Corner    near    Wood- 

dalling 
Norton's  Grove  near  Shipdham 
Nova  Scotia  near  East  Caistor 
Nuttall's  Plantation  near  Sher- 

ingham 

Offold  Green  near  Thornham 
Old    Rackham's    Grove    near 

Bun  well 
Olwer  Broad  near  Irstead 
Over  Cross  near  Banham 
Ox's  Wood  near  Aylsham 

Packsfield  near  West  Rudham 
Painswhin  near  West  Budham 
*Pakeham  near  Denver 
Pangle  near  Wereham 
Panworth  Hall  near  Ashill 
Paseling  Green  near  Elsing 
Pattesley  near  South  Bainham 
*Pattywell  near  Hackford 
Peatham   should    be   Vedham. 

[H.  Daveney,  in  JST.  8f  Q., 

3rd  S.  1,  p.  437.] 
*Peddar's    Way,    runs    across 

Shropham  Hundred 
Pedham,  see  Peatham 
Pembroke's  Yard  nr.  Fersfield 

Common 
Penfold  Common  near  Gressen- 

hall 
*Penn  Hall  near  Poringland 
*Penn  Gate  near  Smallburgh 
*Pest  House  nr.  Baveningham 
Peter's    Grove    near   Stratton 

Strawless 


314 


Peterstone  near  Holkham 
Petterwell  near  Hackford 
*Pidham  Mill  Dam  by  Panx- 

worth 
Pigs'    Grave     near     Swanton 

Novers 
Pig's  Pond  near  Tatterford 
Pillow  Green  Plantation  near 

East  Bilney 
Pinfold  Lane  near  Salhouse 
*Piscat  Lane  by  Asliby 
Pit  Farm  near  South  Repps 
Pitcher's       Plantation       near 

Hevingham 
Plaw  Field  near  Upwell 
Playter's  Hall  near  Fincham 
Pockthorpe  near  "Wranipling- 

ham 
*Poles'    Lane    near   Ashman- 

haugh 
Polver  Drain  near  AYiggenhall 

St.  Peter 
*Pool    Street    near    Bressing- 

ham 
*Pope's  Hole  near  S.  Lopham 
Popham's  Eau  near  Outwell 
Pople   Street   near   TTyniond- 

ham 
Popnal  Farm  near  Enmeth 
*  "Portway,"  the  road  to  Attle- 

borough 
*Posmore     House     near     Sco 

Ruston 
Postle     Common    near    Xorth 

Lopham 
*Pound     Corner    by    Swains- 

thorpe 
Primrose  Green  near  Lyng 
Pristow  Green  near  Tibenham 
Procession    Meer    Lane    near 

Old  TTalsingham 
Puddins'poke  Barn  nr.  Hap  ton 
Puddle  "Dock  near  Old  Buck- 

enham 
*Pulfir  Cowey  (?)  near  Bale 


Pye  Bridge  near  Alburgh 
Pye's  AVatering  nr.  Chedgrave 

Pagmere  near  Old  Buckenham 
Ram  Lane  near  Xecton 
*Eammer  Hill  near  Burnham 

TVestgate 
Pamsgate  Street  nr.  Ellingham. 
Rape's  Mouth  near  Irstead 
Rawhall  near  Little  Bitterirjo: 
Red  Bridge  near  Shropham 
Red  Hall  near  Sprowston 
*Reid's  Cross  near  Loddon 
*Remey's    Spring    near   Gay- 
woods 
Rhee's  Green  nr.Long  Stratton 
Ringer's  Grove  near  Saxling- 

ham 
Ringmere  Pit  nr.  E.  "Wretham 
Rinham  Lane  near  Morston 
Ringmere  near  E.  Wretham 
Rippon  Hall  near  Hevingham 
Risinghill  Plantation  near  Sax- 

lingham 
*Robbers'  Xursery  by  Honing- 

ham 
Rock  Hills  near  Letheringsett 
Rockland  Gap  Farm  nr.  Caston 
Rodgate  near  Marsham 
Roosting  Hill  near  Beetlev 
Roper  Farm  near  Briston 
Rotten  Row  near  East    Tud- 

denham 
Roundabout  near  Aylsham 
Round  Common  near  Tivets- 

hall  Magna 
Rouse  Farm  near  Starston 
*Rowley  Corner  nr.  Hilborough 
Rowle)7  Barn  nr.  South  Picken- 

ham 
Roxham  near  Fordham 
Roxhill  Lane  near  Watton 
Royal  Hill  Field  nr.  Ringland 
Ruberry  Hill  near  Blakeney 
Rudd's  Farm  nr.  L.  Fransham 


315 


Hull's  Hill  near  Swaffham 
Rush  Green  near  Runhall 
Rutica  Barn  nr.  Wood  Dalling 
R\e  Hill  near  Marlingford 

*Saham  Weights 

*St.    Catherine's     Cross    near 

Ashby 
Sallow  Bridge  near  Bun  well 
*Sand  Hole  near  West  Caister 
Sankins  near  Aylsham 
Scales  How  Bank  near  West 

Lynn 
Scarrow  Bridge  near  Calthorpe 
Scotgate  near  Great  Hockham 
*Scotland  Common  nr.  Stratton 

Strawless 
Scott  Mere  near  E.  Wretham 
Sendall's  Marsh  near  Newton 

Flotman 
Sennowe  Lodge  near  Guist 
Seven  Hills  near  Rushford 
Sexton  Green  near  Bedingham 
Shad  well  near  Brettenham 
Shakers'     Gravel      Pit      near 

Waterden 
Shallara     Dyke    near    Repps' 

Marsh 
Sharp  Street  near  Irstead 
Sharpe's  Hall  near  Horsford 
Sheets   Hill  near   Stoke  Holy 

Cross 
Sherrard's   Green  near  Attle- 

borough 
Shickle's  Barn  nr.  South  Repps 
Shippy  Gate  Green  nr.  Tilney 
Short  Trees  near  Roydon 
Shotford  Bridge  nr.  Harleston 
Shuckforth's  Tomb  nr.  Saham 
Shuck's  Lane 

Skelding  Hall  nr.  Sheringham 
Skeyton  Beck  nr.  Felmingham 
*Skinniford  near  Honing 
Skytes'  Hill  near  Cromer 
Silver  Geeen  near  Topcroft 


Silvergate  Street  nr.  Blickling 
Silverland  Hill  near  Salhouse 
Simon  Willows  Fen  nr.  Honing 
Simonds  Lode  nr.  Wiggenhall 

Magdalen 
*Skait's     Mere      Farm     near 

Needham 
Skelding  Hill  nr.  Sheringham 
*Slender     Bone     Farm     near 

Heigh  am  by  Norwich 
Slut's  Hole  Lane  nr.  Besthorpe 
Smallworth  near  Garboldisham 
*Smithfield  Bridge,  near  Reep- 

ham 
Smith's  Hum  Grove  nr.  Thur- 

garton 
Smuggler's  Grove  near  South 

Repps 
Snail's  Pit  Farm  nr.  Swaffham 
Snakewood     Plantation     near 

Mundford 
Snalgates  Lane  near  Alburgh 
*Snape  Grove  near  Stockton 
Snolling's  Dam  Car  nr.  Aldeby 
Snore  Hill  near  Fordham 
Snow  Hill  near  Baconsthorpe 
*Solom  Pit  near  Thurston 
Southwater  Marsh  near  Rock- 
land St.  Mary 
Southwood  Hall  nr.  Freethorpe 
*Sow  Moor  near  Grimston 
Sow's  Head  Spong  nr.  Grimston 
Sparham  Green  near  Necton 
Sparrow  Green  nr.  Gressenhall 
Sparrow  Hill  near  Merton 
Sparrow  Hill  Plantation  near 

Morston 
Spittle's  Wood  near  Thwaite 
*  Split  Spring  Ford  by  Caister 

St.  Edmund's 
Spong  Farm  near  Cantley 
Spong  Hill  near  Beetley 
Sprat's  Hall  near  Aylsham 
Spratt's  Hill  near  Runton 
Spring  Bank  near  Bastwick 


316 


Sprow's  Pits  near  Swardeston 
*Squeel  Grove  near  Ravening- 

ham 
*Stack's  Ford  near  Wilby 
Stake  Bridge  near  Skeyton 
Stanch  near  Thetford 
Stanfield  Hall  nr.Wymondham 
Stanton  Heath  nr.  East  Dere- 
ham 
Stephen's  Green  nr.  Hockering 
*Stibbage  Hill  near  Holt 
Stibbard  Hill  near  Holt 
Stone  Hill  near  Cromer 
Stone  Hills  Farm  nr.  Heigh  am 
Stonehouse  Heath  near  West 

Harling 
Storey's  Hill  near  Cromer 
Stow  Heath  near  Tuttington 
*Stow  Hill  Farm  nr.  Mundesley 
*Stubbs'  Green  near  Aldeby 
Stubbs'  Green  near  Loddon 
Stubbs'  Green  nr.  Shotesham 
Stump  Cross  near  Gresham 
*Stump  Cross  near  Langley 
Stump  Cross  nr.  "N.  Walsham 
Suckling  Drove  near  Outwell 
*Sugar     Fen    near    Grimston 

Warren 
Summerfield,  formerly  South- 
mere 
Summer  Green  nr.  Hindring- 

ham 
Summer    Green  near  Pulham 

St.  Mary 
Sunderland  near  Southmere 
*Suttle  House   and  Mill  near 

Stanfield 
*Swagate  Lane  near  Seething 
Swangey  Breeks  nr.  Hargham 
Swan    Hill    Plantation    near 

Sail 
Swan's  Lodge  near  Kelling 
S wanton's  Hill  nr.  Westwick 
Swasgate  Boad  near  Tibenham 
Swift's  Grove  near  Felbrigg 


*Tanmoor  Common  nr.  Attle- 

borough 
*Territt  Hill  near  East  Winch 
Thickthorn  near  Hethersett 
*Thieves'  Lane  near  Ellingham 

Parva 
*Thieves'    Brake,    Cross,    and 

Lane,  near  South  Buncton 
Thorn  Clumps,  Holkham  Park 
Thornton's  Lodge  nr.  Wiggen- 

hall  St.  Mary 
Thorpe  near  East  Wretham 
Thorpe  Green  nr.  Brettenham 
*Thorpeland  Grove  nr.  Faken- 

ham 
*Thorpe  House  near  Bridgham 
*Thorpe  House  near  Wretham 
Thorpe  (Gt.)  Heath  near  East 

Wretham 
Thorpe  Bow  near  Shipdham 
Three-hole  Bridge  nr.  Upwell 
Thrift  Green  near  Moulton 
ThurtelPs  Car  nr.  Poringland 
Tiffey     Biver     runs     through 

Wymondham 
*Tindall     Wood,      Hall,     and 

Barn,  near  Broome 
Tink's    Grove    near    Carleton 

St,  Peter 
Titkill  Bridge  near  Emneth 
*Toftwood  Common  nr.  West- 
field 
Toftwood  Grove  nr.  Westfield 
Tollands  near  Ingworth 
*Tollar's  Lane  nr.  Whinburgh 
*Torngate  Farm    near   North 

Walsham 
*Tubgate  near  Hedenham 
Tulip  Hill  near  Newton 
Tumber's  Wood  near  Should- 

ham  Thorpe 
Tun  Green  near  Tilney 
Turkey   Bow   near   Hempnall 

Green 
Tuttle  Mill  near  Stanfield 


317 


Tutt's  Hill  near  Kilverstone 
Tyler's  Hill  near  Sizeland 
*T}Tne    Common    near    Great 

Hautboys 
Tyrrell's  Wood  nr.  Hardwick 


Upgate  near  Alderford 
Upgate  Street  nr.  New  Bucken- 

ham 
Uphall  near  Ashill 


Yauncev's  Farm  near  Pulham 

St.  Mary 
Yenny  near  Denver  Fen 


"Wade's    Beck     Bridge     near 

Thursford 
Walcot  Green  near  Diss 
"Walsey  Hills  near  Cley 
Warborough  Hill  near  Stiffkey 
*Wash  Lane  near  Wacton 
Washingford  Mill  near  Bergh 

Apton 
"Watch  Hill  near  N.  Walsham 
"Waterdown  Green  nr.  Walpole 

St.  Peter 
"Wayford  Bridge  nr.  Dilham 
"Weayling  House  near  Bawsey 
*Well  Beck,  the,  near  Brooke 
*Welbury  Hill  nr.  Sheringham 
"Wellmere  near  Beachamwell 
Wells  Green  nr.  Little  Dunham 
Westby  Green  near  Diss 
"West  Head  near  Wellington 
West  Mere  near  E.  Wretham 
West  Mere  Pit  nr.  Tottington 
Wheatley  Dyke  nr.  Walsoken 
Whey  Curd  Farm  nr.  Wighton 
Whimpwell  Green  and  Street 

near  Happisburgh 
Whin  Common  near  Kelling 
Whincroft  near  East  Euston 


White  Bridge  near  Shropham 
White  Bridges  near  Stiff'key 
White  Dyke  near  Feltwell 
White  Hall  near  Syderstone 
White  Hall  near  Watton 
White    Horse    Common   near 

North  Walsham 
White  Ollands  near  Cawston 
Whiteford  Hall  near  Dunston 
Whitwell  Hall  near  Skeyton 
Wicken  near  Stanfield 
Wickend  near  Syderstone 
*Wiffle    Green    near    Melton 

Magna 
*Wigmore  Farm  nr.  Hickling 
Wildman  Cover  nr.  Kimberley 
*  Wilde  Burrs  near  Aldeby 
*Willed  Barn  nr.  Saxlingham 
Wilney  Green  near  Fersfield 
*Wilted  Cross  nr.  Saxlingham 
Winchester  Hills  near  Newton 
Windale  Hills  nr.  Gillingham 
Winmore  Hill  near  Hickling 
Winspurs  near  Houghton 
*Winson  Cottage  near  Gilling- 
ham 
Winston  Hall  near  Gillingham 
Winter's  Grove  near  Topcroft 
Withergate  near  Worstead 
Witton  Green  near  Peedhani 
Woeful  Green,  Skeyton 
Wolverton  Place  near  Sporle 
Womack  Broad  near  Ludham 
Woman  Hithe  near  Runton 
Wood  Bridge  nr.  Field  Dalling 
Woodcock     Hall    near     East 

Wretham 
Woodgate  near  Aylsham 
Woodgate  Pit  near  Swaffham 
Woodhouse  near  Thursford 
Wood  Street  near  Ludham 
*Woodrow  Lane,  Corpusty 
*Woofred  Green   House  near 

Shotesham 
Wool  Grove,  Wolterton 


318 


Woolly  Bushes  near  Sahara 
Woolsey    Farm     near    Kirby 

Bedon 
Woolsey's  Bridge  nr.  Aylsham 
World's  End  near  Sail  " 


*Worley  House  nr.  Babingley 
Wortwell  near  Redenhall 
Wryneck  Mill  nr.  Denver  Fen 

Yallops  near  Palling 


Not  the  least  use  to  which  a  close  index  of  the  names  of 
hamlets,  farms,  and  other  localities,  not  included  in  any 
gazetteer,  may  be  put,  will  be  in  tracing  the  extent  of  Norsk 
and  other  settlements  by  their  place-names. 

At  p.  184  of  vol.  i.  I  gave  the  names  of  one  hundred  and 
sixty-four3  places  in  Norfolk  prima  facie  of  Danish  origin, 
e.g.,  having  the  terminations  by,  oe  and  hoe,  toft,  thorp,  wick, 
thwaite,  holm,  haugh,  strand,  and  sett. 

The  compilation  of  this  list  has  enabled  me  to  add  thirty- 
nine  more,  viz.  : — 

By- 

Ashby  Mere  Plantation 
Iybey  near  Wood  Dalling 
Kirby  Hill  near  Overstrand 
Westby  Green  near  Diss 

Oe— 
Carrow 

Darrow  near  Alburgh 
Darrow  near  Shelfhanger 
Farrow  Street  nr.  Ditching- 
ham 
How  Hill 
Lascoe  Plantation 
Marrow  Hill 
MiU  Hoe 

Pristow  Green  nr.  Tibenham 
Sallow  Bridge 
Scarrow  Bridge 
Sennowe  Lodge 


Toft— 
Toftwood  Common 

Thorpe — 

Algarsthorpe  nr.  Bawburgh 
Banthorpe  Hall 
Blackthorpe  Farm 
Custhorpe  near  Westacre 
Folthorp  Manor  near  Wick- 

ingham 
Halthorp  near  Hingham 
Thorpeland      Grove      near 

Fakenham 
Thorpe  House  near  Bridg- 

ham 
Thorpe  Green  near  Bretten- 

ham 
Thorpland,  Wallington 
Thorpland  Hall,  Fakenham 
Thorp  Row  near  Shipdham 


3  The  Rev.  Isaac  Taylor,  in  his  Words  and  Places,  estimated  them  "  at  about 
fifty  "  ! 


319 


Wick— 
Balwick  near  Marsh  am 
Cakewick  nr.  Wymondham 
Dudwick  House 
Ken  wick  near  Clench  warton 

Tinea  it e — 

Thwaite  near  Aylsham 


Haugh — 

Banham  Haugh  near  Buck- 

enham 
Belhough 

Haw  Hill  near  Dereham 
Micklehaugh 
Strumpshaw 


Some  of  the  more  noticeable  of  the  other  names  are,  Loggan 
Hill,  Barrows,  Barrow  Common  and  Barroio  Hill,  Bunns  Bank 
and  Beacon  Hill  (2),  all  suggestive  of  long  past  times ;  while 
the  numerous  Stump  Crosses,  Holy  Cross  Hill,  and  Procession 
Meer  Lane  near  Old  Walsingham,  are  no  doubt  traces  of  the 
Catholics.  Bugg's  Grave  may  be  older  than  it  seems,  as  may  be 
Pig's  Grave,  Deadman's  Grave,  and  Shuckforth's  Tomb.  Of  the 
evil  one  we  are  reminded  by  Devil's  Bottom,  Devil's  Ditch, 
Devil's  Dyke,  Devil's  Punch  Bowl,  Hell  Lane,  and  Hell's  Mere  ; 
and  of  his  works  by  Blood  Hills,  Blood's  Dale  Lane,  Thieves' 
Brake,  Thieves'  Cross,  Thieves'  Lane,  Robbers'  Nursery,  Smugglers' 
Grove,  and  Woeful  Green ;  while  their  results  are  foreshadowed 
by  Galley  or  Gallowshill.  As  in  Bigod's  Wood  and  Howard9 s 
Hill,  we  sometimes  get  a  glimpse  of  the  old  owners  of  the 
land,  but  a  large  proportion  of  the  names  are  clearly  jocular, 
such  as  Paddingpoke  Barn,  Needless  Barn,  Slender  Bone  Farm, 
Snail's  Pit  Farm,  Whey  Curd  Farm,  Wryneck  Mill,  Shakers' 
Gravel  Pit,  Drunken  Drove,  Jack  Bell's  Grove,  Jealous  Wells' 
Farm,  Marrowbone  Hall,  Cr abb's  Castle,  Barge  Tubs,  Sotv's 
Head  Spong,  &c. 

It  is  noteworthy  there  is  another  Botten  Row.  For  the 
derivations  or  meanings  of  Rutica  Bam  and  Hezicus  Lane  I 
wait  in  vain. 


474C 


320 

Norfolk  Antiquarian  Current  literature. 

The  more  important  works  issued  since  the  commence- 
ment of  this  work  are  : — 

(1)  Memorials  of  the  Hurry  Family,  by  C.  J.  Palmer.  Printed  for 
private  circulation.     Miller  and  Leavins,  Norwich,  1873. 

(2)  Letters  of  Henry  Walpole,  S.  J.  Edited  by  Dr.  Jessopp  for  the 
Hon.  F.  Walpole.  Printed  for  private  circulation.  Miller  and  Leavins, 
Norwich,  1873. 

(3)  The  Church  Bells  of  Norfolk,  by  the  late  John  L'Estrange. 
Miller  and  Leavins,  Norwich,  1874,  royal  8vo.  Published  by  subscription, 
and  most  decidedly  the  best  work  on  English  campanology  yet  printed. 

(4)  Palgrave  Family  Memorials,  by  Charles  John  Palmer  and  Stephen 
Tucker  (Rouge  Croix).  Printed  for  private  circulation  only.  Miller  and 
Leavins,  Norwich,  .1878.  A  beautifully  illustrated  and  unusually  truthful 
family  history,  with  no  concocted  descents. 

(5)  The  Ancient  Sculptures  ok  the  Roof  of  Norwich  Cathedral, 
by  Dean  Goulburn  and  the  Rev.  H.  Symonds,  M.A.,  and  a  History  of  the 
See  of  Norwich,  by  Dean  Goulburn  and  Mr.  E.  Hailstone.  Stacy, 
Norwich,  1876.  A  handsome  volume,  which  will  always  fetch  a  good  price 
for  its  admirable  illustrations.     The  letterpress  is  worse  than  useless. 

(6)  The  Life  and  Letters  of  Bishop  Herbert  de  Lozinga,  by  Dean 
Goulburn.     This  work  is  not  illustrated. 

(7)  One  Generation'  of  a  Norfolk.  House  [Walpole].  A  Contribution 
to  Elizabethan  History.  By  Augustus  Jessopp,  D.D.  Miller  and  Leavins, 
Norwich,  1878.  This  very  valuable  work  attained  the  high  distinction  of  a 
second  edition  the  following  year,  a  thing  almost  unheard  of  in  antiquarian 
literature. 

(8)  Visitation  of  Norfolk,  in  1563,  from  Harleian  MSS.  in  the  British 
Museum.  Edited  by  the  Rev.  G.  H.  Dashwood,  F.S.A.,  and  continued  by 
Capt.  W.  E.  G.  L.  Bulwer,  G.  A.  Carthew,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  Rev.  W.  Grigson, 
M.A.,  and  the  Rev.  Augustus  Jessopp,  D.D.,  for  the  Norfolk  and  Norwich 
Archaeological  Society,  vol.  i.     Miller  and  Leavins,  1878. 

(9)  Norfolk  Archeology  [Transactions  of  the  Norfolk  and  Norwich 
Archaeological  Society],  vol.  viii.,  1874 — 1879.  The  best  papers  are  those  on 
the  Heraldry  of  Norwich  Cathedral,  by  the  Rev.  C.  J.  Evans,  M.  A. ;  on  Sealed 
Altar  Slabs,  by  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Sewell,  M.A.  ;  on  the  Stapletons  of  Ingham, 
by  the  Rev.  J.  Lee-TVarner ;  on  Roman  Discoveries  at  Ashill,  by  Mr.  Thomas 
Barton ;  and  on  Herbert  de  Lozinga,  by  Mr.  E.  M.  Beloe  ;  the  last  especially 
being  an  admirable  paper.  Dr.  Jessopp' s  Bowthorpe  Hall  is  sketchy,  but 
Mrs.  Jones'  various  papers  are  sketchier  still,  and  the  Transactions  of  a 
County  Archaeological  Society  should  not  be  filled  by  incorrect  reproductions 
of  Blomefield.  With  a  balance  of  £369.  Is.  2d.  on  their  last  account,  it 
seems  a  great  pity  this  Society  does  not  spend  a  little  more  in  printing 
unpublished  matter,  say  the  earliest  Norfolk  Subsidy  Roll,  which  would  be 
of  the  greatest  value  alike  to  topographer  and  genealogist.  It  ought  not, 
moreover,  to  take  six  years  to  bring  out  a  volume  of  Transactions. 

(10)  The  Hundred  of  Launditch  and  Deanery  of  Brisley,  by  G.  A. 
Carthew.  Miller  and  Leavins,  Norwich,  1877 — 1880.  The  most  complete 
history  of  any  Hundred  that  has  yet  been  printed — the  result  of  a  lifelong 
labour  of  a  most  competent  man. 

(11)  The  Perlustration  of  Great  Yarmouth,  by  C.  J.  Palmer. 
Another  most  complete  and  valuable  work,  admirably  illustrated. 


DA  670  „N59  R8  v. 2  pt . 1 

Rye. 

Nor fol k  Antiquarian 

Miscellany 


LIBRARY 

institute  of  Mediaeval  StudlM 

JOSEPH  STREET 
TORONTO,  ONI,  CANADA  M5S  1J4 


