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THE 


INVENTION  OF  PRINTING. 


% Colkrimii  jotf  Jfncts  mtb  ©pinians 

DESCRIPTIVE  OP 


EARLY  PRINTS  AND  PLAYING  CARDS, 

THE  BLOCK-BOOKS  OF  THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY, 

THE  LEGEND  OF  LOURENS  JANSZOON  COSTER,  OF  HAARLEM, 
AND  THE  WORK  OF  JOHN  GUTENBERG 
AND  HIS  ASSOCIATES. 


tMuvtvattif 


WITH  FAC-SIMILES  OF  EARLY  TYPES  AND  WOOD-CUTS. 


BY 

THEO.  L.  DE  YINNE. 


* * perebj)  tongues  are  hnofone,  knofoLebge  grotoctl),  jnbgment 

rnmasetlj,  boohs  are  bisjjerseb,  % gerijrture  is  scene,  the  barters 
be  renb,  stories  be  npeneb,  times  tompareb,  truth  bisrerncb, 
fatsfioob  beteetcb,  anb  faitlj  finger  pointeb,  anb  all,  as  1 saib, 
tlgrougb  tljc  benefit  of  printing.  Fox's  Acts  and  Monuments. 


NEW -YORK: 

GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  TYPE-FOUNDERS,  NO.  13  CHAMBERS  STREET. 


1878. 


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INDEX  TO  SPECIMENS  OF  TYPES. 


Great-primer 3 to  6 

Columbian 7 

English 8 to  io 

Pica 1 ii  to  21,  and  152  -> 

Small-pica 22  to  35,  and  153 

Long-primer 36  to  49,  and  154  to  156 

Bourgeois 50  to  61,  and  157  to  159 


Brevier 62  to  77 

Minion - 78  to  109 

Nonpareil no  to  141 

Agate  . 142  to  147 

Pearl '. 148  to  15 1 

Diamond 165  to  End. 


CONTENTS. 


Preface  3 

.The  Different  Methods  of  Printing 8 


II  Antique  Methods  of  Impression  and 

their  Failure 


15 


III  The  Key  to  the  Invention  of  Typography..  25 

IV  The  Image  Prints  of  the  Fifteenth  Century  33 

V  Printed  and  Stenciled  Playing  Cards 41 

VI  The  Chinese  Method  of  Printing  48 

VII  The  Early  Printing  of  Italy 52 

VIII  ...The  Introduction  of  Paper  in  Europe 56 

IX  The  Book-makers  of  the  Middle  Ages 60 

X  The  Preparations  for  Printing 67 

XI  Block-Books  of  Images  without  Text 72 

XII  Block-Books  of  Images  with  Text 81 

XIII  ...The  Donatus,  or  Boy’s  Latin  Grammar 89 

XIV... The  Speculum  Salutis,  or  Mirror  of 


Salvation  . 


XV 


.The  Works  and  Workmanship  of  an 
Unknown  Printer 


....  92 
97 


XVI... The  Period  in  which  the  Speculum? 

was  Printed $ io5 

XVII  ..The  Legend  of  Lourens  Janszoon  Coster.,  iio 

XVIII  .The  Growth  of  the  Legend 115 

XIX... The  Downfall  of  the  Legend 117 

XX  John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg 12 1 

XXI  . . .Gutenberg  and  his  Earlier  Work  at  ? , 

Mentz $ X7h 

XXII  ..The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg 132 

XXIII  .The  Work  of  Peter  Schoeffer  and  ? 

John  Fust \ !35 

XXIV  .Alleged  Inventors  of  Printing 140 

XXV  ..The  Spread  of  Printing 143 

XXVI  .The  Tools  and  Usages  of  the? 

First  Printers \ 148 

Additional  Notes  and  Corrections 154 

Appendix 160 

Authorities  Consulted 165 

Index 165 


Entered  according  to  act  of  Congress,  in  the  Year  2878,  by  GEORGE  BRUCE'S  SON  & CO.,  in  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  ChamBEbs-Street,  NEW- YORK. 


Great-primer,  No.  1. 


3 


PREFACE. 

The  Invention  of  Printing  has  always  been  recognized  by  educated  men  as 
a subject  of  importance : there  is  no  mechanical  art,  nor  are  there  any  of 
the  fine  arts,  about  whose  early  history  so  many  books  have  been  written. 
The  subject  is  as  mysterious  as  it  is  inviting.  There  is  an  unusual  degree 
of  obscurity  about  the  origin  of  the  first  printed  books  and  the  lives  and 
works  of  the  early  printers.  There  are  records  and  traditions  which  cannot 
be  reconciled  of  at  least  three  distinct  inventions  of  printing.  Its  early 
history  is  entangled  with  a controversy  about  rival  inventors  which  has 
lasted  for  more  than  three  centuries,  and  is  not  yet  fully  determined.  In 
the  management  of  this  controversyy  a subject  intrinsically  attractive  has 
been  made  repulsive.  The  history  of  the  invention  of  printing  has  been 
written  to  please  national  pride.  German  authors  assert  the  claims  of 
Gutenberg,  and  discredit  traditions  about  Coster.  Dutch  authors  insist  on 
the  priority  of  Coster,  and  charge  Gutenberg  with  stealing  the  invention. 
Partisans  on  each  side  say  that  their  opponents  have  perverted  the  records 
and  suppressed  the  truth.  The  quarrel  has  spread.  English  and  French 
authors,  who  had  no  national  prejudices  to  gratify,  and  who  should  have 
considered  the  question  without  passion,  have  wrangled  over  the  subject  with 
all  the  bitterness  of  Germans  or  Hollanders.  In  this,  as  in  other  quarrels, 
there  are  amusing  features,  but  to  the  general  reader  the  controversy  seems 
unfortunate  and  is  certainly  wearisome.  It  is  a greater  misfortune  that  all 
the  early  chronicles  of  printing  were  written  in  a dead  language.  Wolf’s 
collection  of  Typographic  Monuments , which  includes  nearly  every  paper 
of  value  written  before  1740,  is  in  Latin ; the  valuable  books  of  Meerman, 
Maittaire  and  Schoepfim.  are  also  in  Latin.  To  the  general  reader  these 
are  sealed  books  : to  the  student,  who  seeks  exact  knowledge  of  the  methods 
of  the  first  printers,  they  are  tiresome  books.  Written  for  the  information 
of  librarians  rather  than  of  printers,  it  is  but  proper  that  these  books  should 
devote  the  largest  space  to  a review  of  the  controversy  or  to  a description 
of  early  editions ; but  it  is  strange  that  they  should  so  imperfectly  describe 
the  construction  and  appearance  of  early  types  and  the  usages  of  the  early 
printers.  The  mechanical  features  of  typography  were,  apparently,  neglected 
as  of  little  importance,  and  beneath  the  dignity  of  history.  A failure  to 
present  accurate  illustrations  of  early  printing  is  not  the  fault  of  modern 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Eouxdt.rs,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


WITH  4 TO  PICA  LEADS.  I SOLID. 


4 


Great-primer,  No.  13. 


PREFACE. 

authorities.  Many  of  them  are  full  of  fac-similes  bearing  the  marks  of 
minute  and  conscientious  care;  hut  they  are  in  foreign  languages,  and 
are  seldom  found  in  our  largest  American  libraries.  There  are,  it  is  true, 
a few  books  in  English  on  early  printing  which  have  accurate  fac-similes ; 
but  high  prices  and  limited  editions  put  them  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
ordinary  book-buyer.  They  were  written  by  and  for  librarians  only. 
Valuable  as  all  these  books  are,  they  disappoint  the  printer.  Some  of 
them,  though  presenting  fac-similes  in  profusion,  are  not  accompanied 
with  proper  explanations  in  the  text : others  are  devoted  to  one  branch 
only  of  early  printing,  such  as  block-books,  or  the  printed  work  of  one 
nation  only.  Two  of  them  are  untrustworthy  as  authorities.  Neither  from 
one  book,  nor  from  all  the  books,  can  a printer  get  a clear  description 
of  the  mechanical  development  of  typography.  This  incompleteness  was 
frankly  acknowledged  by  Dr.  Dibdin,  when  he  said  that  there  was  no 
work  in  the  English  language  which  deserved  to  be  considered  as  a 
complete  general  history  of  printing.  This  was  an  old  complaint.  Nearly 
a hundred  years  before,  Prosper  Marchand  had  said  that  the  history  of 
printing,  voluminous  as  it  then  seemed,  was  but  history  in  fragments. 

The  first  attempt  to  supply  this  great  deficiency  was  made  by  August 
Bernard,  in  the  disquisition  published  at  Paris,  in  the  year  1853,  under 
the  title,  De  Vorigine  et  des  debuts  de  Vimprimerie  en  Europe.  His  was  the 
first  book  in  which  the  printed  work  attributed  to  Coster  and  Gutenberg 
was  critically  examined  from  a typographic  point  of  view.  To  readers 
who  were  not  content  with  the  vague  descriptions  of  popular  books  of 
typography,  the  explanations  of  Bernard  were  of  peculiar  value.  I had 
reason  to  think  that  a translation  of  the  history  of  tills  eminent  printer 
would  be  received  by  American  printers  with  some  measure  of  the  favor 
which  the  original  had  met  with  in  Europe.  Impressed  with  this  belief, 
I began  the  work.  1 found  it  necessary  to  consult  many  of  Bernard’s 
authorities.  My  admiration  of  the  superior  method  and  forcible  style 
of  Bernard,  an  admiration  still  unabated,  was  increased  by  the  reading 
of  the  new  books ; but  the  esteem  in  which  I hold  his  valuable  work  does 
not  prevent  the  regret  that,  in  his  entire  neglect  of  the  block-books,  he 
should  have  overlooked  the  most  significant  feature  of  early  printing. 


GEOEGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Ch.\  mbers-Stueet,  NEW-YORK. 


WITH  4 TO  PICA  LEADS.  I SOLID. 


Great-primer,  No.  16. 


5 


PREFACE. 

The  fac-similes  of  early  prints,  subsequently  shown  in  The  Infancy  of  Booh 
Printing  of  Weigel  and  in  The  Typographic  Monuments  of  Holtrop,  convinced 
me  that  the  earliest  practice  of  typography  had  its  beginning  in  a still  earlier 
practice  of  printing  from  blocks,  and  that  a description  of  block-books  should 
precede  a description  of  the  invention  of  types.  Since  these  books  were  written, 
all  the  old  theories  about  the  origin  of  typography  have  been  examined  with 
increased  interest,  and  discussed  with  superior  critical  ability,  by  many  eminent 
European  scholars.  Discoveries  of  great  importance  have  been  made  ; old  facts 
have  been  set  forth  in  new  lights ; traditions  accepted  as  truthful  history  for 
three  hundred  years  have  been  demolished.  Of  the  many  able  men  who  have 
been  engaged  in  this  task  of  separating  truth  from  fiction,  no  one  has  done 
more  efficient  service  than  Dr.  A.  Van  dee  Linde  of  The  Hague,  whose  papers 
on  the  traditions  of  typography  are  masterpieces  of  acute  and  scholarly  criticism. 
His  researches  and  reasoning'  convinced  me  that  it  would  be  unwise  to  offer  a 

O 

translation  of  any  previously  published  book  as  a fair  exponent  of  modern 
knowledge  about  early  typography.  The  newly  discovered  facts  were  opposed 
to  early  teachings ; there  could  be  no  sewing  of  the  new  cloth  on  the  old 
garment.  I was  led  away  from  my  first  purpose  of  translation,  and,  almost 

unconsciously,  began  to  collect  the  materials  for  the  present  volume. — Until 
recently,  the  invention  of  printing  has  been  regarded  as  a subject  belonging 
almost  entirely  to  bibliographers.  The  opinions  of  type-founders  and  printers 
who  had  examined  old  books  have  been  set  aside  as  of  no  value,  whenever  they 
were  opposed  to  favorite  theories  or  legends.  This  partial  treatment  of  the 
subject  is  no  longer  approved : a new  school  of  criticism  invites  experts  to 
examine  the  books,  and  pays  respect  to  their  conclusions.  It  claims  that  the 
internal  evidences  of  old  books  are  of  higher  authority  than  legends,  and  that 
these  evidences  are  conclusive,  not  to  be  ignored  nor  accommodated  to  the  state- 
ments of  the  early  chroniclers.  European  critics  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  the 
confusing  and  contradictory  descriptions  of  the  origin  of  printing  are  largely 
due  to  the  improper  deference  heretofore  paid  to  the  statements  of  men  who 
tried  to  describe  processes  which  they  did  not  understand.  They  say,  also,  that 
too  little  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  types  and  mechanics  of  early  printing. 
Criticisms  of  this  character  led  me  to  indulge  the  hope  that  I might  find 
gleanings  of  value  in  the  old  field,  and  that  it  would  be  practicable  to  present 


GEOEGE  BEUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YOEK. 


WITH  4 TO  PICA  LEADS.  | SOLID. 


Ty;,  i 
/ 


6 


Great-primer,  No.  20. 


PREFACE. 

them,  with  the  newly  discovered  facts,  in  a form  which  might  be  acceptable 
to  the  printer  and  the  general  reader.  In  this  belief,  and  for  this  purpose, 
this  book  was  written.  I would  not  have  begun  this  work,  if  I had  not 
felt  assured  that  a thorough  revision  of  the  subject  was  needed.  The  books 
and  papers  on  typography  which  are  most  popular,  and  are  still  accepted 
as  authoritative  by  the  ordinary  reader,  repeat  legends  which  have  recently 
been  proved  untrue  ; they  narrate,  as  established  facts  of  history,  methods 
of  printing  which  are  not  only  incorrect  but  impossible.  It  is  time  that  the 
results  of  the  more  recent  researches  should  be  published  in  the  English 
language.  But  I offer  them  only  as  the  compiler  of  accredited  facts : I have 
no  original  discoveries  to  announce,  no  speculative  theories  to  uphold.  Nor 
shall  I invade  the  proper  field  of  librarians  and  bibliographers.  I propose 
to  describe  old  types,  prints  and  books  as  they  are  seen  by  a printer,  and 
with  reference  to  the  needs  of  printers  and  the  general  reader,  avoiding  as 
far  as  I can,  all  controversies  about  matters  which  are  of  interest  to  book- 
collectors  only.  The  historical  part  of  the  record  will  be  devoted  chiefly  to 
the  printed  work  of  the  first  half  of  the  fifteenth  century.  It  will  begin 
with  descriptions  of  the  earliest  forms  of  printing,  as  shown  in  image  prints, 

playing  cards  and  block-books  ; it  will  end  with  the  establishment  of  typog- 
raphy in  Germany.  — Believing  that  a verbal  description  of  old  books  and 
prints,  without  pictorial  illustrations,  would  be  unsatisfactory,  I have  pro- 
vided many  fac-similes  of  early  printing.  No  part  of  this  work  will  more 
fully  repay  examination  than  its  illustrations,  which  have  been  carefully 
selected  from  approved  authorities,  or  from  originals.  Reproduced  by  the 
new  process  of  photo-engravmg,  they  are  accurate  copies  of  the  originals, 
even  when  of  reduced  size.  As  they  are  printed  with  the  descriptive  text 
by  the  same  method  of  typographic  presswork,  it  is  believed  that  they  will 
more  clearly  illustrate  the  subject  than  lithographed  fac-similes  on  strag- 
gling leaves.  — In  trying  to  make  plain  whatever  may  be  obscure  about  the 
mechanics  of  printing,  I have  thought  proper  to  begin  the  explanation  with 
a description  of  its  different  methods.  An  introduction  of  this  nature  is  not 
an  unwarrantable  digression.  It  is  important  that  the  reader  should  have 
an  understanding  of  the  radical  differences  between  typography  and  xylog- 
raphy on  the  one  side,  and  lithographic  and  copper-plate  printing  on  the 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Champers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


WITH  4 TO  PICA  LEADS.  | SOLID. 


Columbian,  No.  13. 


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GEOKGE  BRUCE’S  SON  &.  CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


1 American  engravers  on  wood  use  box  of  the  graver  and  to  the  line  of  inipres-  1 The  buff-tinted  wrappers  around  fire-  pamphlet  which  is  hound  in  this  style, 

which  has  been  cut  across  the  fibres  in  sion,  can  be  engraved  with  more  delicacy,  crackers  and  Chinese  silks  will  fairly  rep-  In  the  essential  points  of  strength,  flexi- 

flat  disks,  ninety-two  hundredths  of  an  and,  for  planting,  has  more  strength  than  resent  the  quality  of  the  paper  used  for  biiity  and  convenience,  this  binding  is 

inch  thick.  Wood  so  cut,  with  its  fibres  wood  cut  in  line  with  the  fibres.  Chinese  books.  ' much  superior  to  that  of  American  or  Ku- 

like  columns,  perpendicular  to  the  touch  2 j paye  before  me  a thick  Chinese  ropean  sewed  pamphlets. 


Bourgeois,  No.  11. 


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The  Preparations  for  Printing. 


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88 


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SOLID. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  Nc  . 13  Chambers-Steeet,  NEW-YORK. 


Minion,  No.  14. 


93 


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GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No. 


13  Chambers-Stkeet, 


NEW-YORK. 


■ 


■ 


' 


' 

■ 


■ 


110 


Nonpareil,  No.  11. 


The  Period  of  the  Speculum. 


showing  the  first  steps  in  an  immature  invention,  his  hooks  truly  show  the 
degradation  of  a perfect  method.  They  show  the  ignorance  of  a badly-taught 
typographic  printer,  and  the  prejudices  of  an  old  block-printer  who  had 
adopted  the  newer  method  with  reluctance.  We  have  seen  that  Walthers 
edition  of  the  Bible  of  the  Poor  is  every  way  inferior  to  the  first  edition,  and 
have  drawn  from  it  the  conclusion  that  there  was  a wonderful  degradation  of 
the  art  of  engraving  on  wood.  When  we  establish  a comparison  between  the 
great  Bible  of  Gutenberg  and  the  Speculum  of  the  unknown  printer  we  have 
similar  premises,  and  have  to  form  the  similar  conclusion,  that  the  arts  do 
not  always  improve  with  age,  and  that  the  pupil  or  the  imitator  is  often  in- 
ferior to  the  master. 

The  evidences  in  favor  of  the  priority  of  the  unknown  printer  are  very  ^ 
slight.  It  may  be  conceded  that  he  was  the  first  printer  of  the  Netherlands,  p 
but  it  has  not  been  proved,  nor  is  it  probable,  that  he  printed  with  types  ear- 
lier  than  the  year  1463.  Still  more  improbable  is  the  assumption  that  he  was  y 
an  independent  inventor  of  printing.  We  have  to  judge  of  the  merits  of  this 
pretended  invention  as  we  do  of  every  other — by  its  fruits.  It  had  no  fruit. 

The  facts  that  this  unknown  printer  made  no  mark  on  his  age — that  he  left 
no  work  worthy  of  his  alleged  invention — that  he  was  noticed,  nor  was  his 
printed  work,  by  any  of  the  chroniclers  of  Ins  day — that  he  had  no  pupils, 
no  successors,  no  imitators — should  be  sufficient  to.  prove  that  he  was  not 
an  inventor  but  an  imitator. 

By  many  authors  the  .question  of  his  possible  priority  has  been  decided,  not 
from  an  examination  of  known  and  proved  facts,  but  from  the  assertions  of 
prejudiced  and  untrustworthy  witnesses.  The  frequent  presentation  of  the 
statement  of  the  Cologne  Chronicle,  and  of  the  legends  that  find  their  support 
in  it,  has  not  been  without  effect.  Their  is,  a general  belief  in  the  tradition  that 
types  were  first  made  in  Haarlem  by  Coster,  and  that  the  German  method 


XVII 

q THE  LEGEND  OF  LOURENS  JANSZOON  COSTER. 

Cooraliert’s  Notice  of  Printing  in  Haarlem . . . Notice  by  Van  Znren . . . By  Guicciardini . . . The 
rH  Statement  of  Junius. ..  Fac-simile  of  Scriverius’s  Portrait  of  Coster ...  Sketch  of  Junius’s 
Life  and  Works. . . Examination  of  his  Statement. . . Vagueness  of  the  Date. . . Junius’s  Story 
Incredible. . . Wood  Types  could  not  be  Used. . . Metal  Types  made  too  soon. . . This  Story 
an  Imitation  of  a Spurious  German  Story ...  Fust  was  not  the  Thief ...  Absurdity  of  the 

q Accusation Evidence  of  Cornells Our  knowledge  of  Cornelis  from  other  Sources. 

kh  Cornells  not  an  Eye-Witness. . . Talesius  not  a Satisfactory  Witness. . . Disappearance  of  the 

PL,  Art  more  Wonderful  than  its  Invention. . . Legend  Cherished  for  Patriotic  Reasons. . . Its 
Growth  and  its  Exaggerations. 

o 

-H  He  who  is  satisfied,  as  regards  a fact  like  that  of  the  invention  of  typography,  with  the  simple 
assertion  of  people  who  talk  of  things  which  are  said  to  have  happened  more  than  a century 
before  their  time,  is  destitute  of  scientific  morality : he  is  ignorant  of  the  passion  of  truth  ; 
in  short,  he  belongs  to  the  plebeians.  We  have  not  only  the  right  to  reject  the  fable  fabricated 
by  Junius, . . . but  as  honest  men  we  are  hound  to  do  it. — Van  der  Linde. 



In  the  year  1561,  Jan  Van  Zuren  and  Dierick  Coomhert,  with  other  part- 
*■"*’  ners,  set  up  a printing  office  in  Haarlem.  Van  Zuren  was  a native  and 
burgomaster  of  the  town  of  Amsterdam;  Coomhert,  who  was  a notary 
and  an  engraver,  is  said  to  have  been  the  instructor  of  the  famous  en- 
graver Goltzius.  Their  first  book  was  an  edition  of  Cicero  de  Ojftciis,  to 
which  they  prefixed  the  following  quaint  dedication: 

“To  the  burgomaster,  sheriffs  and  councilors 


was  the  outgrowth  of  the  Dutch  method.  This  proposition  has  been  repeated 
so  frequently  and  so  confidently  that  it  becomes  necessary  to  give  a critical 
examination  to  the  legend  of  printing  in  Haarlem. 

THE  EARLIEST  PRINTERS  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS. 


of  the  town  of  Haarlem,  D.  V.  Coomhert 
wishes  as  his  honorable  and  commanding 
masters,  salvation  to  soul  and  body. 

“ 1 1 was  often  told,  in  good  faith,  honorable, 
wise,  and  prudent  gentlemen,  that  the  useful  art 
of  printing  books  was  invented  first  of  all  here 
at  Haarlem  although  in  a very  crude  way,  as 
it  is  easier  to  improve  on  an  invention  than 
to  invent;  which  art  having  been  brought  to 
Mentz  by  an  unfaithful  servant,  was  very  much 
improved  there,  whereby  this  town,  on  account 
of  its  first  having  spread  it,  gained  such  a rep- 
utation for  the  invention  of  this  art,  that  our 
fellow-citizens  find  very  little  credence  when 
they  ascribe  this  honor  to  the  true  inventor, 


as  it  is  believed  by  many  here  on  incontestable 
information,  and  is  undoubtedly  known  to  the 
elder  citizens.  Nor  am  I ignorant  that  this 
fame  of  Mentz  has  taken  so  deeply  root  in  the 
opinion  of  all,  by  the  heedless  carelessness  of 
our  forefathers,  that  no  proof,  however  appar- 
ent, however  clear,  however  blameless  it  may 
be,  would  be  capable  of  removing  this  inveter- 
ate impression  from  the  hearts  of  the  people. 
But — for  truth  is  no  less  truth,  when  known 
only  to  a few,  and  because  I implicitly  believe 
what  I have  said  before,  on  account  of  the 
trustworthy  evidence  of  very  old,  dignified, 
and  grey  heads,  who  often  told  me  not  only  the 
family  of  the  inventor,  but  also  his  name  and 
surname,  and  explained  the  first  crude  way  of 
printing,  and  pointed  with  their  finger  the  house  of  the  first  printer  out  to 
me — I could  not  help  mentioning  this  in  few  words,  not  as  an  envier  of 
another’s  glory,  but  as  a lover  of  truth,  and  to  the  promotion  of  the 
honor  of  this  town;  which  proper  and  just  ambition  seems  to  have  also 


THE  TOWNS  AND  CITIES 
OP 

THE  NETHERLANDS 

IN  WHICH 

PRINTING  OFFICES  WERE  ESTABLISHED 


Utrecht Nicholas  Ketelacr..  ) 

Gerard  de  Leempt . > 

William  Hees 

John  Veldener 

Alost John  of  Westphalia.. 

Thierry  Martens 

Louvain John  Veldener 


. fj  mm  \ cmnin 

John  of  Westphalia.. 

Conrad  Braem 

Conrad  of  Westphalia 
Hermann  of  Nassau,  £ 

. Rudolph  Loett's. . . $ 
Egidius  van  der } 

Heerstraten ) 

Louis  de  Baveseot 

Thierry  Martens 


Brussels Brotherhood  of  the? 

Life-in-Common . . j 

Gouda Gerard  Leeu 

Godfrey  de  Os 

Godfrey  de  Ghemen . . 

Unnamed  Printer 

Bruges Colard  Mansion 

John  Brito 


1473-1474 

1475 

1478-1481 

1473-1474 

1473-1490 

1473- 1477 

1474- 1490 

1475- 1481 
1470 
1483 

1485-1488 

1488 

1498-1500 

1476- 1487 

1477- 1484 
1480 

1480 

1475-1484 


Deventer  — 
Delft 


Saint  Maar- 
tensdyk. . 
Nimeguen  . . 
Zwoll 

Audcnarde  . 

Ilasselt 

Antwerp 


Leyden 

Garni 

Culenburg . . . 
Bois-le-Duc  .. 
Srlioonhoven 
Schiedam  — 
Haarlem 


Richard  Pnffroed 
Jacques  de  Breda 
Jacob  Jacobzoon 
.1.  Van  der  Meer 
Unnamed  Printei 
Werre 


iren  . 


.Gerard  Leempt 
Unknown  Printer 

Peter  von  Os 

.Arn.  PEmpereur. 
Pereg.  Bermentlo 
Matt.  Van  der  Go 

Gerard  Leeu 

Thierry  Martens. 
Henry  Henry  — 
Arnold  l’Empereur 
John  Veldener. . . 
Gerard  Leempt . . 

Brotherhood 

Unnamed  Printer 
Jacob  B<-llaert.  . . 
Jan  Andrieszoon 


1477-1500 

1485-1500 

1477-1479 

1480-1487 

1488-1494 

1478 

1479 

1479 

1480-1500 
1 180  l 182 
1480-1481 

1482- 1491 
1484-1493 
1493-1497 

1483- 1484 
1483-1481)  . 

1483- 1484 

1484- 1487 
1405-1500 
1408-1500 
1483-1480 

1480 


. been  the  cause  for  the  re-establishment  apd  re-commencement  of  this 
Q printing  office  (as  a shoot  from  the  root  of  an  old  tree).  For  it  often 
-I  happened,  when  the  citizens  talked  to  each  other  about  this  case,  that 
j they  complained  that  others  enjoyed  this  glory  unjustly,  and  (as  they  said) 
without  anybody  contradicting  them,  because  no  one  exercised  printing 
in  this  town.’  ” Hessels’  translation  as  given  in  the  Haarlem  Legend,  p.  50. 
m The  claim  of  Haarlem  to  the  invention  of  printing  is  confidently  stated, 
^ but  Coomhert  has  neglected  to  give  the  name  or  describe  the  process  of 
O the  inventor,  to  fix  the  date  of  the  invention,  or  to  specify  any  of  its 
H pi-oducts.  He  and  his  venerable  informants,  the  “honorable,  wise  and 
P-  prudent  gentlemen,”  knew  all  these  matters,  but  Coomhert  prudently 
,,  kept  silence.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  Coomhert  admits  that,  in  1561, 
“the  fame  of  Mentz  ” had  taken  so  deep  a root  in  the  minds  of  many 
IT1  people  that  no  proof  could  remove  it. 

? A full  notice  of  the  details  of  early  printing  might  have  been  considered 
out  of  place  in  the  preface  to  a classic  text  book,  but  it  would  have  been 
pertinent  in  a “ Dialogue  on  the  First  Invention  of  the  Typographic  Art,” 
which  was  the  title  of  a book  said  to  have  been  written  by  Jan  Van 


Zuren.  Of  this  dialogue  nothing  is  known  but  the  introduction.  Whether 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-FoiWdkrs,  No.  IB  ChambekS-Stkket,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  11. 


Ill 


The  Legend  of  Coster. 


The  Legend  of  Coster. 


the  author  grew  weary  of  his  task,  and  abandoned  it  before  completion,  or 
whether  the  manuscript  was  destroyed,  as  is  alleged,  during  the  seige  of  Haar- 
lem in  1573,  cannot  now  be  ascertained.  All  we  know  of  tliis  manuscript  is 
through  Peter  Scriveiius,  who,  diligently  gleaning  every  scrap  of  history  that 
favors  the  Haarlem  invention,  has  preserved  the  preface.  It  is  too  long  and 
rambling  for  a literal  translation;  this  is  the  substance,  which  Van  Zuren 
approached  with  great  delicacy : 

‘ ' He  does  not  wish  to  deprive  Mentz  of  its  rightful  honors,  but  he  will  see 
that  the  honors  of  Haarlem  are  not  altogether  lost.  The  town  of  Mentz,  so 
justly  lauded,  first  introduced  tliis  art,  received  from  us,  in  public  life.  The 
first  crude  foundations  of  tliis  excellent  art  were  laid  in  our  town  of  Haarlem. 
Here  the  art  of  printing  was  bom.  No  doubt  it  was  here  carefully  cultivated 
and  improved : here  it  remained  during  many  years,  until  at  last  it  accom- 
panied a foreigner  and  made,  at  last,  its  public  appearance  at  Mentz.” 

Here  again  is  a noticeable  absence  of  names,  dates,  books,  evidences  and 
authorities.1  From  beginning  to  end  there  is  nothing  in  tliis  statement  but 
naked  assertion. 

One  fact  of  real  value  may  be  gleaned  from  the  preface  of  Van  Zuren  and 
the  dedication  of  Coornliert.  There  was  even  then  in  Haarlem  a strong  pre- 
judice against  Mentz : there  was  a wavering  belief  among  some  of  the  towns- 
folk that  printing  had  been  invented  in  Haarlem,  and  that  the  pretension  of 
Mentz  was  unfounded.  Whether  this  prejudice  had  been  fostered  by  the  GC 
obscure  language  of  Zell,  or  whether  it  took  its  rise  in  the  conceit  of  the  O 
simple  people  of  the  town,  who  may  have  thought  that  Bellaert,  the  first  t"1 
printer  at  Haarlem,  was  also  the  first  printer  in  the  world,  cannot  now  be  H 
ascertained.  There  was  a prejudice,  and  Van  Zuren  and  Coomhert  thought  • 
that  it  would  be  to  their  interest  as  printers  to  propitiate  it. 

The  publication  of  these  mysterious  allusions  to  an  early  printer  in  Haar- 
lem strengthened  the  belief  of  Hollanders  in  the  legend,  it  was  imposed  as 
veritable  history  on  intelligent  foreigners  who  were  unable  to  disprove  it. 
Luigi  Guicciardini,  a Florentine  nobleman,  for  many  years  resident  of  Ant- 
werp, and  who  there  wrote  and  published,  in  1567,  a Description  of  the  Low 
Countries,  was  the  first  author  of  distinction  who  gave  a world- wide  publicity 
to  the  legend.  In  his  book  he  says : 

“ According  to  the  common  tradition  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  assertion 
of  other  natives  of  Holland,  as  well  as  the  testimony  of  certain  authors  and 
records,  it  appears  that  the  art  of  printing  and  stamping  letters  and  characters 


i The  comments  of  a modern  critic  on  the 
strange  omissions  of  this  positive  statement 
are  to  the  point : 

“ Tliis  forgetfulness  of  Coornliert  has  always 
seemed  to  me  one  .of  the  most  striking  pecu- 
liarities of  the  Haarlem  legend.  How  can  it 
be!  Here  is  a man,  very  learned,  very  patri- 
otic. who  appreciates  the  importance  of  the 
discovery,  who  contends  with  zeal  to  establish 
for  his  country  the  honor  of  being  the  cradle 
of  the  greatest  of  modern  inventions.  He 
knows  the  name,  the  family  name  and  the 
family  of  the  inventor,  and  lie  does  not  divulge 
them  to  his  fellow-citizens!  This  surpasses 


belief.  And  what  shall  we  say  of  the  burgo- 
master Van  Zuren?  He  writes  a special  trea- 
tise to  retrieve  the  glory  of  the  invention  to 
the  honor  of  the  city  of  -which  he  is  a magis- 
trate, lint  it  never  occurs  to  him  that  he  should 
honor  the  memory  of  the  inventor  — I will 
not  say  by  a monument  of  some  kind,  for  that 
might  lie  demanding  altogether  too  much  — 
but  at  least  by  a mention,  by  some  souvenir, 
by  giving  his  name  to  some  street,  or  still  less, 
by  a simple  record  in  a book.  It  is  not  possi- 
ble to  find  another  example  of  a forgetfulness 
so  incredible.”  C.  Ruelens,  Bibliophile  Beige . 
vol.  hi.  18(18. 


“When  strolling  in  the  woods  near  the  city,  as  citizens  who  enjoyed 
ease  were  accustomed  to  do  after  dinner  and  on  holidays,  it  happened 
that  he  undertook  as  an  experiment  to  fashion  the  bark  of  a beech  tree 
in  the  form  of  letters.  The  letters  so  made  he  impressed  the  reverse  way, 
consecutively,  upon  a leaf  of  paper,  in  little  lines  of  one  kind  and  another, 
and  the  kindness  of  his  nature  induced  him^to  give  them,  as  a keepsake, 
to  the  grandchildren  of  his  son-in-law  [Thomas  Pieterzoon].  He  had  suc- 
ceeded so  happily  in  this  that  he  aspired  to  greater  things,  as  became  a 
man  of  cultivated  and  enlarged  capacities.  By  the  aid  of  his  son-in-law, 
Thomas  Pieterzoon,  to  whom  were  left  four  children,  most  of  whom 
attained  the  dignity  of  burgomaster  (I  say  this  that  all  the  world  may 
^ know  that  tliis  art  was  invented  in  a reputable  and  honorable  family, 
Q and  not  among  plebeians),  he  invented,  first  of  all,  an  ink  thicker  and 
<<  more  viscid  than  that  of  the  scribes,  for  he  found  that  the  common  ink 
spread  or  blotted.  Thereupon  he  made,  by  the  addition  of  letters,  ex- 
planations for  pictures  engraved  on  wood. 

“Of  tliis  kind  of  printing  I myself  have  seen  some  stamped  block-books, 
hh  the  first  essays  of  the  art,  printed  on  one  side  only,  with  the  printed 
^ pages  facing  each  other,  and  not  upon  both  sides  of  the  leaf.  Among 
q them  was  a book  in  the  vernacular,  written  by  an  unknown  author,  bear- 
H ing  the  title'  of  Spieghel  onzer  behoudenis  [the  edition  in  Dutch  of  the 
3Q  Speculum  Salutis) . This  book -was  among  the  a b c's  of  the  art — for  an 
art  is  never  perfected  at  its  inception — and  the  blank  sides  of  the  leaf 
® were  united  by  paste,  to  hide  the  uncouthness,  of  the  unprinted  pages. 
Eh  He  subsequently  changed  the  beech-wood  letters  for  those  of  lead,  and 
££  these  again  for  letters  of  tin,  because  tin  was  a less  flexible  material, 
harder,  and  more  durable.  To  this  day  may  be  seen  in  the  very  house 
itself,  looking  over  on  the  market-place  as  I have  said  (inhabited  after- 
ward by  Ins  great-grandchildl  Gerrit  Thomaszoon,  who  departed  this  life 
but  a few  years  since,  and  whom  I mention  only  to  honor),  some  very 
old  wine  flagons,  which  were  made  from  the  melting  down  of  the  rem- 
nants of  these  very  types. 

“The  new  invention  met  with  favor  from  the  public,  as  it  deserved,  and 
the  new  merchandise,  never  before  seen,  attracted  purchasers  from  every 
direction,  and  produced  abundant  profit.  As  the  admiration  of  the  art 
increased,  the  work  increased.  He  added  assistants  to  his  band  of  work- 
men: and  here  may  be  found  the  cause  of  his  troubles.  Among  these 
workmen  was  a certain  John.  Wli ether  or  not,  as  suspicion  alleges,  he 
was  Faust — inauspicious  name  for  one  who  was  equally  unfortunate  and 


The  Legend  of  Coster. 


The  Legend  of  Coster. 


on  paper  in  the  manner  now  used,  was  first  invented  in  this  place  [Haarlem] . 

But  the  author  of  the  invention  happening  to  die  before  the  art  was  brought 
to  perfection  and  had  acquired  repute,  his  servant,  they  say,  went  to  reside 
at  Mentz,  where,  giving  proofs  of  his  knowledge  in  that  science,  he  was  joy- 
fully received,  and  where,  having  applied  himself  to  the  business  -with  unre- 
mitting diligence,  it  became  at  length  generally  known,  and  was  brought  to 
entire  perfection,  in  consequence  of  which  the  fame  afterward  spread  abroad 
and  became  general  that  the  art  and  science  of  printing  originated  in  that  city. 
What  is  really  the  truth  I am  not  able,  nor  will  I take  upon  me  to  decide, 
it  sufficing  me  to  have  said  these  few  words  that  I might  not  be  guilty  of  in- 
justice toward  tliis  town  and  this  country.”  Ottley's  translation  as  quoted  in 
Johnson’s  Typographia , vol.  I,  p.  12. 

The  story  is  told  as  it  had  been  heard,  without  comment,  and  without  hearty 
belief.  It  will  be  noticed  that  no  really  important  fact  has  been  added  to 
supplement  the  previous  story.  We  are  still  in  the  dark  as  to  the  name  of 
the  printer,  the  date  of  the  invention,  and  the  titles  of  his  books.  The  authors 
mentioned  by  Guicciardini  were  probably  Coomhert  and  Van  Zuren;  the 
inhabitants  who  gave  him  inf  onnation  were  probably  the  same  men  who  had 
previously  given  it  to  these  printers.  Guicciardini’s  story  differs  from  theirs 
in  one  point  only.  His  description  of  the  translation  of  typography  from 
Haarlem  to  Mentz  does  not  impute  dishonesty  to  the  workman  who  carried 
it  thither.  The  insinuated  accusation  of  theft  was  not  repeated  by  the  scru-  G£ 
pulous  Italian.  ' O 

Guicciardini’s  book,  which  was  of  marked  merit,  was  published  in  an  age  ^ 
of  credulity.  It  was  translated  and  reprinted  in  many  languages.  Tliis  legend  q 
of  an  unnamed  inventor  at  Haarlem  was  taken  up  by  other  writers.  It  was  • 
published  as  valid  history  by  George  Braunius  of  Cologne,  in  his  geography, 
dated  1570-88 ; by  Michael  Eytzinger  of  Cologne,  in  a book  on  the  Netherlands, 
dated  1584 : by  Matthew  Quade  of  Cologne,  in  a compend  of  history  and  geog- 
raphy dated  1600 ; by  Noel  Conti  of  Venice,  in  a universal  history,  dated  1572. 
These  authors  have  been  frequently  quoted  as  men  who  had  examined  and 
confirmed  the  legend ; but  it  is  obvious  that  they  coined  the  statements  of 
Guicciardini  without  investigation.  Their  approval  of  the  legend  must  be 
considered  as  an  exhibition  of  credulity  rather  than  of  knowledge. 

The  specification  of  the  name  of  the  alleged  proto-typographer  of  Haarlem 
was  made  for  the  first  time  in  a book  now  known  as  Batavia . which  was 
published  in  1588,. and  of  which  Hadrianus  Junius  or  Adrien  de  Jonghe  was 
the  author.  The  story  of  the  invention,  as  here  related,  is  far  from  complete, 
but  it  is  positive  and  definite : it  gives  the  time,  the  place,  the  book  and  the  man. 

It  can  be  fairly  shown  only  in  an  unabridged  translation  of  the  author’s  words : 

“About  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  years  ago,  there  dwelt  in  a house  of 
some  magnificence  (as  may  be  verified  by  inspection,  for  it  stands  intact  to 
tliis  day)  in  Haarlem,  near  to  the  market,  and  opposite  the  royal  palace, 
Laurentius  Joannes,  surnamed  aE ditux  or  Custos,  by  reason  of  this  lucrative 
and  honorable  office,  which  by  hereditary  right  appertained  to  the  distin- 
guished family  of  this  name.  To  this  man  should  revert  the  wrested  honor  of 
the  invention  of  the  typographic  art,  which  has  been  wrongfully  enjoyed  by 
others.  A just  judgment  should  give  to  him  before  all  others,  the  laurel 
which  he  has  deserved  as  the  most  successful  contestant. 


unfaithful  to  his  master1 — or  whether  he  was  another  of  the  same  name, 
I shall  not  trouble  myself  to  ascertain — for  I am  unwilling  to  disturb  the 
shades  of  the  dead,  inasmuch  as  they 2 must  have  suffered  from  the  re- 
proaches of  conscience  as  long  as  they  lived.  This  man,  although  bound 
by  oath  to  [preserving  the  secrets  of]  the  typographic  art,  when  he  knew 
himself  to  be  perfectly  skilled  in  the  operations  of  type-setting,  in  the 
knowledge  of  type-founding,  and  in  every  other  detail  appertaining  to  the 
work,  seized  the  first  favorable  opportunity — and  he  could  not  have  found 
a time  more  favorable,  for  it  was  on  the  night  of  the  anniversary  of  the 
nativity  of  Christ,  when  all,  without  distinction,  are  accustomed  to  assist 
at  divine  service — and  flew  into  the  closet  of  the  types,  and  packed  up 
the  instruments  used  in  making  them  that  belonged  to  his  master,  and 
P which  had  been  made  with  his  own  hands,  and  immediately  after  slunk 
^ away  from  the  house  with  the  thief.  He  went  first  to  Amsterdam,  thence 
0 to  Cologne,  and  finally  regained  Mentz,  as  it  were  to  an  altar  of  safety  so 
it  is  said,  and  as  if  beyond  all  possibility  of  a recapture,  where,  having 
q opened  his  office,  he  reaped  an  abundant  reward  from  the  fruits  of  his 
►h  theft.  That  is  to  say,  within  the  space  of  a year,  or  about  1442,  it  is  well 
known  that  he  published  by  the  aid  of  the  same  types  which  Laurentius 
O had  used  in  Haarlem,  the  Doctrinal  of  Alexander  Gallus,  the  most  popular 
grammar  then  in  use,  and  also  the  Treatises  of  Peter  of  Spain,  which 
GO  were  his  first  publications. 

“These  are  the  facts.  Nearly  all  of  them  are  from  old  men  worthy  of 
belief,  who,  each  in  turn,  have  accepted  and  transmitted  them,  as  they 
would  pass  a lighted  torch  from  hand  to  hand.  I knew  these  facts  long 
time  ago,  and  have  positive  knowledge  from  other  sources  which  have 
attested  and  confirmed  them.  I remember  that  Nicholas  Gallius,  the 
preceptor  of  my  boyhood,  a man  of  tenacious  memory,  and  venerable  witli 
grey  hairs,  narrated  these  circumstances  to  me.  He,  when  a boy,  had 
more  than  once  heard  Comelis,  an  old  bookbinder  and  an  under  workman 
in  the  same  printing  office,  when  not  an  octogenarian  and  bowed  down 
with  years,  recite  all  these  details  as  lie  had  received  them  from  his 
master,  embracing  the  inception  of  the  enterprise,  the  growth  and  culti- 
vation of  the  rude  art,  and  other  transactions  connected  therewith.  But 


1 An  attempted  play  or  pun  on  the  Latin 
faustus,  happy.  But  the  German  printer’s 
name  was  not  Faust,  but  Fust.  This  pun  was 
the  origin  of  the  error. 

2 In  Junius’s  description  of  the  thief,  there 
is  a strange  confusion  of  singular  and  plural. 
Beginning  with  the  specification  of  one  John 


as  the  thief,  the  stoiy  ends  with  an  intimation 
that  there  were  two  thieves.  This  substitution 
of  they  for  he  is  not  a typographical  error,  nor 
is  it  a slip  of  the  pen.  It  seems  to  have  been 
intended  to  sustain  the  insinuation  of  the  com- 
plicity of  Fust  in  this  theft. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


112 


Nonpareil,  No.  11. 


The  Legend  of  Coster. 


m 


The  Legend  of  Coster. 


as  often  as  he  made  mention  of  the 
theft,  he  involuntarily  would  hurst 
into  tears  at  the  recollection  of  the 
infamy  of  the  sequel;  and  then  the 
anger  of  the  old  man  would  flash  up, 
as  he  thought  of  the  glory  of  the  in- 
vention that,  had  been  stolen  with  the 
other  theft. ; and  he  wished,  if  his  life 
had  been  spared,  that  he  might  have 
been  able  to  set  forth  the  tliief  in  irons, 
ready  to  be  pronounced  a subject  for 
the  executioner;  and  then  again  he 
was  wont  to  consign  his  sacrilegious 
head  to  the  direst  punishment-,  and  to 
curse  and  execrate  the  nights  which 
he  had  passed  upon  the  same  bed  for 
many  months  Avith  that  A-illain.  These 
details  do  not  disagree  with  the  words 
of  Quirinius  Talesius,  burgomaster; 
for  I acknowledge  that  a long  time  ago 
I received  nearly  the  same  story  from 
liirn  as  was  received  from  the  mouth' 
of  the  bookbinder.” 

The  full  title  of  the  book  from  winch 
this  translation  was  made  is  Hadriani 
Ivnii  Hornani , Medici  Batavia.  In 
qua  prceter  gentis  d-  insulce  antiquita- 
tem,  originem , decora , mores , aliaque , 
ad  earn  historiam per tinantia  declara- 
tur  qucefuerit  vetus  Batavia.  Ex.  offic. 
Plantiniana , 1588,  4to.  Hadrianus 
Junius  was  bora  at  Hoorn,  in  the  year. 
1511.  His  education,  as  a boy,  was 
received  at  a grammar  school  in  Haar- 
lem ; as  a young  man  at  the  university 
of  Louvain.  In  1537,  with  one  Martin 
Costerus.  he  made  a tour  in  foreign 
countries.  In  1540,  he  obtained  from 
the  university  of  Bologna  the  degree 
of  doctor  of  medicine.  Two  years 
afterward  he  was  lrting  in  Paris.  In 
1543  he  went  to  England,  and  for  six 
years  succeeding,  he  was  employed  as 
physician  to  the  duke  of  Norfolk. 
Soon  after  the  death  of  the  duke,  he 
published  in  London  a Greek  lexicon, 
which  enhanced  his  reputation  as  a 
scholar,  but  did  not  mend  liis  fortunes. 
In  1559  he  returned  to  Haarlem,  Avhere 


Poland  and  Denmark.  William  of 
Orange  sent  from  Delft  for  his  ser- 
vices as  a .physician : at  a meeting  of 
the  deputies  from  the  States,  he  nom- 
inated Junius  as  the  historian  of  Hol- 
land. In  1574  he  was  made  town  phy- 
sician at  Middleburg,  with  a liberal 
salary  and  a free  living.  "When  Haar- 
lem was  captured  in  1573  by  the  Span- 
iards, the  library  of  Junius  was  plun- 
dered, and  many  of  his  manuscripts 
were  destroyed.  He  took  this  calamity 
greatly  to  heart,  and  died  at  Ame- 
muiden  in  1575.  Justus  Lipsius  said 
he  was  the  most  learned  Netherlander 
after  Erasmus. 

The  story  of  Junius  is  the  real  foun- 
dation of  the  modem  legend  of  Haar- 
lem. All  that  had  been  Avritten  before 
is  of  little  value;  all  that  has  been 
written  since  is  but  in  explanation  of 
its  obscurer  features.  Before  any 
criticism  is  given  to  this  important 
document  the  capability  and  credibil- 
ity of  the  learned  author  of  Batavia 
should  be  considered. 

The  learning  of  Junius  cannot  be 
questioned;  but  Junius  must  be 
judged  not  by  his  dead  reputation,  but 
by  his  lhing  performance.  Batavia , 
although  Avritten  in  unexceptionable 
classic  Latin,  is  not  a valuable,  nor 
even  a mediocre  book.  The  author 
Avas  not  above  the  pedantry  and  the 
bad  taste  of  his  age.  His  book  is  full 
of  classical  allusions,  lugged  in,  not 
to  illustrate  the  subject,  but  to  display 
the  author’s  omnivorous  reading ; his 
style  is  rhetorical,  and  his  arrange- 
ment of  facts  is  beAvildering. 

The  publication  of  Batavia , the 
work  upon  which  the  fame  of  Junius 
rests,  seems  to  have  been  suggested  to 
William  of  Orange  by  Junius  himself, 
who  expected  to  receive  from  the 
States  a salary  for  his  services  as  his- 
torian. In  1565,  the  question  of  salary, 
first  named  at  200  pounds  of  40  groots, 
Avas  put  to  vote.  The  prudence  of  the 
Dutch  character  is  shown  in  the  de- 
liberations of  die  deputies.  Haarlem, 


he  married  a lady  of  wealth.  Three 
years  after  his  marriage  he  accepted 
the  appointment  of  tutor  to  the  crown 
prince  of  Denmark,  but  finding  that 
the  position  or  the  climate  was  dis- 
agreeable, he  resigned  the  office.  In 
1563  he  was  appointed  toAvn  physician, 
and  rector  of  the  Latin  grammar 
school  at  Haarlem,  which  appoint- 
ments he  held  until  1569.  About,  this 
period.he  Avrote  Nomenclator,  a lexicon 
in  eight  languages,  and  Batavia , a 
description  of  Holland.  At  various 
times  he  was  formally  invited  to  enter 
the  service  of  the  kings  of  Hungary, 


first  book  of  the  history.  The  petition 
was  not  favorably  received,  and  its 
consideration  was  postponed  for  one 
year,  at  which  time  it  was  finally  de- ' 
cided  by  the  deputies  to  pay  J unius 
300  guilders,  to  prohibit  him  from  pub- 
lishing the  first  volume  of  the  book 
with  a dedication  to  the  States,  and 
to  release  him  from  all  obligation  to 
continue  the  work.  This  disparaging 
treatment  of  the  author  prevented  the 
publication  of  the  book  with  the  com- 


true  cJflijicJ  of  Laiirenz  Ians . I/ofter./Wz  n.ecvted 
from,  kts  Monumental L Stune,  S tatnc,  'Crcctrd.  a.t 

Harlem . 


MEMOEIA 

SACRYJH. 

lAVREtNTIO 
COSTIRO, 
HApaiMENSI, 
ALTERI  CAIXMO, 
ET  ARTIS 
TYPO  GRAPHICS 
CIRCA  AN.B«. 
M.GCCC.S2X 
INTEKTOH 
PRIMO, 

BENE  DR  UTERIS 
AC  To  TO  ORBE 
3IEEE"NTI,H  ANC 

<£;X  - c. 

S TATV-AM.QVTA 
^iBI  A AVT  !MAR= 
MOHEAHE  TVI% 
TRO  AIOLTVAI  BIX 
To  POYVTTCIVXS 
GRATIS  SIMV\3 

PSTILTI 


pleteness  and  at  the  time  Junius  had 
proposed.  After  his  death  the  manu- 
scripts of  Batavia  were  collected  and 
transcribed  by  his  son  Peter,  who, 
Avith  Peter  Douza,  undertook  the»pub- 
lication.  The  book  was  published 
during  1588,  from  the  office  of  Chris- 
topher Plantin,  at  Antwerp.  The  se- 
lection of  a printer  in  a neighboring 
city  shows  that  there  was  then  no 
competent  printer  at  Haarlem.  It  is 
eAndence  of  the  indifference  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Haarlem  toward  typography. 

These  faults  would  be  overlooked, 
if  we  could  be  sure  of  his  so-called 
facts;  but  one  cannot  read  many 
pages  of  Batavia  Avitliout  being  con- 
vinced of  the  credulity  of  the  author, 
and  of  the  thorough  untrustworthi-* 
ness  of  many  of  his  descriptions.  His 
defenders  must  confess  that  the  book 
would  have  been  of  liigher  authority, 
if  he  had  been  more  chary  of  rhetoric 
and  more  exact  in  description. 

He  relates,  not  as  a legend,  but  as 
veritable  history,  that  the  virgin  Soter, 
who  possessed  but  three  pennies,  gave 
them  for  the  building  of  a church  in 
Dordrecht.  Other  three  pennies  were 
miraculously  and  regularly  found  in 
her  purse,  and  were  as  regularly  be- 
stowed, until  the  church  was  built. 
He  repeats,  with  simplicity,  the  story 
of  the  eleven  thousand  virgins  of  Co- 
logne, who  came  from  England  to  the 
now  unknown  port  of  Verona  in  Hol- 
land. He  says  that  a certain  stone  in 
a church  at  Leyden  was  once  a loaf  of 


cept  his  criticisms  on  other  traditions. 
Junius  begins  his  description  of  print- 
ing-at  Haarlem  Avith  a solemn  decla- 
ration of  liis  intention  to  tell  the  truth. 
The  declaration  of  candor  is  not  need- 
ed : what  the  reader  of  Batavia  does 
need  is,  not  the  protestation  of  the  in- 
tention of  the  author  to  tell  the  truth, 
but  some  convincing  evidence  of  his 
ability  to  distinguish  the  tine  from 
the  false.  His  preface  is  very  long,  pe- 
dantic, and  in  every  way  irrelevant,  as 
may  be  inferred  from  a glance  at  the 
folloAving  classical  names  which  he  has 
sprinkled  in  the  first  paragraph  : Car- 
neades,  the  Daughter  of  Time,  Demo- 
critus, Phoenicians  and  Egyptians, 
Cadmus,  Athenians,  Greeks  and  The- 
bans, Cecrops,  Philostratus,  Linus, 
Tacitus,  Palamedes,  Hyginus,  Car- 
menta,  Evander,  Crassus,  Scsevola  and 
Plutarch ! 

The  fixing  of  the  period  in  Avhich 
the  iiwentor  lived  seems  to  have  been 


Delft,  Leyden,  and  Gouda  assented ; 
Dordrecht  and  Amsterdam  requested 
time  for  its  consideration.  Dordrecht 
afterward  consented,  but  on  condition 
that  the  money  should  be  paid  out.  of 
the  taxes ; that  Junius  should  publish 
a volume  every  year;  and  that  he 
should  publish  nothing  without  the 
approval  of  the  States.  In  the  mean- 
time other  States  receded  from  their 
action,  saying  that  the  publication  was 
ill-timed  during  a period  of  general 
distress.  After  some  influences  had 
been  used,  the  States  gave  a grudging 
and  qualified  assent.  In  1570,  Junius 
petitioned  for  the  payment  of  200 
guilders,  as  he  had  then  finished  the 


<50 

O 

tr1 


[From  Moxon.] 


m 

Q 

o 


o 

H 

I- 


w 

H 


bread,  and  that  the  trail  substantiation 
was  made  by  a curse.  He  formally 
records  the  delivery  by  one  Margaret, 
countess  of  Hennenberg,  of  365  babies 
— a miracle,  Avrites  Van  der  Linde, 
“that  makes  you  think  of  an  upset 
pot  of  shrimps.”  Junius  adds  that 
this  would  be  a miracle  beyond  belief, 
if  it  had  not  been  attested  by  the  au- 
thority of  public  monuments . . . but  he 
accepts  the  common  belief.  These 
examples  of  the  credulousness  of  the 
author  of  Batavia  warn  us  not  to  ac- 


made  with  a studied  carelessness  and 
intended  obscurity.  If  Ave  deduct  the 
128  years  from  the  year  1568,  the  year 
in  which  the  manuscript  of  Batavia 
was  completed,  we  have  the  date  1440. 
In  this  year  Coster  lived.  When  he 
was  bora,  when  he  died,  and  how  long 
he  had  been  occupied  Avith  the  practice 
of  printing,  is  not  related.  If  we  infer 
that  Junius  intended  that  this  year 
1440  should  be  considered  as  the  year 
of  Coster's  death,  the  inference  is 
purely  conjectural.  He  does  not  say 
so.  It  may  be  supposed,  but  it  is  not 
said,  that  Coster  printed  with  types 
before  1440.  Whatever  may  have  been 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Ciiambers-Street  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  11. 


113 


The  Legend 

the  intention  of  Junius,  the  year  1440 
was  at  first  accepted  by  the  authorities 
of  Haarlem  as  the  true  date  of  the  in- 
vention of  typography. 1 It  was  thought 
that  the  fixing  of  the  invention  within 
this  year  would  sufficiently  establish 
the  priority  of  Coster,  for  the  year 
1442  was  the  date  then  assigned  to  the 
rival  invention  in  Germany.  The  au- 
thority of  Junius  for  the  year  1440 
was,  no  doubt,  a pedigree  of  the  Coster 
family,  of  which  he  makes  no  mention. 

There  are  troublesome  entangle- 
ments connected  with  this  date  of 
1440.  Subsequent  defenders  of  the 
legend,  who  tried  to  supply  the  defici- 
encies and  correct  the  errors  of  Junius, 
made  discoveries  which  compelled 
them  to  acknowledge  that  Lourens 
Janszoon  (supposed  by  them  to  be 
Lourens  Janszoon  Coster)  died  in  the 
year  1439.  If  he  died  in  1439,  and  if 
we  believe  that  the  invention  was 
made  in  1440,  then  he  did  his  typo- 
graphic work  in  the  year  after  his 
death.2  The  absurdity  of  this  date 
was  clearly  perceived  when  it  was 
afterward  discovered  that  Gutenberg 

i In  the  year  1630,  Adrien  Rooman,  of  Haar- 
lem, published  a print  which  contained  the 
engraved  representation  of  a printing  office,  to 
which  he  put  the  words  — “ Invented  at  Haar- 
lem about  1430 — “ The  magistrates  and  cit  - 
izens  of  Haarlem, in  everlasting  remembrance 
of  the  event  and  the  man,”  erected  a monu- 
ment in  front  of  the  Coster  house,  with  an  in- 
scription on  it,  which  fixed  the  date  at  1440. 

2Lambinet  caustically  observes  that  the 
romance  of  Junius  obeys  the  dramatic  law 
of  unity,  in  time,  place,  and  hero ; the  typo- 
graphic art  is  invented  in  one  day.  The 
vague  language  of  Junius  has  been  used  as  a 
proper  warrant  for  a very  liberal  construction 
of  the  date.  When  Yan  Lennep  objected,  in 
1823,  to  the  chimerical  year  of  the  invention, 
1423,  fixed  upon  by  a Haarlem  committee,  the 
synod  enjoined  him:  “If  he  will  again  care- 
fully read  the  account  of  Junius,  and  not  for- 
sake, out  of  his  prejudice,  all  common  sense,  he 
will  plainly  see  himself,  and  be  obliged  to  ac- 
knowledge that  Junius  sa.d  not  a single  word 
about  the  time  of  the  invention.”  van  der 
Linde,  The  Haarlem  Legend , p.  68. 


The  Legend 

office.  He  bad  been  engaged  in  some 
occupation  which  Junius  considered 
derogatory  to  his  dignity.  Of  this  oc- 
cupation we  shall  hear  more  hereafter. 

By  the  record,  it  appears  that  Cos- 
ter was  both  a printer  and  a publisher. 
He  cut  blocks  and  made  types,  he  mix- 
ed printing  inks,  he  printed  books,  he 
employed  many  workmen,  he  had  an 
honorable  reputation  as  a printer,  and 
he  reaped  abundant  profit  from  the 
sale  of  his  merchandise.  These  state- 
ments are  inconsistent  with  the  eulogy 
which  represents  him  as  an  idle  man 
who  experimented  with  types  for 
amusement.1 

That  Coster  knew  nothing  whatever 
about  printing  when  he  took  his  walk 
in  the  wood  may  be  properly  inferred 
from  a careful  reading  of  the  story. 
His  experiments  with  bark  seem  to 
have  surprised  and  amused  him  as 
much  as  they  did  his  grandchildren. 
There  is  nothing  unreasonable  in  this 
part  of  the  legend,  but  faith  fails  us 
when  Junius  says  that  Coster  printed 
his  book  with  types  of  wood.  The 
statement  must  be  put  aside  as  en- 
tirely unworthy  of  belief,  for  it  has 
been  shown  that  types  of  wood  are 
impracticable,  and  that  the  types  of 
every  known  edition  of  the  Speculum 
were  made  of  founded  metal. 

If  J unius  had  not  said  that  Coster 
changed  the  characters  of  wood  for 
letters  of  lead  and  of  tin,  and  that  the 
false  workman  was  expert  in  com- 
posing letters  and  in  founding  types, 
there  might  be  some  doubt  whether 
these  characters  of  wood  were  made 

i Tbc  assurances  of  his  wealth,  leisure  and 
respectability  seem  to  have  been  provoked  by 
the  published  statements,  with  winch  Junius 
was  familiar,  that  Gutenberg,  the  rival  Ger- 
man inventor,  was  of  noble  birth.  It  is  not 
the  only  instance  in  which  the  Dutch  legend 
is  the  echo  of  the  German  history.  The  first 
coincidence  is  that  Coster,  like  Fust,  was  in- 
debted to  his  son-in  law  for  valuable  assistance 
in  perfecting  typography.  And  both  sons-in- 
law  were  named  Peter. 


of  Coster. 

had  been  engaged  as  early  as  1436  in 
experiments  with  printing.  To  pre- 
serve the  appearance  of  probability, 
the  date  of  the  invention  was  removed 
to  1423,  so  as  to  allow  Coster  time  for 
experiment  and  for  the  perfection  of 
his  invention. 

The  name  of  the  inventor  is  as  un- 
certain as  the  date  of  the  invention. 
Junius  names  him  Laurentius  Johan- 
nes, sumamed  riSdituus,  or  Custos. 

In  the  pedigree,  the  name  was  written 
Lourens  Janssoens  Coster.  Surnames 
were  not  then  in  common  use ; the  son 
was  identified  through  a name  which 
described  him  in  words  as  the  son  of 
his  father.  Lourens  Janssoen  Coster 
is  literally,  Lourens,  son  of  John,  the 
keeper,  or  the  sexton.  He  is  most 
widely  known  in  typographical  litera- 
ture by  the  name  of  Coster. 

There  has  been  much  dispute  con- 
cerning the  functions  of  this  keeper. 
Junius  says  that  this  Lourens  Jans-  Ui 
zoon  was  the  keeper  of  a church ; that  O 
this  keepership  was  an  honorary  office  t"1 
which  belonged  to  Coster’s  family  by 
hereditary  right.  The  duties  of  the 
office  seem  to  have  been  those  of 
a church  trustee.  Some  writers  say 
that  this  custos  was  nothing  more 
than  a sexton,  but  it  is  of  no  moment 
whether  custos  means  sexton  or  trus- 
tee. The  care  with  which  Junius  in- 
troduces evidences  of  the  respectabil- 
ity of  Coster’s  house  and  the  dignity 
of  his  family  implies  his  fear  that 
there  might  be,  on  the  part  of  a heed- 
less reader,  some  doubt  concerning  the 
social  position  of  a custos.  Nothing 
is  said  of  the  ancestors  of  Coster. 
Probably,  there  was  reason  for  this 
omission.  Coster’s  distinction  in  Haar- 
lem was  not  that  of  patrician  birth. 

His  wealth  was  not,  so  far  as  we  can 
leam,  derived  from  inheritance,  nor 
could  it  have  been  acquired  through 
the  emoluments  of  a custos,  which 
was  an  honorary  but  not  a lucrative 


The  Legend 

tion ; he  struck  out  the  correct  method 
of  making  the  types  at  the  outset. 
His  only  mistake  with  types  was  in 
the  selection  of  materials ; wood  was 
laid  aside  for  lead,  and  tin  supplanted 
lead;  his  greatest  difficulty  was  en- 
countered in  the  manufacture  of  the 
ink.  If  this  story  is  true,  then  typog- 
raphy was  invented  through  inspira- 
tion, for  its  origin  was  unlike  that  of 
all  great  mechanical  inventions. 

Junius  describes  this  pretended  in- 
vention of  typography,  not  as  he  knew 
rj2  it  was  done,  but  as  he  thought  it 
Q should  have  been  done.  Ignorant  of 
^ the  necessity  for  that  strict  accuracy 
^ of  body,  which  is  the  vital  principle  of 
typography,  and  which  can  be  secured,  • 
^ only  by  the  most  ingenious  mechan- 
hh  ism,  he  thought,  as  thousands  have 
^ thought,  that  the  merit  of  the  inven- 
O tion  consisted  in  the  conception  of  the 
^ idea.  The  construction  of  the  mech- 
GO  anism  he  has  skipped  over  as  a little 
j,  matter  of  mechanical  detail  entirely 
unworthy  of  notice.  He  tells  us  noth- 
hh  ing  about  it.  He  shows  the  extent 
of  his  reading  and  the  weakness  of 
his  judgment,  by  treading  in  the  foot- 
steps of  German  authors  who  at- 
tempted to  describe  the  German  in- 
vention of  typography,  not  from  posi- 
tive knowledge,  but  through  the  ex- 
ercise of  a lively  imagination.  He 
makes  Coster  follow  the  road  which 
they  say  was  taken  by  Gutenberg: 
first,  the  types  of  wood ; then,  engrav- 
ed letters  on  blocks  of  wood;  next, 
types  of  lead ; lastly,  types  of  tin. 


of  Coster. 


The  Legend 


disconnected  or  conjoined.  His  lan- 
guage is  obscure,  for  he  has  used  the 
words  form  and  character  as  the  equiv- 
alent of  type,  where  these  words  could 
be  applied  with  equal  propriety  to  a 
letter  engraved  on  a block.  This  ob- 
scurity was  not  caused  by  the  poverty 
of  the  Latin  language,  for  he  after- 
ward described  types  with  clearness. 
There  was  obviously  some  confusion 
in  the  mind  of  Junius.  It  is  not  cer- 
tain that  he  clearly  understood  the 
broad  difference  between  typography 
and  xylography ; it  is  certain  that  he 
intended  to  convey  the  idea  that  Cos- 
ter was  the  inventor  of  printing  in  its 
broadest  sense — the  inventor  of  print- 
ing from  blocks  as  well  as  from  mov- 
able types.  The  absurdity  of  this 
broad  claim  must  be  obvious  to  all  ^ 
who  have  read  about  early  image  q 
prints  and  playing  cards  and  the  print- 
ed  fabrics  of  Italy  and  Sicily. 

No  part  of  Junius’s  statement  is  P 
more  incredible  than  his  description 
of  the  ease  with  which  Coster  solved 
the  problem  of  typography.  Coster 
knew  nothing  of  printing ; but  having 
carved  a few  letters  on  bark,  and 
having  cherished  the  idea  that  books 
could  be  printed  from  single  types,  he 
undertook  to  make — not  types,  but 
wood-cuts.  Eager  to  realize  his  idea 
of  typography,  he  began  work  with  a 
formidable  task  of  engraving.  Here 
is  an  absurdity.  To  design,  engrave, 
and  print  the  illustrations  of  the  Spec- 
ulum was  a task  almost  as  great  as 
that  of  making  the  types.  If  the  en- 
gravings were  not  in  the  possession  of 
Coster  before  he  made  this  experiment 
(and  Junius  does  not  authorize  this 
hypothesis) , it  is  not  possible  that  he 
could  have  added  to  his  task  by  at- 
tempting so  many  large  wood-cuts. 
What  follows  is  equally  incredible.  He 
passed  from  the  work  of  cutting  letters 
and  pictures  to  that  of  making  types 
without  hesitation  or  experimenta- 


m 

Q 

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W 

P 

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o 

£ 

o 

EH 

GO 

a 

H 

►H 

£ 


early  printers  of  Mentz:  John  Fust, 
John  Gutenberg,  John  Petersheim, 
John  Meydenbach.  When  it  was 
thought  proper  to  acquit  Fust  of  this 
accusation,  John  Gutenberg  was  se- 
lected as  the  man ; but  the  discovery  of 
records  which  proved  that  Gutenberg 
was  making  experiments  in  typog- 
raphy at  Strasburg  during  the  year 
1436,  compelled  the  withdrawal  also 
of  this  accusation.  Meerman,  with  a 
skill  in  casuistry  equal  to  the  occasion, 
then  undertook  to  prove  that  there 
were  two  Gutenbergs — brothers,  but 
with  different  surnames — Johan  Gens- 
fieisch,  the  elder,  and  Johan  Guten- 
berg, the  younger;  and  that  it  was 
the  elder  brother  who  betrayed  Coster 
and  revealed  the  secret  to  John  Guten- 
berg. It  was  a weak  artifice.  German 
historians  have  fully  proved  that  Gut- 
enberg’s brother  Frielo  had  nothing 
to  do  with  typography;  that  John 
Gensfleisch,  the  elder,  was  an  uncle, 
not  a brother, — old,  rich  and  blind  — 
of  all  men,  most  incapable  of  any  at- 
tempt at  the  purloining  or  practising 
of  an  intricate  art  like  printing.  There 
is  no  evidence  to  inculpate  Petersheim 
or  Meydenbach. 

The  determination  of  Junius  to  fast- 
en this  theft  on  Fust  is  shown  in  his 
statement  that  the  thief  regained  or 
returned  to  Mentz,  as  to  “the  altar  of 
safety.”  At  that  time  Paris,  Rome, 
and  Venice  had  more  schools  and 
scholars,  more  book-readers  and  buy- 
ers than  Mentz,  and  offered  greater 
inducements  for  the  founding  of  a 


of  Coster. 

The  wine-flagons  of  Thomaszoon 
may  have  had  some  features  which 
carried  conviction  to  the  observer  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  but  the  mod- 
ern reader,  of  the  story  will  fail  to  see 
that  they  should  have  been  made  of 
worn-out  types.  But  the  tin  wine- 
flagons  and  the  noticeable  house  on 
the  market-place  are  not  to  be  de- 
spised. Useless  as  proofs  of  the  credi- 
bility of  the  legend  of  Junius,  they 
illustrate  to  some  extent  the  pedigree 
of  the  Coster  family,  a pedigree  with 
which  Junius  was  well  acquainted, 
but  for  which  he  could  find  no  place 
in  his  legend.  These  wine-flagons  were 
the  pewter  pots  of  a tavern  about  a 
century  old. 

The  artful  insinuation  that  John 
Fust  was  the  false  workman  is  dis- 
creditable. Junius  does  not  unequi- 
vocally  say  that  Fust  was  the  thief, 
but  his  language  authorizes  the  cal- 
umny. That  John  Fust  of  Mentz 
could  not  have  stolen  the  implements 
of  Coster  will  be  positively  established 
by  records  of  the  highest  authority. 
The  Dutch  historians  of  typography 
who  defend  the  story  of  Junius,  say 
that  Junius  did  not  know  the  name 
of  the  real  thief,  but  that  the  name  of 
Fust  is  properly  inserted,  because  Fust 
was  honored  as  the  inventor  of  typog- 
raphy in  Mentz : that  there  was,  prob- 
ably, a complicity  between  Fust  and 
the  false  workman,  and  that  Fust  was, 
for  that  reason,  properly  mentioned  as 
the  real  offender. 

There  were  many  Johns  among  the 


of  Coster. 

printing  office.  These  were  the  cities 
to  which  printers  from  Mentz  subse- 
quently went,  and  to  which  a thievish 
printer  from  Haarlem  should  have 
gone.  But  Junius  finds  it  necessary  to 
send  him  to  Mentz  to  explain  the  intro- 
duction of  typography  in  Germany. 

The  charge  of  theft-  is  not  corrobo- 
rated by  the  discoveries  of  bibliogra- 
phers. The  two  books  which  Junius 
says  were  printed  in  Mentz  in  1442, 
with  the  types  of  Coster,  cannot  be 
traced  to  Mentz.  Fragments  of  a copy 
of  the  Doctrinal  of  Alexander  Gallus, 
the  work  of  some  unknown  printer, 
have  been  found,  not  in  Mentz,  but  in 
the  Netherlands.  The  types  of  this 
book  resemble  those  of  the  Speculum, 
but  they  are  sufficiently  unlike  to  es- 
tablish the  fact  that  they  could  not 
have  been  cast  from  the  matrices 
used  for  the  Speculum.  This  edition 
of  the  Doctrinal  could  not  have  been 
printed  at  Mentz. 

The  zealous  indignation  of  Cornells 
does  not  compensate  us  for  his  myste- 
rious concealment  of  the  name  of  the 
thief.  His  evidence  is  extremely  un- 
satisfactory. Comelis,  who  was  in  the 
employ  of  Coster  when  the  theft  was 
made,  who  knew  the  process,  who 
bound  the  printed  work,  who  was  an 
old  resident  of  Haarlem,  who  had  busi- 
ness relations  with  every  printer  that 
succeeded  Coster,  of  all  men,  should 
have  been  the  one  most  competent  to 
describe  the  work  of  Coster.  But  the 
information  that  he  has  furnished 
through  Junius  is  ridiculously  trivial, 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Stkeet,  NEW-YORK. 


114 


Nonpareil,  No.  12. 


The  Legend  of  Coster. 

scanty  as  to  facts  and  dates,  inconsistent,  and,  in  the  most  important 
features,  entirely  untrue. 

The  story  of  theft  is  not  only  improbable,  but  it  is  unsupported 
by  external  evidence.  Jacobus  Koning,  a diligent  searcher  in  the 
archives  of  Haarlem,  discovered  that,  on  and  after  Christmas  day, 

1140,  the  constabulary  of  Haarlem  were  often  sent  to  Amsterdam  upon 
important  business.  The  inference  attempted  is  that  the  constables 
were  in  search  of  the  workman  who  stole  Coster’s  implements.  The 
records  do  not  say  that  they  were  sent  for  a thief.  Their  business 
was  of  another  nature.  There  had  been  a great  mortality  in  Haarlem  , 
and  the  officers  of  the  town  had  left  it  while  the  pestilence  was  raging. 

The  journeys  of  the  constables  were  made  to  the  temporary  residences 
of  the  magistrates  who,  from  a more  healthy  city,  sent  directions  for 
the  government  of  the  town.  Koning  knew  this  fact  but  suppressed  it. 

[The  accusation  of  unfair  practice,  is  frequently  made  by  men  who 
have  been  defeated  in  a fair  contest.  Whenever  such  an  accusation  is 
accompanied,  as  it  was  in  this  instance,  with  dramatic  details,  it  effects 
a lodgment  in  the  popular  belief,  from  which  it  is  not  easily  removed. 
Junius  was  not  the  first,  nor  the  last,  to  use  this  discreditable  but 
effective  method  of  making-up  a case.  There  is  an  old  French  record 
which  narrates  how  Nicholas  Jenson  was  sent  from  Paris  to  Mentz  in 
the  year  1458  to  get,  a knowledge  of  the  German  invention.  Jenson  did 
acquire  this  knowledge,  and  became  an  eminent  printer.  His  detrac- 
tors say  that  he  stole  the  secret;  his  eulogists  say  that  he  learned  * 
nothing,  but  that  he  was  the  real  inventor.  The  story  of  Richard  O 
A+kyns  about  the  English  theft  is  too  full  of  absurdities  for  criticism.  ^ 
Sometime  between  1520  and  1570,  Daniel  Speckliii  wrote  a chronicle  q 
of  Strasburg,  in  which  he  relates  that  printing  was  invented  at  that  • 
city  in  the  year  1440,  by  John  Mentel ; that  Mentel’s  unfaithful  servant, 
one  John  Gensfleisch,  stole  the  secret,  not  the  punches,  and  took  it  to 
Mentz.  There  is  a popular  legend  in  Italy  that  Pamphilo  Castaldi 
invented  types  at  Feltre  in  the  year  1450;  that  John  Fust,  who 
happened  to  be  in  the  town,  abstracted  the  knowledge  of  the  invention, 
carried  it  to  Mentz,  and  arrogated  the  honors  of  the  rightful  inventor.] 

Before  we  accept  all  that  Junius  has  said  about  Cornells,  it  will  be 
well  to  learn  what  we  can  about  him  from  other  sources.  The  first 
entry  in  an  account  book  of  the  cathedral  of  Haarlem  for  the  year  1474  is 
to  this  effect : “ Item ...  I have  paid  to  Cornells,  the  binder,1  six  Rhine 
florins  for  binding  books.”  Similar  items,  describing  Cornelis  as  a 
bookbinder,  are  found  in  similar  account  books  between  the  years 
1485  and  1515.  Payments  were  also  recorded  to  Cornelis  for  coloring 
the  initial  letters  of  the  “ bulls  of  the  indulgences.”  After  the  year 
1515  his  name  appears  no  longer  as  a bookbinder ; in  1517  another  bind- 
er did  the  work  of  the  church.  Seiz  mentions  an  old  book,  printed 
by  Jacob  Bellaert  of  Haarlem  in  1485,  on  the  last  leaf  of  which  was 
written:  “Bought  at  Haarlem  in  the  Cruysstraet,  of  Cornelis  the 
bookbinder,  in  May,  1492.”  The  register  for  the  year  1522  contains  this 

i It  was  on  the  inner  cover  or  binding  of  typographical  Donalvs  was  found.  See  p.  90 
this  account  hook  that  the  fragment  of  a of  this  work. 


The  Legend  of  Coster. 

entry : “ Cornelis  the  bookbinder  was  buried  in  the  church.  For  the 
making  of  his  grave,  twenty  pence.”  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  there 
was  a bookbinder  Cornelis  at  Haarlem,  and  that  the  Cornelis  of  Junius 
is  the  Cornelis  of  the  church  record.  The  dates  in  these  records  will 
enable  us  to  test  the  accuracy  of  one  portion  of  the  chronology  of  the 
legend. 

Junius  said  that  Cornelis  told  his  story  before  he  was  an  octogenarian. 
Eighty  years  might  properly  be  considered  as  the  limit  of  his  life, 
which,  according  to  the  record,  ended  iu  1522.  If,  to  ascertain  the  date 
of  the  birth  of  Cornelis,  we  deduct  eighty  years  from  1522,  the  result 
would  show  that  he  must  have  been  born  in  1442.  But  this  was  at  least 
one  year,  perhaps  two  years,  after  the  a lleged  theft.  If  Cornelis  lived  to 
the  age  of  ninety  years,  the  allowance  of  ten  years  more  would  not  rec- 
oncile the  discrepancy.  Cornelis  would  have  been  a child  of  eight  years 
of  age ; but  the  story  of  Junius  requires,  not  a child,  nor  even  a boy, 
but  a man,  an  under-workman,  the  associate  and  room-mate  of  the 
false  workman.  To  call  it  by  the  mildest  name,  here  is  a grievous 
blunder.  The  blunder  is  not  in  the  record  of  the  church,  in  which  the 
chronology  is  consistent,  for  it  represents  Cornelis'as  beginning  to 
work  for  the  church  when  he  was  about  thirty-two  years  of  age.  It  ,, 
would  be  a waste  of  time  to  show  that  the  chronology  of  Junius  is  q 
impossible:  it  is  enough  to  say  that  the  first  link  iu  the  attempted  (-< 
chain  is  broken,  and  that  Cornelis  could  not  have  been  an  eye-witness 
of  the  facts.  ‘ U 

Lambinet  had  reason  to  speak  of  the  aged  witnesses,  Cornelis,  Gal- 
lius  and  Talesius,  as  “ walking  and  talking  centuries.”  Van  der  Linde 
characteristically  describes  the  story  of  Junius  as  “a  story  in  which 
all  the  authorities  hear  the  principal  facts  in  their  infancy,  but  only  to 
communicate  them  to  each  other  in  their  second  childhood.” 

It  is  a suspicious  circumstance  that  the  testimony  of  Cornelis  should 
be  recorded  for  the  first  time  nearly  half  a century  after  his  death. 
Hasback,  Andrieszoon  and  Bellaert,  the  early  printers  of  Haarlem, 
should  have  heard  from  Cornelis  this  story  about  Coster  and  his  in- 
vention. The  people  of  Haarlem,  we  are  told,  were  proud  of  Coster, 
and  envious  of  the  honors  conceded  to  Gutenberg.  Why  the  printers 
and  the  people  of  Haarlem  allowed  the  important  testimony  of  Cor- 
nells to  remain  unpublished  for  so  long  a time  is  a question  that  can- 
not be  answered. 

At  this  late  day,  it  is  impossible  to  discover  the  kernel  of  truth  that 
may  be  concealed  in  the  heart  of  so  great  a husk  of  fiction.  It  may  be 
that,  Cornelis,  who  seems  to  have  been  a simple-minded  man,  and  who 
appears  as  a binder  in  the  church  record  about  nine,  years  before  Bel- 
laert opened  his  printing  office,  imagined  that  this  first  printing  office 
in  Haarlem  was  the  first  printing  office  on  the  globe.  There  may  have 
been  a theft  of  types  and  of  secrets  from  the  office  of  Jacob  Bellaert 
at  or  about  1485.  Cornelis  blundered  about  dates,  and  his  inaccuracies 
have  been  exaggerated  by  the  gossip  of  the  next  generation.  These 
are  possible  conjectures.  But  we  must  remember  that  this  story  of 
Cornelis  is  not  told  by  himself,  but  by  Junius. 


The  Legend  of  Coster. 

One  of  the  authorities  referred  to  by  Junius  is  Talesius,  burgo- 
master of  Haarlem  when  Junius  was  writing  Batavia.  In  referring 
to  him,  Junius  is  careful  in  his  choice  of  words.  “My  account  does 
not  disagree  with  that  of  Talesius... I recollect  that  I have  heard 
from  him  nearly  the  same  story.”  This  is  a timid  assertion — one 
that  Talesius  could  have  modified  in  some  of  its  features.  Talesius 
himself  has  not  spoken.  Talesius  was,  in  his  youth,  the  secretary, 
and,  in  mature  age,  the  intimate  friend  of  Erasmus,  to  whom  he 
must  have  spoken  about  the  legend,  but  he  did  not  make  Erasmus 
believe  it. 

Erasmus  says:  “All  those  who  apply  themselves  to  the  sciences 
are  under  no  small  obligations  toward  the  excellent  town  of  Mentz, 
on  account  of  the  excellent  and  almost  divine  invention  of  printing 
books  with  tin  letters,  which,  as  they  assure  us,  was  born  there.” 

The  mysterious  disappearance  of  the  practice  of  the  art  from 
3 Haarlem  is  even  more  wonderful  than  its  introduction.  The  tools 
may  have  been  stolen,  but  the  knowledge  of  the  art  should  have 
<rj  remained.  Coster  may  have  died  immediately  after  the  theft,  but 
^ his  son-in-law  Thomas  Pieterzoon,  and  the  workmen,  who  knew  all 
Ph  about  the  details  of  typography,  were  living,  and  able  to  go  on  with 
■T-  the  work.  The  making  of  books  may  have  been  temporarily  sus- 
f-i  pended,  but  the  curious  public  who  clamored  for  them  should  have 
^ persuaded  Coster’s  successors  to  fill  their  wants.  The  new  art  of 
printing  which  found  so  many  admirers  should  not  have  been  com- 
K pletely  forgotten  fifty  years  afterward.  There  is  nothing  in  the 
£h  story  of  Junius  to  satisfy  these  doubts.  If  we  accept  his  account 
^ of  the  invention,  we  must  rest  contented  with  the  belief  that  typog- 
raphy in  Haarlem  died  as  suddenly  as  it  was  born,  leaving  behind 
as  its  only  relics  one  edition  of  the  Speculum  and  the  old  wine- 
flagons  of  Thomaszoon.  The  same  strange  fatality  followed  the 
alleged  thief  John  who  fled  to  Mentz  and  printed  two  books  in 
1442.  Immediately  after,  his  types,  his  peculiar  process  and  his 
printed  books  disappear  forever. 

To  satisfy  these  doubts,  and  to  bridge  the  chasm  between  Coster 
of  1440  and  Bellaert  of  1483,  Meerman  undertook  to  show  that  Cos- 
ter’s three  grandsons,  Peter,  Andrew  and  Thomas,  continued  the 
practice  of  typography  and  printed  many  small  works.  Dr.  De 
Vries  maintained  that  “ there  was  after  Coster’s  death,  until  about 


The  Legend  of  Coster. 

1470,  an  uninterrupted,  but  carefully  concealed  practice  of  printing. 
That  there  existed  in  Holland  for  many  years  a seminary  of  the 
practicers  of  the  art  is  confirmed  by  many  and  strong  evidences.” 
But  De  Vries  offers  conjectures  for  evidences.  History  is  silent 
about  the  printing  office  that  was  conducted  by  the  sons  of  Coster. 
This  office  and  these  printers  were  really  created  by  Meerman  to 
fill  a disagreeable  gap  in  the  story  of  Junius — a gap  not  seen  by 
any  of  his  numerous  commentators  from  Scriverius  to  Seiz.  There 
is  no  book  that  bears  their  names ; there  is  no  record  that  mentions 
them  as  printers ; there  is  not  even  a tradition  that  they  had  any- 
thing  to  do  with  printing.  If  their  names  had  not  appeared  upon 
Q the  pedigree  of  Gerrit,  Thomaszoon,  we  should  know  nothing  of 
^ them.  The  typographical  successors  of  Coster  are  as  fictitious  as 
j their  progenitor. 

The  improbable  features  of  this  legend  were  not  perceived  in  the 
^ uncritical  age  in  which  Batavia  was  written.  Patriotic  Dutchmen 
g-i  did  not  wish  to  see  them.  Holland,  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 

n , 

century,  was  flushed  with  pride  at  her  successful  resistance  to  the 
O power  of  Spain.  Grateful  to  the  men  who  had  made  her  famous, 
^ she  exaggerated  the  services  of  all  her  eminent  sons.  Coster  was 
t~  not  forgotten.  The  name  of  Junius  gave  authoi-ity  to  the  Haarlem 
hjh  legend,  and  the  story  of  Coster  was  read  and  believed  throughout 
[h  the  Netherlands.  There  were  dramatic  features  connected  with  it 
which  pleased  the  imagination  and  fastened  themselves  to  the 
l''  memoiy.  To  people  who  had  no  opportunity  to  examine  the  evi- 
dences, the  legend  of  Haarlem  soon  became  an  article  of  national 
faith,  to  disbelieve  which  was  to  be  disloyal  and  unpatriotic.  But 
this  enthusiasm  would  have  subsided  if  it  had  not  been  nourished. 
If  subsequent  writers  had  added  nothing  to  this  legend  of  Junius, 
it  would  not  be  necessary  to  write  more  about  it.  Long  ago  it 
would  have  been  put  aside  as  untrue.  But  the  legend  lias  grown : 
it  has  been  almost  hidden  under  the  additions  that  have  been  made 
to  it.  The  snow-ball  has  become  a snow-heap.  It  is  necessary  to 
expose  the  falsity  of  the  additions  as  well  as  of  the  legend,  and  to 
show  how  recklessly  this  chapter  of  the  history  of  typography  has 
been  written. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW- YOKE. 


n. 


Nonpareil,  No.  12. 


115 


The  Growth  of  the  Legend. 


And  although  he  discovered  some  particulars  about  the  invention, 
yet  he  has  (I  may  he  allowed  to  say  it  without  disturbing  his 
ashes)  his  errors,  and  may  not  be  pronounced  free  from  inadvert- 


XVIII 

THE  GROWTH  OP  THE  LEGEND. 

Perversion  by  Bertius. . . Romance  of  Scriverius. . . Date  of  invention  removed  to  1428. . . Illus- 
tration of  First  Statue  to  Coster. . . Date  of  1420  given  by  Boxhorn . . . Rooman’s  Date  of  1430. 
History  and  Chronology  of  Seiz. . . Doubts  of  Hollanders. . . Discrepancies  in  the  Dates  on  ^ 
Medals . . . Meerman  and  his  Unsatisfactory  System . . . Fac-similes  of  Medals . . . Koning  and  q 
his  Prize  Essay. . . Dr.  De  Vries’s  Theory. . . Radical  Disagreements  of  the  Authors. . . All 
Versions  are  Enlargements  of  the  Legend  as  given  by  Junius...  An  Article  of  Patriotic  ^ 
Faith  in  Holland. . . Monuments  to  Coster . . . Illustration  of  Last  Statue.  2 


Who  is  there  that  has  not  opinions  planted  in  him  by  education  time  out  of  mind,  which  by 
that  means  came  to  be  as  the  municipal  laws  of  the  country,  which  must  not  be  questioned, 
but  are  to  be  looked  on  with  reverence. . . when  these  opinions  are  but  the  traditional  grave 
talk  of  those  who  receive  them  from  hand  to  hand  without  ever  examining  them? — Locke. 


At  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  legend  had  two  strong  sup- 
ports— the  authority  of  an  eminent  scholar,  and  the  patriotic  pride  of 
the  Hollanders,  who  accepted  it  as  truthful  history.  It  did  not,  how- 
ever, pass  the  ordeal  of  criticism  unharmed : the  weaker  points  of  the 
legend  were  exposed  by  many  German  authors,  and  the  weight  of 
their  objections  compelled  Dutch  writers  to  attempt  now  explanations. 
Bertius',1  writing  in  1600,  and  evidently  perplexed  by  the  carelessness 
with  which  Junius  had  noticed 
Coster’s  first  experiments,  says, 
but  without  producing  any  proof, 
that  “Coster  invented  the  art  of 
printing  with  engraved  blocks  or 
xylography the  three-fold  vil- 

lain John  Faust  stole  the  inven- 
tion.” Here  we  see  the  unavoid- 
able result  of  Junius’s  malignant 
innuendo : Bertius  does  not  hesi- 
tate, as  Junius  did,  to  name  Fust 
as  the  false  workman  who  stole 
Coster’s  tools. 

Peter  Scriverius  thought  it  nec- 
essary, in  1628,  to  swell  and  em- 
bellish the  story  of  Junius.  He 
wrote  a new  version  of  the  inven- 
tion, which  appeared  with  a curi- 
ous poem  called  the  Laurecrans .2 
This,  says  Scriverius,  was  the  man- 
ner of  it : In  the  yeai  1428,  Laurens 
Coster,  then  a sheriff  of  Haarlem, 


strolled  in  the  Haarlem  wood.  He 
took  up  the  branch  of  an  oak-tree, 
cut  a few  letters  in  relief  on  the 
wood,  and  after  a while  wrapped 
them  up  in  paper.  He  then  fell 
asleep,  but  while  he  slept,  rain  de- 
scended and  soaked  the  paper. 
Awakened  by  a clap  of  thunder,  he 
took  up  the  sheet,  and,  to  his  as- 
tonishment, discovered  that  the 
rain  had  transferred  to  it  the  im- 
press of  the  letters.  Here  was  the 
suggestion  of  xylography,  which 
he  at  once  followed  to  a successful 
conclusion.  He  printed  a great 
many  block-books  and  a Doncitus , 
but  finding  to  his  surprise  that  let- 
ters cut  upon  a solid  block  could 
not  be  used  for  other  work,  he 
thereupon  invented  typography. 
John  Gutenberg,  who  had  been 
employed  as  a workman,  stole  the 
tools  and  the  secret.  Dishearten- 
ed with  this  misfortune,  Coster 
abandoned  printing  and  died.  He 
proceeds : 

“It  is  my  opinion  that  the  art 
was  first  invented  ten  or  twelve 
years  before  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1440  (in  which  the  most  trustwor- 
thy authors  agree),  in  Holland,  at 
Haarlem.  Junius  has  told  its  be- 
ginning and  progress  before  us. 

1 Wolf,  Monumenta  Typographies,  vol.  r,  pp. 
193  and  621. 

2 Laurecrans  voor  Laurens  Coster  von  Haar- 
lem, eerste  Vinder  von  de  Boeclcdruckery,  etc. 
Haarlem,  1628.  Reprinted  in  Dutch,  with  de- 
scription in  Latin,  in  Wolfs  Monumenta  Typo- 
graphies. vol.  i,  pp.  209-451.  The  poetry  of 
Scriverius  is  as  whimsical  as  his  prose.  Here 
is  his  charge  of  theft  against  John  Gutenberg : 
Ah,  rascal!  ah,  are  you  there?  is  it  you  Hans 
Gutenberger? 

Why  does  tins  name  become  you?  Yes,  two- 
fold  rascal,  and  worse ! 

Notorious  by  theft,  oh  shameless  man! 

This  word  is  still  too  mild  for  your  villainy. 
Because  you  concealed  Laurens’  good  and 
carried  it  away. 

And  stole  it  falsely : so  hear  we  now  speak 
Of  Goedenbergher’s  praise ; however  they  dis- 
guise it, 

By  the  Goeden-berg  they  betray  the  Guyten- 
(rogue)berg. 


The  Statue  of  Coster  iu  the  Doctors’  Garden. 
[From  Seiz.] 


for  he  had  no  authorities  which 
a lenient  critic  could  accept. 

Scriverius  said  that  Lourens 
Janszoen  or  Laurens  Koster  was 
the  inventor  of  xylography  as  well 
as  of  types.  After  an  examination 
of  the  Speculum,  he  had  wit  enough 
to  see  what  Junius  did  not,  that 
the  printer  of  the  book  must  have 
had  practice  with  blocks,  and  that 
printing  on  blocks  necessarily  pre- 
ceded printing  with  types.  His 
description  of  the  growth  of  the 
new  art  is  not  satisfactory.  The 
careless  maimer  in  which  he  skips 
over  the  invention  of  matrices  and 
the  making  of  the  moulds  is  that 
of  a man  who  knows  nothing  about 
type-founding,  neither  from  in- 
struction nor  observation.  En- 
couraged by  the  praise  which  Scri- 
verius had  received  for  his  per- 
formance, Marcus  Zuerius  Box- 
horn  undertook  to  place  the  date 
of  the  invention  eight  years  ear- 
lier. In  Ills  Dissertation  on  the  In- 
vention of  Typography,  printed  by 
Vogel  at  Leyden  in  the  year  1640, 1 
Boxhorn  says  that  the  invention 
was  made  in  1420.  Here  we  en- 
counter a curious  fact.  The  story 
of  Junius  had  been  published  less 
than  fifty  years,  yet  the  writers 
disagreed  concerning  the  date  of 
the  invention.  Believers  in  the 
legend  had  been  taught  by  one 
teacher  that  typography  was  in- 
vented in  1440— by  another,  in  1428 
— by  another,  in  1420.  And  it  is  a 

1 Wolf,  Monumenta  Typogrsphica,  vol.  t,  pp. 
813-868. 


VI 

P 

-1 

P 

P 

< 

o 

I— I 

P-l 

O 

H 

oo 

a 


ence.  To-day  (a.  d.  1628)  is  just  two  centuries  since  the  excellent 
and  valuable  art  of  printing  made  its  appearance  (a.  d.  1428).  Not 
in  the  maimer  that  is  used  now,  with  letters  cast  of  lead  and  tin. 
No,  it  did  not  go  on  like  that;  but  a book  was  cut,  leaf  for  leaf,  on 

wooden  blocks We  must  not  think  that  every  letter  was  out 

separately  on  wood,  and  that  these  letters  were  collected  and  put 

together  to  a line,  aud  in  a certain  number  of  lines Our  acute 

Laurens  first  cut  the.  letters,  twisted  and  close  to  each  other,  in 
the  manner  of  writing  on  wood  or  tin;  but  afterward,  when  he 
was  so  successful,  he  changed  his  method  of  working,  and,  having 
invented  the  matrices,  cast  his  letters.  (!) 

“I  will  not  say  further  how  the  noble  art  of  engraving  and  print- 
ing of  engravings  is  connected  with  the  invention  of  printing, 
which  arose  afterward.  But  just  as  the  dexterous  Jan  Fuyst  imi- 
tated the  appropriate  art  of  printing,  so  the  excellent  and  talented 
printers  and  designers,  who  also  handled  the  artistic  chisel  and 
knife,  contrived  to  multiply  and  publish  their  engravings,  cut  after 
the  printing  of  the  Haarlem  figures.  And  all  have  been  instructed 
by,  and  got  their  first  experience  from,  our  clever  and  talented 

Laurens  Koster.”(Condensed  from 
Hessels’s  translation  in  Haarlem 
Legend,  pp.  113-14.] 

Scriverius  has  given  dates  and 
new  details,  hut  he  has  not  thrown 
any  clear  light  on  the  subject.  He 
has  not  made  the  story  of  Junius 
more  credible,  but  he  has  exposed 
himself  as  a romancer  and  a.  fabri- 
cator. In  trying  to  mend  the  le- 
gend, he  has  destroyed  it.  If  the 
story  of  Scriverius  is  true,  then 
that  of  J unius  is  false,  for  they  con- 
tradict each  other.  The  statements 
of  Junius  were  based  on  the  pedi- 
gree and  the  gossip  of  the  old  men 
of  Haarlem;  the  statements  of 
Scriverius  were  based  on  nothing, 


GEOKGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW- YORK. 


116 


Nonpareil,  No.  12. 


V 


The  Growth  of  the  Legend. 


The  Growth  of  the  Legend. 


noticeable  circumstance  that  the 
authors  farthest  removed  from  the 
date  of  the  invention  were  the 
most  positive  in  their  statements. 
The  later  writers,  who  knew  the 
least,  give  us  the  earlier  dates. 

Adrien  Eooman,  a printer  of 
Haarlem,  and  apparently  a con- 
servative and  conciliatory  man, 
thought  that  these  differences 
could  lie  most  satisfactorily  ad- 
justed by  fixing  the  date  midway 
between"  the  extremes.  He  was 
not  in  the  possession  of  any  newly 
discovered  facts,  and  had  no  au- 
thority for  the  arbitrary  selection, 
but  this  incompetency  didnot  pre- 
vent him  from  publishing  a por- 
trait of  Coster,  with  an  inscription 
which  made  the  year  1430  the  date 
of  the  invention. 

To  the  thinking  men  of  Haarlem 
the  assumptions  of  Boxhorn  were 
as  unsatisfactory  as  those  of  Ju- 
nius and  Scriverius.  There  was 
an  air  of  improbability,  or  at  least 
of  uncertainty,  about  the  state- 
ments of  all  the  authorities,  which 
filled  their  minds  with  doubts  as 
to  the  truth  of  the  legend.  The 
statue  to  Coster,  which  was  soon 
after  put  up  in  the  Doctors’  Gar- 
den, had  no  date  of  invention  on 
the  pedestal.  To  remove  these 
doubts,  Seiz,1  undertook,  in  1742, 
to  furnish  “ a true  and  rational 
account  of  the  invention”  by  Cos- 
ter. The  truth  and  reason  of  this 
new  description  of  the  invention 
of  Coster  are  most  strikingly  illus- 
trated in  its  chronology. 

1428.  — Laurens  Coster  engraved  a 
few  letters  upon  the  bark  of  a 
tree. 

1429.  — He  gave  one  year  to  experi- 
mental engraving  on  wood. 

1 Seiz,  Arums  Tertius  Sceculoris  Inventce  Ar- 
tis,  etc.  Haarlem,  1742. 


1431.  — He  printed  the  Temptations 
of  Demons  or  Aj's  Moriendi. 

1432. — Printed  the  Bible  of  the  Poor. 

1435.  — He  began  to  engrave  and 
print  an  edition  of  the  Donatus. 

1436.  — He  cut  separate  letters  or 
single  types  out  of  lead. 

1437. — After  prolonged  experiment 
he  abandoned  this  method. 

1438. — He  invented  a method  of 
casting  types  of  lead. 

1439.  — He  began  to  print  an  edition 
of  the  Donatus,  and  the  Dutch 
edition  of  the  Speculum.  In 
this  year  Gutenberg  took  ser- 
vice with  Coster,  and  began  to 
print  for  him,  by  which  he 
earned  the  title  of  the  Book- 
printer  of  Haarlem.  (!) 

1440. — Gutenberg  absconded  with 
some  knowledge  of  the  inven- 
tion. He  was  able  to  cut,  but 
not  to  cast  types.  (!) 

1441. — He  established  a printing- 
office  in  Mentz. 


02 

O 

f 

w 

p 


But  in  the  year  1760,  Daniel 
Sehoepflin,  an  eminent  scholar  of 
m Strasburg,  wrote  a valuable  con- 
01  tribution  to  the  history  of  typog- 
pq  raphy,  under  the  title  of  Yindicice 
i-5  Typographies.  Meerman  was  pro- 
^ voked  to  emulation.  He  had  not 
O believed  in  the  legend,  but  he 
^ thought  that  he  could  construct  a 
theory  of  the  invention,  which 
0 would,  to  some  extent,  concede 
the  claims  of  the  rival  cities  of 
^ Haarlem,  Strasburg  and  Mentz. 
£ In  this  illogical  manner,  by  the 
H construction.,  of  a theory  before 
^ he  was  in  possession  of  the  facts, 
he  began  to  write  the  Origines  Typ- 
ographies. The  entire  book  was 
published  in  1765,  with  a portrait 
of  Lourens  Coster  by  the  eminent 


Dutch  engraver  Houbraken,  and 
a portrait  of  Meerman  himself  by 
DaullA  In  the  matter  of  scholar- 
ship, Meerman  was  thoroughly 
qualified  for  his  task.  He  wrote  in 
a clear  style  and  with  admirable 
method.  But  he  knew  nothing  of 
the  mechanics  of  printing  nor  of 
type-founding,  and, unfortunately, 
he  was  too  conceited  to  accept  cor- 
rection or  instruction  even  from 
the  hands  of  experts  like  Enschede , 
Fournier  and  others.  In  trying  to 
make  facts  suit  theories,  he  went 
so  far  as  to  order  the  engraver  of  a 
fac-simile  to  stretch  the  vellum  of 
a Donatus  so  that  the  types  used 
upon  this  Donatus  should  appear 
to  be  the  same  as  the  types  of  the 
Speculum. 

These  are  the  conclusions  sub- 
mitted by  Meerman  as  the  result 
of  his  study  of,  and  reflection  on, 
the  legend  of  Haarlem : 

“ Typography  was  invented  by 
Louwerijs  Janszoen,  also  known 
as  Laurens  Coster,  who,  at  various 
times  between  1422  and  1434,  tilled 
the  office  of  sheriff,  treasurer  and 
sacristan.  He  was  of  noble  blood, 
but  a bastard  of  one  of  the  Breder- 
odes.  He  died  sometime  between 
1434  and  1440.  He  invented  typog- 
raphy about  1428  or  1430,  using  only 
movable  types  of  wood.  All  that 
Junius  has  written  about  an  inven- 
tion of  lead  and  tin  types  by  Coster 
is  incorrect.  He  thinks  it  useless 


1442. — Gutenberg  printed  an  Abe 
book,  the  Doctrinal  of  Alexan- 
der Gallus  and  the  Treatise  of 
Peter  of  Spain.  By  this  time 
Coster  had  fully  repaired  the 
damages  of  the  theft. 

1443.  — Coster  printed  the  second 
edition  of  the  Speculum  Salu- 
tis  in  Dutch. 

1444.  — Coster  printed  a Latin  edi- 
tion of  the  Speculum. 

1446. — Gutenberg  also  induced 
Gensfleisch,  called  afterward 
Faust,  (!)  and  Meydenbacli  to 
join  hiui  in  printing  a Latin 
Bible. 

1457.— Coster’s  art  was  well  known, 
and  excited  the  envy  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and 
of  King  Henry  vi  of  England. 
1457. — The  Archbishop  persuaded 
the  lung  to  get  a knowledge  of 
the  art  from  Gutenberg,  first, 

•book  printer  of  Haarlem.  (!) 
1459. — Tumour  and  Caxton,  who 
were  sent  on  this  mission,  brib- 
ed Frederick  Corsellis,  a work- 
man of  Coster,  to  run  away 
from  Haarlem  in  disguise.  To 
prevent  his  escape,  Corsellis 
was  taken  to  Oxford,  in  which 
town  he  began  to  print  in  1468. 
1467. — Coster  died,  about  the  same 
t ime  that  Gutenberg  and  Faust 
died.  (!)  His  printing  office 
ceased  to  exist.1 

Seiz  has  not  told  us  where  he 
obtained  this  curious  information, 
but  we  shall  make  no  mistake  if 
we  attribute  it  to  an  imagination 
disordered  by  national  pride.  His 
chronology  is  so  absurd  that  seri- 
ous criticism  would  be  a waste  of 
time. 

Notwithstanding  the  strong  ef- 
forts of  Seiz  to  efface  the  impres- 
sion created  by  the  contradictory 
accounts  of  his  predecessors,  the 

1 Condensed  from  Hessels’  translation  in 
Haarlem  Legend , p.  123. 


Medals  in  Honor  of  Coster. 


citizens  of  Haarlem  seemed  to  be 
involved  in  greater  doubts  than 
ever  about  the  chronology  of  the 
invention.  For,  in  1740,  upon  the 
occasion  of  the  third  jubilee  of  Cos- 
ter’s invention,  two  silver  medals 
were  struck,  with  legends  curious- 
ly unlike.  We  here  see  that  the 
name  of  the  inventor  is  printed  in 
different  forms ; one  medal  bears 
the  date  1440,  and  the  other  con- 
tains the  dateji$8.  These  irregu- 
larities preparaFus  for  what  is  to  2? 
follow.  2 

In  1757,  Gerard  Meerman,  sub-  E 
sequently  a distinguished  chain-  O 
pi  on  of  the  Haarlem  legend,  wrote  • 

“ that  the  pretentious  assertion  of 
the  invention  of  printing  by  Lau- 
rens Coster  begins  to  lose  credit 
more  and  more.  The  particulars 
that  have  been  related  by  Seiz  are 
mere  suppositions,  and  the  chro- 
nology of  Coster’s  invention  and 
enterprise  is  a romantic  fiction.” 


l'om  Seiz.] 

to  consider  the  engraving  of  let- 
ters upon  solid  wood-blocks,  for 
this  is  not  typography,  and  is  not 
printing  as  we  now  understand  it. 
0 Laurens  was  robbed  on  Christmas 
pq  night,  1440,  by  Johan  Gensfleisch 
J the  elder,  who  carried  the  art  to 
^ Mentz.  The  son-in-law  and  heirs 
O of  Coster  continued  his  business 
p_,  for  some  time  after  his  death,  but 
with  little  appreciation,  as  they 
2 were  overshadowed  by  the  supe- 
rior invention  of  Gutenberg  and 

| 

Scliceffer.  Coster  printed  but  one 
K edition  of  the  Speculum  from  types 
0 of  wood.  His  successors  printed 
> the  other  Dutch  edition  and  the 
two  Latin  editions  from  engraved 
metal  types.  The  contributions  of 
different  inventors  toward  the  per- 


fect invention  are  acknowledged 
in  this  manner:  Laurens  Coster 
was  the  first  to  demonstrate  the 
feasibility  of  typography  by  his 
use  of  wood  types;  John  Gens- 
fleisch was  the  first  to  make  cut 
or  engraved  metal  types;  Peter 
Schoeffer  was  the  inventor  of  cast 
or  founded  metal  types ; John  Gu- 
tenberg and  John  Fust  were  print- 
ers who  invented  nothing.” 

Meerman  had  fair  warning  from 
the  type-founder  and  printer  John 
Enschede  that  his  theories  of  wood 
types 1 and  of  cut  metal  types  were 
preposterous.  He  did  not  heed  the 
warning.  He  wrote,  not  for  print- 
ers, but  for  bibliographers  who  be- 
lieved in  the  practicability  of  wood 
types,  and  he  did  not  mistake  his 
readers.  The  bibliographers,  who 
knew  little  or  nothing  of  the  theory 
or  practice  of  type-making,  were 
not  competent  to  criticise  the  me- 
chanical part  of  his  theory.  Ho 
hoped  to  disarm  the  prejudices  of 
German  authors  by  his  frank  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  contribu- 
tions of  Schaffer  and  Gensfleisch 

1 John  Ensclied6  then  said  that  “Jansen 
Koster  used  no  wooden  movable  letters,  as 
later,  and  still  living  scholars  [Meernian]  as- 
sert — scholars  who  know  nothing  of  the  mech- 
anism of  type-founding — and.  who.  there- 
fore, gently  swerve  from  the  path  of  simple 
truth.”  Meerman ’s  reason  lor  rating  this 
Dutch  edition  of  the  Speculum  as  first  of  all 
was  the  inferior  appearance  of  the  types  and 
the  printing,  which  inferiority,  he  maintained, 
had  been  produced  by  wood  types  and  want  of 
experience  in  presswork.  Fournier  told  him 
truly  that  the  types  of  his  alleged  first  edition 
were  metal  types  ; that  the  printing  of  the 
book  was  inferior  because  the  types  were  worn 
out ; that  his  first  edition  had  all  the  signs  of 
a last  edition  — but  Meerman  refused  this  ex- 
planation. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  12. 


117 


The  Growth  of  the  Legend. 


The  Growth  of  the  Legend. 


as  co-inventors.  Tlie  novelty  of 
his  theory,  the  judicial  equity  with 
which  he  decreed  to  Coster,  Gens- 
fleisch  and  Schceffer  what  he  said 
was  their  share  in  the  honors  of 
the  invention,  the  temperate  tone 
and  calm  philosophic  spirit  in 
which  the  hook  was  written,  the 
breadth  of  scholarship  displayed 
in  exact  quotations  from  a great 
number  of  authors,  won  admirers 
in  all  countries.  The  theory  of 
Meerman  about  a contributive  in- 
vention need  not  be  examined 
here : it  has  been  entirely  refuted 
by  many  French  and  German  au- 
thors; it  was  abandoned  even  by 
Hollanders1  at  the  beginning  of 
the  present  century.  The  authority 
of  the  book  is  at  an  end. 

The  conviction  that  all  previous- 
ly written  defences  of  the  legend 
were  untenable,  caused  a scientific 
society  of  Holland  to  offer  a prize 
for  the  best  treatise  on  the  inven- 
tion. Jacobus  Koning  was  the  suc- 
cessful competitor.  In  1816,  he  pub- 
lished, under  the  sanction  of  the 
Society,  the  essay  that  had  won 
the  prize,  under  the  title  of  “ The 
Origin,  Invention  and  Development 
of  Printing."  It  was  an  inquiry 
of  more  than  ordinary  merit — the 
first  book  on  the  subject  which 
showed  evidences  of  original  re- 
search. Koning  tried  to  supple- 
ment the  many  deficiencies  of  Ju- 
nius with  extracts  if  om  the  records 
of  the  old  church  and  to  wu  of  Haar- 
lem, which  he  had  studied  with 
diligence.  He  brought  to  light  a 
great  deal  of  information  about 
one  Laurens  Janszoon,  whom  he 
confounded,  as  Meerman  had  done, 

i Dr.  De  Yries,  the  most  eminent  defender 
of  the  legend  in  this  century,  said:  “The 
work  of  the  learned  but  not  very  judicious 
Meerman  had  done  more  injury  to  the  cause 
of  Haarlem  than  the  writings  of  all  other 
antagonists.” 


with  Lourens  Janszoon  Coster. 
This  is  the  substance  of  his  dis- 
coveries and  of  his  conclusions 
therefrom ; 

“Koning  describes  the  inventor 
as  Laurens  Janszoon  Koster,  and 
not  as  Lourens  Janszoon.  He  says 
that  Koster  was  born  about  1370 ; j/2 

that  there  are  no  records  of  his  O 
early  life,  and  that  his  name  does  f1 
not  appear  on  any  of  the  registers  fzj 
of  Haarlem,  municipal  or  ecclesi-  P 
astical,  until  he  became  a man  of 
middle  age.  After  this  period  of 
his  life,  notices  are  frequent.  He 
was  the  sacristan  of  a church  from 
1121  to  1433.  He  was,  at  different 
times,  alderman  and  presiding  al- 
derman, treasurer  of  the  town, 
lender  of  money  to.  the  city,  officer 
in  the  citizens’  guard,  member  of 
the  grand  council,  and 
deputy  to  a convoca- 
tion of  the  States  — 
a man  of  wealth  and 
distinction.  Therewas 
a great  pestilence  in 
Haarlem  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  year  1439, 
and  Koning  says  it 
seems  probable  that 
Koster  was  one  of  its 
many  victims.  Ros- 
ter’s only  child  was  a 
daughter  named  Lu- 
cette,  who  married 
Thomas,  the  son  of 
Pieter  Pieterzoon — the 
Peter  mentioned  by 
Junius.  Pieterzoon 
had  three  children,  but 
with  them  the  family 
name  was  lost.  This 
Laurens  Janszoon 
Koster  invented  xy- 
lography and  typogra- 
phy. He  experimented 
with  types  of  wood, 
but  did  not  use  them 


OD 

Q 

W 

A 

<1 

O 


The  Growth  of  the  Legend. 


for  practical  work.  His  types  were 
founded  in  matrices  of  lead,  and 
in  moulds  of  metal;  he  invented 
printing  ink,  and  printed  his  books 
with  inking  balls  on  a press.  His 
materials  were  rude,  but  the  proc- 
ess was  substantially  the  same  as 
that  of  modern  printers.  He  print- 
ed the  first  edition  of  the  Speculum 
in  1430,  and  sixteen  other  books  be- 
fore his  death.  His  business  as  a 
printer  was  continued  for  some 
years,  butiu  a feeble  manner, by  his 
grandsons.  The  thief  of  Roster’s 
process  was  Frielo  Gensfleisch.” 

In  the  town  records  Koster  is 
not  noticed  as  a printer,  but  Ko- 
niug  described  his  method  of  print- 
ing, his  punches,  moulds,  matrices, 
presses,  inking  balls,  ink,  types, 
and  printing  office  furniture,  with 
as  much  boldness  as  if  he  had  been 
eye-witness  to  the  entire  process. 
Nor  was  this  his  only  error.  It 
has  since  been  proved  that  he  will- 
fully suppressed  many  important 
facts  in  the  records  which  are  of 
great  importance  in  an  examina- 
tion of  the  life  and  services  of  Cos- 
ter. It  is  plain  that  he  was  more 
intent  on  pleasing  the  national 
pride  than  on  revealing  the  truth. 

The  speculations  of  Koning  were 
destroyed  by  the  keen  criticisms 
of  the  authors  who  followed  him. 
Dr.  Abraham  De  Vries 1 set  aside 
impatiently  nearly  all  the  ingeni- 
ous theories  devised  by  former 
commentators.  He  repudiated  the 
statement  that  Coster  had  been  a 
sexton  or  sacristan,  or  that  he  in- 
vented engraving  on  wood.  Warn- 
ed by  the  failures  of  his  predeces- 
sors, he  advanced  no  new  theory 
about  the  peculiarities  of  Coster’s 
typographic  process ; he  professed 
to  be  satisfied  with  the  bald  state- 

l Eclaircissemens  sur  Vhistoirc  de  Virivention 
de  Vimprimerie.  1843. 


ment  of  Junius,  and 
dogmatically  main- 
tained that  Coster 
“was  the  inventor  of 
typography,  of  the 
proper  art  of  printing, 
the  first  who  invented 
and  practi  sed  the  art  of 
printing  with  movable 
and  cast  letters,  and  so 
gave  the  example  to 
Mentz In  the  be- 

ginning, the  art  was 
secretly  practised  as  a 
trade  in  manuscripts, 
not  only  during  the 
lifetime  of  the  invent- 
or, but  by  his  succes- 
sors after  his  death.’' 

De  Vries  placed  the  in- 
vention about  1423.  . The 

It  is  not  necessary  to 
protract  this  review  of 
the,  different  versions 
of  the  legend,  nor  yet 
to  point  out  the  fatal 
disagreements  and  inaccuracies  of 
these  versions.  It  is  plain  that  all 
the  authors  who  have  maintained 
the  claims  of  Coster  have  taken 
their  leading  facts  from  Junius.  It 
is  equally  plain  th  at  they  have  been 
dissatisfied  with  his  statements 
and  have  tried  to  fill  up  the  gaps 
in  the  evidence  with  conjectures. 
But  they  have  not  made  the  legend 
any  more  credible.  The  exact 
nature  and  date  of  the  invention, 
the  name  of  the  inventor,  his  me- 
thod of  making  types,  the  books 
he  printed,  the  thief  who  stole  his 
process,  the  fate  of  his  printing 
office,  the  total  disappearance  of 
the  knowledge  of  the  new  art — 
these  and  other  features  of  the 
positive  statement  first  made  by 
Junius  are  enveloped  in  as  com- 
plete a mystery  as  they  were  when 
Batavia ; was  written. 


With  ail  its  inconsistencies  and 
improbabilities,  the  legend  has 
been  accepted  as  essentially  truth- 
ful by  many  eminent  bibliogra- 
phers in  France  and  England.  Of 
late  years  it  has  encountered  but 
feeble  opposition  from  German 
writers.  In  many  modern  books 
on  printing,  Coster  has  been  rec- 
ognized either  as  the  inventor  or 
as  one  of  the  co-inventors  of  the 
art.  There  has  been  a general  be- 
lief that,  however  absurd  the  le- 
gend might  be  in  some  minor  mat- 
ters of  detail,  it  had  a nucleus  of 
truth.  Coster’s  place  in  typo- 
graphical history,  at  the  middle 
of  the  present  century, 
seemed  almost  as  firm- 
ly fixed  as  that  of 
Gutenberg. 

In  Holland,  this  le- 
gend of  the  invention 
of  printing  by  Coster 
was  an  article  of  na- 
tional faith  which  only 
the  bold  man  dared  to 
deny.  It  lias  produced 
results  which  could 
never  have  been  fore- 
seen by  the  vain  old 
man  Gerrit  Tliomas- 
zoon,  in  whose  conceit 
the  fable  originated. 
Haarlem  is  dotted  with 
monuments  to  the 
memory  of  Coster.  Cer- 
tain days  in  June  and 
July  are  observed  as 


festivals  in  commemoration  of  the 
invention.  In  the  Hout,  or  Haar- 
lem Wood,  where  Coster  is  said  to 
have  received  his  first  suggestion 
of  types,  an  imposing  cenotaph  has 
been  placed.  Carved  on  this  stone 
are  the  arms  of  the  sheriff  Laurens 
Janszoon,  and  the  year  1423,  which 
is  offered  as  the  date  of  this  sugges- 
tion. An  acknowledgment  of  Cos- 
ter as  the  inventor  of  typography 
may  be  seen  in  the  ancient  cathe- 
dral of  Haarlem,  on  a black  mar- 
ble tablet,  which  was  put  in  place 
during  the  month  of  June,  1824,  by 
King  William  I.  In  almost  every 
well  appointed  public  office  or  pri- 
vate house  of  Haarlem  is  some  pic- 
torial recognition  of  Coster  as  the. 
inventor  of  printing. 

In  the  year  1851,  an  association 
of  patriotic  Hollanders  placed  in 
front  of  the  rebuilt  Coster  house  a 
memorial  stone  with  this  inscrip- 
tion: “The  house  of  Coster:  the 
birthplace  of  typography.”  The 
date  of  this  birth  was  judiciously 
omitted.  The  tablet  of  the  old  Cos- 
ter house  contained  an  inscription 
in  honor  of  “ Laurens  Coster,  sher- 
iff, of  Haarlem,  inventor  of  typog- 
raphy about  the  year  1430.”  The 
vitality  of  the  legend  has  also  been 
preserved  by  the  issue  of  a great 
many  medals,  prints  and  papers, 
and  by  the  repeated  assertion  of 
the  civic  authorities  that  Coster 
was  the  original  and  unquestion- 
able inventor  of  typography. 


The  Statue  on 
New  Monument  to  Coster. 
[From  Noordziek.] 


XIX 

THE  DOWNFALL  OF  THE  LEGEND. 

The  Vague  Inscription  on  the  Last  Monument. . . Relics  in  the  Costerian  Mu- 
seum.. . Fae-simiie  of  Janszoon ’s  Autograph  . . . The  Coster  Pedigree. . .Made 
by  Gerrit  Thomaszoon. . . Legend  began  with  the  Pedigree. . . Pedigree  has 

been  Falsified,  and  is  of  No  Authority Search  by  Van  der  Linde  for 

Records  concerning  Coster . . . Archives  of  the  Town  and  Church  of  Haarlem 
represent  Coster  as  a Tallow-Chandler  and  Innkeeper. ..  Coster  living  at 
Haarlem  in  1483 . . . The  Record  of  the  Chair-Book. . . No  Evidence  that  Coster 
was  a Printer. . . Lourens  Coster  has  been  Confounded  with  Laurens  -Jans- 
soon . . . Illustration  of  the  House  of  Coster. . . Other  Fac-similes  of  Portraits 
of  Coster. . . Their  Curious  Dissimilarity. . . Absurdity  of  the  Legend. 


We  see  in  a square  at  Haarlem  the  monument  of  the  fictitious  personage 
Laurens  Coster.  It  presents  a sad  figure.  Behind  this  statue,  sneering  ni 
mockery,  is  another  eolossal  monument,  which  dominates  and  belittles  it 
— a statue  visible  to  us,  but  to  Hollanders  invisible  — the  statue  of  Ridicule. 

Helhig. 


CO 

o 

t-1 


I x 1856,  on  the'16th  of  July,  flic  day 
accepted  as  tlie  anniversary  of  tlie 
invention,  a statue  of  Coster  was 
put  up  in  Haarlem,  the  tablets  of 
which  bear  inscriptions  tlius  trans- 
lated by  Hessels : 

LOURENS  JANSZOON  COSTER. 


; It 

HOMAGE  OF  THE 
NETHERLAN1)  NATION. 
MDCCCLVI. 

INVENTOR  OF 
THE  ART  OF  PRINTING 
WITH 

MOVABLE  LETTERS 
CAST  OF  METAL. 

The  date  of  tlie  invention  and 


tlie  profession  or  position  of  the 
inventor  are  omitted.  We  cannot 
learn  from  tlie  monument  whether 
Coster  was  a sheriff  or  a sexton, 
whether  he  invented  printing  in 
1423  or  1440.  It  may  he  inferred 
that  there  had  been  disagreements 
among  the  eminent  men  who  erect- 
ed this  work  of  patriotism,  and 
that  they  could  not  heartily  accept 
tlie  date  of  any  version  of  the  le- 
gend. On  this  great  occasion  the 
Costeriau  Museum  of  Ha  arlem  was 
punched  with  a pedigree  of  the 
Thomaszoon  family,  an  old  docu- 
ment frequently  referred  to  by 
some  defenders  of  the  legend  as  an 
incontestable  evidence  of  its  truth . 


GEORGE  BRUCE'S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambeks-Strekt,  NEW-YOEK. 


■ i 


* 


118 


Nonpareil,  No.  13. 


The  Downfall  of  the  Legend. 


The  Downfall  of  the  Legend. 


This  Museum  then  contained,  among  other  relics,  copies  of  the  Apocalypse, 
the  Ars  Moriendi,  the  Canticles,  the  Donatus,  the  Speculum ,_  the  Temptations 
of  Demons,  and  other  printed  works  that  have  heen  noticed  in  the  chapter  on 
The  'Works  and  AVorlonansliip  of  an  Unknown  Printer,  most  of  which  were 
claimed  as  the  work  of  Coster’s  office.  The  wood  block  of  the  Horarium 
(see  page  91),  some  official  documents,  some  autographs  of  the  sheriff  Lou- 
werijs  Janszoon,  a picture  said  to  he  a likeness  of  Coster,  several  engravings 
of  Coster  (curiously  dissimilar,  and  one  of  which  is  an  undeniable  forgery), 
are  also  contained  in  this  Museum.  Van  del'  Linde  denounced  the  Museum 
as  a municipal  show-booth.  The.  Haarlem  Legend,  p.  164. 

The  pedigree  was,  without  doubt,  a genuine  relic.  Its  dingy  vellum  sur- 
face, written  over  in  many  handwritings,  was  surrounded  by  an  embroidered 
border  blackened  with  age.  Its  history  could  be  traced  through  three  cent- 
uries. Gerrit  Thomaszoon,  the  aged  descendant  of  Coster  mentioned  by 
■Tmiins  with  such  marked  respect,  was  the  person  by  or  for  whom  this  pedi- 
gree was  made  in  or  about  the  year  1550. 


Autograph  of  Laurens  Janszoon.  (3) 

[From  Koning.] 

Gerrit  Thomaszoon  died  about  1563  or  1564.  In  the  year  1611,  the  pedigree 
belonged  to  Adrien  Rooman,  the  town  printer  at  Haarlem.  At  his  death  it 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Dr.  John  Vlasveld.  For  nearly  two  centuries  R was  un- 
known to  the  public.  I11  1809,  it  was  sold  at  auction,  Jacobus  Honing  paying 
for  it,  and  for  an  old  wood-cut,  supposed  to  be  the  work  of  Coster,  tour  hun- 
dred guilders. 

Gerrit  Thomaszoon  had  kept  an  inn  in  the  house  once  occupied  by  Coster, 
and  it  is  supposed  that  the  pedigree  was  one  of  the  decorations  of  a wall  iu 
his  house.  There  is  a special  significance  in  this  date  of  1550. 

This  pedigree,  which  describes  Coster  as  the  inventor  of  printing,  was 
■written  at  least  one  hundred  years  after  the  discovery  of  the  invention  and 
the  death  of  the  inventor.  It  was  written  when  Comelis,  the  only  eye-wit- 
ness known  to  history,  had  been  dead  nearly  thirty  years.  It  is,  however, 
and  too  much  stress  cannot  be  laid  on  this  fact,  the  oldest  document  in  which 
mention  is  made  of  Coster  as  a printer.  There  are  valid  reasons  for  the  belief 
that  Coster’s  merit  as  an  inventor  had  never  been  recognized  in  any  way 
before  the  record  was  made  on  this  pedigree.  AVhen  we  consider  the  order 
of  the  dates,  it  is  obvious  that  it  was  from  this  much  suspected  document 
that  Coornhert  derived  the  information  he  published  in  1561.  “The  old. 
dignified  and  grey  heads"  described  by  Yan  Zuren  in  1561,  “the  aged  and 


32 

fi 

<! 

m 

p 
o ■ 

1— 1 

p 

o' 

H 


M 


Lucye,  the  second  wife,  *to  a Haarlemer— to  a Haarlemer  who  (tire-awk- 
wardness and  naivetb  of  the  expression  may  not  surprise  us  at  all  in  such 
a product  of  family  vanity)  brought  the  first  print  in  the  world.” 1 

We  may  waive  all  criticism  of  the  faulty  grammar  of  the  pedigree  and 
proceed  to  more  important  matters.  It  may  be  conceded  that  the  pedi- 
gree was  written  by  an  ignorant  man  who  intended  to  say  that  it  was 
Coster,  and  not  his  daughter,  who  brought  the  first  print  in  the  world. 
By  the  word  print  Thomaszoon  may  have  meant  a playing  card,  the  en- 
graved figure  of  a saint,  a block-book,  or  a book  made  from  movable 
types.  If  he  meant  any  product  of  xylographic  printing,  the  statement 
is  totally  false,  and  deserves  no  consideration.  If  he  meant  typography, 
his  failure  to  express  that  meaning  is  unfortunate.  But  his  intention  is 
really  of  but  little  importance.  This  bold  statement  on  a pedigree,  written 
by  an  ignorant  and  conceited  man,  about  one  hundred  years  after  the 
great  event  he  professed  to  record,  of  the 'details  of  which  he  obviously 
knew  nothing,  cannot  be  used  to  overthrow  established  facts  in  the 
history  of  typography. 

It  is  unsatisfactory  in  other  points.  The  alteration  of  the  date,  and  the 
unexplained  erasures  have  destroyed  whatever  validity  the  document  may 
have  had.  It  may  be  put  aside;  as  an  authority  it  is  worthless.  Its 
obscure  notice  of  the  invention  of  printing  is  but  a frail  foundation  for 
the  colossal  superstructure  which  Junius  erected.  It  is'  plain  that  Junius 
must  have  been  conscious  of  its  weakness  as  a basis  for  the  legend;  he 
had  doubts  of  its  accuracy,  and  dared  not  refer  to  it.  He  preferred  the 
oral  testimony  of  the  dead  Comelis. 

The  discovery  of  this  falsification  induced  Dr.  Van  der  Linde  to  make, 
“with  a zeal  and  patience  worthy  of  a better  cause  and  of  a better  re- 
ward,” a laborious  investigation  in  the  archives  of  the  town  and  church 
of  Haarlem  for  authentic  information  concerning  Coster.  He  had  cause 
to  think  that  history  had  been  falsified  by  other  historians  of  the  legend. 
Through  the  study  of  the  archives,  Van  der  Linde  ascertained  that  there 
lived  in  Haarlem,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  a citizen  whose  name  was 
Lourens  Janszoon  Coster,  the  son  of  one  Jan  Coster  who  died  in  1436. 
The  results  of  the  search  were  as  curious  as  they  were  unexpected,  as  will 
be  fully  understood  after  an  examination  of  this  translation  of  the  originals : 

1 Yan  dev  Linde,  The  Haarlem  Legend  of  the  be  observed  in  all  the  authorities  It  is  mor/ 
Invention  of  Printing,  p.  42.  In  the  singular  than  an  indication  that  the  story  of  Junius  is 
words  "who  brought  the  first  print  in  the  based  on  the  pedigree  and  on  information 
world  ’’  we  may  find  the  cause  of  that  myste-  derived  from  Thomaszoon  and  his  friends, 
rious  indefiniteness  of  description  which  may 


The  Downfall  of  the  Legend. 


The  Downfall  of  the  Legend. 


respectable  citizens”  of  Guicciardini  (1566)  aud  Junius  (1568).  were  Gerrit 
Thomaszoon  and  liis  friends,  among  whom  we  may  properly  include  Gallius 
and  Talesius.  Aud  it  may  be  added  that  the  more  circumstantial  story  of 
Junius  was  first  published  when  Gallius  aud  Talesius  were  dead,  and  when 
there  was  no  man  living  who  could  controvert  or  modify  any  part  of  his  story. 

There  can  he  no  doubt  that  the  legend  began  with  this  pedigree.  It  is  not 
at  all  probable  that  the  vain  old  man  Gerrit  Thomaszoon,  who  was  proud  of 
the  ancestor  in  whose  house  he  lived,  kept  his  friends  in  ignorance  of  it.  It 
was  not  unknown  to  Junius.  There  is  a similarity  of  uncertainty  between 
an  ambiguous  date  (1440  or  1446)  on  this  pedigree  and  the  mysterious  cir- 
cumlocution of  Junius  in  his  use  of  the  words  “about  one  hundred  aud 
twenty-eight  years  ago,”  or  1440,  which  is  enough  to  show  that  Junius  had 
not  only  seen  the  pedigree,  but  that  he  took  it  as  an  authority  for  this  date. 
Whether  Scriverius  saw  it  cannot  he  confidently  maintained ; he  does  not 
mention  it.  Gerard  Meerman  knew  of  its  existence,  hut  he  did  not  reprint 
it.  He  made  use  of  it,  however,  in  the  construction  of  a new  genealogy  of 
the  Coster  family,  in  which  he  added  and  altered  items  in  the  most  unwar- 
rantable manner.  Kouing  studied  it  with  diligence : he  frequently  alluded 
to  it  as  a document  of  the  highest  importance,  but  ho  did  not  reprint  it,  nor 
even  describe  it  in  general  terms.  ^ 

The  withholding  of  this  pedigree  from  public  examination,  and  the  evasion  q 
of  its  description  by  the  authors  who  had  examined  it,  are  suspicious  cir-  ^"i 
cumstances.  AW  see  that  men  who  wrote  hundreds  of  pages  of  speculations  sh 
to  support  the  claims  of  Coster — men  who  translated  and  reprinted  many  p 
columns  of  irrelevant  chaff  for  the  sake  of  one  little  kernel  of  grain — will- 
fully suppressed  what  they  maintained  was  a most  convincing  evidence  of 
the 'truth  of  the  legend.  It  was  not  suppressed  because  it  was  too  long:  the 
entire  pedigree  can  he  printed  in  two  pages. 

The  reasons  for  withholding  the  pedigree  were  apparent  when  it  was  put 
iu  the  Museum.  The  reading  of  the  words  in  the  first  row  at  once  produced 
the  impression  that  its  importance  had  heen  vastly  overrated ; that  its  infor- 
mation was  of  little  value ; that  it  was  almost  worthless  as  evidence  of  the 
priority  of  Dutch  typography.  Dr.  Aran  der  Linde,  who  made  a critical  ex- 
amination of  the  writing  soon  after  it  was  placed  in  the  Museum,  revealed 
the  astonishing  fact  that  the  most  important  entry  had  heen  falsified.  This 
entry,  which  contains  the  only  portion  of  any  interest  in  an  inquiry  concern- 
ing the  invention  of  printing  by  Coster,  consists  of  the  following  lines : 

■ ■ Sijn  tweode  wijft  was  Lourens  J anssoens  Costers  dochter  die  deerste  print, 
in  die  werlt  brocht  Anno  1446.” 

“His  [Thomas  Pieterzoon’s]  second  wife  was  Lourens  Janssoen’s  Coster’s 
daughter,  who  brought  the  first  print  iu  the  world  in  the  year  1446.” 

The  date  first  written  was  1446,  hut  in  this  column,  and  in  others,  objection- 
able entries  have  heen  effaced  and  falsifications  have  been  attempted.  The 
figure  6 lias  been  partially  rubbed  out : it  has  been  replaced  by  a 0,  so  that 
the  careless  reader  will  construe  the  date  as  1440.  There  can  he  no  hesi- 
tation whatever  on  this  point;  the  figures  first  written  surely  were  1446. 

“ We  see  here  a fable  arise  before  our  very  eyes.  A Haarlem  citizen  has  a 
pedigree  made  for  him,  probably  to  put  it  up  in  his  inn...  But.  the  frame 
wants  lustre,  and  so  the  pedigree  is  linked  by  the  probably  totally  fictitious 


cc 

p 

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P 

P 

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o 


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H 

HH 

£ 


1441. — On  the  evening  of  the  13th,  settled  with  lou  koster  for  15  pounds 
and  12  pounds  of  oil,  each  pound  an  ancient  butdrager,  and  34  pence 
for  soap  and  tallow  candles,  together  22  guilders  3 pence. 

1441. — Lonwerijs  Jaussoen,  for  72  pounds  of  candles,  which  have  heen 
burnt  by  the  guards  in  the  town  hall  during  the  year — for  each 
pound  an  ancient  butdrager. 

1441.  — Lonwerijs  Jans  aforesaid,  for  the  candles  burnt  in  the  tower  in 
honor  of  Our  Lady,  during  this  year,  as  was  agreed  with  him. 

1442.  — Lourijs  Coster,  paid  for  having  repaired  the  lantern  of  Our  Lady 
in  the  tower. 

1442. — Lourijs  Coster,  for  forty  pounds  of  tallow  candles  which  the  guards 
in  the  town  hall  burnt,  f cost  each  pound  an  ancient  butdrager. 

1442. — Paid  to  lou  coster  8 guilders  for  oil  and  soap. 

1442. — To  lou  coster  for  soap,  candles  and  other  things,  15  pence. 

1447. — On  the  14th  day  of  March,  paid  to  Lonwerijs  Coster  for  5 pounds 
of  candles  burnt  in  the  tower  in  honor  of  Our  Lady. 

There  can  be  no  mistake  about  the  business  of  this  man.  The  Lourens 
Janszoon  Coster  described  on  the  old  pedigree  as  the  famous  man  who 
brought  the  first  print,  in  the  world,  and  in  Batavia  as  a wealthy  citizen, 
a man  of  leisure  and  enlarged  mind,  and  the  inventor  of  engraving  on 
wood  and  typography,  was  certainly  an  obscure  tallow-chandler,  who  sold 
oil  and  candles.1  The  ■ anti-climax  is  sufficiently  absurd,  hut  worse  re- 
mains. The  archives  give  us  more  than  a clue  to  the  origin  of  Coster’s 
wine-flagons.  It.  seems  that,  some  time  after  1447,  tills  Lourens  Janszoon 
Coster  gave  up  the  business  of  chandler  in  favor  of  his  sister  Ghertruit 
Jan  Costersdochter,  and  that  he  chose  for  his  new  occupation  the  duties 
of  a tavern-keeper.  Van  der  Linde  found  this  fact  clearly  stated  in  the 
treasury  accounts  of  the  town  of  Haarlem. 

1451. — Lou  coster2  paid,  for  two  menghelen  of  nine  which  were  sent  to 
the  burgomaster  a year  ago. 

1454. — A dinner  was  offered  to  the  count  of  Oostervant  on  the  8th  day  of 
October,  1453,  at  lou  coster’s ; indebted  to  him  for  it  xvn  guilders. 


i There  is,  of  course,  no  reason  why  n chand- 
ler could  not  have  invented  typography,  but 
we  have  no  evidence  that  this  chandler  in- 
vented anything.  Our  knowledge  of  the  tastes 
of  the  man,  as  shown  in  his  selection  of  a new 
business,  is  enough  to  prove  that  he  was  not 
at  all  like  the  later  chandler,  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin. with  a leaning  to  types  and  letters. 


2 The  variable  orthography  of  the  name  of 
Coster,  which  is  here  copied  literally  from  the 
records,  is  a sufficient  explanation  of  the  ir- 
regularities in  the  spelling  of  his  name  which 
are  to  be  found  in  nil  the  authorities.  I have 
adopted  the  orthography  as  I find  it  in  the 
book  of  A7an  der  Linde. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  A CO.,  Type -Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  N m3. 


119 


The  Downfall  of  the  Legend. 


The  Downfall  of  the  Legend. 


1468. — Loiiris  Coster  and  other  citizens  are  summoned  to  the  Hague. 

1474.  — Louris  Janszoon  Coster  pays  war  taxes. 

1475.  — Louris  Janszoon  Coster  pays  a*fine  for  “buyten  clrincken”  (to  drink 
beyond  the  premises). 

1483.— Received  of  Louris  Janszoon  Coster  for  ferry  toll  for  his  goods  when 
he  left  the  town,  8 rex  guilders. 

“We  here  see  that  the  name  of  Louris  Janszoon  Coster  was  recorded  in  the 
town-hook  for  the  last  time  under  the  date  of  1483,  when  he  paid  ferry  toll 
for  his  goods,  and  was  allowed  to  leave  the  town.  It  is  not  known  where  he 
went  or  where  he  died,  hut  it  is  plain  that  the  story  of  his  death  in  1439,  as  50 
related  by  Meerman  and  Honing  must  be  untrue.  O 

There  might  have  been  a doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  the  chandler  with  the 
innkeeper,  if  Van  der  Linde  had  not  investigated  in  another  direction,  and  y 
made  gleanings  from  the  hooks  of  an  old  association,  whose  records  are  as  • 
trustworthy  as  those  of  the  archives  of  the  town  and  the  church.  This 
association,  which  still  exists,  under  the  name  of  the  Holy  Christmas  Cor- 
poration, is  thus  described  by  Van  der  Linde : 

“ It  is  one  of  those  fraternities  which  had  the  lofty  aim  of  eating  and  dr  ink- 
ing. This  corporation  is  already  very  old,  for  it  celebrated  its  third  jubilee 
in  1606.  Its  fifty-four  brethren  and  sisters  preserved  each  a chair  for  their 
meetings.  According  to  these  statutes,  these  chairs,  if  they  were  not  dis- 
posed of  by  a last  will,  were  inherited  by  the  eldest  and  nearest  blood  rela- 
tion in  the  branch  from  which  they  came The  corporation  remaining  in  ' 

existence,  the  right  of  property  in  the  chairs  continued,  by  uninterrupted 
transmission,  until  our  time.” 


It  is  obvious  that  the  legend  of  Coster  the  printer  rests  entirely  upon 
the  pedigree  and  its  amplifications  by  Junius.  But  the  pedigree  is  of  no 
- authority.  Its  information  is  not  confirmed  by  the  records ; its  falsifica- 
q tions  and  its  suspected  history  compel  every  candid  reader  to  reject  its 
-<)  evidence  altogether.  We  have  to  accept  in  preference  the  testimony  of 
W the  archives,  and  have  to  admit  that  there  is  no  credible  evidence  that 
Coster  printed  anything  at  any  time.  The  Lourens  Janszoon  Coster  of 
typographical  history  is  as  fictitious  a personage  as  the  Cadmus  of  Greek 
^ mythology.  He  is  really  more  fictitious,  for  he  is  the  representative  of 
P-i  two  men. 

q The  revelations  of  Dr.  Van  der  Linde  show  that  Lourens  Janszoon 
:_i  Coster  has  been  confounded  with  Laurens  Janszoon  or  Louwerijs  Jans- 
zoon,  who  was  a man  of  some  distinction,  a wine  merchant,  innkeeper, 
councilor,  sheriff,  treasurer  and  governor  of  the  hospital.  He  is  the  man 
W of  civic  offices,  of  wealth  and  high  social  position,  who  has  been  described 
q by  Honing.  He  is  the  man  whom  Meerman  represented  as  an  unrecog- 
nized  member  of  the  noble  family  of  Brederodes.  But  he  is,  certainly, 
not  the  man  described  on  the  pedigree  as  the  Coster  who  brought  the 
first  print  in  the  world.  He  is  not  the  man  described  by  Junius  who 
lived  “about  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  years  ago,”  or  in  1440,  for 
the  records  of  the  church  of  St.  Bavo  prove  that  Laurens  Janszoon  died 

and  was  buried  in  1439.  It 


V f It 


The  House  of  Coster. 


is  not  at  all  probable  that 
Thomaszoon  or  Junius  made 
any  mistake  in  the  name,  and 
that  it  was  this  Louwerijs 
Janszoon  who  brought  the 
first  print  in  the  world. 
There  is  no  more  evidence 
in  favor  of  Janszoon  as  an 
inventor  of  printing  than 
there  is  in  favor  of  Coster. 
The  most  careful  searching 
of  the  records  fails  to  bring 
to  light  any  evidence  that  he 
was  engaged  in  the  practice 
of  printing. 

Tor  this  improper  confusion 
of  the  names  and  deeds  of  the 
two  men,  Junius  and  Scrive- 


rius  are  responsible.  Junius, 
who  wrote  in  Latin,  caught 
at  the  word  Coster,  which  he 
found  in  the  pedigree,  as  a 
subject  for  the  display  of  his 
critical  ability.  He  explains 
and  expounds  it:  “Lourens 
Janszoon,  surnamed  Coster, 
by  reason  of  the  office  which 
belonged  to  the  family  by 
hereditary  right.”  There  was 
no  need  for  this  absurd  ex- 
pansion of  the  meaning  of  the 
word  custos.  This  attribution 
of  an  honorable  office  to  an 
insignificant  man  was  pur- 


[From  Seiz.] 

In  the  register  of  the  names  of  the  occupants  of  the  chairs  are  found  the 
following  entries  under  the  heading  of  chair  29 : 

1421. — Jan  Coster,  by 

1436. — Lourijs  Coster,  by  inheritance. 

1484. — Frans  Thomas  Thomasz,  by — 1 

1497. — Gerrit  Thomas  Pieterz,  by" inheritance  from  his  father. 

1564. — Cornells  Gerritz,  by  inheritance  from  his  father. 

1589. — Anna  Gerritsdr,  by  purchase  from  her  cousin. 

The  names  of  the  successive  owners  of  chair  29  are  continued  in  the  book, 
but  they  are  of  no  interest  in  this  inquiry. 

The  archives  of  the  church  and  town  of  Haarlem  contain  the  names  of 
other  Costers,  but  there  is  no  other  Coster  who  will  answer  the  description 
of  Junius  and  Thomaszoon.  The  Lourens  Janszoon  Coster  of  the  pedigree,  jrj 
the  Louwerijs  Janssoen  (so  called  only  after  the  year  1441)  or  Lourijs  Coster  hh 
of  the  archives,  and  the  Lourijs  Coster  of  the  chair-book  are,  without  doubt,  (3) 
the  different  names  of  the  same  man.  This  is  the  man  who,  according  to 
Thomaszoon  and  Junius,  brought  the  first  print  in  the  world.  But  he  appears 
as  a printer  only  in  the  pedigree.  The  archives  and  the  chair-book  do  not  so 
describe  him:  they  tell  us  nothing  of  his  invention,  nor  of  the  alleged  stealing 
of  his  types,  nor  of  his  death  in  1439.  The  town-book  says  that  he  was  living 
in  1483.  In  no  document  does  he  appear  as  sheriff,  sexton,  or  treasurer. 

1 The  exact  nature  of  the  relationship  be-  who  left  Haarlem  in  1483  — of  Thomas  Pietex-- 
tween  Laurens  Janszoon  Coster  and  Gerrit  zoon  (probably  the  son-in-law  of  Coster), 
Thomaszoon  is  not  clearly  defined,  but  the  sheriff,  who  died  in  1492  — of  Gerrit  Thomas- 
archives  of  the  town  and  the  vellum  pedigi’ee  zoon  (according  to  the  pedigree,  a great-great- 
con-oborate  each  other  in  establishing  the  ex-  grandson  of  Lourens  Janszoon  Coster),  a 
istence  — of  Loux-ens  Janszoon  Coster  (son  of  sheriff  and  an  innkeeper.  He  was,  also,  a 
Jan  Coster),  tallow  chandler  and  innkeeper,  sacristan  or  chui’ch-warden. 


posely  made  to  give  him  a 
dignified  position.  Gerrit 
Thomaszoon,  who  knew  that  Coster  was  a man  of  no  note,  gave  him  only 
the  distinction  of  the  first  printer.  This  was  not  enough  for  Junius,  who 
thought  that  he  would  be  deficient  in  patriotism  if  he  did  not  make 
Coster  as  reputable  as  his  rival  Gutenberg,  who  was  represented  as  of 
#2  noble  blood.  The  word  Coster  was  his  opportunity,  and  he  made  the 
^ most  of  it.  It  is  not  probable  that  Junius  studied  the  archives  of  Haar- 
pq  lem  for  the  purpose  of  getting  exact  information  about  Coster,  but  it  is 
i-3  possible  that  he  had  read  or  heard  of  Lourens  Janszoon,  the  wealthy 
^ man,  and  that  he  confounded  him  with  Coster,  the  chandler.  Whether 
O be  made  this  confusion  with  intent  or  in  ignorance  cannot  now  be  ascer- 
tained,  but  we  can  see  that  the  wealth  and  respectability  of  Janszoon 
were  attributed  to  Coster.  Scriverius  perpetuated  the  blunder.  He  found 
2 a document  signed  by  Louwerijs  Janszoon,  as  sheriff,  in  1431.  Without 
further  research,  he  leaped  to  the  conclusion  that  this  man  who  died  in 
00  1439,  who  had  nothing  in  common  with  Coster  but  similarity  of  name 
^ and  similarity  of  occupation  as  innkeepei,  was  the  very  Lourens  Jans- 
H zoon  Coster  who  according  to  Junius,  invented  types  and  practised 
^ printing  in  1440. 

^ That  Lourens  Coster  kept  a tavern  may  also  be  inferred  from  the  fact 
that  the  house  he  lived  in  was  always  known  as  a tavern.  The  above 
engraving  of  this  house  shows  how  the  edifice  appeared  in  1740.  Junius 
said  that  it  was  a house  of  some  pretention  in  1568,  and  that  it  stood 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Ciiambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


v 

^(ARE 


/ 


\ 


120 


; 

Nonpareil,  No.  13. 


The  Downfall  of  the  Legend. 

on  the  market-place  near  the  royal  palace ; but  Van  Zuren  had  previously 
noticed  it  as  a house  falling  to  decay.  In  1628,  Scriverius  said  that  the  house 
had  been  “changed  and  was  divided  among  three  masters:”  the  part  sup- 
posed to  be  the  Coster  residence  was  called  The  Golden  Bunch  of  Grapes , and 
it  was  even  then  used  as  a tavern.  “When  John  Bagtord  first  saw  the 
house,  in  1706,  it  was  a cheese  shop.  In  1761,  Moses  Van  Hulkenroy,  a 
printer,  lived  in  part  of  it,  and  the  other  part  was  occupied  as  an  inn, 
then  known  as  The  Golden  Fleece.  In  1813,  the  centre  building  was  used  as 
a public  house.  It  fell  into  ruins  on  the  13th  of  May,  1818,  but  it  has  since 

been  rebuilt,  and  a tab- 
let inserted  in  memory 
of  Coster.  It  is  proba- 
ble that  this  house  was 
an  inn  when  Junius 
wrote  Batavia,  and 
that  he  refrained  from 
mentioning  this  cir- 
cumstancelestit  might 
degrade  Coster.  But 
we  now  know  that  Cos- 
ter, and  Pieter  Tliom- 
aszoon,  his  son-in-law, 
who  succeeded  him  in 
business,  and  that  Ger- 
rit  Thomaszoon,  the 
author  of  the  pedigree, 
were  all  innkeepers. 
The  wine-flagons,  to 
which  Junius  points  so 
triumphantly,  were  a 
proper  portion  of  the 
furnishings  of  an  inn. 
To  the  modem  reader, 
who  has  been  informed 
ipa: 
alv 

drinking  tavern  for 
the  refreshment  of  the 
men  of  Haarlem,  these 
pewter  mugs,  or.  flag- 
ons, as  Junius  names 
them,  are  not,  as  he 
would  have  us  believe, 
indisputable  evidence 
that  their  first  owner 
must  have  been  a 
printer. 

The  falsity  of  the  le- 
gend is  abundantly  es- 


t liat  a part  of  this  house 
has  always  been 


Laurens  Janszoon  Coster. 
[From  Maittaire.] 


OQ 

Q 

< 

P 

P 

o 


o 

Eh 


Eh 


The  Downfall  of  the  Legend. 


attached.  Boxhom  mentioned  this  engraving  in 
such  a manner  that  strangers  were  led  to  believe 
it  was  a statue  that  had  been  erected  to  Coster. 

J acob  Yan  C ampen  was  induced  to  make  another 
painting  of  the  grim  features  in  a more  truly  ar- 
tistic style.  His  idealized  head  of  Coster  was  en- 
graved by  Comelis  Koning,  whose  reproduction  of 
the  painter’s  fancy  has  ever  since  been  accepted 
as  an  authentic  portrait.  The  round  cap,  the  furred 
robe,  and  the  matrix  in  the  extended  hand,  are 
the  features  of  the  Scriverius  portrait ; but  the 
head  is  that  of  another  man.  The  stony  face 
which  Scriverius  presented  as  the  image  of  Coster 
was  somewhat  softened  by  the  pencil  of  Yan 
Campen,  but  after  he  had  exhausted  upon  it  all 
the  resources  of  his  art,  it  still  remained  a grim 
and  unsatisfactory  head,  a head  without  any  ex- 
pression of  genius  or  even  of  culture — the  head 
of  a hard  innkeeper,  but  not  of  an  inventor.  It 
was  a biting  satire  upon  the  story  of  Junius,  all 
the  more  offensive  because  the  portrait  had  as 
strong  claim  to  authenticity  as  the  legend. 

Meerman  refused  to  accept  the  fancy  of  Yan 
Campen  as  a faithful  portrait.  He  produced  a 
new  likeness  of  the  inventor,  and  claimed  for  it 
a superior  truthfulness.  In  the  same  year,  1765, 
Yan  Osten  de  Bruyn  published  an  engraving  of 
the  same  head,  with  this  explanation:  “Laurens 
Janszoon,  sheriff  of  the  town  of  Haarlem,  inventor 
of  the  noble  art  of  printing . . . after  an  old  picture 
bought  from  William  Comeliszoon  Croon,  the 
last  descendant  of  Laurens  Janszoon,  who  died, 
unmarried,  at  Haarlem  in  1724.”  We  find  no 
vouchers  for  the  authenticity  of  this  portrait. 
Croon  was  the  man  by  or  for  whom  the  vellum 
pedigree  was  continued.  He  was  equally  inter- 
ested with  the  originator  of  the  pedigree,  Gerrit 
Thomaszoon,  in  upholding  the  legend.  Whether 


A Spurious  Portrait 
by  Van  den  Berg. 
[From  Koning.] 


A Portrait  attributed  to 
Van  Oudewater. 
[From  Koning.] 


The  Downfall  of  the  Legend. 


The  Downfall  of  the  Legend. 


tablished  by  the  dissimilarity  of  the  many  engraved  likenesses,  which  from 
time  to  time  have  been  presented  as  portraits  of  Coster.  The  earliest  rep- 
resentation of  the  alleged  inventor  was  published  by  Scriverius,1  not  quite 
two  centuries  after  Coster  is  said  to  have  died. 

The  only  attest  to  the  accuracy  of  the  portrait  is 
Scriverius  himself,  and  it  need  not  be  said  that  he 
is  not  a trustworthy  witness.  There  have  been 
many  variations  of  this  well-known  engraving.  Yan 
der  Linde  suggests  that  this  engraving  by  Scriv- 
erius may  be  a portrait  of  Gerrit  Thomaszoon,  appro- 
priated tor  the  exigency.  There  is  a peculiarity  in 
the  engraving  which  plainly  proves  that  the  portrait 
could  not  have  been  painted  during  the  lifetime  of 
Coster.  The  “ true  effigies  of  Laurenz  ” carries  in  his 
light  hand  a matrix  of  the  letter  A of  the  Roman 
form,  but  letters  of  Roman  form  were  not  used  at 
Haarlem  in  1440.  Books  attributed  to  Coster  have 
letters  in  the  Gothic  style.2 

In  1630,  a new  portrait  of  Coster  was  published 
by  Adrien  Rooman,  with  Latin  and  Dutch  verses 

1 Moxon’s  copy  of  this  engraving  is  shown  on  p.  112  of  this  book. 

2 Van  der  Linde  tells  a curious  story  about  Holiandish  credulity: 

“The  most  amusing  imitation  was  that  of  an  amateur  artist 

of  the  last  century,  C.  Van  den  Berg,  who  wished  to  play  the  col- 
lector J.  Marcus  a trick.  He  engraved  a small  wood-cut  after 
the  portrait  of  Van  Campen,  with  the  name  Laur'  Jassoe,  in  old- 
fashioned  style  underneath.  With  a little  soot  and  dirt,  lie  gave 


honest  to  mean  anything  more  than  fun ; he  told  afterward  to 
Marcus  himself  the  value  of  that  antique  wood-cut.  Although 
every  investigator  could  and  ought  to  have  known  these  things, 
yet  Jacobus  Koning  was  bold  enough,  in  the  second  nomencla- 
ture of  his  collection  of  rare  books  and  manuscripts,  to  describe 
a copy  of  this  portrait  as  ‘ printed  by,  or  at  the  time  of,  Lourens 

Janszoon  Koster  ’ The  Haarlem  painter,  L.  Van  der  Vinne, 

in  his  youth,  painted,  in  the  beginning  of  the  former  century,  a 
study,  after  a drawing  of  V an  Campen.  But  lo ! in  1762,  this  picture 
is  ottered  for  sale  by  Van  Damme  at  Amsterdam  (the  same  who 
produced  the  false  inscriptions  respecting  the  imaginary  Corsellis 
of  Oxford),  provided  at  the  back  with  a very  old  inscription, 
Lours  Jans  to  Haarlem  mccccxxxjii,  and  the  monogram  A O. 
which  was  explained  to  mean  Albert  Van  Oudewater.  Excellent 
discovery 1 Here  was  a genuine  contemporaneous  portrait  by  a 
painter  of  the  fifteenth  century ! A trifle,  however,  was  wanted 
to  make  the  joy  perfect.  Albert  Van  Oudewater,  who  had  paint- 
ed the  celebrated  inventor  of  printing  in  1433,  was  born  in  1444! 
This  history  is  full  of  despairing  irony  from  beginning  to  end. 
Just  as  the  sheriff'  Lourens  Janszoon  invents  the  art  ot  printing 
after  his  death;  just  as  Cornelis  works  at  Donatuses  before  his 
birth;  just  as  the  chandler  Lourens  Janszoon  Koster  entirely 
forgets  his  invention  during  his  lifetime;  so  the  painter  Albert 
Van  Oudewater  becomes  a zealous  Costerian  long  before  he  was 
born Van  der  Linde,  Haarlem  Legend,  p.  145. 


The  Laurens  Janszoon  of  Meerman. 
[From  Meerman.] 


Croon  was  Ignorant  of  the  fact  that  Laurens  Janszoon,  the  sheriff,  was 
not  Lourens  Janszoon  Coster,  is  not  so  clear;  but  it  is  clear  that  the 
portrait  submitted  by  Croon  does  not  resemble  the 
portrait  furnished  by  Scriverius.  Gockinga  asserts 
that  the  engraving  made  by  Meerman  (after  Croon's 
portrait)  is  like  the  engraved  head  of  Sir  Thomas 
More  of  England.  Yan  der  Linde  says  that  the 
Coster  of  Meerman  closely  resembles  the  engraved 
portrait  of  a once  celebrated  inquisitor,  one  Ruard 
Tapper  of  Enkhuizen.1  The  Coster  of  Scriverius  and 
the  Coster  of  Meerman  are  certainly  different  men. 

Everywhere  but  in  Holland  and  Belgium,  Dr.  Yan 
der  Linde’s  exposure  of  the  spuriousness  of  the 
legend  has  been  accepted  as  the  end  of  all  debate. 
Coster  must  hereafter  be  regarded  as  one  of  the 
heroes  of  fiction  and  not  of  history.  With  the  down- 
fall of  Coster,  fall  also  all  the  speculations  concerning 
an  early  invention  of  printing  in  the  Netherlands  by 
an  unknown  or  unnamed  printer. 

In  Holland,  Dr.  Yan  der  Linde’s  book  has  been 
denounced  as  unpatriotic,  but  it  has  not  met  with  a 
suitable  answer.  The  indignation  manifested  toward 
the  author  has  been  so  violent  that  he,  a native  Hol- 
lander, has  found  it  expedient  to  remove  to  Germany. 

The  only  evidence  which  seems  to  give  probability 
to  the  assertion  that  typography  was  first  practised 
in  the  Netherlands  is  the  fact  that  an  unknown  print- 
er had  printed  there  some  little  books  before  Ketelaer 
and  De  Leempt,  in  1473.  Whoever  this  printer  may 
have  been,  it  still  remains  to  be  proved  that  he  did 
any  typographic  work  before  1463. 

l The  dissimilarity  between  the  calm,  philosophic  face  of  the 
Coster  of  Meerman  and  the  sour  features  of  the  Coster  of  Scri- 
verius is  neatly  explained  by  Dr.  Abr.  De  Vries: 

“The  portrait  given  by  Scriverius  was  painted  from  a sketch  or 
study  made  after  Coster’s  death,  and  was,  necessarily,  gloomy 
and  cadaverous : but  no  portrait,  however  beautiful,  unless  it  was 
a true  and  genuine  likeness,  could  satisfy  the  truth-loving  Scriv- 
erius. The  truth  was  to  be  well  founded  if  he  endorsed  it..  The 
cadaverous  hue  and  the  marks  of  death  in  Van  Camuen’s  picture 
ore  strong  evidences  for  the  genuineness  and  faithfulness  both  of 
the  original  representation  and  of  Van  Campen ’s  copy!” 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Stbeet,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  13. 


121 


John  G-utenberg  at  Strasburg. 


XX 

JOHN  GUTENBERG  AT  STRASBURG. 


Gutenberg’s  Place  as  an  Inventor. ..  His  Birth  at  Mentz. ..  Subsequent  Residence  in  Stras- 
burg. . .Early  Suits  at  Raw . . . His  Probable  Marriage ...  Is  Sued  by  Claus  Dritzehen . . . The 
J ndge’s  Statement . . . Testimony  of  the  Witnesses . . . Gutenberg  the  Chief  of  an  Association. 
Engaged  in  a Secret  Art. ..  Notices  of  a Press  and  of  a Mysterious  Tool  of  Four  Pieces. 
Notices  of  Forms  that  were  Melted,  and  of  Printing. . . Decision  of  the  Judge. . . Gutenberg’s 
Reputation  for  Knowledge  of  Curious  Arts. . . Polishing  Stones. . . Making  Mirrors. . . The 
Secret  Art  was  Printing  with  Founded  Types. . . Secret  was  not  in  the  Press. . . Illustration 
of  Old  Screw  Press . . . Testimony  of  the  Earlier  Authors . . . Tool  of  Four  Pieces  was  a Type- 
Mould  . . . Fac-simile  of  Garamond’s  Mould . . . Fac-simile  of  an  Early  Donatus . . . Gutenberg’s 
Financial  Embarrassments  and  Failure. 


But  whoever  were  the  Inventers  of  this  Art,  or,  (as  some  authors  will  have  it,)  Science,  nay, 
Science  of  Sciences  (say  they),  certain  it  is,  that  in  all  its  Branches  it  can  be  deemed  little 
less  than  a Science . . . For  my  part,  I weighed  it  well  in  my  thoughts,  and  I find . . . that  a 
Typographer  ought  to  be  a man  of  Science.  By  a Typographer,  I do  not  mean  a Printer. 

I mean  such  a one,  who  by  his  own  Judgment,  from  solid  reasoning  with  himself,  can  GC 
either  perform,  or  direct  others  to  perform,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end,  all  the  Handy-  O 
works  and  all  the  Physical  Operations  relating  to  Typographic.  Such  a Scientifick  man  f1 
was  doubtless  he  who  was  the  first  Inventer  of  Typographic. — Joseph  Moxon,  1683.  >— ( 

o 


Moxon  did  not  overrate  the  rank  of 
typography  among  the  arts.  It  is  a 
science,  and,  like  all  sciences,  is  the 
fruit  of  the  knowledge  which  comes 
only  by  study.  Like  all  sciences,  it 
came  in  the  fullness  of  time,  when  the 
world  had  been  prepared  for  it,  hut  it 
came  only  to  him  who  had  qualified 
himself  for  its  handiworks  from  begin- 
ning to  end.  In  the  description  of  the 
work  of  John  Gutenberg  about  to  he 
related,  imperfect  as  it  must  he  hy 
reason  of  our  ignorance  of  his  thoughts 
and  plans,  we  shall  clearly  see  that 
the  invention  of  typography  was  not, 
as  Junius  would  have  us  believe,  the 
result  of  a happy  thought  or  of  a flash 
of  inspiration.  It  was  not  bom  in  a 
day.  To  use  the  sound  language  of 
an  old  chronicler,  it  w as  thought  out 
and  wrought  out. 


The  work  of  Gutenberg  will  require 
a treatment  different  from  that  given 
to  the  work  of  Coster.  It  is  not  nec- 
essary to  introduce  the  subject  by  a 
description  of  his  books,  by  proof  of 
his  existence  from  writing's  made  a 
century  after  his  death,  anct,  by  a train 
of  fine  speculative  reasoning,  to  show 
that  he  should  have  been  the  printer 
of  the  books  asciibed  to  him  by  con- 
jecture. Our  knowledge  of  Gutenberg 
is  incomplete,  but  it  is  positive  as  far 
as  it  goes.  He  did  not  put  his  name 
on  any  book,  but  he  certainly  printed 
many  hooks ; it  does  not  appear  that 
he  ever  boasted  that  he  was  the  in- 
ventor of  typography,  but  this  honor 
was  conceded  to  him  by  many  print- 
ers soon  after  his  death.  His  antago- 
nists in  courts  of  law,  as  well  as  tne 
friends  who  put  up  tablets  to  his  mem- 


not  the  cause.  It  was  the  spark  which 
set  on  fire  the  stifled  resentment  of 
the  burghers  against  a long  course  of 
neglect  and  of  misgovernment.  The 
Gensfleisch  families  seem  to  have 
been  always  prominent  in  the  civil 
disturbances  of  Mentz.  Gutenberg’s 
great-great  grandfather  took  sides 
with  one  of  the  rival  archbishops, 
and,  in  1332,  aided  him  in  burning 
some  convents,  for  which  he  was  put 
under  ban  by  the  Emperor  Louis.  In 
the  same  year,  he  and  other  noblemen 
m made  themselves  so  offensive  to  the 
0 burghers  that  they  were  obliged  to 
flee  for  their  lives. 

It  is  not  known  where  the  Gens- 
, fleisch  family  took  refuge.  It  is  sup- 
q posed  that  Strasburg  was  the  city  se- 
lected,  for  this  is  the  city  in  which  we 
find  the  earliest  notice  of  Gutenberg. 
O In  1430,  the  Elector  Conrad  in 
granted  a full  amnesty  to  many  of  the 
GO  exiled  citizens  of  Mentz,  and  sununon- 
pn  ed  them  to  return.  Johan  Gutenberg 
pH  was  specifically  named  in  the  proo- 
fs lamation,  but  he  continued  to  dwell 
abroad.  During  this  year,  his  moth- 
er Else,  then  a widow,  negotiated, 
through  her  son,  for  her  pension  of 
fourteen  guilders  which  had  been 
allowed  to  her  by  the  magistrates  of 
Mentz.  In  1432,  he  visited  Mentz, 
probably  on  business  relating  to  this 
pension.  These  are  the  only  known 
records  of  his  early  manhood. 

Nothing  is  known  about  his  educa- 
tion. Some  writers  have  represented 
him  as  an  engraver  on  wood  or  a 


printer  of  cards  or  of  hlock-hooks  at 
an  early  age.  It  is  possible  that  he 
may  have  received  instruction  in  the 
arts  of  block-printing  and  engraving, 
and  that  he  may  have  traveled  far 
and  wide  in  quest  of  greater  knowl- 
edge,1 as  was  and  is  customary  with 
German  artisans;  but  we  have  no 
evidence  on  this  point/  It  must  be 
confessed  that  the  first  thirty  years 
of  his  life  are  virtually  blank. 

The  most  important  actions  of  his 
after  life  would  have  been  obscured 
quite  as  thoroughly,  if  it  had  not  been 
his  fate  to  appear  many  times,  either 
as  complainant  or  defendant,  before 
the  courts  of  his  country.  It  is  from 
the  records  of  these  courts  that  we 
glean  the  story  of  his  life.  He  first 
appears  as  complainant  in  a suit  at 
law  which  shows  his  high  spirit  and 
audacity.  The  magistrates  of  Mentz 
had  neglected  or  refused  to  pay  to 
Gutenberg  the  sum  of  money  which 
he  claimed  as  his  due.  Gutenberg, 
waiting  for  his  opportunity,  caused  to 
be  arrested  the  clerk  or  recorder  of 

1 Charles  Winaricky,  a learned  Bohemian, 
wrote  a dissertation  on  the  birthplace  of 
Gutenberg  — Jean  Guttenberg,  ne  cn  1412  a 
Kuttcnberg  en  Boheme,  12mo.  Brussels,  1847  — 
in  which  he  tried  to  prove : that  Gutenberg 
was  born  in  the  year  1412,  in  the  town  of  Kut- 
tenberg  in  Bohemia,  from  which  town  he  de- 
rived his  name ; that  he  was  a graduate  of  the 
university  of  Prague ; that  he  acquired  his 
knowledge  of  metallurgy  from  the  metal 
workers  of  that  old  mining  town ; and  that 
his  proficiency  in  many  curious  arts  was  the 
result  of  his  Bohemian  education.  Wina- 
ricky’s  book  abounds  with  curious  informa- 
tion, but  his  reasoning  is  largely  based  on 
conjecture.  It  cannot  be  used  to  discredit  the 
positive'  dates  and  facts  of  many  German 
records.  . „ 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


ory,  have  told  us.  as  plainly  as  could 
be  desired,  that  he  was  a master  of 
many  curious  arts,  and  that  he  had 
made  a broad  and  unmistakable  mark 
on  his  time. 

There  is  no  record  of  the  birth  of 
Gutenberg,  but  it  is  the  belief  of 
his  German  biographers  that  he  was 
bom  at  Mentz  about  the  year  1399.  His 
parents  were,  Frielo  Gensfleisch  and 
Else  Gutenberg.  Their  two  children 
were,  John  Gutenberg,  named  after 
his  mother,  and  Frielo  Gensfleisch. 
Frielo  junior  wras  always  called  Gens- 
fleisch, but  Jolin,  whose  relation  to  the 
Gensfleisch  family  must  have  been 
well  known,  was  sometimes  described 
as  John  Gensfleisch,  junior. 

There  is  no  known  authentic  auto- 
graph of  Gutenberg.  In  his  day  the 
name  was  written  by  other  persons, 
Guttemburg,  Gudenburch,  Gooden- 
berger,  Gutnembergius,  Gudenbergh, 
Kuttenberg,  and  in  many  other  ways. 
The  form  of  spelling  used  in  this  book 
is  the  one  preferred  by  learned  Ger- 
man bibliographers.  Gensfleisch,  in 
German,  is  gooseflesh ; Gutenberg  is 
good  hill. 

Bodmann,  a librarian  at  Mentz,  said 
that  he  had  discovered  two  old  docu- 
ments which  set  forth  that  Gutenberg- 
had  a brother,  Conrad,  and  two  sisters, 
Hebele  and  Bertha.  Helbig  savs  that 
these  documents,  as  reprinted  by  Fis- 
cher, are  spuiious. 

It  seems  that  Else  Gutenberg  was 
the  last  surviving  member  of  her 
family.  According  to  a German  cus- 
tom prevailing  at  that  time,  a son  was, 
under  certain  circumstances,  permit- 
ted to  take  the  name  of  his  mother 
when  it  was  feared  that  her  family 
name  might  become  extinct. 

A legal  document  of  the  city  of  Stras- 
burg names  him  John,  called  Gens- 
fleisch, alias  Gutenberg,  of  Mentz. 

The  name  of  the  brother  of  Frielo 
Gensfleisch,  senior,  was  John  Gens- 


fleisch, senior.  He  is  the  man  im- 
properly described  by  Meerman  as  the 
elder  brother  of  J ohn  Gutenberg.  The 
identity  of  his  baptismal  name  with 
that  o£  the  inventor  of  printing  has 
been  the  occasion  of  many  mistakes. 

The  uncle  has  been  confounded  with 
the  nephew.  The  family  was  wealthy : 
it  had,  in  or  near  Mentz,  three  houses 
or  estates,  known  as  Zum  Gudenberg, 

Zum  Jungen  and  Zum  Gensfleisch. 

The  members  of  the  family  were  some- 
times called  Sulgeloch  or  Sorgenloch, 
from  a property  on  which  they  re- 
sided outside  of  Mentz. 

The  infancy  and  youth  of  Gutenberg 
were  passed  amid  scenes  of  strife.  In 
Mentz,  as  in  many  other  cities  of  Ger- 
many, the  burghers  made  persistent 
encroachments  on  the  privileges  of  the 
noblemen,  and  met  with  as  persistent  ^ 
resistance.  The  municipal  disorder  ^ 
which  followed  their  frequent  colli-  £ 
sions  was  seriously  aggravated  by  the  y 
disputes  of  the  rival  archbishops  who 
held  office  under  rival  popes.  The 
burghers,  as  the  larger  body,  claimed 
the  larger  share  of  the  city  offices,  and 
the  rig-ht  to  take  the  lead  on  occasions 
of  ceremony  and  in  the  administr  ation 
of  affair  s.  In  the  year  1420,  the  burgh- 
ers of  Mentz  made  preparation  for  the 
entertainment  of  the  Emperor,  on  the 
occasion  of  his  visit  to  the  city.  Cir- 
cumvented by  the  action  of  the  noble- 
men, who  greeted  the  Emperor  first, 
the  burgh ers  retaliated  by  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  houses  and  j;oods  of  the 
more  obnoxious  nobles.  In  their  rage, 
they  demanded  of  them  humiliating 
guarantees,  and  put  them  under  re- 
strictions so  galling,  that  Frielo  Gens- 
fleisch and  many  others  preferred  to 
go  in  exile. 

This  is  the  version  of  chroniclers  in 
the  interest  of  the  nobles.  The  child- 
ish dispute  about  precedence  seems 
an  insufficient  cause  for  the  quarrel. 

It  was,  probably,  the  occasion,  but 


the  city  of  Mentz,  who  happened  to 
be  in  Strasburg.  This  sudden  arrest 
seems  to  have  been  a great  annoyance 
to  the  magistrates  of  Strasburg,  who 
feared  that  it  would  endanger  the 
friendly  relations  of  the  two  cities.  At 
their  request  he  consented  to  relax 
his  hold  on  the  unfortunate  clerk.1 
This  is  the  first  plain  proof  we  have 
of  his  residence  in  Strasburg  in  1434. 
^ In  the  same  year  he  formally  au- 
Q thorized  his  mother  to  act  for  him  in 
<1  the  adjustment  of  some  business  be- 
0 tween  him  and  his  brother  Frielo. 
This  authorization,  which  is  recorded 
in  the  city  books  of  Mentz  and  of 
Frankfort,  would  imply  that  he  was, 
or  intended  to  be,  absent. 
q In  1436,  he  appeared  as  defendant 
H before  the  tribunal  of  Strasburg. 
00  Anne,  called  Zur  Isernen  Thur  (Anne 
of  the  Iron  Gate),  sued  Gutenberg  for 

® r This  is  the  form  of  complaint:  “I,  Johan 
Gensfleisch,  the  younger,  also  called  Guten- 
£7  berg,  declare  by  this  letter,  that  the  worshipful 
sage  burgomaster  and  the  council  of'  the  town 
of  Mentz  owe  me  every  year  a certain  interest, 
according  to  the  contents  of  letters  wljich  con- 
tain, among  other  things,  that,  if  they  do  not 
pay  me,  I am  at  liberty  to  seize  and  imprison 
them.  As  I have  now  to  claim  much  rent  in 
arrears  from  the  said  town,  which  they  were 
hitherto  not  able  to  pay  me,  I caused  M.  Nico- 
laus, secretary  of  Mentz,  to  be  seized,  where- 
upon he  promised  me  and  swore  to  give  me 
310  valid  Rguilders,  to  be  paid  at  Oppenheim. 
before  the  following  Whitsuntide.  I acknowl- 
edge, by  this  letter,  that  the  burgomaster  and 
council  of  Strasburg  have  induced  me  to  re- 
lieve of  my  own  free  will,  in  honor  and  love  of 
them,  the  said  M.  Nicol  ms  from  his  imprison- 
ment, and  from  the  payment  of  the  310  guild- 
ers. Given  on  Sunday  (12th  of  March), 1434.” 
The  ease  with  which  Gutenberg  relinquish- 
es his  monetary  claim,  and  which  at  once 
shows  him  to  be  a better  knight  than  finan- 
cier, exhibits  a trait  of  character  which  ex- 
plains much  in  his  later  fate.  Van  der  Linde, 
Haarlem  Legend,  p.  13. 


a breach  of  promise  of  marriage.  The 
judgment  of  the  court  is  not  given. 
Most  writers  on  the  subject  believe 
that  the  suit  was  withdrawn,  and  that 
the  case  was  closed  by  marriage. 
After  this  suit,  the  name  of  Ennel 
Gutenberg,  who,  according  to  Schcep- 
flin,  is  none  other  than  this  Anne, 
appears  on  the  tax-roll  of  the  city  of 
Strasburg.  It  does  not  appear  that 
Anne  had  any  noticeable  influence 
over  his  subsequent  fife ; She  did  not 
follow  him  to  Mentz ; it  is  not  certain 
that  she  was  living  in  1444. 

In  the  year  1439,  John  Gutenberg 
again  comes  before  the  court,  and 
again  as  defendant.  The  testimony 
brought  out  on  this  trial  reveals  Gu- 
tenberg to  us  as  an  experimenter  and 
inventor.  The  official  record 1 is  long 
and  full  of  matter  that  seems  irrele- 
vant, but  it  presents  a curious  picture 

1 For  more  than  three  hundred  years  this 
important  document,  with  other  records  of 
the  courts  of  Strasburg,  rested  unknown  and 
undisturbed  in  the  old  tower  Pfenningthurm, 
in  which  place  it  was  discovered  by  Wenkler, 
the  keeper  of  the  records.  He  communicated 
this  fact  to  Sclnepflin,  who,  perceiving  its 
value,  made  it  the  great  feature  of  the  Vin- 
diciee  Typographic ce.  The  record  is  imperfect, 
for  it  does  not  contain  all  the  testimony  of  all 
the  witnesses.  Whether  this  deficiency  is  due 
to  the  neglect  of  the  recorder,  or  to  the  decay 
or  mutilation  of  the  record,  has  not  been  fully 
explained.  Schosnflin,  who  says  it  is  written 
in  an  almost  obsolete  German  dialect  hard  to 
be  understood,  reprinted  it  in  full,  accompa- 
nied with  a translation  in  Latin,  which  has 
been  censured  as  inaccurate.  Dr.  Dibdin,  and 
a few  carping  bibliographers,  who  looked  with 
disfavor  on  all  newly  discovered  documents 
which  obliged  them  to  revise  their  own  theo- 
ries, have  tried  to  throw'  discredit  on  this  rec- 
ord, but  its  authenticity  is  now  recognized  as 
beyond  controversy.  The  records  were  placed 
in  the  library  of  Strasburg  for  sufety.  but  they 
were  destroyed  by  the  Prussians  during  the 
siege  of  that  city  in  1870. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


122 


Nonpareil,  No.  14. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 

of  the  time  which  deserves  study.  This  is  the  judge’s  statement  of  the  case, 
as  delivered  by  him  on  the  12th  day  of  December,  1439 : 

“We,!  Cune  Nope,  master  and  counselor  at  Strasburg,  hereby  make  known 
to  all  who  shall  see  this  writing-,  or  shall  hear  the  reading  thereof,  that  George 
Dritzehen,  our  fellow-citizen,  has  appeared  before  us  in  proper  person,  and  with 
a full  power  of  attorney  for  his  brother  Claus  Dritzehen,  and  has  cited  John 
Gensfleiseh,  of  Mentz,  called  Gutenberg,  our  fellow-resident,  and  has  deposed 
that  the  late  Andrew  Dritzehen,  his  brother,  had  inherited  from  his  deceased 
father  valuable  effects,  which  he  had  used  as  security,  and  from  which  he  had 
realized  a considerable  sum  of  money ; that  he  had  entered  into  co-partnership 
with  John  Gutenberg  and  others,  and  [with  them]  had  formed  a company  or 
association,  and  that  he  had  paid  over  his  money  to  Gutenberg  [the  chief]  of 
this  association ; and  that  for  a certain  period  of  time  they  had  carried  on  and 
ractised  together  their  business,  from  which  they  had  reaped  a good  profit; 
ut  that,  in  consequence  of  the  speculations  of  the  association,  Andrew  Drit- 
zehen had  made  himself  personally  liable,  in  one  way  and  another,  for  the  lead 
and  other  materials  which  he  had  purchased,  and  which  were  necessary  in  this 
art,  or  trade,  and  which  he  [George]  would  also  have  been  responsible  for  and 
would  have  paid;  but  inasmuch  as  in  this  interval  Andrew  had  died,  he 
[George]  and  his  brother  Claus  had  requested  with  importunity  of  John  Guten- 
berg that  he  should  receive  them  in  the  association  in  the  place  of  their  late 
brother,  or  else,  that  he  should  account  to  them  for  the  money  that  he  [Andrew] 
had  put  in  the  association ; but  that  he  [Gutenberg]  was  unwilling  to  comply 
with  then-  request,  alleging,  as  an  excuse,  that  Andrew  Dritzehen  had  not,  as  cc 
yet,  paid  his  proper  quota  iuto  the  association.  Now  he,  George  Dritzehen,  O 
believed  that  he  was  abundantly  able  to  prove  that  this  agreement  was  just  as  t-1 
he  had  represented : he  had  pleaded  that  Gutenberg  should  take  him  and  his  £2 
brother  Claus  in  the  association,  in  place  of  their  late  brother,  for  they  were  . 
his  lawful  heirs,  or  that  Gutenberg  should  return  the  money  which  their  late 
brother  had  invested,  or  that  he  should  at  least  give  the  reason  why  he  would 
not  accede  to  their  demand. 

“In  answer,  John  Gutenberg,  had  replied  that  the  complaint  of  George  Drit- 
zehen seemed  to  Mm  very  unjust,  inasmuch  as  he  could  sufficiently  establish, 
through  many  notes  and  writings  [the  nature  of  wMch  George  and  Ibis  brother 
Claus  could  have  learned  after  the  death  of  Andrew  Dritzehen],  under  what 
rules  the  association  was  formed.  In  truth,  Andrew  Dritzehen  came  to  him- 
many  years  ago,  and  had  asked  him,  to  communicate  and  to  teach  to  the  said 
Andrew  many  secrets : it  was  for  this  reason,  and  to  comply  with  Ms  request, 
that  he  had  taught  him  how  to  polish  stones , from  which  art  Andrew  Drit- 
zehen had  derived  a good  profit.  Afterward,  after  a long  interval  of  time,  he 
[Gutenberg]  had  made  agreement  with  Hans  Rifle,  mayor  of  Lichtenau,  to 
wot-k  up  a secret  for  the  fair  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  they  were  associated  to- 
gether after  tMs  fashion : Gutenberg  was  to  have  two  shares  of  the  business, 
and  Hans  Rifle  one  share.  This  agreement  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Andrew 
Dritzehen.  who  begged  Gutenberg  to  communicate  and  teach  him  tMs  secret 
also,  for  wMch  Andrew  Dritzehen  promised  to  be  Ms  debtor,  on  Gutenberg’s 
own  terms.  In  the  meantime,  the  elder  Anthony  Heilmann  had  made  the  same 
request  in  favor  of  his  brother  Andrew  Heilmann;  whereupon  he  [Guten- 
berg] had  considered  these  two  applications,  and  he  had  promised,  at  their 
l Conventionally  used  for  I. 


John  Gutenberg  At  Strasburg. 

The  depositions  contain  the  most  curious  portions  of  the  pleadings,  for  it  will 
be  noticed  that  Gutenberg  and  Dritzehen  have  not  described  the  secret, 
Gutenberg  did  not  wish  to  divulge  it,  and  Dritzehen  probably  hoped  to 
discover  it  in  the  evidence,  wMch  begins  mysteriously  and  dramatically. 

“Barbel  von  Zabern,  the  mercer,  testified,  that  on  a certain  night,  she 
had  talked  with  Andrew  Dritzehen  about  various  matters,  and.  that  she 
had  said  to  him : 1 But  will  you  not  stop  work,  so  that  you  can  get  some 
sleep?’  He  replied  to  her,  ‘It  is  necessary  that  I first  finish  tMs  work.' 
Then  the  witness  said,  ‘But,  God  help  me,  what  a great  sum  of  money 
you  are  spending?  That  has,  at  least,  cost  you  10  guilders.’  He  answered, 
‘You  are  a goose;  you  t-Mnk  tMs  cost  but  10  guilders.  Look  here!  if  you 
had  the  money  which  this  has  cost  over  and  above  300  guilders,  you  would 
. have  enough  for  all  your  life;  this  has  cost  me  at  least  500  guilders.  It 
p is  but  a trifle  to  what  I will  have  to  expend.  It  is  for  this  that  I have 
-a]  mortgaged  my  goods  and  my  inheritance.’  ‘But,’  continued  the  witness, 
‘if  this  does  not  succeed,  what  will  you  do  then?’  He  answered,  ‘It  is 
not  possible  that  we  can  fail ; before  another  year  is  over,  we  shall  have 
<!  recovered  our  capital,  and  shall  be  prosperous : that  is,  providing  God  does 
hh  not  intend  to  afflict  us.’  ” 

P-1  TMs  dialogue  puts  two  of  the  partners  in  a clear  light;  the  domination 
Q of  Gutenberg  and  the  faith  of  Dritzehen  are  perfect.  Unmoved  by  the  cold 
H distrust  of  shrewd  Madame  Zabern,  Dritzehen  persists  in  his  work,  trusting 
confidently  in  the  genius  of  Gutenberg  and  the  success  of  the  process.  “It 
is  not  possible  that  we  can  fail.”  In  the  testimony  of  the  next  witness  we 
P find  the  first  clue  to  the  secret. 

Jyt  “Dame  Ennel  Dritzehen,  the  wife  of  Hans  Seliultheiss,  dealer  in  wood, 
t-*  testified  that  Lorentz  Beiklick  [personal  servant  to  Gutenberg-]  came  on  a 
certain  day  to  her  house  where  Claus  Dritzehen,  her  cousin,  happened  to 
be,  and  said  to  the  latter,  ‘Dear  Claus  Dritzehen,  the  late  Andrew  Drit- 
zehen had  four  pieces  lying  in  a press,  and  Gutenberg  begs  that  you  will 
take  them  away  from  the  press,  and  that  you  will  separate  them,  so  that  no 
one  can  see  what  it  [the  tool  or  implement  made  of  four  pieces]  is,  for  he 
does  not  wish  that  any  one  should  see  it.’  This  witness  also  testified  that 
when  she  was  with  Andrew  Dritzehen,  her  cousin,  she  had  assisted  him 
night  and  day  when  he  was  on  this  work.  She  also  said  that  she  knew 
very  well  that  Andrew  Dritzehen,  her  cousin,  had,  during  tMs  period, 
mortgaged  his  capital;  but  as  to  how  much  of  it  he  had  devoted  to  tMs 
work,  she  knew  nothing.” 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 

solicitation,  to  make  known  to  them  the  secret,  and  also  to  give  and  grant  to 
them  the  half  of  the  profits,  in  this  wise:  that  they  two  should  have  one  share, 
Hans  Rifle  one  share  and  he  [Gutenberg]  one  share ; but  that  as  a considera- 
tion, the  two  should  give  to  him  [Gutenberg]  160  guilders  for  the  trouble  that 
he  would  have  in  teacMng  them,  and/or  the  communication  of  the  secret,  and 
that  they  should,  afterward,  each  give  him  80  guilders  additional.  At  the  time 
when  they  were  determining  their  agreement  it  was  understood  that  the  fair 
would  be'held  the  same  year,  but  when  they  were  all  ready,  and  prepared  to 
work  out  the  secret  [i.  e.  to  manufacture  the  merchandise  intended  for  the  fair] 
the  fair  was  postponed  to  the  following-  year.  Thereupon,  they  [Anthony  and 
Andrew]  had  made  request  that  Gutenberg  would  hide  nothing  from  them  which 
he  knew  or  would  discover  of  secrets  and  inventions,  and  they  at  once  proposed 
to  him  to  name  his  terms ; and  it  was  then  agreed  that  they  should  add  to  the 
sum  first  named  250  guilders,  making  in  all  410  guilders ; and  that  they  should 
at  once  pay  100  guilders  in  cash — of  which  sum,  at  that  time,  Andrew  Heil- 
mann paid  50,  and  Andrew  Dritzehen  paid  40 — so  that  Andrew  Dritzehen  re- 
mained a debtor  to  the  amount  of  10  guilders.  It  was  also  understood  that  the 
two  partners  should  pay  the  75  guilders  due  and  unpaid,  at  three  different 
dates  which  were  stipulated ; but  before  the  expiration  of  these  dates  Andrew 
Dritzehen  had  died,  still  in  debt  to  Gutenberg.  At  the  time  when  the  agree-  oj 
ment  was  made,  it  had  been  decided  that  the  accomplishment  of  their  secret  O 
[the  duration  of  copartnership]  should  occupy  five  entire  years;  in  the  event  f* 
of  the  death  of  any  one  of  the  four  partners,  during  this  five  years,  all  the  H 
implements  pertaining  to  the  secret,  and  all  the  merchandise  that  had  been  . 
manufactured,  should  be  vested  in  the  remaining  partners,  and  that  the  heirs 
of  the  partner  who  had  died  should  receive,  at  the  end  of  five  years,  100 
guilders.  Consequently,  and  because  the  contract,  which  is  expressed  in  these 
very  terms,  and  which  contract  was  found  at  the  house  of  Andrew  Dritzehen, 
fully  set  forth  all  these  stipulations,  and  those  that  preceded  it,  as  he  John 
Gutenberg  hopes  to  prove  by  good  witnesses,  he  demands  that  George  Drit- 
zehen and  his  brother  Claus  should  deduct  the  85  guilders  which  were  still 
due  to  Mm  from  their  late  brother,  from  the  100  gmlders,  and  then  he  would 
consent  to  return  to  them  the  15  gmlders,  although  he  was  still  fairly  en- 
titled, according  to  the  terms  of  the  contract,  to  several  years,  before  this 
money  should  be  payable.  As  to  the  declaration  made  by  George  Dritzehen 
that  the  late  Andrew  Dritzehen,  his  brother,  had  taken  much  money  by  the 
pledge  of  his  goods  and  of  his  inheritance  from  his  father,  he  did  not  think  it 
worth  consideration,  for  he  [Gutenberg]  had  not  received  from  the  goods  or 
inheritance  anything  more  than  he  had  before  first  stated,  except  a half-omen 
of  wine,  a basket  of  pears,  and  a half-fuder  of  wine,  which  Andrew  Dritzehen 
and  Andrew  Heilmann  had  given  to  him  ; that,  moreover,  the  two  men  had 
consumed  the  equivalent  of  this  and  more  besides  at.  Ms  house,  for  wMch  they 
had  never  been  asked  to-pay  anything.  Moreover,  when  he,  George  Dritzehen, 
demanded  to  be  admitted  in  the  partnership  as  an  heir,  he  knew  very  well  that 
this  claim  was  no  better  founded  than  any  other ; and  that  Andrew' Dritzehen 
had  never  been  security  for  him,  neither  for  lead,  nor  for  any  other  matter, 
except  on  one  occasion  before  Fritz  von  Secking-en ; but  he  had,  after  Ms  death, 
satisfied  this  obligation ; and  it  is  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  the  truth  of 
these  assertions  that  he  demands  that  the  depositions  should  be  heard.” 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 

The  nature  or  the  purpose  of  this  tool  of  four  pieces  lying  in  the  press  is 
not  explained  by  any  of  the  witnesses.  It  seems  that  Gutenberg  feared 
that  it  would,  when  fitted  together,  be  readily  understood,  and  would  reveal 
the  secret.  His  inquietude  about  it  is  also  set  forth  by  Haus  Schultheiss. 

“Hans  Schultheiss  testified  that  Lorentz  Beildick  came  one  day  to  his 
house  with  Claus  Dritzehen,  where  this  witness  had  conducted  him.  It 
was  at  or  about  the  time  of  the  death  of  Andrew  Dritzehen ; Lorentz  Beil- 
dick said,  ‘Your  late  brother,  Andrew  Dritzehen,  has  four  pieces  lying  down 
in  [or  underneath]  a press,  and  Gutenberg  begs  that  you  will  take  them 
out  and  separate  them,  so  that  no  one  will  be  able  to  see  what  it  is.’ 
02  Claus  Dritzehen  searched  for  the  pieces,  but  could  not  find  them.  This 
R witness  heard,  a long  time  ago,  from  Andrew  Dritzehen  that  the  work  had 
pq  cost  him  more  than  300  guilders.” 

i-H  It  is  obvious  that  these  four  pieces  were  not  a part  of  the  press.  Prop- 
^ erly  put  together,  they  constituted  one  tool.  Another  witness  repeats  the 
O story,  describing  this  tool  as  it. 

“Conrad  Sahspach  testified  that  Andrew  Heilmann  came  to  Mm  one  day 
when  he  was  in  the  market  square  and  said:  ‘Dear  Conrad,  Andrew  Drit- 
0 zelien  is  dead,  and  as  you  are  the  man  who  made  the  press,  and  know  all 
about  the  matter,  go  there,  and  take  the  pieces  out  of  the  press  and  separate 
1-~  them,  so  that  nobody  can  know  what  it  is.’  But  when  this  witness  went 
jjj  to  look  after  the  press  (it  was  on  St.  Stephen’s  day  last)  the  thing  [it]  had 
H disappeared.  TMs  witness  said  that  Andrew  Dritzehen  had  once  borrowed 
tp  money  from  Mm,  which  he  used  for  the  work.  He  knew  that  he  had  mort- 
gaged his  property.” 

It  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  secret  about  the  construction  of 
the  press.  Sahspach,  who  was  not  one  of  the  partners,  was  authorized, 
not  to  disjoint  the  press,  but  to  remove  and  disconnect  the  form  of  four 
pieces  in  the  press,  wMch  seems  to  have  been  the  key  to  the  secret. 

The  poverty  and  the  subsequent  despondency  of  Andrew  Dritzehen  are 
described  by  Hans  Sidenneger,  who  testified  that  Andrew  had  mortgaged 
all  his  property.  His  honesty  is  acknowledged  by  Werner  Smalriem,  who 
testified  that  he  had  lent  Mm  money  and  had  been  repaid.  His  anxiety 
about  Ms  debts,  and  his  death,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  result  of 
overwork,  are  briefly  related  by  Mydehart  Stocker. 

“Mydehart  Stocker  deposed  that  the  late  Audrew  Dritzehen  fell  sick  on 
St.  John’s  Day,  or  about  Christmas  time.  When  he  fell  sick,  he  was  laid 
upon  a bed  in  the  room  of  this  witness.  And  this  witness  went  to  him 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YOEK 


Nonpareil,  No.  14. 


123 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 

and  said,  1 Andrew,  how  are  you  ? ’ And  he  answered,  ‘ I believe  that  I am  on 
my  death-bed.  If  I am  about  to  die,  I wish  that  I had  never  been  connected 
with  the  association.'  Witness  said,  ‘Why  so?’  He  responded,  ‘Because 
I know  very  well  that  my  brothers  will  never  agree  with  Gutenberg.’ 
Witness  said,  ‘ Is  not  your  partnership  governed  by  a written  agreement  ? Are 
there  not  evidences  of  the  nature  of  your  obligations?’  Andrew  said,  ‘Yes. 
Everything  has  been  done  properly  by  writing.’  Witness  then  asked  how  the 
association-had  been  formed.  Dritzehen  then  told  him  how  Andrew  Heilmann, 
Hans  Riffe,  Gutenberg  and  himself,  had  formed  a partnership,  to  which  An- 
drew Heilmann  and  himself  had  brought  80  guilders,  at  least,  so  far  as  he  recol- 
lected. When  the  partnership  had  been  made,  Andrew  Heilmann  and  himself 
went  one  day  to  the  house  of  Gutenberg  at  Saint  Arbogastus.  When  there. 
they  discovered  that  Gutenberg  had  concealed  many  secrets  which  he  had  not 
obligated  himself  to  teach  to  them.  This  did  not  please  them.  Thereupon  they 
dissolved  the  old  partnership,  and  formed  a new  one.  [Here  follows  a repeti- 
tion, substantially,  of  the  statement  made  by  Gutenberg,  concerning  the  in- 
debtedness of  each  partner.]’’ 

The  insolvency  of  Andrew  Dritzehen  is  set  forth  in  the  testimony  of  the 
priest  who  attended  him  before  his  death. 

“ Herr  Peter  Eckhart,  curate  of  St.  Martin,  said  [as  a priest,  he  was  not 
sworn],  that  the  late  Andrew  Dritzehen  sent  for  him  during  Christmas  week 
that  he  might  have  his  confession.  When  he  came  to  his  home,  he  found  him 
ready  to  confess.  He  [the  priest]  asked  him  if  there  was  debt  due  by  him  to 
any  person,  or  if  any  person  owed  him,  or  if  he  had  given  or  done  anything  ^ 
which  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  reveal.  Then  Andrew  Dritzehen  told  Q 
him  that  he  was  in  partnership  with  many  persons,  with  Andrew  Heilmann  [-< 
and  others,  and  that  he  had  incurred  an  obligation  in  an  enterprise  to  the 
amount  of  200  or  300  guilders,  and  that,  at  that  time,  he  was  not  worth  a stiver.”  y 

Gutenberg’s  need  of  money,  and  Dritzehen’s  liability  for  money  lent  to  the 
association,  are  proved  by  another  witness. 

•’Thomas  Sternbach  deposed  that  Hesse,  the  broker,  once  came  to  him, 
asking  him  if  he  knew  where  he  could  place  some  money,  with  little  risk  of 
loss.  Witness  had  recommended  him  to  John  Gutenberg,  Andrew  Dritzehen 
and  Anthony  Heilmann,  who  needed  money.  Witness  took  up  for  them  14 
lutzelbergers,  but  he  really  lost  12%  guilders  by  the  transaction.  Fritz  von 
Seckingen  was  their  surety,  and  his  name  was  inscribed  [as  endorser]  on  the 
books  of  the  house  of  commerce  [probably  some  kind  of  banking-house].” 

The  most  explicit  evidence  concerning  this  form  of  four  pieces  is  given  by 
Lorentz  Beildiek,  the  servant  of  Gutenberg. 

“ Lorentz  Beildiek  testified  that  John  Gutenberg,  on  a certain  day,  sent  him 
to  the  house  of  Claus  Dritzehen,  after  the  death  of  Andrew,  his  brother,  with 
this  message — that  he  should  not  show  to  any  person  the  press  in  his  care. 
Witness  did  so.  Gutenberg  had  instructed  lnm  minutely,  and  told  him  that 
Claus  should  go  to  the  press  and  should  turn  two  buttons , so  that  the  pieces 
would  be  detached  one  from  the  other ; that  these  pieces  should  be  afterward 
placed  in  the  press  or  on  the  press ; that  when  this  had  been  done,  no  one  could 
comprehend  its  purpos Gutenberg  also  requested  Claus  Dritzehen,  if  he 
should  leave  his  house,  that  he  should  at  once  repair  to  his  house  [John  Guten-. 
berg’s],  Who  had  some  things  to  tell  him  in  person.  This  witness  remembers 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 

enherg-  paid  up  the  entire  sum  at  the  time  of  the  last  fair  during  Mid- 
Lent.” 

Gutenberg’s  partner  gives  some  curious  details  about  the  partnership,  and 
intimates  that  the  forms  were  of  metal. 

“Anthony  Heilmann  testified  that,  when  he  learned  that  Gutenberg 
wished  to  take  Andrew  Dritzehen  as  a third  [partner]  in  the  company 
formed  for  the  sale  of  mirrors  at  the  fair  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  he  begged  him 
with  importunity  to  take  also  his  brother  Andrew , if  he  wished  to  do  a great 
favor  to  him,  Anthony.  But  Gutenberg  told  him  that  he  feared  that  the 
friends  of  Andrew  would  pretend  that  this  business  [or  secret]  was  that 
of  sorcery,  an  imputation  he  wished  to  avoid.  Heilmann  persisted  in  his 
request,  and  finally  obtained  a document,  which  he  was  obliged  to  show  to 
the  two  future  partners,  and  about  which  they  found  it  necessary  to  have  a 
jyj  consultation.  Gutenberg  took  the  document  to  them,  and  they  decided  that 
C they  would  comply  with  its  terms,  and  in  this  way  the  affair  [of  partner- 
ship]  was  settled.  In  the  midst  of  these  negotiations,  Andrew  Dritzehen 
2 begged  this  witness  [Anthony  Heilmann]  to  lend  him  some  money,  and  he 
then  said  that  he  would  willingly  oblige  him,  if  he  would  give  good  security. 
^ And  he  lent  Dritzehen  90  pounds,  which  Dritzehen  took  to  Gutenberg,  at 

m Saint  Arbogastus The  witness  asked  him,  ‘What  do  you  wish  to  do 

^ with  so  much  money?  You  do  not  need  more  than  80  guilders.’  Dritzehen 
O replied  that  he  had  need  for  more  money ; that  it  was  but  two  or  three 
EH  days  before  the  [vigil  of]  Annunciation  (March  25),  on  which  day  he  was 
00  bound  to  give  80  guilders  to  Gutenberg.  [Here  follows  an  elaborate  ex- 
planation of  the  financial  standing  and  the  rights  of  each  partner.]  After 
W that,  Gutenberg  said  to  this  witness  that  it  was  necessary  that  he  should 
m draw  his  attention  to  an  essential  point  [in  the  agreement],  which  was, 
that  all  the  partners  were  on  a footing  of  equality,  and  that  there  should 
be  a mutual  understanding  that  each  should  conceal  nothing  from  the 
others ; and  that  this  arrangement  would  be  for  the  common  benefit.  The 
witness  was  content  with  this  proposition,  and  communicated  it  with 
praises  to  the  other  two.  Some  time  after  this,  Gutenberg  repeated  his 
words,  and  the  witness  responded  with  the  same  protestations  as  before, 
and  said  that  he  intended  to  be  worthy  of  the  trust.  After  this,  Gutenberg 
drew  up  an  agreement  as  the'  expression  of  this  proposition,  and  said  to 
this  witness:  ‘Consult  well  among  yourselves,  and  see  that  you  are  agreed 
on  this  matter.’  They  did  so  consult,  and  they  discussed  for  a long  time 
on  this  point,  and  even  sought  the  advice  of  Gutenberg,  who,  on  one 
occasion,  said : ‘ There  are  here  now  many  things  ready  for  use , and  there 
are  many  more  in  progress ; the  goods  you  acquire  are  almost  equal  to  your 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 

perfectly  that  John  Gutenberg  was  not  indebted  to  the  late  Andrew,  but  that 
on  the  contrary,  Andrew  was  indebted  to  John  Gutenberg.  'Witness  also 
testified  that  he  had  never  been  present  at  any  of  their  meetings  since  Christ- 
mas last.  'Witness  had  often  seen  Andrew  Dritzehen  dining  at  the  house  of 
John  Gutenberg,  but  he  had  never  seen  him  give  to  Gutenberg  as  much  as  a 
stiver.” 

The  bold  manner  in  which  Beildiek  denied  the  payment  of  money  by  Andrew 
Dritzehen  seems  to  have  greatly  exasperated  George  Dritzehen,  who  threatened 
him  with  a prosecution  for  false  evidence,  or  perjury.  There  was  a scene  in 
the  court.  George  Dritzehen  cried  out,  sarcastically,  “Witness,  tell  the  truth, 
even  if  it  takes  us  both  to  the  gallows.”  Beildiek  complained  to  the  judge  of  this 
intimidation,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  affair  had  further  consequences. 

“ Reimboldt,  of  Ehenheim,  testified  that  he  was  at  the  house  of  Andrew 
before  Christmas,  and  asked  him  what  he  intended  to  do  with  the  nice  things 
with  which  he  was  busy.  Andrew  told  him  that  they  had  already  cost  him  snore 
than  500  guilders,  but  that  he  hoped,  when  the  work  was  perfected,  to  make  a 
great  deal  of  money,  with  which  he  would  pay  witness,  and  would  also  receive 
a proper  reward  for  his  .labor.  W itness  lent  him  8 guilders,  for  he  was  then 
very  needy.  Witness’s  wife  had  also  lent  money  to  Andrew.  Andrew  once 
came  to  her  with  a ring,  which  he  valued  at  30  guilders,  and  which  he  had  co 
pawned  to  the  Jews  at  Eheuheim  for  5 guilders.  • Witness  further  said  that  he  O 
knew  very  well  that  Dritzehen  had  prepared  two  large  barrels  of,  sweet  wine,  tH 
of  which  he  gave  one-half  omen  to  Gutenberg,  and  one-half  omen  to  Mydehart,  H 
He  had  also  given  Gutenberg  some  pears.  On  a certain  occasion  Andrew  had  . 
requested  witness  to  buy  for  him  two  half-barrels  of  wine,  and  Dritzehen  and 
Heilmann,  jointly,  had  given  one  of  these  half-barrels  to  Gutenberg.” 

That  the  work  on  which  Dritzehen  was  engaged  was  of  a novel  nature  may 
be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  his  visitors  could  not  give  names  to  his  tools  or 
his  workmanship.  They  speak  of  it,  that  thing , the  nice  things,  the  form  of  four 
pieces,  etc.  Madame  Zabern  is  surprised  at  the  cost  of  that  thing ; Reimboldt 
wonders  what  he  intends  to  do  with  these  nice  things.  It  is  obvious  that  this 
mysterious  work  is  not  that  of  polishing  stones  or  gems,  nor  the  making  of 
mirrors,  for  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  these  witnesses,  and  one  of  them  a 
woman,  would  be  ignorant  of  the  purpose  of  a mirror,  or  would  grossly  under- 
rate the  value  of  gems,  or  polished  stones.  But  there  is  one  witness  who  testi- 
fies that  Dritzehen  said  his  enterprise  was  that  of  making  mirrors. 

‘ ■ Hans  Niger  von  Bisehoviszheim  testified  that  Andrew  Dritzehen  came  to 
him  and  told  him  that  he  was  in  great  need  of  money,  for  he  was  deep  in  an 
enterprise  which  taxed  his  resources  to  the  utmost.  Witness  asked  him  what 
he  was  doing.  Dritzehen  then  informed  him  that  he  was  making  mirrors. 
Wlien  witness  threshed  his  grain,  he  took  it  to  market  at  Molsheim  and  Ehen- 
heim, and  sold  it,  and  gave  Dritzehen  the  money.  This  witness  also  corrobo- 
rated the  testimony  of  Reimboldt  as  to  the  giving-  of  wine  to  John  Gutenberg. 

He  took  the  wine  in  his  own  cart  to  Gutenberg,  who  was  then  at  St.  Arbogastus.” 

It  may  be  inferred  from  this  testimony  that  Dritzehen  was  still  deriving  some 
profit  from  the  old  work  of  making  mirrors. 

“ Fritz  von  Seckingen  testified  that  Gutenberg  had  borrowed  money  of  him, 
and  that  Anthony  Heilmann  was  on  his  bond.  Andrew  Dritzehen,  who  should 
have  done  so,  evaded  this  obligation,  and  never  signed  the  bond  at  all.  Gut- 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


m 

fi 

W 

<! 

O 

>— i 

IH 

O 

EH 

00 

trj 

Hi 

h- 1 
£ 


investment  in  money.  In  addition  to  all  this , you  get  the  knowledge  of  the 
secret  art.'  So  they  soon  came  to  an  agreement,  and  it  was  decided  that 
the  heirs  of  the  deceased  partner  should  have  for  that  partner’s  investment, 
for  the  forms , and  for  all  the  materials,  100  guilders ; but  they  should  have 
it  only  after  the  five  years.  Gutenberg  said  that  this  provision  would  be 
of  great  advantage  to  them,  for,  if  he  chanced  to  die,  he  would  abandon 
to  them  everything  to  which  he  was  entitled,  as  his  share  of  the  property; 
and  yet  they  would  be  obliged  to  give  to  his  heirs  only  the  100  guilders, 
as  they  proposed  to  do  with  each  other.  It  was  also  decided  that  in  case 
of  the  death  of  any  one  of  the  partners,  the  others  should  not  in  any  wise 
be  obliged  to  teach,  to  show,  or  to  reveal  the  secret  to  his  heirs.  It  was  a 

provision  as  favorable  to  one  as  to  another This  witness  also  testified 

that  Gutenberg,  a little  while  before  Christmas,  sent  Ms  servant  to  the  two 
Andrews,  to  fetch  all  the  forms.  These  forms  were  melted  before  his  eyes, 
which  he  regretted  on  account  of  several  forms.  “When  Andrew  Dritzehen 
died,  there  were  people  who  would  have  willingly  examined  the  press.'  He 
told  Gutenberg  to  send  and  prevent  it  from  being  examined.  Gutenberg, 
in  effect,  did  send  his  servant  to  put  it  in  disorder,  and  to  tell  the  witness 
that,  when  he  had  time,  he  wished  to  talk  with  him.” 

The  testimony  of  the  last  witness  is  the  shortest,  and  it  is  remarkable  as 
the  only  testimony  which  defines  the  work. 

“Hans  Dunne,  the  goldsmith,  testified  to  this  effect:  within  the  past  two 
or  three  years  he  had  received  from  John  Gutenberg  about  100  guilders, 
which  sum  had  been  paid  to  Mm  exclusively  for  work  connected  with 
printing .” 

The  testimony  of  eighteen  other  witnesses  was  taken,1  but  according  to 
Schoepflin,  Dunne’s  is  the  last  testimony  on  the  official  record.  The  judge 
gave  the  following  decision: 

“We,  master  and  counselor,  after  having  heard  the  complaint  and  answer 
of  the  parties,  the  depositions  and  the  testimony ....  and  after  having  ex- 
amined the  contract  and  the  agreement Considering  that  there  is  a contract 

which  fully  establishes  the  manner  in  which  these  arrangements  were  pro- 
jected and  earned  out : We  do  command  that  Hans  Riffe,  Andrew  Heilmann 


1 The  eighteen  witnesses  were  Master  Hirtz, 
Jacob  Imerle,  Midhart  Honowe,  Heinrich 
Bisinger,  Wilhelm  von  Schutter,  the  wife  of 
Lorentz  Beildiek,  M.  Jerge  Saltzm litter,  Stos- 
ser  Nese  von  Ehenheim,  Martin  Verwer, 
Heinrich  Seidenneger,  M.  G-osse  Sturm,  of  St. 
Arbogastus,  Hans  Ross,  the  goldsmith,  and  his 
wife,  Andrew  Heilmann,  Claus  Heilmann, 


Heinrich  Oise,  Hans  Riffe  and  Johan  Drit- 
zehen. Their  testimony  is  not  on  the  record. 
It  is  unfortunate  that  we  have  lost  the  testi- 
mony of  M.  Gosse  Sturm,  of  Saint  Arbogastus, 
and  Ross,  the  goldsmith.  It  is  probable  that 
these  men,  who  had  intimate  relations  with 
Gutenberg,  could  have  described  this  secret 
art  with  greater  clearness. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


124 


Nonpareil,  No.  14. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasbdrg. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


and  Hans  Gutenberg-  shall  make  an 
oath  before  God  that  the  matters  that 
have  transpired  are  warranted  by  the 
contract  that  has  been  cited ; and  that 
this  contract  had  but  one  supplement- 
ary agreement,  under  seal,  which  would 
have  been  agreed  to  by  Andrew  Drit- 
zehen  if  now  living;  and  that  Hans 
Gutenberg  shall  also  take  oath  that  the 
85  guilders  have  not  been  paid  to  him 
by  Andrew  Dritzehen ; and  from  this 
time  this  amount  of  85  guilders  shall  be 
deducted  from  the  sum  of  100  guilders, 
about  which  there  has  been  contro- 
versy ; and  he  [Gutenberg]  shall  pay  to 
George  and  Claus  Dritzehen  15  guild- 
ers ; and,  in  this  manner,  the  100  guild- 
ers will  be  paid  in  conformity  to  the 
contract  that  has  been  cited. 

“The  oath,  according  to  this  form, 
has  been  taken  before  us  by  Hans  Riffe, 
Andrew  Heilmann  and  Hans  Guten- 
berg, -with  this  qualification  on  the  part 
of  Hans  Riffe,  that  he  was  not  present 
at  the  first  meeting  [of  the  partners] ; 
but  that,  as  soon  as  he  did  meet  with 
them,  he  had  approved  of  their  action 
or' agreement.” 

The  taking  of  this  oath,  and  the  pay- 
ment of  the  fifteen  guilders  by  Jolin 
Gutenberg,  terminated  the  suit  in  his 
favor. 

The  record  is  enough  to  give  us  a 
clear  idea  of  the  character  ana  position, 
if  not  of  the  process,  of  J ohn  Guten- 
berg. At  this  time,  December,  1439, 
and  for  some  time  previous,  Gutenberg 
was  neither  in  poverty  nor  in  obscurity. 
He  had  already  acquired  a local  repu- 
tation for  scientific  knowledge.  He  did 
not  seek  for  partners  or  pupils,-  they 
came  to  him.  Among  the  number  we 
find  Hans  Riffe,  the  mayor  of  Lichte- 
nau,  whose  confidence  in  Gutenberg, 
after  three  years  of  partnership,  is  im- 
plied in  his  testimony.  Anthony  Heil- 
mann, the  lender  of  money,  seems  to 
have  been  equally  satisfied  with  his 
brother  partner.  The  action  of  the 


judge,  in  accepting  Gutenberg’s  oath 
as  conclusive,  proves  that  he  was  a 
man  of  established  character.  The  def- 
erence paid  to  him  by  all  the  witness- 
es shows  that  he  was  not  merely  a me- 
chanic or  an  inventor,  but  a man  of 
activity  and  energy,  a born  leader, 
with  a presence  and  a power  of  per- 
suasion that  enabled  him  to  secure 
ready  assistance  in  the  execution  of  his 
plans.  His  reputation  had  been  made 
by  success.  George  Dritzehen  said 
that  his  brother  had  received  a good 
profit  from  his  connection  with  Guten- 
berg. The  eagerness  and  the  faith  of 
Andrew,  the  pertinacity  with  which 
his  brothers  pressed  their  claim  to  be 
admitted  as  partners,  the  solicitation 
of  Heilmann  on  behalf  of  his  brother, 
are  indications  that  the  men  were  san- 
guine as  to  the  success  of  Gutenberg’s 
new  invention.  The  expected  profit 
was  attractive,  but  it  was  not  the  only 
advantage. 

In  that  century  it  was  not  an  easy 
matter  to  learn  an  art  or  a trade  of 
value;  no  one  could  enter  the  ranks 
of  mechanics  even  as  a pupil,  without 
the  payment  of  a premium  in  money ; 
no  one  could  practise  any  trade  un- 
less he  had  served  a long  period  of  ap- 
prenticeship. These  ex- 
actions hopelessly  shut 
out  many  who  wished 
to  learn but  men  who 
had  complied  with  all 
the  conditions  were  oft- 
en unwilling  to  teach, 
or  to  allow  others  to 
practise.  Many  trades 
were  monopolies.  In 
some  cases  they  were 
protected  by  legislative 
enactments,  like  that 
accorded  to  the  Vene- 
tian makers  of  playing- 
cards.  So  far  as  it  could 
be  done,  every  detail  of 
mechanics  was  kept 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


secret,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  old 
phrase  “art  and  mystery,”  still  retain- 
ed in  indentures  of  apprenticeship  in 
all  countries.  One  of  the  consequences 
of  this  exclusiveness  was  that  many 
mechanical  arts  were  invested  with  un- 
usual dignity.1  The  sharply  defined 
line  which,  in  our  day,  separates  art 
from  trade  and  mechanics  did  not  then 
exist. 

The  testimony  shows  that  Gutenberg- 
had  a knowledge  of  three  distinct  arts. 
The  one  earliest  practised,  from  which 
Dritzehen  derived  a good  profit,  was 
the  polishing  of  stones  or  gems.  The 
second  was  that  of  making  mirrors. 
Gutenberg  was  not  the  inventor  of  this 
art,  but  he  was  one  of  the  first  to  prac- 
tise it.  Glass  mirrors,  almost  unknown 
in  the  fourteenth  century,  were  regard- 
ed as  novelties  in  the  fifteenth.  It 
seems  that  they  were  first  made  in  Ger- 
many. Wjuar'icky  lays  great  stress  on 
the  fact  that  the  Bohemians  were  the 
earliest  and  the  most  skillful  workers 

1 After  the  development  of  the  towns,  all 
members  of  the  nobility  did  not  seek  their  oc- 
cupation exclusively  in  deeds  of  knighthood. 
Industry,  art,  and  the  refinement  of  town  life 
gradually  superseded  the  warlike  spirit  of  the 
nobility,  to  whom  the  town  offered  distinguish- 
ed dignities  and  situations,  while  enterprises 
of  commerce  and  industry  gave  them  distinc- 
tion and  riches.  The  privilege  of  coining 
money,  especially,  was  often  farmed  out  to  an 
association  of  ancient  families.  At  Mentz  this 
association  consisted  of  twelve  families  (MUn- 
zer-Hausgenossen ),  among  whom  was  also  the 
family  of  Gensflf  isch.  They  possessed,  more- 
over,  the  privileges  of  the  valuation  of  coin,  of 
the  assize  of  weights  and  measures,  or  offices 
for  the  exchange  of  money  and  of  the  sule  of 
gold  and  silver  staves  to  the  mint.  Such  em- 
ployment brought  them  chiefly  in  connection 
with  the  goldsmiths,  whose  work  consisted,  at 
that  time,  of  one  of  the  most  considerable 
trades,  which  comprised  mechanics  and  chem- 
istry, nay,  the  whole  dominion  of  plastic  and 
graphic  art,  in  its  application  to  metals,  whe- 
ther separate  or  in  conjunction  with  diamonds 
and  other  precious  materials.  They  were 
mostly  patricians  who  established  powder- 
mills,  piper-niills  and  similar  new  manufac- 
tories. Van  der  Linde,  Haarlem  Legend,  p.  17, 


in  glass,  and  that  they 
also  excelled  as  lapida- 
ries and  metallurgists. 

He  says,  but  without 
proof,  that  the  art  of 
polishing  stones  and 
making  mirrors  was  ac- 
quired by  Gutenberg  in 
Bohemia.  The  learned 
Beckmann  says  that 
“Early  German  mir- 
rors were  made  by  pour- 
ing melted  lead  or  tin 
over  a glass  plate  while 
yet  hot  as  it  came  from 
the  furnace.  In  and 
around  Nuremberg  convex  mirrors 
were  made  by  blowing  with  the  pipe 
in  the  glass  bubble  while  it  was  still 
hot  a metallic  mixture  with  alittle  salts 
of  tartar.  When  the  bubble  had  been 
covered  and  cool,  it  was  cut  in  small 
round  mirrors.  These  small  convex 
mirrors  were  called  ochsenaugen,  or 
ox-eyes.  They  were  set  in  a round 
hoard,  and  had  a very  broad  border  or 
margin.  One  of  them  in  my  possession 
is  two  and  a half  inches  in  diameter . . . 
This  art  is  an  old  German  invention, 
for  it  is  described  by  Porta  and  Gan- 
zoni,  who  both  lived  in  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  who  both 
expressly  say  that  the  art  was  then 
common  in  Germany.  Curious  foreign- 
ers often  attempted  to  learn  it,  and  ima- 
gined that  Germans  kept  it  a secret.” 
The  early  German  mirrors  were 
small,  but  they  had  broad  frames,  and 
were  richly  gilt  and  adorned  with  car- 
ved or  moulded  work  in  high  relief. 
Ottley  thinks  that  the  press  was  used 
for  pressing  mouldings  for  the  frames 
of  mirrors,  and  that  the  lead  was  used 
for  the  metallic  face. 

The  third  art  is  imperfectly  describ- 
ed. If  Dunne’s  testimony  had  been  lost, 
it  would  not  appear  that  this  art  was 
printing,  for  there  is  no  mention  of 
books,  paper,  ink,  types,  or  wood-cuts. 


The  lead,  the  press,  and  the  goldsmith’s 
work  on  things  relating-  to  printing, 
could  be  regarded  as  materials  requir- 
ed in  the  art  of  mirror-making.  But 
“the  thing,”  and  “the  nice  things,” 
which  provoked  exclamations  of  sur- 
prise at  their  great  cost,  could  not  have 
been  looking-glasses. 

Diinne  said,  very  plainly,  that  this 
art  was  printing;  but  Dunne’s  testi- 
mony could  be  set  aside,  and  Guten- 
berg’s connection  with  typography  at 
the  period  of  this  trial  could  be  inferred 
from  other  evidence.  The  thorough- 
ness of  the  workmanship  in  the  hooks 
printed  by  Gutenberg-  after  1450  is  a 
thoroughness  which  could  have  been 
acquired  only  by  practice.  Before  he 
began  this  practice  he  must  have  de- 
voted much  time  to  experiment  and  to 
the  making  of  the  tools  he  needed.  Ho 
inventor*  no  printer  can  believe  that 
the  skill  he  subsequently  showed  as  a 
printer  could  have  been  attained  by  the 
labor  of  afew  months  or 
years.  If  it  is  also  con- 
sidered that  Guten- 
berg was  poor,  and  that 
he  collected  the  money 
he  needed  with  great 
delay  and  difficulty,  the 
doubt  may  assume  the 
form  of  denial.  It  is  a 
marvel  that  he  was  so 
well  prepared  at  the  end 
of  the  ten  years  which 
Zell  says  were  given  up 
to  investigation. 


It  would  be  gratifying  to  know  the 
form  in  which  the  idea  of  typography 
first  presented  itself  to  Gutenberg; 
but  there  is  in  this  case,  no  story  like 
that  of  Franklin  and  the  kite,  or  of 
Newton  and  the  apple.  Zell,  in  the 
Cologne  Chronicle,  says  that  the  first 
prefiguration  of  Gutenberg’s  method 
was  found  in  the  Donalvees  published 
in  Holland  before  1440.  That  the  xylo- 
grapbic  Honatus , the  only  block-book 
without  cuts,  was  the  forerunner  of  all 
typographic  books,  may  not  be  denied. 
That  some  stray  copy  of  a now  lost 
edition  of  the  book  may  have  suggested 
to  Gutenberg  the  superior  utility  of 
typography  is  possible,  but  the  sugges- 
tion was  that  of  the  feasibility  of  a 
grander  result  by  an  entirely  different 
process.  For,  although  typography  took 
its  beginnings  in  an  earlier  practice  of 
xylography,  it  was  not  the  outgrowth  of 
that  practice.  It  took  up  the  art  of 
printing  at  a point  where  xylography 
had  failed,  and  developed  it  by  new 
ideas  and  new  methods.  Typography 
was  an  invention  pure  and  simple.  In 
the  theory  and  practice  of  block-print- 
ing, there  was  nothing  that  could  have 
been  improved  until  it  reached  the  dis- 
covery of  the  only  proper  method  of 
making-  types. 

“ The  most  common  prejudice  is  the 
supposition,  a priori,  legitimated  strict- 
ly scientifically  by  nothing,  that  print- 
ing with  movable  types  was  only  an 
improvement  on  that  with  wooden 
blocks  on  which  the  letters  were  cut ; 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


A Medieval  Press. 
[From  Duverger.] 


GO 

o 

tr< 


that  it  was  a develop- 
ment of  it,  an  extension, 
a fortunate  application, 
the  highest  step  of  the 
ladder,  consisting  of 
playing  cards,  images 
of  saints,  pictures  with 
super,  sub  and  other 
scriptions,  texts  with- 
out pictures.  In  short, 
in  a technical,  logical 
and  reformatorical 
sense,  xylography  would  be  the  mo- 
ther of  typography.  But  it  is  such 
only  in  the  sense  of  an  external  im- 
pulse, of  an  external  push  to  medita- 
ting on  quite  another  means  than 
wood  or  metal  engraving,  or  another 
mode  of  obtaining  books.  Zell  finds 
that  push  in  the  bloek-Donatuses,  but 
the  inspiration  of  genius,  the  first  in- 
vention of  a quite  independent  art,  of 
a totally  new  principle,  which  has 
notliing  in  common  with  wood  and 

metal  engraving,  he  ascribes to 

Gutenberg.  In  Gutenberg's  mind,  the 
grand  idea  arose  that  all  words,  all 
writing,  all  language,  all  human 
thoughts,  could  he  expressed  by  a small 
number,  a score  of  different  letters, 
arranged  according  to  tbe  require- 
ments ,-  that,  with  a large  quantity  of 
those  different  letters,  united  as  one 
whole,  a whole  page  of  text  could  be 
printed  at  once,  and,  repeating-  this 
process  continually,  large  manuscripts 

could  be  swiftly  multiplied This 

thought,  this  idea,  begot  the  invention 


of  typography.  Every  other  explana- 
tion is  at  once  unhistorical  and  unpsy- 
cliologieal.”  Haarlem  Legend,  p.  11. 

It  may  have  been  from  his  experience 
in  the  melting  and  pouring-  of  lead,  in 
the  engraving  of  designs  for  the  frames 
of  his  mirrors,  in  the  use  of  a press  for 
the  moulding  of  the  designs  for  these 
frames,  that  Gutenberg  derived  his  first 
practical  ideas  of  the  true  method  of 
making  types.  Whatever  the  external 
impulse  which  led  Gutenberg  to  print- 
ing, it  was  so  strong  that  it  compelled 
him  to  abandon  the  practice  of  all  other 
arts.  After  this  trial  wo  hear  no  more 
of  him  as  a maker  of  mirrors,  or  a pol- 
isher of  gems. 

The  record  of  the  trial  before  Cune 
Nope  is  not  the  only  evidence  we  have 
that  Gutenberg’s  unknown  art  was  that 
of  typography.  Wimpheling,  one  of 
tile  most  learned  men  of  his  age,  and 
nearly  contemporary  with  Gutenberg, 
gives  the  following  testimony  concern- 
ing early  printing  in  Strasburg.1 

“In  the  year  of  our  Lord,  1440,  un- 
der the  reign  of  Frederic  III,  Emperor 
of  the  Romans,  John  Gutenberg,  of 
Strasburg,  discovered  a new  method  of 
writing,  which  is  a great  good,  and 
almost  a divine  benefit  to  the  world. 
He  was  the  first  in  the  city  of  Strasbui-g 
who  invented  that  art  of  impressing 
which  the  Latin  peoples  call  printing. 
He  afterward  went  to  Mentz,  and  hap- 
pily perfected  his  invention.” 

1 Wolfe’s  Monument  a Typographical  vol.  i, 
page  58G. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  14. 


125 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


In  another  book,  in  which  'Wimphel- 
ingpays  compliment  to  the-intelligence 
of  the  people  of  Strasburg-,  he  writes : 
“Tour  city  is  acknowledged  to  excel 
most  other  cities  by  its  origination  of 
the  art  of  printing,  which  was  after- 
ward perfected  in  Mentz.” 

The  Chronicle  of  Cologne1  is  as  ex- 
plicit as  to  date,  but  not  as  to  place.  It 
specifies  1440  as  the  date  of  the  dis- 
covery of  printing  “in  the  manner  that 
is  now  generally  used.” 

The  evidence'of  the  witnesses  on  the 
trial  agrees  with  the  testimony  afford- 
ed by  the  chronicles : it  is  plain  that 
Gutenberg  had  not  perfected  his  inven- 
tion in  1439.  From  his  lonely  room  in 
the  ruined  monasteiy  of  Saint  Arbo- 
g-astus,  to  which  he  retreated  for  the 
sake  of  secrecy,  Gutenberg  gave  work 
to  Diiune,  the  goldsmith,  to  Saspach, 
the  joiner,  and  to  Dritzehen,  his  old 
workman.  It  would  seem  that  they 
were  not  producing  work  for  sale,  but 
were  making  tools  which  required  a 
great  deal  of  labor.  Dritzehen  worked 
ni°-ht  and  day,  Madame  Sehultheiss 
helping  him.  At  the  death  of  Drit- 
zehen, the  work  expended  on  the  art 
had  cost  a great  deal  of  money,  but  it 
was  still  incomplete.  The  testimony 
shows  that  it  had  been  intended  that 
the  salable  work  to  be  produced  by  the 
partnership  should  be  exposed  for  sale 
at  the  great  lair  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  in 
the  summer  of  1439.  The  postpone- 
ment of  this  fair  to  the  year  1440  was 
a grave  disappointment.  If  the  object 
of  the  partnership  was  the  making  of 
popular  books  of  devotion,  we  can  un- 
derstand the  reasonableness  of  the 
hopes  of  great  profit  when  the  books 
should  he  laid  before  the  pious  pilgrims. 

1 See  page  107  of  this  book.  The  chronicler 
is  in  error  in  specifying  Mentz  as  the  place 
where  the  art  was  discovered,  but  the  specifi- 
cation of  the  period  between  14-10  and  1450  as 
that  in  which  “the  art  was  being  investiga- 
ted ” by  John  Gutenberg  is  sustained  by  other 
testimonies. 


The  sudden  death  of  Andrew  Dritze- 
hen was  the  occasion  of  more  delay. 
Gutenberg,  fearing  that  the  public,  or 
George  Dritzehen,  would  get  posses- 
sion of  the  secret,  melted  the  forms  and 
suspended  the  work.  Then  followed  a 
litigation  which  lasted  nearly  one  year, 
during  which  period  it  seems  no  work 
was  done.1 

There  are  many  conflicting  opinions 
about  the  character  of  the  printing  so 
obscurely  mentioned  in  the  testimony 
of  the  witnesses.  Schoepflin  says  it 
was  block-printing.  In  the  four  pieces  ^ 
lying  in  the  press,  he  sees  four  pages  of  q 
engraved  blocks ; in  the  two  buttons,  ^ 
winch  Dr.  Van  der  Linde  says  are  irn- 
properly  translated  by  him  as  two  p 
screws,  he  finds  a screw  chase  that 
held  the  four  pages  together.  This 
conjecture  is  in  every  way  improbable. 

l The  pilgrimage  to  ancient  Aix-la-Chapelle 
took  place  every  seventh  year,  and.  commenc- 
ing on  the  10th  of  July,  lasted  fourteen  days, 
during  which  time  the  ordinary  service  in  the 
church  did  not  take  place,  but  a free  market 
was  held.  The  concourse  of  people  was  un- 
commonly great  on  that  occasion,  so  that,  for 
instance  in  the  year  149G,  142,000  pilgrims  were 
counted  in  the  town,  and  80,000  guilders  in 
the  ottering  boxes  on  one  day.  Aix-la-Chapelle 
possessed  relics  of  the  first  rank,  as  the  swad- 
dling clothes  of  Chiist,  his  body-cloth  at  the 
Crucifixion,  the  dress  worn  by  Maiy  at  his 
birth,  and  the  cloth  on  which  St.  John  the 
Baptist  was  beheaded.  Van  der  Linde,  Haar- 
lem Legend,  p.  18. 


never  be  satisfied  by  the  method  of 
xylography,  -which  gave  him  the  im- 
pulse to  seek  for  a more  scientific  me- 
thod. Block-printing,  although  in  no 
sense  the  mother  of  typography,  was 
^ its  forerunner,  and  for  that  reason  alone 
q demands  respectful  consideration. 

There  is  no  plausibility  in  the  theory 
3 of  Fischer,  that  the  thing  of  four  pieces 
was  a form  of  four  pages  or  columns  of 
<4  types  of  wood.  Nor  is  there  any  evi- 
deuce  that  Gutenberg  had  then  done 
Ph  any  practical  work.  The  practice  of 
q printing  in  Dritzehen’s  house  cannot 
~ . be  inferred  from  the  presence  of  a press, 
for  there  is  no  notice  of  paper,  printed 
sheets  or  books.  It  does  not  seem  that 
~ there  was  a mystery  about  the  press. 

It  was  not  the  press,  but  what  was  m 
^ . it,  concerning  which  the  people  were 
curious.  It  was  the  imperfectly  de- 
scribed implement  of  four  pieces  which 
gave  the  partners  anxiety. 

Nor  was  the  tool  of  four  pieces  the 
only  object  of  value.  Gutenberg  as- 
sured the  partners  that  the  things  had 
cost  him  nearly  as  much  as  he  asked 


of  them  for  their  shares  in  the  enter- 
prise, but  more  were  to  be  made.  In 
the  event  of  the  death  of  a partner,  his 
heirs  were  to  be  paid  their  claim  on  the 
forms  and  tools.  When  Dritzehen  died, 
Gutenberg  sent  for  all  the  forms , which 
were  melted  before  his  eyes,  which  act 
he  subsequently  regretted  on  account 
of  th e forms.  It  was  a rash  act,  but 
Gutenberg's  fears  were  aroused,  and 
he  preferred  to  destroy  the  tools  rather 
than  allow  George  Dritzehen  to  get  a 
knowledge  of  his  secret. 

This  passage  has  been  translated  by 
Ottley:  Gutenberg  sent  “to  fetch  all 
the  forms  that  they  might  be  loosened, 
and  that  he  might  see  it  [done],  and 
that  the  joinings  of  some  of  the  four 
pieces  might  be  renewed.”  This  trans- 
lation makes  the  action  of  Gutenberg 
unintelligible.  Bernard's  translation 
is : “ Gutenberg  sent  to  get  the  forms, 
so  that  he  could  be  sure  that  they  had 
been  separated ; these  forms  had  given 
him  a great  deal  of  solicitude.”  This 
is  obviously  a very  free  and  evasive 
translation.  Wetter,  who  interprets 
the  passage  as  descriptive  of  block- 
printing, says  that  “ the  words  are  too 
obscure  for  ns  to  infer  anything  definite 
from  them.  We  are  in  no  case  to  un- 
derstand by  the  word  formen  separate 
letters,  but  whole  blocks.”  This  is  an 
unwarrantable  assumption,  and  in  con- 
tradiction to  the  statement  that  the 
forms  were  melted.  Van  der  Linde 
says  that  “ the  words  are  plain.  Trans- 
lators have  stopped  at  the  words  zur- 
lossen  and  ruwete.  Zurlossen , or  zerlas- 


Fac-slmile  of  the  Type-mould  of  Claude  Garamond. 

a.  The  place  where  the  body  of  the  type  was  cast.  6.  c.  The  mouth-piece  in  which  the  fluid  metal  was  poured. 
d The  type  as  cast,  with  the  metal  formed  in  the  mouth-piece  adhering  to  it. 

[From  Duverger.] 

John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg.  John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


All  the  processes  of  block-printing 
should  have  been  as  well-known  at  that 
time  in  Strasburg  as  they  were  in  Ven- 
ice, Augsburg  and  Nuremberg.  Some- 
thing- more  novel  than  this  form  of 
printing  wotdd  have  been  required  to 
secure  the  cooperation  of  shrewd  men 
like  Rifle  and  Heilmunn.  The  enthu- 
siasm of  Dritzehen,  and  the  eagerness 
of  all  parties  to  learn  the  new  art,  and 
to  have  a share  in  its  profits,  cannot 
be  satisfactorily  explained  by  the  con- 
jecture that  this  art  was  simple  block- 
printing. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  Gutenberg 
had  been  taught  xylography,  or  any  of 
the  branches  of  hook-making.  He  was 
not,  for  that  reason,  incompetent  to  in- 
vent an  entirely  new  branch.  The  his- 
tory of  great  inventions  shows  that 
many  inventors  never  received  a thor- 
ough technical  instruction  in  the  arts 
or  trades  which  they  undertook  to  re- 
construct. Jacquard,  inventor  of  the 
automatic  loom,  was,  in  his  boyhood,  a 
bookbinder  and  a type-founder.  Ark- 
wright, inventor  of  the  spinning-  jenny, 
was  a barber  until  he  was  thirty  years 
of  age.  Stephenson,  inventor  of  the 
locomotive,  tended  a steam  boiler,  but 
had  not  served  time  as  a machinist  nor 
as  a carriage-builder.  Fulton,  inventor 
of  the  steamboat,  was  not  a sailor,  ma- 
chinist nor  ship  builder.  Morse,  in- 
ventor of  the  electric  telegraph,  was  an 
artist,  not  an  mechanician,  nor  even  a 
man  of  science.  Honing,  inventor  of 
the  cylinder  printing  machine,  was  not 
a printer.  The  greatest  inventions  have 
been  made  by  men  not  within  but  with- 
out the  arts  they  improved.  It  would 
seem  that  a thorough  technical  educa- 
tion in  any  art  or  trade  cramps  the  in- 
ventive faculties,  disqualifying  the  ex- 
pert from  making  any  attempt  at  radi- 
cal changes,  permitting-  him  to  attempt 
improvement  in  the  details  only. 

Gutenberg  may  have  begun'  Ms  ex- 
periments in  typography  by  the  use  of 


engraved  types  or  punches  of  wood; 
but  he  must  have  soon  discovered  the 
defects  and  limitations  of  xylography 
and  have  reached  the  unalterable  con- 
clusion that  useful  types  could  be  made 
of  metal  only. 

Some  authors  will  not  admit  that 
Gutenberg-  derived  any  benefit  from 
xylography.  Bernard  treats  block- 
printing as  an  art  so  paltry  that  he  re- 
fused to  describe  the  block-books,  or  to 
admit  that  xylography  had  any  notice- 
able influence,  direct  or  indirect,  on  the 
invention  of  types.  Van  der  Linde 
says  that  history  knows  nothing  of 
Gutenberg-  as  a xylographer — that 
there  is  no  documentary  evidence  that 
he  ever  cut  or  printed  a block.  These 
disclaimers — obviously  provoked  by 
the  absurd  statements  of  other  authors 
that  Gutenberg-  invented  xylography, 
that  he  printed  with  types  of  wood,  50 
that  typography  is  the  natural  out-  O 
growth  of  xylography — cannot  lie  ac-  r" 
cepted  wit  hout  "qualification.  The  fact  z! 
remains  that  Gutenberg,  his  associates  . 
and  pupils,  were  benefited  by  the  high- 
est technical  skill  of  that  time  in  all 
the  processes  of  engraving-  in  relief,  in 
the  compounding  of  inks,  in  the  con- 
struction and  use  of  presses,  and  in  the 
manipulation  of  paper.  Compared  wit-h 
the  invention  of  the  type-mould,  these 
may  seem  trivial  matters,  but  the  suc- 
cess of  Gutenberg's  new  ideas  about 
printing  depended  upon  his  attention 
to  every  process  that  promised  aid.  It 
is  not  probable  that  the  man  who  hired 
joiners  and  goldsmiths  could  have  neg- 
lected to  avail  Mmself  of  whatever 
skill  the  block-printers  possessed.  The 
experience  in  printing  acquired  by  the 
block-printers  was  far  from  contempt- 
ible, but  the  educating  influences  they 
had  exerted  over  the  book-buying-  pub- 
lic were  of  great  importance.  It  was 
Gutenberg’s  discernment  of  the  fact 
that  the  block-printers  had  created  a 
demand  for  printed  work  which  could 


sen,  means  melting,  and  ruwete  is  dia- 
lect for  reuete,  repented.” 

In  the  practice  of  printing,  the  word 
form  means  a collection  of  composed 
types,  arranged  in  readable  order,  se- 
cured together  as  one  piece  in  an  iron 
band  or  chase,  and  prepared  to  receive 
impression.  In  all  printing-offices  it  has 
this  meaning.  The  commonest  meaning- 
of  the  word  form,  in  most  European 
languages,  is  a shape  or  figure  prepared 
.y  by  carving- ; but  it  has  also  been  ap- 
£5  plied,  colloquially,  to  the  mould  made 
<4  from  tMs  carved  shape,  and  also  to  the 
^ article  made  from  the  mould.  A type- 
1-1  founder's  punch  is  the  form  of  a letter ; 
<4  the  mould  in  which  the  type  is  cast  is 
the  form;  or  former  of  the  letter ; the 
?h  types  prepared  for  printing-  are  also 
Q known  as  the  form.  On  a future  page 
H it  will  be  shown  that  the  word  formen 
,-q  as  used  in  the  trial,  was  also  used  at  a 
later  date  to  describe  the  most  impor- 
ts tant  tools  in  Gutenberg's  printing-  office 
^ at  Elt vill.  That  the  forms  so  frequently 
^ mentioned  in  this  record  of  the  trial 
were  of  metal  is  clearly  implied  in  the 
st  atement  that  Gutenberg  melted  them. 
These  forms,  or  formens,  were,  without 
doubt,  implements  connected  with 
typography;  but  whether  they  were 
types,  or  matrices,  or  moulds,  or  a col- 
lection of  types,  is  not  so  clear.  If  they 
were  types,  it  will  seem  strange  that 
they  were  not  accurately  described  as 
letters  of  metal  by  some  of  the  u itness- 
es  who  saw  them.  If  we  regard  them 
as  matrices,  they  may  have  been  “the 
nice  things”  alluded  to  by  Eeimholt, 


the  use  of  which  he  did  not  understand. 
Here  we  may  recall  the  surprise  of 
Madame  Zabern  at  the  cost  of  the 
work.  She  would  not  have  hazarded 
the  low  estimate  of  ten  guilders,  if 
Dritzehen  had  been  surrounded  by 
many  types  or  printed  sheets.  The 
only  tools  appertaining  to  typography 
wMch  have  a value  out  of  all  propor- 
tion to  their  apparent  cost  are  the 
punches,  matrices  and  moulds.  The 
modern  inexpert  would  underrate  the 
value  of  a similar  collection  as  grossly 
as  did  Madame  Zabern.  It  is  possible 
that  Dritzehen  was  making  matrices 
and  fitting  them  to  the  mould.  If  the 
forms  were  matrices,  they  and  the 
punches  could  have  cost  five  hundred 
guilders. 

If  the  -‘nice  things”  were  matrices, 
there  must  have  been  a type-mould,  and 
it  was  this  mould  wMch  was  the  key 
to  the  invention.  The  mould  was  the 
only  implement  connected  with  typog- 
raphy which  would  at  once  lay  open 
to  an  intelligent  observer  the  secret  of 
making  types.  Of  all  his  tools,  tMs  was 
the  one  that  had  received  the  greatest 
amount  of  care  and  labor,  and  it  should 
have  been  the  one  that  Gutenberg 
would  be  anxious  to  conceal.  It  may 
be  supposed  that  the  thing  of  four 
pieces  that  was  opened  by  two  buttons 
was  the  mould.  IFhy  it  should  have 
been  kept  in  or  under  the  press  cannot 
be  explained.  But  if  Dritzehen  was 
fitting-  up  matrices,  it  was  proper  that 
he  should  have  the  mould  at  hand.  The 
conjecture  that  the  thing  of  four  pieces 


GEOEGE  BRUCE'S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YOEK. 


126 


Nonpareil,  No.  15. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasbueg.  John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


was  a type-mould,  is  not  free  from  difficulties,  "but  it  seems  the  only  one  that  makes 
intelligible  the  action  of  the  witnesses.  It  could  not  have  been  four  pages  of  metal 
types,  for  types  disconnected  and  put  in  disorder,  in  or  under  the  press,  would  have 
betrayed  the  secret  almost  as  plainly  as  if  they  had  been  in  order.  Nor  could  it 
have  been  any  attachment  to  a press  like  the  frisket  or  tympan.  It  is  impossible 
to  name  any  jointed  or  buttoned  tool  of  four  pieces,  connected  with  composition  or  ^ 
presswork,  which  would  suggest  to  an  inexpert  the  secret  of  typography.  ^ 

The  gravest  difficulty  in  the  way  of  this  conjecture  is,  that  the  type-mould  of  H 

modern  type-founders  has,  including  the  matrix,  but  three  detachable  pieces.  As  ^ 

this  mould  is  substantially  of  the  same  form  as  that  known  to  have  been  used  by 
Claude  Garamond,  the  eminent  type-founder  of  Paris,  in  1540,  it  has  been  sup-  -, 

posed,  and  properly,  that  this  mould  of  three  pieces  must  have  been  used  before  q 

Garamond.  by  all  the  early  printers.  But  it  was  not  the  only  form  of  mould.  At 
the  beginning  of  this  century,  every  type-founder  found  it  expedient  to  use  at  ^ 
times,  a type-mould  somewhat  different  in  its  construction — a mould  which,  with 
the  matrix,  consisted  of  four  detachable  pieces.  The  merit  of  this  mould  was  its 
adaptability,  within  limits,  to  any  size  of  body.  Its  disadvantages  were  its  difficulty  ^ 
of  nice  adjustment  and  its  liability  to  inaccuracy — faults  which  have  obliged  all  ^ 

American  type-founders  of  this  day  to  discontinue  its  use  entirely.  It  is,  without  Q 

doubt,  a very  old  form  of  mould,  but  it  was  never  a popular  one.  having  been  used  V1 

chiefly  for  casting  bodies  of  irregular  size.  Mr.  Bruce  has  showed  me  one  of  these 
early  moulds — a mould  long  out  of  use,  preserved  only  as  one  of  the  earlier  relics 
of  his  old  type-foundry.  Its  construction  is  too  complex  for  description  by  words, 
or  even  by  engraving;  but  it  may  be  sufficient  to  say  that,  with  the  matrix,  it  con- 
sisted of  four  pieces,  and  was  so  constructed  as  to  allow  of  an  enlargement  and  nice 
adjustment  in  either  direction  of  the  space  provided  for  casting  the  body  of  the 
type.  The  pieces  were  held  together  by  stiff  springs,  but  buttons  could  have  been 


that  Strasburg  was  the  cradle  of  printing.  Schaab  interrupted  him,  ‘;Yes,  but 
it  is  a cradle  without  a baby.” 

It  may  be  that  the  failure  of  the  Strasburg  associates  was  due  solely  to  the  auda- 
city of  Gutenberg,  whose  plans  were  always  beyond  his  pecuniary  ability.  Even 
then  he  may  have  purposed  the  printing  of  the  great  Bible  of  36  lines  in  three 
volumes,  which  he  afterward  completed  in  an  admirable  manner.  In  trying  to 
accomplish  much,  he  may  have  failed  to  do  anything  of  value.  Whatever  the 
reason,  it  is  certain  that  his  partners  abandoned  Gutenberg  and  his  invention. 
We  read  no  more  of  Riffe  and  Heilmann  in  connection  with  typography. 

There  is  evidence  that  Gutenberg  was  financially  embarrassed  after  the  trial. 
On  the  second  day  of  January,  1441.  Gutenberg  and  the  knight  Lutliold  von  Ram- 
stein  gave  security  for  the  annual  payment  of  five  pounds  to  the  Chapter  of  St. 
Thomas  at  Strasburg,  in  consideration  of  the  present  sum  of  one  hundred  pounds 
paid  by  the  chapter  to  Gutenberg.  On  the  fifteenth  day  of  December,  1442,  John 
^ Gutenberg  and  Martin  Brother  sold  to  the  same  corporation  for  the  present  sum 
^ of  eighty  pounds,  an  annual  income  of  four  pounds,  from  the  revenues  of  the  town 
55  of  Mentz.  Gutenberg  had  inherited  this  income  from  his  uncle,  Johan  Leliheimer, 
secular  judge  of  that  city.  The  tax-book  of  the  city  shows  that  he  was  in  arrear 
for  taxes  between  the  years  1436  and  1440.  In  the  tax-book  for  1443,  it  is  plainly 
recorded  that  Gutenberg’s  tax  was  paid  by  the  Ennel  Gutenbergen  who  is  supposed 
to  have  been  his  wife.  Gutenberg  had  reason  to  be  disheartened.  He  had 
spent  all  his  money:  had  alienated  his  partners;  had  apparently  wasted  a 
great  deal  of  time  in  fruitless  experiments ; had  damaged  his  reputation  as  a 
man  of  business,  and  seemed  further  from  success  than  when  he  had  revealed 
his  plans  to  his  partners. 

It  is  the  common  belief  that  Gutenberg  went  direct  from  Strasburg  to  Mentz. 
Winaricky,  on  the  contrary,  says  that  he  forsook  Strasburg  for  the  University 
of  Prague,  at  which  institution  he  took  the  degree  of  bachelor  of  arts  in  1445, 
and  in  which  city  he  resided,  until  it  was  besieged,  and  he  was  obliged  to 
leave,  in  1448.  There  is  no  trustworthy  authority  for  either  statement.  The 
period  in  his  life  between  1442  and  1448  is  blank,  but  it  is  not  probable  that 
he  was  idle. 


tttfetta  tttlttfc  giijJmtottmtts  tulentts  tutamc  i&tv 
tits  ptipaftti  aitn  mWfettt  ttticffee  ttritfto  etplr  at  utltffe 
mu©  mlifetla  mitffimctftmitacu  nikto  tttteris  mime 
emit  aim  tttleamua  tuletftta  mtamtjjnfmttd  mo  to 
nuts it efofe una % ptftafofta.  ■ 


Fac-simile  of  the  Types  of  a Donatus  attributed  to  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 


fFromJBemard.] 


nsed  for  the  same  purpose.  When  these  pieces  were  connected  it  would  be  plain 
to  any  mechanic  that  it  was  a mould ; disconnected,  its  purpose  would  be  a riddle. 

This  peculiarity,  coupled  with  the  well-known  fact  that  Gutenberg  subsequently 
made  at  Mentz,  three  fonts  of  types  on  bodies  of  different  size,  but  closely  approx- 
imating each  other,  lead  me  to  the  belief  that  this  tool  of  four  pieces  should  have 
been  some  kind  of  an  adjustable  type-mould. 

Bernard  gives  this  form  of  type-mould  a passing  notice.  He  says : 

lt  M.  de  Berny  showed  me  one  of  these  primitive  mechanisms  in  his  own  foundry. 

This  mould,  which  is  still  [1853]  in  use,  is  constructed  with  two  kinds  of  knees  [or 
squares]  enabling  the  type-maker  to  adjust  it  in  various  ways  so  as  to  cast  any 
body  desired.  De  Vorigine,  etc.  vol.  I.  p.  44,  note. 

The  only  book  which  can  be  offered  with  plausibility  as  the  work  of  Gutenberg  ^ 
in  Strasburg  is  a Donatus,  of  which  four  leaves  are  now  preserved  in  the  National  ^ 
Library  at  Paris.  This  Donatus  is  a small  quarto,  containing  twenty-seven  lines  — 
to  the  page.  The  similarity  of  the  types  of  this  book,  both  in  face  and  body,  to 
those  of  the  Bible  of  42  lines , suggests  the  thought  that  both  books  were  the  work 
of  the  same  printer ; but  the  cut  of  the  letters,  the  founding  of  the  types  and  the  i-3 
printing  of  the  book  are  vastly  inferior.  O 

It  is  possible  that  Gutenberg  may  have  printed  some  books  at  Strasburg,  but  we  hj 
do  not  know  anything  about  them.  There  were  many  difficulties  connected  with  £5 
the  proper  development  of  typography,  and  he  may  have  labored  over  them  many  _t> 
years  without  any  satisfactory  result.  His  earlier  experience  could  not  have  been 
materially  different  from  that  of  other  inventors : he  may  have  been  kept  for  years 
on  the  threshold  of  success,  vainly  trying  to  remove  some  obstruction  which  blocked  I> 
up  his  way.  If  we  suppose  that  Gutenberg  began,  as  a novice  would  probably  y 
begin,  by  founding  types  of  soft  lead  in  moulds  of  sand,  the  printer  will  understand 
why  he  would  condemn  the  types  made  by  this  method.  If  he  afterward  made  a 
mould  of  hard  metal,  and  founded  types  in  matrices  of  brass,  we  can  understand 
that,  in  the  beginning,  he  had  abundant  reason  to  reject  his  first  types  for  inac- 
curacies of  body  and  irregularities  of  height  and  lining.  To  him  as  to  all  true 
inventors,  there  could  be  no  patching  of  defects  in  plan  or  in  construction.  It 
was  necessary  to  throw  away  all  the  defective  work  and  to  begin  anew.  Experi- 
ments like  these  consume  a great  deal  of  time  and  quite  as  much  of  money.  The 
testimony  shows  that  the  money  contributed  by  some  of  the  partners  in  the  asso- 
ciation had  been  collected  with  difficulty.  We  may  suppose  that  when  this  had 
been  spent  to  no  purpose,  they  were  unable  or  unwilling  to  contribute  any  more. 

The  inability  to  produce  any  book  printed  by  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg  was  the 
occasion  of  the  following  pithy  answer:  Koch  had  asserted  before  the  Institute, 

I 


XXI 


GUTENBERG  AND  HIS  EARLIER  WORK  AT  MENTZ. 

Gutenberg  appears  in  Mentz  as  a Borrower  of  Money.. . Was  then  Beady  to  Bejrin  a?  a 
Printer. . . Donatus  of  1451 . . . Letters  of  Indulgence  of  1454  and  1455. . . Made  from  Founded 
Types. . . Circumstances  attending  their  Sale. . . Fac-simile  of  Holbein’s  Satire. . . Fac-simile 
ot  the  Letter  dated  1454,  with  a Translation. . . Almanac  of  1455. . . Gutenberg’s  two  Bibles. 
Dates  of  Publication  Uncertain. . . Bible  of  3G  lines,  with  Fac-simile. . . Evidences  of  Prob- 
able Priority ...  Apparently  an  Unsuccessful  Book...  John  Fust,  with  Portrait ...  Fust’s 
Contract  with  Gutenberg  in  1450. . . Probable  Beginning  of  the  Bible  of  42  lines. . . Descrip- 
tion of  Book,  with  Fac-simile. ..  Colophon  of  the  Illuminator. ..  M ust  have  been  Printed 
before  1456. . . Fust  brings  Suit  against  Gutenberg. . . Official  Record  of  the  Trial. . . Guten- 
berg’s Inability  to  pay  his  debt. . . Suit  was  a Surprise Portrait  of  Gutenberg...  Fust 

deposes  Gutenberg  and  installs  Schieffer  at  the  head  of  the  Office. 


. There  is  material  in  this  event  for  an  affecting  drama:  a genial  inventor,  indefatigably  occu- 

£ pied  in  realizing  an  idea,  an  usurious  and  crafty  money-lender,  abusing  the  financial  care- 
i— < lessness  of  a genius,  to  get  him  more  and  more  into  his  power;  a clever  servant  courting 

^ the  daughter  of  the  usurer,  and  conspiring  with  him  against  the  great  master;  the  inventor 

0 robbed  of  all  the  fruit  of  his  exertions  during  many  years,  at  the  moment  that  it  was  ripe  to 
be  gathered.  Van  der  Linde. 


Gutenberg’S  last  act  upon  record  in  Strasburg  was  the  selling  out  of  the  last 
remnant  of  his  inheritance.  The  first  evidence  we  have  of  his  return  to  Mentz 
is  an  entry,  on  the  sixth  day  of  October,  1448,  in  a record  of  legal  contracts, 
in  which  he  appears  as  a borrower  of  money.  It  seems  that  Gutenberg  had 
persuaded  his  kinsman,  Arnold  Gelthus,  to  borrow  from  Rvnhard  Bromser  and 
John  Rodenstein.  the  sum  of  150  guilders,  for  the  use  of  which  Gutenberg 
promised  to  pay  the  yearly  interest  of  83o  guilders.  Gutenberg  had  no  securities 
to  offer ; Gelthus  had  to  pledge  the  rents  of  some  houses  for  this  purpose.  How 
this  money  was  to  be  used  is  not  stated,  but  it  may  be  presumed  that  Gutenberg 
needed  it  for  the  development  of  his  grand  invention.  His  plans,  whatever  they 
were,  met  with  the  approbation  of  his  uncle  John  Gensfleisch,  by  whose  per- 
mission he  occupied  the  leased  house  Zum  Jungen , which  he  used  not  only 
for  a dwelling,  but  as  a printing  office. 

Schaab  says  that  there  is  on  record  in  Mentz  a document  which  proves  that 
John  Gensfleisch  leased  this  house  in  October,  1443.  Reasoning  from  the  two 
disconnected  facts,  that  this  house  was  used  by  Gutenberg  for  a printing 
office,  and  that  it  had  been  leased  by  Gensfleisch  in  1443,  careless  readers 
have  assumed  that  John  Gensfleisch  was  the  first  printer  in  Mentz,  and  that 
he  was  either  the  true  inventor  of  printing,  or  the  unfaithful  workman  who 
stole  the  invention  of  Coster  or  of  Mentel.  It  is  not  necessary  to  repeat  what 
has  been  written  concerning  the  impossibility  of  a theft  from  the  fictitious  Coster, 
nor  about  the  absurdity  of  representing  the  uncle  as  a printer. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Ch^mbers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  15. 


127 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 


At  this  time  Gutenberg  was,  no  doubt,  nearly  perfect  in  his  knowledge  of  the 
correct  theory  of  type-founding,  and  had  also  acquired  fair  practice  as  a printer. 

I-Iel big  thinks  that  he  had  ready  the  types  of  the  Bible  of  36  lines.  Madden  says 
that  he  was  then,  or  very  soon  after,  engaged  in  printing  a small  edition  of  this 
book.  There  is  evidence  that  these  types  were  in  use  at  least  as  early  as  1451. 

Two  leaves  of  an  early  typographic  edition  of  the  Donatus , 27  lines  to  the  page, 
printed  on  vellum  from  the  types  of  the  Bible  of  36  lines , have  been  discovered  near 
Mentz,  in  the  original  binding  of  an  old  account  book  of  1451. 1 In  one  word  the 
letter  f is  reversed,  a positive  proof  that  it  was  printed  from  types,  and  not  from 
blocks.  The  ink  is  still  very  black,  but  Fischer  says  that  it  will  not  resist  water. 
Bernard  refuses  this  statement.  He  says  that  the  fragments, of  other  editions  of  the 
Donatus  in  this  type,  supposed  to  be  of  the  same  period,  which  he  inspected  in  the 
British  Museum,  show  ink  that  is  permanent.  As  this  fragment  shows  the  large 
types  of  the  Bible  of  36  lines  in  their  most  primitive  form,  it  authorizes  the  belief 
that  it  should  have  been  printed  by  Gutenberg  soon  after  his  return  to  Mentz.  ^ 

During  the  interval  bet  ween  1440  and  1451.  about  which  history  records  so  little,  q 
Gutenberg  may  have  printed  many  trifles.  He  could  not  have  been  always  un- 
successful : he  could  not  have  borrowed  money  for  more  than  ten  years,  without  ^ 
a demonstration  of  his  ability  to  print  and  to  sell  printed  work.  It  is  probable  y 
that  he  had  to  postpone  his  grand  plans,  and  that  his  necessities  compelled  him  to 
begin  the  practice  of  his  new  art  with  the  printing  of  trivial  work.  There  is  evi- 
dence that  the  branch  of  typography  which  is  now  known  as  job  printing  is  as  old 
as,  if  not  older  than,  book-printing.  This  evidence  is  furnished  in  the  Letters  of 
Indulgence , which  have  distinction  as  the  first  works  with  type-printed  dates. 

Three  distinct  editions  of  the  Letters  of  Indulgence  are  known.  The  copies  are 
dated  1454  or  1455,  but  are  more  clearly  defined  by  the  number  of  the  lines  in  each 
edition,  as  Letters  of  30,  or  31.  or  32  lines.  Each  Letter  is  printed  from  movable 
types,  in  black  ink,  upon  one  side  of  a stout  piece  of  parchment,  about  nine  inches 
high  and  thirteen  inches  wide.  The  form  of  words  is  substantially  the  same  in  all 
editions,  and  all  copies  present  the  same  general  typographical  features,  as  if  they 
were  the  work  of  the  same  printing  office.  In  all  copies,  the  presswork  is  good  ; 
they  seem  to  have  been  printed  by  a properly  constructed  press  on  damp  vellum 
with  ink  mixed  in  oil.  The  types  of  the  three  editions  have  a general  resemblance, 
yet  they  differ  seriously  as  to  face  and  body.  They  were  certainly  cast  from 
l Fischer,  Essai  sur  les  monuments  typographiquc s,  p.  70. 


Germany.  Tlieodoric,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  gave  him  full  permission  to  sell 
them,  but  held  the  commissioner  accountable  for  the  moneys  collected.  The 
precaution  was  justified.  When  the  dreaded  news  of  the  capture  of  Constanti- 
nople (May  29,  1453)  was  received,  John  de  Castro,  thinking  that  Cyprus  had 
also  been  taken,  squandered  the  money  he  had  collected.  De  Castro  was 
arrested,  convicted  and  sent  to  prison,  but  the  scandal  that  had  been  created 
^ by  the  embezzlement  greatly  injured  the  sale  of  the  indulgences.  As  the  per- 

2 mission  to  sell  indulgences  expired  by  limitation  on  May  1,  1455,  Zappe,  the 
chief  commissioner,  made  renewed  and  more  vigorous  efforts  to  promote  the 
sale.  It  was  found  that,  in  the  limited  time  allowed  for  sale,  the  customary 
process  of  copying  was  entirely  too  slow.  There  was,  also,  the  liability  that  a 
hurried  copyist  would  produce  inexact  copies ; that  an  unscrupulous  copyist  or 

^ seller  would  issue  spurious  copies.  These  seem  to  have  been  the  reasons  that  led 
Ph  Zappe  to  have  the  documents  printed,  which  was  accordingly  done,  with  blank 
q spaces  for  the  insertion  of  the  name  of  the  buyer  and  the  signature  of  the  seller. 
H The  typography  of  this  Letter  of  31  lines  is  much  better  than  that  of  the 
Donatus , but  it  has  many  blemishes.  The  text  is  deformed  with  abbreviations; 
the  lines  are  not  evenly  spaced  out;  the  capital  letters  of  the  text  are  rudely 
W drawn  and  carelessly  cut.  The  white  space  below  the  sixteenth  line,1  and  the 

3 space  and  the  crookedness  in  the  three  lines  at  the  foot,  are  evidences  that 
^ the  types  were  not  securely  fastened  in  the  chase.  These  faults  provoke 

notice,  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  types  were  fairly  fitted  and  stand  in 
decent  line.  They  were  obviously  cast  in  moulds  of  metal ; it  would  be  im- 
practicable to  make  types  so  small  in  moulds  of  sand. 

Eighteen  copies  of  these  Letters  of  Indulgence  are  known,  all  bearing  the 
printed  date  of  1454  or  of  1455.  The  places  where  they  were  sold  having  been 
written  on  the  document  by  the  seller,  we  discover  that  they  must  have  been 
sold  over  a large  territory,  for  one  was  issued  at  Copenhagen,  another  at 
i For  fac-simile  and  translation,  of  a Letter  of  1454,  see  Appendix. 


J legis  legit  iplt  \tgim9  legttts  LegutjStitoiLi 

J Jco  legdsa  legebas  legdjat-  ipif  legtbam9  Iggeba 
m legebat  #tito  gfcole  gi  tcgi&i  legit  iplt  legim9  legit 
tss  lege  tut  gUrgcceptito  ptCn’pffo  legctalegerae  lege 


Fac-simile  of  the  Types  of  the  Donatus  of  1451. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 


[From  Fischer.] 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 


Pica 

Body. 


» different  matrices  and  adjustments  of  the  mould,  and  were  composed  by 
different  compositors.  In  the  edition  of  30  luies , the  types  of  the 
■I  text  are  on  a body  smaller  than  English,  and  those  of  the  large 
lines  are  on  Paragon  body ; in  the  edition  of  31  lines  the  types 
of  the  text  are  on  English  body,  and  those  of  the  large  lines 
approximate  Double-pica  body. 

■ The  types  on  Double-pica  body  are  those  of  the  Donatus  of  1451 
and  the  Bible  of  36  lines  ; the  types  on  Paragon  body  are  those  of 
the  Bible  of  42  lines.  The  appearance  of  these  types' in  the  Bibles 
Eg0gJyh  is  presumptive  evidence  that  the  printer  of  the  Bibles  was  the 

printer  of  the  Letters.  The  small  types  are  unique ; they  were  Double-pica 
never  used,  so  far  as  we  know,  for  any  other  work.  The  large  initials  Body‘ 
may  have  been  engraved  on  wood,  but  the  text  and  the  dlspiay  lines  were  founded 
types.  The  illustration  above  shows  that  although  the  matrices  were  fitted  with 
closeness,  each  type  was  founded  on  a square  body. 

The  text  letters  are  of  the  form  known  to  librarians  as  lettres 
de  somme , or  letters  of  account,  which  may  be  understood  as  the 
carelessly  made  letters  then  used  in  books  of  account.  The  letters 
of  the  large  lines  are  of  the  form  known  as 
lettres  de  forme,  or  letters  of  precision,  the  an- 
gular and  carefully  made 
fine  books.  The 
lettres  de  somme  will  be 
defined  in  this  book  un- 
der the  name  of  Round 
Gothic;  the  lettres  de 


forme , under  the  name  of  Pointed  Gothic. 

Deceived  by  the  close  fitting-up  of  the  matrices,  earlier  writers  said  that  the 
letters  were  xylographic.  The  comments  of  Dr.  Van  der  Linde  on  this  error  are 
pertinent:  “ It  was.  thought  necessary  to  find  the  wooden  letters  of  the  imagina- 
tion, and  hence  bibliography  presents  the  dismal  spectacle  that  almost  all  monu- 
ments of  the  excellent  invention,  that  fruit  of  a vigorous  mind,  of  a simple,  but 
ample  and  grand  idea,  have  been  declared  by  would-be  connoisseurs  one  by  one 
to  be  xylographic.  This  caused  the  double  trouble  of  first  making  out,  with  much 
verbosity  and  an  air  of  perspicuity,  incontrovertibly  typographical  masterpieces  to 
be  wood,  and  then  afterward  putting  aside  this  pedantry  and  returning  to  the  sim- 
ple truth.  The  origin  of  typography  presents  nowhere  anything  narrow-minded, 
worthless,  or  trifling,  for  it  belongs  to  the  grand  facts  of  history,  but  trifling  minds 
have  soiled  it  with  their  own  littleness.”  Haarlem  Legend , p.  77. 

The  circumstances  connected  with  the  publication  of  the  Letters  require  more 
than  a passing  notice,  for  they  present  the  first  specific  indication  of  a demand  for 
printing.  These  circumstances  give  us  a glimmer  of  the  corruption  of  some  of  the 
men  who  sold  the  indulgences — a corruption  which,  in  the  next  century,  brought 
down  upon  the  sellers  and  the  system  the  scorn  of  Holbein  and  the  wrath  ot  Luther. 

On  the  twelfth  day  of  April,  1451,  a plenary  indulgence  of  three  years  was  ac- 
corded by  Pope  Nicholas  v to  all  who,  from  May  1,  1452,  to  May  1,  1455,  should 
properly  contribute  with  money  to  the  aid  of  the  alarmed  king  of  Cyprus,  then 
threatened  by  the  Turks.  Paul  Zappe,  an  ambassador  of  the  king  of  Cyprus, 
selected  John  de  Castro  as  chief  commissioner  for  the  sale  of  the  indulgences  in 


O 

£ 

5 


P 

P 

P 

< 

o 

I 

p 

o 

H 

00 


Nuremberg,  and  another  at  Cologne.  The  large  number  of  copies  preserved 
is  evidence  that  many  copies  must  have  been  printed.  It  is  probable  that 
Gutenberg  was  required  to  compose  and  print  the  form  at  three  different  times ; 
but  we  do  not  know  why  he  found  it  necessary  to  make  a new  face  of  text 
type  for  the  second  and  third  editions,  for  it  is  very  plain  that  the  types  of 
the  first  edition  were  not  worn  out. 

It  is  possible  that  other  books,  now  lost  and  forgotten,  may  have  been  printed 
in  the  small  types,  but  Helbig  thinks  that  the  types  were  made  expressly  for 
the  Letters  of  Indulgence , as  bank-notes  are  now  made,  with  the  intention 
that  the  copies  of  each  edition  should  be  exactly  alike  in  appearance,  and  that 
they  should  be  difficult  of  imitation.  Bernard  dissents  from  the  belief  that  the 
Letters  of  Indulgence  were  printed  by  Gutenberg.  He  attributes  them  to 
some  printer  of  unknown  name  in  Mentz,  supposed  by  him  to  have  been  either  the 
false  Avorkman  described  by  Junius,  or  some  graduate  or  seceding  malcontent 
of  Gutenberg’s  printing  office.  But  we  have  no  evidence  of  a typographical 
printer  before  Gutenberg.  Jack  has  endeavored  to  prove  that  two  Letters  were 
printed  by  Pfister  of  Bamberg.  De  la  Borde  thinks  one  of  the  faces  of  type 
used  in  the  Letters  was  cut  by  Schaeffer  in  a friendly  competition  with  Guten- 
berg. These  conjectures  cannot  be  made  plausible. 

The  Appeal  of  CJiHstianity  against  the  Turks , sometimes  called  the  Almanac 
of  1455,  is  another  small  work  attributed  to  Gutenberg.  It  is  a little  quarto 
of  six  printed  leaves,  in  German  verse,  in  the  large  type  of  the  Bible  of  36 
lines.  As  it  contains  a calendar  for  the  year  1455,  it  is  supposed  that  it  was 
printed  at  the  close  of  1454.  Its  typographical  appearance  is  curious : the  type 
was  large,  the  page  was  narrow,  and  the  compositor  run  the  lines  together  as 
in  prose,  marking  the  beginning  of  every  verse  with  a capital,  and  its  ending 
by  a fanciful  arrangement  • : • of  four  full  points.  It  is  the  first  typographic 
work  in  German,  and  the  first  work  in  that  language  which  can  be  attributed 
to  Gutenberg.  But  one  copy  of  this  book  is  known. 

Gutenberg’s  fame  as  a great  printer  is  more  justly  based  on  his  two  editions 
in  folio  of  the  Holy  Bible  in  Latin.  The  breadth  of  his  mind,  and  his  faith 
in  the  comprehensiveness  of  his  invention,  are  more  fully  set  forth  by  his 
selection  of  a book  of  so  formidable  a nature.  There  was  an  admirable  pro- 
priety in  his  determination  that  his  new  art  should  be  fairly  introduced  to  the 
reading  world  by  the  book  known  throughout  Christendom  as  The  Book. 
These  two  editions  of  the  Bible  are  most  clearly  defined  by  the  specification 
of  the  number  of  lines  to  the  page  in  the  columns  of  each  book : one  is  the 
Bible  of  42  lines,1  in  types  of  Paragon  body,  usually  bound  in  two  volumes  ; 

lit  is  sometimes  described  as  the  Mazarin  Bible,  and  sometimes  as  Gutenberg's  First  Bible. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


128 


Nonpareil,  No.  15. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mextz. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Muntz. 


the  other  is  the  Bible  of  36  lines,1  in 
types  of  Double-pica  body,  usually  bound 
in  three  volumes. 

It  is  not  certainly  known  which  was 
printed  first.  Each  edition  was  published 
without  printed  date,  and.  like  all  other 
works  by  Gutenberg,  without  name  or 
place  of  printer.  They  were  not  ac- 
curately described  by  any  contemporary 
author.  In  the  sixteenth  century  they 
were  obsolete,  and  the  tradition  that  they 
had  been  printed  by  Gutenberg  was  en- 
tirely lost.  'When  a copy  of  the  Bible  of 
42  lines  was  discovered  in  the  library  of 
Cardinal  Mazarin.  and  was  identified  as 
the  work  of  John  Gutenberg,  it  was  not 
known  that  there  was  another  edition. 
The  Bible  of  42  lines  was  consequently 
regarded  as  the  first  — as  the  book  des- 
cribed by  Zell,  which,  he  says,  was  print- 
ed in  1450.  This  belief  was  strengthened 
by  the  subsequent  discovery,  in  another 
copy  of  this  edition,  of  the  certificate  of 
an  illuminator  that,  in  the  year  1456.  he 
had  finished  Iris  task  of  illumination  in 
the  book.  More  than  twenty  copies  of 
this  edition  (seven  of  which  are  on  vel- 
lum) have  been  found,  and  they  have 
generally  been  sold  and  bought  as  copies 
of  the  first  edition. 

The  Bible  of  36  lines  was  definitely 
described  for  the  first  time  by  the  bibli- 
ographer Schwartz,  who,  in  1728,  dis- 
covered a copy  in  the  library  of  a monas- 
tery near  Mentz.  In  the  old  manuscript 
catalogue  of  this  library  was  a note, 
stating  that  this  book  had  been  given  to 
the  monastery  by  John  Gutenberg  and 
his  associates.  Schwartz  said  that  this 

l This  is  known  as  the  Bamberg  Bible,  be- 
cause nearly  all  the  known  copies  of  this  edi- 
tion were  found  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
town  of  Bamberg;  as  Pfister' s Bible,  because 
it  has  been  attributed,  incorrectly,  to  Albert 
Pfister.  a printer  of  Bamberg;  as  the  Selielhorn 
Bible,  because  it  was  fully  described  by  the 
bibliographer  of  that  name;  as  Gutenberg's 
Second  Bible,  because  it  is  the  belief  of  many 
authors  that  it  should  have  been  printed  by 
Gutenberg  about  1459,  after  Iris  rupture  with 
John  Fust. 


must  have  been  the 
first  edition.  A still 
more  exact  descrip- 
tion of  this  edition  was 
published  by  Schel- 
liorn  in  1760,  under 
the  title  of  The  Oldest 
Edition  of  the  Latin 
Bible.  He  said  that 
this  must  have  been 
the  edition  described 
by  Zell. 

The  Bible  of  36 
lines  is  a large  demy 
folio  of  1764  pages, 
made  up.  for  the  most 
part,  in  sections  of  ten 
leaves,  and  usually 
bound  in  three  vol- 
umes. Each  page  has 
two  columns  of  36  lines 
each.  In  some  sec- 
tions. a leaf  torn  out. 
possibly  on  account  of 
some  error,  has  been 
replaced  by  the  in- 
sertion of  a single  leaf 
or  a half  sheet.  The 
workmanship  of  the 
first  section  is  inferior; 
the  indentation  of  pa- 
per by  too  hard  pres- 
sure is  very  strongly 
marked ; the  pages  are  sadly  out  of  re- 
gister; on  one  page  the  margins  and 
white  space  between  the  columns  show 
the  marks  of  the  wood  chase  and  bear- 
ers which  were  used  to  equalize  impres- 
sion and  prevent  undue  wear  of  types. 

This  section  has  the  appearance  of  ex-  5C 
perimental  or  unpractised  workmanship.  ^ 
It  is  apparent,  almost  at  a glance,  that  ^ 
the  printer  did  not  use  a proper  chase  — 
and  bearers,  nor  a frisket.  nor  points  for 
making  register.1  All  other  sections 
were  printed  with  the  proper  appliances, 
with  uncommon  neatness  of  presswork. 


l Bernard,  Be  V origins  et  des  debuts  dc  Vim- 
primerie,  vol.  n,  p.  30. 


it  is  probable  that 
the  number  printed 
was  small.  Nearly  all 
the  copies  and  leaves 
of  this  edition  were 
found  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Bamberg. 
This  curious  circum- 
stance may  be  explain- 
ed by  the  supposition 
that  the  entire  edition, 
probably  small,  had 
been  printed  at  the 
order  of,  or  had  been 
mortgaged  to.  one  of 
the  many  ecclesias- 
tical bodies  of  that 
town.  There  is  evi- 
dence that  Gutenberg 
frequently  borrowed 
money  from  wealthy 
monasteries.  The  im- 


Jolm Fust. 

[From  Maittaire.) 


perfect  workmanship 
of  the  first  section  is, 
apparently,  the  work 
of  a printer  in  the  be- 
ginning of  his  practice,  when  he  had  not 
discovered  all  the  tools  and  implements 
which  he  afterward  used  with  so  much 
success.1 

The  Bible  of  36  lines  should  have  been 
in  press  a long  time,  for  it  cannot  be 
supposed  that  Gutenberg  had  the  means 
to  do  this  work  with  regularity.  His 

1 In  the  first  essays  of  printing,  great  diffi- 
culties were  encountered.  For  when  they  [the 
first  printers]  were  printing  the  Bible,'  they 
were  obliged  to  expend  more  than  four  thou- 
sand florins  before  they  had  printed  three 
sections.  Trithemius,  as  reprinted  by  Wolf, 
Monvmenta  Typographica,  vol  n,  p.  654. 


office  was  destitute  of  composing  sticks 
and  rules,  iron  chases,  galleys,  and  im- 
posing stones.  Deprived  of  these  and 
other  labor-saving  tools,  without  the  ex- 
pertness acquired  by  practice,  frequently 
delayed  by  the  corrections  of  the  reader, 
the  failures  of  the  type-founder  and  the 
errors  of  pressmen,  it  is  not  probable 
that  the  compositor  perfected  more  than 
one  page  a day.  He  may  have  done  less. 
Even  if,  as  Madden  supposes,  two  or 
more  compositors  were  engaged  on  this, 
as  they  were  upon  other  early  work,  the 
Bible  of  36  lines  should  have  been  in 
press  about  three  years. 

These  evidences,  which  seem  to  favor 
the  theory  of  the  priority  of  the  Bible  of 
36  lines,  combine  many  features  of  prob- 
ability, but  they  are  not  free  from  ob- 
jections. Too  little  is  known  about  th*e 
book  to  warrant  a positive  statement  as 
to  its  age.  In  nearly  all  the  popular 
treatises  on  printing,  the  Bible  of  42 
lines  is  specified  as  the  first  book  of 
Gutenberg,  but  it  is  the  belief  of  many 
of  the  most  learned  bibliographers,  from 
Zapf  to  Didot  and  Madden,  that  the 
Bible  of  36  lines  is  the  older  edition. 
The  theory  that  it  must  have  been  print- 
ed by  Gutenberg  between  1457  and  1459, 
and  the  proposition  that  it  may  have 
been  printed  by  Albert  Pfister  of  Bam- 
berg at  or  soon  after  thqt  time,  will  be 
examined  on  an  advanced  page. 

The  newness  of  the  types  seems  to 
favor  the  opinion  that  this  must  be  the 
earlier  edition.  The  same  types,  or  types 
cast  from  the  same  matrices,  were  fre- 
quently used  in  little  books  printed  be- 


*4tpiPP?r 

et  rum  con  pp  per  us  s 


ugnt. 


contractions 


Some  of  the  Abbreviations  of  the  Bible  of  36  lines. 


John  Gutenberg  at  mentz. 


[From  Duverger.] 


41 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 


in  black  ink.  with  exact  register,  and 
with  a nicely  graduated  impression, 
which  shows  the  sharp  edges  of  the 
types  with  clearness. 

The  types  of  this  book  closely  resem- 
ble, in  face  and  body,  many  letters  be- 
ing identically  the  same,  the  types  of  the 
display  line  in  the  Letter  of  Indulgence 
of  31  lines,  and  of  the  Donatns  o/1451. 
In  some  features  they  resemble  the  types 
of  the  Bible  of  42  lines.  It  is  possible 
that  the  types  of  each  edition  were  de- 
signed and  made  by  the  same  letter  cut- 
ter, and  that  they  were  made  for  and 
used  by  the  same  printer.  This  opinion 
is  strengthened  after  an  inspection  of  the 
mannerisms  of  the  composition,  which 
are  those  of  the  Bible  of  42  lines.  The 
colon,  period,  and  hyphen  are  the  only 
marks  of  punctuation.  The  lines  of  the 
text  are  always  full : the  hyphen  is  fre- 
quently seen  projecting  beyond  the  let- 
ters. A blank  space  was  left  for  every 
large  initial,  which,  it  was  expected, 
would  be  inserted  by  the  calligrapher. 
Bed  ink  was  not  used  by  the  printer: 
the  letters  to  be  rubricated  were  dabbed 
over  with  a stroke  from  the  brush  of 
the  illuminator. 

One  copy  of  the  book  contains  a writ- 
ten annotation  dated  1461.  An  account 
book  of  the  Abbey  of  Saint  Michael  of 
Bamberg,  which  begins  with  the  date 
March  21,  1460,  has  in  its  original  bind- 
ing some  of  the  waste  leaves  of  this  Bible. 
These,  the  earliest  evidences  of  date, 
prove  that  this  edition  could  not  have 
been  printed  later  than  1459.  That  it 
was  done  in  1450,  as  asserted  by  Madden; 
has  not  been  decisively  proved,  but  the 
evidence  favoring  this  conclusion  de- 
serves consideration.  Ulric  Zell’s  testi- 
mony that  the  first  Bible  was  printed  in 
1450  from  missal-like  types,1  points  with 

1 In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1450.  they  began  to 
print,  and  the  first  book  they  printed  was  the 
Bill?  in  Latin : it  was  printed  in  a large  letter, 
re-<  mbling  the  letter  with  which,  at  present, 
missals  are  printed.  Cologne  Chronicle  of  1499. 


directness  to  the  Bible  of  36  lines,  for 
there  is  no  other  printed  "Bible  to  which 
Zell’s  description  can  be  applied.  Its. 
close  imitation  of  the  large  and  generous 
style  in  which  the  choicer  manuscripts  ^ 
of  that  period  are  written  marks  the  3 
period  of  transition  between  the  old  and  [— 
the  new  style  of  book-making.  The  pro- 
digality  in  the  use  of  paper  seems  the  P 
work  of  a man  who  had  not  counted  the 
cost,  or  who  thought  that  he  was  obliged 
to  disregard  the  expense.  As  not  more 
than  half  a dozen  copies  are  known. 


^ tween  the  years  1451  ffnd  1462,  but  they 
always  appear  with  worn  and  blunted 
^ faces,  as  if  they  had  been  rounded  under 
^ the  long-contiuued  pressure  of  a press, 
^ or  had  been  founded  in  old  and  clogged 
q matrices. 

^ Gutenberg  deceived  himself  as  much 
as  he  did  his  Strasburg  partners,  in  his 
zH  over-sanguine  estimate  of  the  profits  of 
printing  and  the  difficulties  connected 


Fac-simile  of  Holbein’s  Satire  on  the  Sale  of  Indulgences. 

[From  Woltmann.) 

The  canon  at  the  right  absolves  the  kneeling  young  man.  but  points  significantly  to  the  huge  money-chest  into  which 
the  widow  puts  her  mite.  Three  Dominicans,  seated  at  the  table,  are  preparing  and  selling  indulgences:  one  of 
them,  holding  hack  the  letter,  greedily  counts  the  monevas  it  is  paid  down  ; another  pauses  in  his  writing,  to  repulse 
the  penitent  but  penniless  cripple  ; another  is  leering  at  the  woman  whose  letter  he  delays.  The  pope,  enthroned  in 
the  nave,  and  surrounded  by  cardinals,  is  giving  a commission  for  the  sale  of  the  lettered 


with  its  practice.  His  printed  work  did 
not  meet  with  the  rapid  sale  he  had  an- 
ticipated, or  the  cost  of  doing  the  work 
was  very  much  in  excess  of  the  price  he 
received.  The  great  success  which  An- 
drew Dritzehen  hoped  to  have  within 
one  year,  or  in  1440,  had  not  been  at- 
tained in  1450.  During  this  year  Guten- 
berg comes  before  us  again  as  the  bor- 
rower of  money.  If  he  had  been  only  an 
ordinary  dreamer  about  great  inventions, 
he  would  have  abandoned  an  enterprise 
so  hedged  in  with  mechanical  and  finan- 
cial difficulties.  But  he  was  an  iuventor 
in  the  full  sense  of  the  word,  an  inventor 
of  means  as  well  as  of  ends,  as  resolute 
in  bending  indifferent  men  as  he  was  in 
fashioning  obdurate  metal.  After  spend- 
ing, ineffectually,  all  the  money  he  had 
acquired  from  his  industry,  from  his 
partners,  from  his  inheritance,  from  his 
friends. — still  unable  to  forego  his  great 
project, — he  went,  as  a last  resort,  to 
one  of  the  professional  money-lenders  of 
Mentz.  “ Heaven  or  hell,”  says  Lacroix, 
sent  him  the  partner,  John  Fust.” 

His  name  is  often  improperly  written 
as  Faust.  In  all  the  books  subsequentlv 
printed  by  Fust  and  his  partner,  SclicetF- 
er,  the  name  appears  as  Fust.  It  was 
so  written  and  printed  by  all  his  con- 
temporaries, and  is  so  seen,  wherever  it 
occurs,  in  the  record  of  the  famous  trial 
he  instituted.  It  is  so  spelt  in  the  church 
record  of  liisburial.  During  his  lifetime, 
and  for  at  least  thirty  years  after  his 
death,  the  name  is  always  given  as  Fust. 
The  notorious  reputation  subsequently 


GEOKGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Fouxders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  15. 


129 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 


made  by  Dr.  John  Faust,  wlio  was  born 
in  Wurtemberg  in  1480  (several  years 
after  the  death  of  Fust),  who  studied 
magic  in-  Cracow,  and,  by  Kis  learning 
and  wickedness,  horrified  wise  men  like 
Luther  and  Melancthon;  whose  life, 
deeds  and  death  are  involved  in  a mys- 
tery that  dramatists  have  turned  to 
such  good  account,  has  been  transferred 
by  carelessness  to  John  Fust,  the  print- 
er. The  confusion  has  been  perpetuated 
by  a legend.  The  fable,  not  yet  weeded 
out  of  treatises  on  printing,  that  Fust 
was  arrested  in  Paris  for  selling  bibles, 
supposed  to  have  been  manufactured  at 
the  instigation  of  the  devil,  has  served  to 
foster  the  error. 

The  character  and -services  of  John 
Fust  have  been  put  before  us  in  strange 
lights.  By  some  of  the  earlier  writers 
he  was  most  untruly  represented  as  the 
inventor  of  typography,  as  the  instructor, 
as  well  as  the  partner,  of  Gutenberg.  By 
another  class  of  authors  he  has  been  re- 
garded as  the  patron  and  benefactor  of 
Gutenberg,  a man  of  public  spirit,  who 
had  the  wit  to  see  the  great  value  of 
Gutenberg's  new  art.  and  the  courage  to 
unite  his  fortunes  with  those  of  the  needy 
inventor.  This  latter  view  has  been 
popular : to  this  day,  Fust  is  thoroughly 
identified  with  all  the  honors  of  the  in- 
vention. The  unreasonableness  of  this 
pretension  has  sent  other  writers  to  the 
opposite  extreme.  During  the  present 
century.  Fust  has  been  frequently  paint- 
ed as  a greedy  and  crafty  speculator, 
who  took  a mean  advantage  of  the  needs 
of  Gutenberg,  and  basely  robbed  him  of 
the  fruits  of  his  invention. 

Those  who  favor. this  view  of  Fust’s 
character,  find  a peculiar  significance  in 
the  radical  meaning  of  his- name,  Fust 
— in  German,  fist,  the  symbol  of  all  that 
is  hard,  close, ‘grasping,  and  aggressive. 

It  is  possible  that  Gutenberg  knew 
John  Fust,  the  money-lender,  through 
business  relations  with  Fust's  brother, 
James,  the  goldsmith;  for  we  have  seen 


800  guilders,  at  6 per  cent,  interest.  The 
tools  and  materials  made  by  Gutenberg 
for  the  uses  of  the  partnership  should 
remain  mortgaged  to  Fust,  as  security 
for  this  loan  of  800  guilders,  until  the 
whole  sum  should  be  paid. — When  the 
aforesaid  tools  and  materials  should  be 
made,  Fust  should,  every  year,  furnish 
Gutenberg  with  300  guilders  to  provide 
for  the  payment  of  the  paper,  vellum,  ink, 
wages  and  the  other  materials  that  would 
be  required  for  the  execution  of  the  work. 
— For  these  advances  Fust  should  have 
one-lialf  of  the  profits  made  from  the  sale 
of  the  products  of  the  partnership. — 
Fust  should  be  exempted  from  the  per- 
formance of  any  work  or  service  con- 
nected with  the  partnership,  and  should 
not  be  held  responsible  for  any  of  its 
debts.” 

The  terms  were  hard.  But  Gutenberg 
had  the -firmest  faith  in  the  success  of 
his  invention : in  his  view  it  was  not  only 
to  be  successful,  but  so  enormously  pro- 
fitable that  he  could  well  afford  to  pay 
all  the  exactions  of  the  money-lendev. 
The  object  of  the  partnership  is  not  ex- 
plicitly stated,  but  it  was,  without  doubt, 
the  business  of  printing  and  publishing 
text  books,  and,  more  especially,  the 
production  of  a grand  edition  of  the 
Bible , the  price  of  a fair  manuscript 
copy  of  which,  at  that  time,  was  live 
hundred  guilders.  The  expense  that 
would  be  made  in  printing  a large  edition 
of  this  work  seemed  trivial  in  comparison 
with  the  sum  which  Gutenberg  dreamed 
would  be  readily  paid  for  the  new  books. 
But  the  expected  profit  was  not  the  only 
allurement.  Guteuberg  was,  no  doubt, 
completely  dominated  by  the  idea  that 
necessity  was  laid  on  him — tliathe  must 
demonstrate  the  utility  and  grandeur  of 
his  invention, — and  this  must  be  done 
whether  the  demonstration  beggared  or 
enriched  him.  After  sixteen  years  of 
labor,  almost  if  not  entirely  fruitless,  he 
snatched  at  the  partnership  with  Fust 
as  the  only  means  by  which  he  could  re- 
alize the  great  purpose  of  his  life.  The 
overruling  power  of  the  money-lender 


that,  during  his  experiments  in  Stras- 
burg,  Gutenberg  had  work  done  by  two 
goldsmiths.  Wliat  projects  Gutenberg 
unfolded  to  John  Fust,  and  what  allure- 
ments he  set  forth,  are  not  known;  but 
the  wary  money-lender  would  not  have 
hazarded  a guilder  on  Gutenberg’s  in- 
vention, if  he  had  not  been  convinced  of 
its  value  and  of  Gutenberg’s  ability. 
John  Fust  knew  that  there  was  some 
risk  in  the  enterprise,  for  it  is  probable  ^ 
that  he  had  heard  of  the  losses  of  Drit-  Q 
zehen,  Riffe  and  Heilmann.  In  making  f 
an  alliance  with  the  inventor,  Fust  neg-  M 
lected  none  of  the  precautions  of  a P 
money-lender.  He  really  added  to  them, 
insisting  on  terms  through  which  he  ex- 
pected to  receive  all  the  advantages  of  a 
partnership  without  its  liabilities. 

These  were  the  terms  of  the  contract, 
made  in  August,  1450  : 

“ The  partnership  between  Gutenberg 
and  Fust  should  be  for  five  years,  in 
which  time  the  work  projected  by  Gu- 
tenberg should  be  completed. — For  the 
purposes  of  this  partnership,  not  speci- 
fied, Fust  should  advance  to  Gutenberg 


zn 

P 

< 

P 

P 

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o 

P 

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H 

00 

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was  shown  in  the  beginning  of  the  part- 
nership. Gutenberg  had  ready  the  types 
of  the  Bible  of  36  lines , and  had,  per- 
haps, printed  a few  copies  of  the  work 
— too  few  to  supply  the  demand. 
Another  edition  could  have  been  print- 
ed without  delay,  but  it  was  decided  that 
this  new  edition  should- be  in  a smaller 
type  and  in  two  volumes.  It  was  intend- 
ed that  the  cost  of  the  new  edition  should 
be  about  one-third  less  than  that  of  the 
Bible  of  36  lines.  Gutenberg  was,  con- 
sequently, obliged  to  cut  a new  face  and 
found  a new  font  of  types,  which,  by  the 
terms  of  the  agreement,  were  to  be  mort- 
gaged to  Fust. 

Fust  did  not  assist  Gutenberg  as  he 
should  have  done.  Instead  of  paying 
the  800  guilders  at  once,  as  was  implied 
in  the  agreement,  he  allowed  two  years 
to  pass  before  this  amount  was  fully 
paid.  The  equipment  of  the  printing 


I uifriplim  ram  interna*  £um 
jgtr  ififriplim  Ifiltctio  f :*  inter 
tio  mfiobta  tegu  flit?  I *£ufia 
Uma  ant  tegum  raftmtmattn 
fraraqranras  rib  mraraijmo 
am  farittffrjjsdrau 
ptfteria  itatp  fapraute  itfmm 
ate  retruu  mqmum&t  rego  if* 
teriantmi  ff&itp  ft  fcrpms  art* 
pa  IP 6:  infinite  fapmma  m f 
peqimm  reguraV  infinite  hi 
ttmifapimm:  onrnfsghtpfT* 
fls  jpft$*£iuD  i ft  am  fapiftia 
ftqufaisnraDfi  fada  fit  refers 
i non  abfran&am  a nobis  fa- 
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rimtatts  fofffigaba:  jtjmna  f 
biretn  frantia  films**  non  pie* 
ribo  imitate : neqt  cum  faibia 

Fac-simile  of  the  T}q)es  of  the  Bible  of  36  Lines,  witli  the  Rubricator’s  Marks  on  the 
Capitals.  Verses  17  to  22  of  the  Sixth  Chapter  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom. 


office  with  new  types  was  sadly  delayed. 
At  the  end  of  the  two  years,  when  Gu- 
tenberg was  Teady  to  print,  he  needed 
for  the  next  year’s  expenses,  and  for  the 
paper  and  vellum  for  the  entire  edition* 
more  than  the  300  guilders  allowed  to 
him  by  the  agreement  of  1450.  Fust, 
perceiving  the  need  of  Gutenberg,  saw 
also  his  opportunity  for  a stroke  in 
finance,  which  would  assist  him  in  the 
designs  which  he  seems  to  have  enter- 
tained from  the  beginning.  He  proposed 
a modification  of  the  contract — to  com- 
mute the  annual  payment  of  300  guilders 
for  the  three  successive  years  by  the  im- 
mediate payment  of  800  guilders.  As 
an  offset  to  the  loss  Gutenberg  would 
sustain  by  this  departure  from  the  con- 
tract, Fust  proposed  to  remit  his  claim 
to  interest  on  the  800  guilders  that  had 
been  paid.  Gutenberg,  eager  for  the 
money,  and  credulous,  assented  to  these 
modifications. 

The  delays  and  difficulties  which  Gu- 
tenberg encountered  in  the  printing  of 
this  edition  were  great,  but  no  part  of 
the  work  was  done  hastily  or  unadvisedly. 
He  may  not  have  received  practical  edu- 
cation as  a book-maker,  but  he  had  the 
rare  good  sense  to  accept  instruction 
from  those  who  had.  The  Bible  of  42 
lines  was  obviously  planned  by  an  adept 
in  all  the  book-making  skill  of  his  time. 
It  was  laid  out  in  66  sections,  for  the 
most  part  of  10  leaves  each.  To  facili- 
tate the  division  of  the  book  in  parts  (so 
that  it  could  be  bound,  if  necessary  for 
the  convenience  of  the  reader,  in  ten 
thin  volumes),  some  of  the  sections  have 


but  4,  some  11,  and  some  12  leaves.  The 
book  proper,  without  the  summary  of 
contents,  consists  of  1282  printed  pages, 
2 columns  to  the  page,  and,  for  the  most 
part,  with  42  lines  to  the  column. 

There  are  two  kinds  of  copies,  with 
differences  which  seem  to  justify  the 
opinion  that  they  belong  to  two  distinct 
editions.  In  one  kind,  all  the  copies 
have  42  lines  to  the  column,  and  all  the 
summaries  of  chapters  are  written  and 
not  printed.  In  the  other  kind,  the  first 
eight  pages  of  the  first  section  have  40 
lines  to  the  column  ; the  ninth  page  has 

41  lines ; the  tenth  and  all  other  pages 
(except  two  40-line  pages  in  the  book  of 
Maccabees)  have  42  lines ; and  the  pages 
of  40  and  41  lines  have  their  five  sum- 
maries printed  in  red  ink.  The  same 
face  of  type  is  used  in  both  kinds  of 
copies,  but  the  pages  of  40  and  41  lines 
occupy  the  same  space  as  the  pages  of 

42  lines,  beginning  and  ending,  for  the 
most  part,  with  the  same  words.  Ber- 
nard says  that  the  40-line  pages  were 
reset  by  Peter  Schaeffer  after  Fust  had 
acquired  the  unsold  copies  of  the  Bible , 
with  intent  to  lead  the  purchaser  of  the 
book  to  form  the  belief  that  it  was  an 
entirely  new  edition.  Other  writers  sug- 
gest that  a portion  of  the  first  section 
may  have  been  spoiled,  and  replaced  by 
a subsequent  reprinting.  But  the  differ- 
ences are  not  confined  to  the  first  sec- 
tion. In  many  other  sections  there  are 
differences  in  the  spelling  and  abbrevi- 
ation of  words  which  clearly  prove  that 
the  two  kinds  of  copies  were  printed 
from  separately  composed  and  distinct 
forms.  The  double  composition  of 
every  page  for  the  same  edition  seems  a 


GEOEGE  BEUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YOEK. 


130 


Nonpareil,  No.  16. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 

useless  waste  of  labor,  but  the  proofs  of  this  double  labor  are  unmistakable.  A wide 
margin  was  allowed  for  the  ornamental  borders,  without  which  no  book  of  that  time 
was  complete,  and  large  spaces  were  also  left  in  the  text  for  the  great  initial  letters. 
It  was  expected  that  the  purchaser  of  the  book  would  have  the  margins  and  spaces 
covered  with  the  fanciful  designs  and  bright  colors  of  the  illuminator.  In  some 
copies,  this  work  of  illumination  was  admirably  done ; in  others  it  was  badly  done 
or  entirely  neglected.  The  rubrics  were  roughly  made  by  dabbing  a brush  filled 
with  red  ink  over  a letter  printed  in  black.  On  the  pages  of  40  lines,  the  summa- 
ries of  chapters  were  printed  in  red  ink ; on  other  pages  the  summaries  were 
written,  sometimes  in  red  and  sometimes  in  black  ink.  It  would  seem  that  it  was 
Gutenberg-’s  original  intention  to  print  all  the  summaries  in  red  ink,  and  that  he 
was  oblig'ed,  for  some  unknown  reason,  to  have  them  written  in. 

The  general  effect  of  the  typography  is  that  of  excessive  blackness, — an  effect 
which  seems  to  have  been  made  of  set  purpose,  for  the  designer  of  the  types  made 
but  sparing  use  of  hair  lines.  It  maybe  that  the  avoidance  of  hair  lines  was  caused 
by  difficulties  of  type-founding.  The  type-founding  was  properly  done : the  types 
have  solid  faces  and  stand  in  line.  The  letters  are  not  only  black  but  condensed, 
and  are  so  closely  connected  that  they  seem  to  have  been  spread  by  pressure. 
Double  letters  and  abbreviations  were  freely  used.  Judg'ed  .by  modern  standards, 
the  types  are  ungraceful ; the  text  letters  are  too  dense  and  black,  and  the  capitals 
are  of  rude  form,  obscure,  and  too  small  for  the  text-:  The  presswork  is  unequal : 
on  some  vellum  copies,  the  types  are  clearly  and  sharply  printed  ; on  other  copies, 
they  show  muddily  from  excess  of  ink.  On  the  paper  copies,  the  ink  is  usually  of 
a full  black,  but  there  are  pages  on  paper  and  on  vellum,  in  which,  for  lack  of  ink 
and  impression,  the  color  is  of  a grimy  gray -black.  Bernard  says  that  over-colored 
and  under-colored  pages  are  by  no  means  rare.  He  attributes  this  uu equal  black- 
ness to  imperfections  in  the  inking  implements.  [ De  Vorigine  de  Vimprimerie , 
vol.  I,  p.  182].  Van  der  Linde  and  others 
say  that  the  ink  will  not  resist  water,  but 
the  ink  on  the  fragments  of  vellum  be- 
longing to  Mr.  Bruce  stood  a severe  test 
by  water;  without  much  weakening  of 
color.  The  register  on  the  paper  copies 
is  very  good ; on  the  vellum  copies  it  is 
offensively  irregular,  a plain  proof  that 
the  vellum  had  been  dampened,  and  had 
shrunk  or  twisted  before  the  second  side 
waS  printed. 

It  has  been  said  that  this  Bible  of  42 
lines  was  printed  with  intent  to  cheat 
purchasers,  so  that  it  might  be  sold  as 
a manuscript.  There  is  a legend  that 
Fust  did  attempt  the  cheat  at  Paris,  but 
there  is  no  good  authority  for  the  libel, 
which  scarcely  deserves  examination. 

There  were,  no  doubt,  during  the  fifteenth 
century,  many  who  could  not  perceive 
the  dissimilarities  between  manuscript 
and  printed  books,  but  these  men  were 


not  book -buyers.  To  the  intelligent  book- 
buyer,  the  features  of  dissimilarity  were 
conspicuous.1  It  is  not  at  all  probable 
that  Gutenberg  entertained  any  thought 
of  deception  : he  imitated  his  manuscript 
copy  only  because  it  was  in  an  approved 
style  of  book-making. 

Although  the  types  of  this  Bible  are 
obsolete,  there  is  something  pleasing  in 
their  boldness  and  solidity  to  a reader 
who  is  wearied  with  the  small  trim  let- 
ters, light  lines  and  apparently  paler  ink 
of  modern  books.  The  effect  of  rugged 
strength  is  relieved  by  the  flowing  lines, 
vivid  colors  and  complex  ornamenta- 
tion of  the  odd  borders  and  initials 
which  have  been  added  by  designer  and 
illuminator.  How  much  of  the  pleasure 
derived  from  an  inspection  of  the  work  is 
due  to  the  skill  of  the  printer,  and  how 
much  to  the  art  of  the  illuminator,  has 
not  always  been  judicially  weighed  by 
those  who  represent  the  book  as  a speci- 
men of  perfect  printing.  It  cannot  be 
denied  that  the  most  attractive  features 
of  the  book  are  those  made,  not  by  print- 
ing, but  by  illumination,  but  it  is  plain 
that  the  designs  and  ornamentation  are 
not  of  a character  appropriate  to  the 
text.  They  would  not  be  allowed  in 
any  modern  edition  of  the  book. 

The  workmanship  of  the  printer  in  his 
own  proper  field  is  wonderful  when  we 
regard  the  circumstances  under  which 
it  was  done,  but  it  would  not  satisfy  the 
requirements  of  a modern  publisher  or 
book-buyer.  It  is  of  its  own  time,  with 
the  faults  of  that  time,  in  manner  and 
matter.  The  promise  of  legibility,  which 
seems  warranted  by  the  bold  and  black 
types,  is  delusive.  The  ordinary  Latin 
scholar  cannot  read  the  book,  nor  refer 
to  any  passage  in  it,  with  satisfaction.  It 
is  without  title  and  paging  figures.  The 
blank  spaces  which  indicate  changes  of 
subject,  and  give  relief  to  the  eye,  were 
seized  by  the  illuminator.  Verse  follows 
verse,  and  chapter  follows  chapter,  and 

1 See  the  fac-similes  of  Sot.heby  and  Hum- 
phreys. The  written  summaries  of  this  Bible,  as 
they  present  them,  are  unlike  the  printed  text. 


iUostfifrt  | tttiAfotte  ra&jfiunr 
tRjeqatmiptati0  immmw  w# 
fug  trams  tsifcipfawS  eup  km  m 
$ pt®  m poitase  gottutmts  s'^ta 
a gtatia  tsnt  if  ii  mfrira?  laltosst 
airraate  * lUtett  ait  snlb 
Dffiiauritljat  bamalS  % gsml  ttar* 
rantri  quanta 

togiafe  grates  gras,  ft  get®  m* 
MwteaplHt  iafflte  iraa&tfirf 

ttattarat 

qutomtoim  ftau  teas  intent  ite 
nitre  tg  pttite  site  nairaro  faoa 
Stint  mraoiMtitntstajp^tatuJrait 
ImptO  LfteKteKUOTatttret&ite 

to  mtematftn  tenia  qfitoffitt  * Jm* 
tatwatctoltatoti  mgsrailteut 
aqurot  mmljrontm&mttt  mimes 
pit®  lap  qua@  toimatu  I tmnrnt 

ntotoitfiasfeomsto  JBctuaft* 

tulof  Uto  salts  tel  quto 

tpitoimno  ntqutettosii  tg  pi* 
tesautmmtafr  Dfudtfrfeibtaafr 

Fac-simile  of  the  Types  of  the  Bible  of  42  Lines,  with  the  Rubricator’s  Marks  on  the 
Capitals.  Verses  10  to  20  of  the  Fifteenth  Chapter  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 

one  line  chases  another  with  a grudging  of  white  space  and  of  true  relief  which 
is  not  atoned  for  by  the  dabs  of  red  in  the  rubrics,  nor  by  the  profuse  wealth  of 
ornamentation  in  the  centre  column  and  margins.  The  composition  is  notice- 
ably irregular:  the  lines  are  not  always  of  uniform  length.  When  a word 
was  divided,  the  hyphen  was  allowed  to  project  and  give  to  the  right  side  of 
the  column  a ragged  appearance.  When  there  were  too  many  letters  for  the 
line,  words  were  abbreviated.  The  measure  was  narrow,  and  it  was  only 
through  the  liberal  use  of  abbreviations  that  the  spacing  of  words  could  be 
regulated.  The  period,  colon  and  hyphen  were  the  only  points  of  punctuation. 

The  manuscript  taken  for  copy  was  not  strictly  accurate,  and  the  errors  of 
the  scribe  were  repeated  by  the  compositor.  The  liberties  taken  by  scribe  and 
compositor  in  the  making  of  abbreviations,  and  in  the  spelling  out  of  abbrevia- 
tions, were  a prolific  source  of  error.  It  was  quite  as  much  on  account  of  the 
frequency  of  these  errors,  as  the  obsoleteness  of  the  types,  that  this  famous 
edition  was  so  soon  laid  aside  and  was  so  quickly  forgotten.  It  was  sup- 
planted by  the  editions  of  the  more  scholarly  printers  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
who  collated  a great  many  manuscripts  and  printed  copies  before  they  prepared 
a new  copy  for  the  printer. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  Gutenberg  did  not,  as  -was  customary  with  the  book- 
makers of  that  time,  put  his  name  and  the  date  of  printing  on  the  book.  The 
omission  was  partially  supplied  by  an  illuminator  who  suffixed  the  following 

colophons  or  subscriptions  to  his  copy  of 
the  book : 

First  Volume.  Here  endeth  the  First 
Part  of  the  Old  Testament  of  the  Holy 
Bible,  which  was  illuminated,  rubricat- 
ed and  bound  by  Heniy  Albech,  or 
Cremer,  on  Saint  Bartholomew’s  Day 
(August  24),  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1456.  Thanks  be  to  God.  Hallelujah. 

Second  Volume.  This  book  was  illu- 
minated, bound  and  perfected  by  Heniy 
Cremer,  vicar  of  the  Collegiate  Church 
of  Saint  Stephen  in  Mentz,  on  the  Feast 
of  the  Assumption  of  the  Blessed  Virgin 
(August  15),  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1456. 
Thanks  be  to  God.  Hallelujah. 

As  the  second  volume  was  illuminated 


nine  days  before  the  first  volume,  it  may 
be  supposed  that,  on  this  copy,  the  work 
of  illumination  was  started  on  the  sheets, 
as  soon  as  they  had  been  printed  and  be- 
fore they  were  bound.  It  is  possible  that 
the  last  sheet  was  printed  in  1456,  but  it 
is  a more  general  belief  that  the  work  was 
completed  in  1455. 

There  is  no  tradition  about  the  number 
printed.  At  the  close  of  the  century, 
three  hundred  copies  were  regarded  by 
printers  of  Italy  as  a proper  number  for 
an  edition  in  folio.  It  is  not  probable  that 
Gutenberg  printed  so  large  a number. 
Unbound  copies  were  sold  at  different 
times  and  places,  not  long  after  publica- 
tion, for  various  sums  rangingfrom  twelve 
guilders  to  sixty  crowns.1  It  does  not 
appear  that  the  books  provoked  any  en- 
thusiasm: no  chronicler  of  that  tune 
thought  it  worth  while  to  give  them 
even  a passing  mention.  We  have  to 
suppose  that  they  attracted  no  more 
attention  than  the  books  of  a copyist. 
It  appears,  also,  that  the  Bible  of  42 
lines , from  a mercantile  point  of  view, 
was  a very  unsuccessful  enterprise.  This 
is  the  evidence. 

On  the  sixth  of  November,  1455,  Fust 
brought  a suit  for  the  recovery  of  the 
money  advanced  to  Gutenberg.  As  Gu- 
tenberg was  unable  to  pay  the  demand, 
we  rua}^  suppose  that  the  Bible  had  not 
been  completed,  or,  had  not  met  with  a 
ready  sale.  The  suit  of  John  Fust  has 
been  the  occasion  of  discordant  criticism. 
Dibdin  fully  justifies  his  action,  and 

1 At  the  sale  of  the  Perkins  library  ncur  Lon- 
don, June  6,  1873,  a copy  of  the  Bible  of  42  lines, 
on  vellum,  was  sold  for  .£3,400,  and  a copy  on 
paper  for  £2,690  — more,  no  doubt,  than  the 
first  printers  got  for  all  the  copies. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  16. 


131 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 


intimates  that  Gutenberg  was  really  a trickster,  who  would  have  defrauded  Fust 
if  he  had  not  resorted  to  summary  proceedings.  The  defenders  of  Fust,  who  are 
few,  have  to  admit  that  he  here  appears  as  a keen  man  of  business,  destitute  of 
sentiment,  and  of  ungenerous  disposition.  Sympathizers  with  Gutenberg  denounce 
Fust  as  a cunning  schemer,  who  had  made  the  terms  of  the  partnership  rigorous 
with  the  secret  determination  to  get  possession  of  the  invention  through  Gutenberg’s 
inability  to  keep  his  contract. 

This  is  the  record  of  the  proceedings  before  the  court : 

“INSTRUMENT  of  a certain  day,  when  Fust  produced  an  account  and  confirmed  it 
by  an  oath.  In  the  name  of  God.  Amen.  Be  it  known  to  all  who  shall  see  this 
public  document  or  hear  it  read,  that  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1455,  on  Thursday, 
the  6th  of  November,  between  eleven  and  twelve  at  noon,  at  Mentz,  in  the  large 
dining-hall  ( refectorium)  of  the  convent  of  bare-footed  friars,  appeared  before  me, 
notary,  and  the  witnesses  to  be  mentioned  hereafter,  the  honorable  and  prudent 
man  Jacob  Fust,  citizen  of  Mentz,  and  has,  in  behalf  of  Johan  Fust  his  brother, 
also  present,  shewn,  said  and  exposed,  that  to  the  said  Johan  Fust  on  the  one  side 
and  Johan  Gutenberg  on  the  other,  should  be  administered  the  oath,  according  to 
judgment  passed  on  both  the  parties,  and  for  which  this  day  and  this  hour  had  been 
fixed  and  the  hall  of  the  convent  assign- 
ed. In  order  that  the  friars  of  the  said 
convent,  who  were  still  assembled  in  the 
hall,  should  not  be  disturbed,  the  said 
Jacob  Fust  did  ask  through  his  messen- 
ger, whether  Johan  Gutenberg,  or  any 
one  for  him,  were  present  in  the  convent, 
in  order  to  finish  the  matter.  At  this 
message  came  into  the  said  refectorium 
the  reverend  Heinrich  Gunther,  pastor 
of  St.  Christopher’s  at  Mentz,  Heinrich 
Keffer,  and  Bertolf  von  Ilanau,  a servant 
of  Johan  Gutenberg,  and  when  they  had 
been  asked  by  Johan  Fust  whether  they 
had  been  authorized  by  Johan  Guten- 
berg, they  answered  that  they  had  been 
sent  by  Junker  Johan  Gutenberg  to  hear 
and  see  what  should  happen  in  this  case. 

Thereupon  Johan  Fust  begged  leave  to 
conform  to  the  stipulations  of  the  verdict, 
after  he  had  waited  for  Johan  Gutenberg 
till  twelve  o’clock,  and  was  still  waiting 
for  him.  He  reads  the  sentence  passed 
on  the  first  article  of  his  claim,  from  word 
to  word,  with  its  pretension  and  response, 
which  runs  as  follows : First,  that  he, 
according  to  the  written  agreement, 
should  lend  Johan  Gutenberg  about  800 
florins  in  gold,  with  u hich  he  was  to 
finish  the  work , and  ivhether  it  would 
cost  more  or  less  was  no  matter  to  Fust  ; 


m 

P 

P 

P 


Johan  Fust  has,  with  raised  fingers,  in  the  hands  of  me,  public  notary,  taken 
the  oath  by  all  the  saints,  that  everything  was  comprised  according  to  truth 
and  sentence,  in  an  act  which  he  placed  in  my  hands.  He  confirmed  it  on 
oath,  as  truly  as  God  and  the  saints  may  help  him ; and  the  contents  of  this 
document  were  as  follows: 

“I,  Johan  Fust,  have  borrowed  1,550  guilders,  which  have  been  received  by 
Johan  Gutenberg,  and  spent  on  our  common  work,  for  which  I have  paid  an 
annual  interest,  and  still  owe  a part  of  it.  Therefore,  I count  for  every  hun- 
dred guilders  which  I have  borrowed  in  this  way,  six  guilders  per  annum  ; 
and  for  the  money  spent  on  our  common  work,  I demand  the  interest  according 
to  judgment  passed. 

“The  said  Johan  Fust  demands  from  me,  public  notary,  one  or  more  public 
acts  of  this  matter,  as  many  and  as  often  as  he  should  want  them ; and  all 
these  matters  recorded  here,  happened  in  the  year,  indiction,  day,  hour,  papacy, 

month,  and  town  aforesaid,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  honest  men,  Peter  Grauss, 
Johan  Kist,  Johan  Knoff,  Johan  Yseneck, 
Jacob  Fust,  citizens  of  Mentz ; Peter 
Gernsheim  and  Johan  Bone,  clerks  of 
the  city  and  diocese  of  Mentz,  asked 
and  summoned  as  witnesses.  And  I, 
Ulrich  Helmasperger,  clerk  of  the  dio- 
cese of  Bamberg,  by  imperial  authority, 
public  clerk  of  the  Holy  See  at  Mentz, 
sworn  notary,  have  been  present  at  all 
the  aforesaid  transactions  and  articles 
with  the  witnesses  mentioned.  There- 
fore, being  requested  to  do  so,  I have 
signed  with  my  hand,  and  sealed  with 
my  common  seal,  this  public  act,  written 
by  another,  as  testimony  and  true  record 
of  all  the  aforesaid  matters.1 
“Ulricus  Helmasperger,  Notary .” 
The  suit  brought  by  Fust  was,  ap- 
parently, a surprise,  for  it  cannot  be 
supposed  that  Gutenberg  w.ould  have 
been  so  completely  unprepared  to  meet 


l I-Iessels’  translation,  as  printed  i 
lem  Legend,  pp.  21  and  25. 


and  that  Johan  Gutenberg  was  to  pay  six 
per  cent,  interest  for  this  money  He  had 
indeed  lent  him  these  800  guilders  on  a 
bond,  but  Gutenberg'  was  not  satisfied, 
but  complained  that  he  had  not  yet  re- 
ceived the  800  guilders.  For  that  reason, 

Fust,  being  desirous  of  doing  him  some 
service,  lent  him  800  guilders  more  than 
he  was  bound  by  his  contract  to  do,  for 
which  800  guilders  Fust  had  to  pay  forty 
guilders  as  interest.  And,  although 
Gutenberg  had  bound  himself  by  contract 
to  pay  six  per  cent,  interest  on  the  first 
800  guilders,  yet  he  had  not  done  so  for 
a single  year,  but  Fust  had  to  pay  this 
interest  himself  to  the  amount  of  250 
guilders.  For,  at  present,  Gutenberg 
having  never  paid  interest,  and  Fust 
having  been  obliged  to  borrow  this  in- 
terest from  Christians  and  Jews,  for 
which  'he  had  paid  about  thirty-six 
florins,  his  payments,  together  with  the 
capital,  amount  to  about  2,020  guilders, 
of  which  he  demands  reimbursement. 

Thereupon,  Johan  Gutenberg  answered 
that  Johan  Fust  had  agreed  to  lend  him 
800  guilders,  with  which  money  he  was 
. to  arrange  and  make  his  tools,  and  that 
these  tools  should  remain  as  security  for 
Fust.  But  Fust  had  moreover  agreed  to 
give  him  eveiy  year  300  guilders  for  ex- 
penses, and  to  advance  also  wages,  house-rent,  VELLUM,  PAPER,  INK,  etc.  If,  after- 
ward, they  did  not  agree,  Gutenberg  should  then  pay  the  800  guilders  back,  and 
the  tools  should  be  free  from  mortgage ; it  should  be  understood,  that  with  the  800 
guilders  he  had  to  make  the  machine,  which  was  to  be  a pledge.  He  hopes  not 
[that  any  one  shall  pretend]  that  he  was  obliged  to  spend  these  800  guilders  on  the 
work  of  the  hooks  [i.  e.,  on  vellum,  paper,  etc.]  And,  although  it  is  said  in  the 
contract  that  Gutenberg  was  to  pay  six  per  cent,  interest,  Fust  had  told  him  that 
he  had  no  intention  of  accepting  this  interest  from  him.  Moreover,  he  had  not 
received  the  800  guilders  in  full  and  at  once  according  to  agreement,  as  Fust  had 
pretended  in  the  first  article  of  his  claim  ; and  as  for  the  second  800  guilders,  he  is 
ready  to  give  an  account  of  them,  but  declines  to  give  him  interest  or  usury  for 
them,  and  hopes  he  is  not  bound  by  law  to  pay  them.  We  pass,  therefore,  sentence 
according  to  pretensiop  and  response : When  Johan  Gutenberg  has  submitted  an 
account  of  all  receipts  and  disbursements  spent  on  the  icork  to  thei^  common  prof  t 
[i.  e.,  printing],  this  work  shall  be  added  to  the  800  guilders;  if  he  lias  spent,  more 
than  the  800  guilders, -which  did  not  belong  to  their  common  profit’,,  lie  should  pay 
it  back  ; if  Fust  is  able  to  prove,  on  oath  or  by  witnesses,  that  he  hak  borrowed  the 
money  on  interest,  and  did  not  lend  it  out  of  his  own  resources,  then  Gutenberg  is 
bound  by  contract  to  pay  it. 

“Now,  after  this  sentence  had  been  read  in  presence  of  the  aforesaid  witnesses, 


John  Gutenberg.  . . . From  an  Old  Print  in  the  National  Library  at  Paris. 
[From  Lacroix.] 


Tfl 

A 


c 


his  obligation  if  he  had  not  been  led  to 
believe  that  Fust  would  postpone  the 
collection  of  his  claim.  The  enforce- 
ment of  this  claim  before  the  book  was 
published,  or  at  least  before  money  had 
been  derived  from  its  sale  — taken  in 
connection  with  the  facts  that  the  delay 
in  the  publication  of  the  book,  and 
Gutenberg’s  inability  to  pay  his  debt, 
were  largely  due  to  the  delay  of  Fust 
in  furnishing  the  money  as  he  had 
promised — seems  to  warrant  the  charge 
that  Fust  meditated  the  despoilment  of 
Gutenberg  at  the  formation  of  the  part- 
nership. Gutenberg’s  defense  before 
the  court  was  very  feeble : it  is  that  of 
a man  who  knew  he  had  no  hope  of 
success.  He  did  not  appear  in  person, 
but  trusted  his  case  to  his  workmen. 
Fust  was  more  adroit;  he  was  voluble 
and  positive,  and  his  relative,  Jacob 
Fust,  was  one  of  the  judges.  But  the 
fates  were  against  Gutenberg : the  hard 
terms  of  the  contract  he  had  signed 
compelled  an  adverse  decision. 

That  Fust  did  Gutenberg  a grievous  wrong  is  very  plain;  that  Gutenberg 
had  managed  the  business  of  the  partnership  with  economy  and  intelligence  is 
not  so  clear.  At  no  period  of  his  life  did  the  great  inventor  show  any  talent 
for  financial  administration.  He  was  certainly  deficient  in  many  qualities  that 
should  be  possessed  by  a man  of  business,  and  Fust  may  have  thought  that  he  was 
fully  justified  in  placing  his  money  interests  in  the  hands  of  a more  careful 
manager.  This,  a copy  of  the  oldest  engraving  known  of  Gutenberg,  presents 
him  to  us  as  a man  of  decided  character,  not  to  be  cajoled  or  managed  by  a 
partner  in  business.  The  thin  ernwing  lip  and  pointed  nose,  the  strongly  marked 
lines  on  the  forehead,  the  bold  eyes  and  arrogant  bearing  of  the  head  reveal 
to  us  a man  of  genius  and  of  force,  a man  born  to  rule,  impatient  of  restraint, 
and  of  inflexible  resolution.  We  have  but  to  look  at  the  portrait  of  Fust  to 
see  that  he,  also,  was  accustomed  to  having  his  own  way,  and  that  he  and 
Gutenberg  were  not  at  all  adapted  to  each  other  as  partners. 

But  Fust  would  not  have  broken  with  Gutenberg  if  he  had  not  been  pre- 
pared to  put  a competent  successor  in  his  place.  In  Peter  Schoeffer,  a young 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO..  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


132 


Nonpareil,  No.  16. 


John  Gutenberg  at  Mentz. 


The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


man  twenty-six  years  old,  who  had  been 
employed  in  the  printing  office,  Fust  dis- 
cerned an  intelligent  workman  who  gave 
promise  of  ability  as  a manager.  Schoef- 
fer,  who  then  hoped  to  win  the  hand  of 
Fust’s  daughter  Christina,  was,  no  doubt, 
more  complaisant  than  the  irascible  Gu- 
tenberg. As  he  was  afterward  married 
to  her,  it  may  be  thought  that  she  ap- 
proved his  suit  in  its  beginning,  and  that 
her  influence  with  her  father  was  used 
to  its  utmost  in  favor  of  the  removal  of 
Gutenberg  and  the  advancement  of 
Schcelfer.  It  was  fully  understood  by 
the  three  conspirators  that  Gutenberg 
could  make  no  proper  defense ; it  was 
determined  that  he  should  be  expelled 
from  his  place  in  the  partnership  and  that 
Schcelfer  should  succeed  him  in  the  man- 
agement of  the  printing  office.  When 
everything  had  been  arranged,  Guten- 


berg was  summoned  to  appear  before 
the  court. 

The  plot  was  successful  in  all  points. 

Fust  won  the  suit  almost  without  a strug- 
gle : under  the  forms  of  law,  he  took  pos- 
session of  all  the  materials  made  by  Gu- 
tenberg for  the  common  profit,  and  re- 
moved them  to  his  own  house.  With  the 
types,  presses  and  books  went  also  many 
of  the  skilled  workmen,  and  Peter  Schoef- 
fer  was  at  their  head.  From  an  equi- 
table point  of  view,  Fust  was  amply  CC 
recompensed.  He  got  the  printing  office  O 
that  he  coveted,  and,  with  it,  the  right  g 
to  use  the  newly  discovered  art  of  Guten-  y 
berg.  It  appears  that  he  was  content. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  he  afterward 
made  any  attempt  to  collect  the  claim, 
which  was,  legally,  unsatisfied  even  after 
the  surrender  of  Gutenberg’s  printing 
materials  and  the  printed  books. 


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offiau  b nicale^yaud^^totii^  oX  fuffra&ip; 
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ftoni&iietnd  <5fia  m eycelfis  Crz&o  etitermfe 
fa  bme&httr  bicciitn 


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Fac-simile  of  the  Types  of  the  Treatise  on  the  Celebration  of  the  Mass. 

[From  Fischer.] 


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of  the  book  of  the  year  1459,  which  is 
supposed  to  be  the  date  of  publication, 
accords  with  the  conjecture  that  the  book 
begun  in  1456  could  have  been  finished 
in  three  years.  But  there  is  no  evidence 
that  it  was  begun  in  1456,  while  there 
are  many  indications  that  it  was  done  or 
should  have  been  done  in  1450.  Guten- 
berg had  earned  fame  as  a printer  in  1458, 
but  no  writer  of  that  time  has  said  that  he 
was  then  at  work  on  the  Bible  of  36  lines. 

Philip  de  Lignamine,  in  a book  entitled 
A Continuation  of  the  Chronicles  of  the 
Popes , which  he  printed  in  Rome  in  1474, 
writes  concerning  the  year  1458 : “Jacob 
Gutenberg  of  Strasburg,  and  another 
called  Fust,  very  skillful  in  the  art  of 
printing  with  characters  of  metal  on 
parchment,  each  printed  three  hundred 
leaves  daify  at  Mentz.”  Jacob  is  an 
error  of  memory  or  of  typography,  and 
the  mention  of  Strasburg  as  Gutenberg’s 
birthplace  is  incorrect,  but  the  statement 
that  he  printed  in  1458  is,  no  doubt,  true. 
It  seems  the  testimony  of  a printer, 
whose  knowledge  of  the  facts  had  been 
derived  either  from  personal  observation, 
or  from  the  reports  of  workmen  once  em- 
ployed at  Mentz. 

We  have  evidence,  also,  that  he  was 
embarrassed  by  his  debts.  After  th e year 
1457  he  was  unable  to  pay  the  four  pounds 
annually  to  the  chapter  of  St.  Thomas  at 
Strasburg,  as  he  had  agreed  to  do  in  1442. 
The  chapter  summoned  him  to  appear 
before  a court  at  Rottweil  in  Suabia,  in 
1461,  but  to  no  purpose,  for  he  was  un- 
abie  to  satisfy  this  debt.  His  printing 


materials  were  owned  by  Conrad  Hu- 
mery,  and  not  liable  to  seizure.  It  is  by 
no  means  clearly  established  that  he  was 
even  then,  carrying  on  business  in  his 
own  name.  Helbig  thinks  it  was  the 
fear  of  legal  proceedings,  if  he  had  made 
himself  very  conspicuous,  that  prevented 
him  from  putting  his  name  on,  his  books. 
This  omission  has  made  it  difficult  to 
specify  the  books  and  pamphlets  which 
are  supposed  to  have  been  printed  by 
him  about  this  time. 

One  of  these  works  is  The  Letter  of 
Indulgence  of  1461,  an  indulgence  grant- 
ed by  Pope  Pius  II  to  all  who  should 
contribute  to  the  restoration  of  a church 
at  Neuliausen.  It  is  printed  in  a new 
face  of  type,  which  should  have  been 
made  before  1460.  The  types  of  this  in- 
dulgence resemble  those  of  the  Letters  of 
Indulgence  of  30  lines  and  of  31  lines , 
but  they  were  cast  from  different  matrices 
and  iD  a different  mould.  They  seem  to 
be  the  production  of  an  incompetent 
punch-cutter;  the  letters,  were  rudely 
cut,  the  matrices  were  not  properly  fitted 
up,  and  the  types  do  not  fine.  The 
presswork,  upon  new  types,  is  good. 

In  the  same  face  of  type,  but  upon  a 
body  a little  larger,  Gutenberg  printed 
the  Catholicon  of  1460,  a great  folio  of 
748  pages  of  double  columns,  with  66 
lines  to  each  column.  This  Catholicon 
was  written,  or  edited,  as  the  title  in- 
forms us,  by  John  of  Geuoa,  of  the  fra- 
ternity of  preachers  or  mendicant  friars. 
It  contains  an  elaborate  Latin  grammar 
and  an  etymological  dictionary  in  five 


XXII 


THE  LATER  WORK  OF  GUTENBERG. 

Establishes  a New  Printing  Office. . . Calendar  of  1157. . . Not  probable  that  the  Bible  of  36  lines 
was  printed  at  this  time. . . Gutenberg  Embarrassed  by  Debts. . . Letter  of  Indulgence  of  1161, 
with  Fac-simile. . . Catholicon  of  1460.  with  Fac-simile  and  Colophon. . . Indifference  of  Guten- 
berg to  Fame. . . Pamphlets  attributed  to  Gutenberg. . . Celebration  of  the  Mass,  with  Fac-simile. 
Mirror  of  the  Clergy,  with  Fac-simile. . . The  War  between  the  Rival  Archbishops. . . The  Siege 
and  Sack  of  Mentz. . . Gutenberg’s  Office  removed  to  Eltvill . . . Gutenberg  made  a Gentleman  of 
Adolph’s  Court. . . End  of  Gutenberg’s  Labors. . . His  Death  in  1468. . . Disposition  of  his  Types. 

His  Services  not  fully  Appreciated. . . True  Nature  of  his  Invention His  Merit  acknowledged 

by  writers  of  his  Time . . . Tablets  of  Geltlius  and  Wittig . . . Permanency  of  Gutenberg’s  Invention. 


Why  should  we  t alk  about  monuments  of  bronze 
berg?  His  is  a monument  which,  more  trail 
Book. — Madden. 


Gutenberg  had  been  legally  deprived 
of  his  printing  office  and  of  the  exclusive 
right  to  his  great  invention;  but  he  was 
not  left  friendless  and  utterly  impover- 
ished. Nor  was  his  spirit  broken  by  this 
great  calamity.  The  reflection  that  Fust 
was  owner  of  the  materials  made  for 
printing  the  Bible  of  42  lines , and  was 
about  to  enjoy  all  the  emoluments  of  the 
new  art,  aroused  Gutenberg  to  rivalry. 
He  was  nearly  sixty  years  of  age,  but 
he  was  vigorous  in  mind,  if  not  in  body, 
and  evidently  retained  all  his  old  power 
of  persuasion.  When  he  determined  to 
found  a new  printing  office,  he  found 
helpers:  Conrad  Humery  a physician, 
and  also  clerk  of  the  town  of  Mentz,  pro- 
vided him  with  the  means,  and  some  of 
his  old  workmen  came  over  to  join  his 
fortunes. 

Gutenberg  had  some  materials  toward 
the  equipment  of  a new  office.  Fust’s 
mortgage  covered  only  the  materials 
made  with  Fust’s  money  for  the  common 
profit;  it  did  not  cover  the  large  types 
on  Double-pica  body,  which  were  used 
upon  the  Bible  of  36 'lines,  and  other  ma- 


or  marble  to  commemorate  the  services  of  Guten- 
than  any  other,  will  survive  them  all : it  is  the 


terials  which  might  have  been  made  in 
Strasburg.  As  these  types  were  sub- 
sequently used  in  several  little  books 
which  may  be  attributed  to  Gutenberg, 
we  may  conclude. that  he  retained  the 
punches  and  matrices  in  his  own  pos- 
session. 

We  have  indirect  evidence  that  the 
new  printing  office  of  Gutenberg  was  in 
operation  at  the  close  of  the  year  1456. 
With  the  types  of  Double-pica  body  he 
printed  on  one  side  of  the  paper,  ob- 
viously made  to  be  pasted  on  a wall,  a 
broadside,  now  known  as  the  Calendar 
of  1457.  Of  this  curious  document,  only 
the  half  of  a copy  has  been  found — a 
fragment  which  contains  the  festivals 
and  notable  days  for  six  months.  It  is 
fairly  printed  in  black  ink  on  coarse  paper. 

It  is  the  belief  of  several  historians  that 
Gutenberg,  hot  with  anger  at  the  bad 
faith  of  Fust,  in  wresting  from  him  the 
honor  of  printing  the  first  Bible , immedi- 
ately undertook  in  his  new  office  to  pub- 
lish a rival  edition  of  the  same  book,  or 
the  edition  herein  described  as  the  Bible 
of  36  lines.  The  annotation  in  one  copy 


m 

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The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


divisions.  It  was  a text  book  of  authority 
in  the  higher  schools.  In  some  copies  of 
the  Catholicon , the  summary  of  contents 
is  printed  in  red  ink,  and  ornamented 
with  an  engraving  which  fills  one  side  of 
the  first  page.  The  composition  is  as 
rude  as  that  of  the  Bibles ; the  right  side 
of  each  column  is  always  ragged  from 
careless  spacing.  The  colophon  annexed 
states  that  the  book  was  printed  at  Mentz 
in  1460,  but  it  does  not  give  the  name  of 
the  printer.  Yan  Praet  says  that  Guten- 
berg, as  a noble,  dared  not  advertise  his 
connection  with  a mechanical  art.  This 
is  absurd,  for  Gutenberg’s  connection 
with  printing  in  Mentz  had  been  known 


for  at  least  ten  years,  and  printing  was 
not  then  regarded  as  a business  deroga- 
tory to  the  standing  of  a noble.  Wetter 
says  that  Gutenberg  was  humiliated  by 
the  superior  workmanship  of  Fust  and 
Schoeffer.  But  the  work  of  these  printers 
was  not  of  such  unquestionable  superi- 
ority. Helbig’s  conjecture  seems  most 
plausible,  but  Gutenberg  may  have  been 
so  intent  on  the  personal  satisfaction 
he  derived  from  the  realization  of  his 
ideas,  that  he  was  comparatively  in- 
different to  the  gratification  derived  from 
notoriety.  The  silence  of  Gutenberg 
concerning  his  services  is  remarkable, 
all  the  more  so,  when  this  silence  is 


Jbmuliter  M eft  fi  facia  eft  altqwa  ad 
tried  error! ea:ficiit  futtaddteb  arrfjvei  ftfnte 
add ico  e iiii p tin  etc  baptqas  miHomo  credat 
ftetpoffe  b ap  ti  fi  n il . Y b t ,p  babi  liter*  btibitaf' 
te  obmiiTis  an  fin t be fubftatia.au  te  addicoe 
an  ini peef  m tbnpUf m u an  no*  ad  fbnna  codi* 
conaie  recurratur*quc  (up  pftta  eftrn  prmia 
fpete  be  materia  fq  be  emendadts  area  mate 
rtatrL^i  til  cbrmffa  fruit  itta  que  no  fruit  & 
fubft  atia*ut  ego  *et  am  e»avl  fine  omunahtia 
Fafta  eft  bimtnurifyel  addiconpel  coarup  co  ar 

Fac-simile  of  the  Types  of  The  Mirror  of  the  Clergy. 

[From  Bernard.] 


GEOEGE  BEUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  1 3 Chambers-Street,  NEW-YOEK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  16. 


133 


The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


contrasted  with  the  silly  chatterings 
of  several  printers  during  the  last 
quarter  of  the  fifteenth  century,  — 
of  whom  Peter  Schceffer  may  be 
considered  as  the  first,  and  Trechsel 
of  Lyons  the  last. — each  insisting 
that  he,  whatever  others  might 
have  done  before  him,  was  the  true 
perfecter  Of  printing.  There  is  no 
other  instance  in  modern  history, 
excepting  possibly  that  of  Sliakes- 
pere,  of  a man  who  did  so  much 
and  who  said  so  little  about  it.  This 
colophon  is  the  only  passage  in  this 
book,  and,  indeed,  in  any  of  his 
works,  which  can  be  attributed  to 
Gutenberg  : 

“By  the  assistance  of  the  most 
High,  at  whose  will  the  tongues  of 
children  become  eloquent,  and  who 
often  reveals  to  babes  what  He 
hides  from  the  wise,  this  renowned 
book,  the  Catholicon,  was  printed 
and  perfected  in  the  year  of  Incar- 
nation 1460,  in  the  beloved  city  of 
Mentz  (which  belongs  to  the  illus- 
trious German  nation,  and-  which 
God  has  consented  to  prefer  and  to 
raise  with  such  an  exalted  light  of 
the  mind  and  of  free  grace,  above 
the  other  nations  of  the  earth),  not 
by  means  of  pen,  or  pencil,  or  sten- 
cil plate,  but  by  the  admirable  proportion, 
harmony  and  connection  of  the  punches 
and  matrices.  Wherefore  to  thee,  Divine 
Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost,  triune  and 
only  God,  let  praise  and  honor  be  given, 
and  let  those  who  never  forget  to  praise 
[the  Virgin]  Mary,  join  also  through  this 
book  in  the  universal  anthem  of  the 
Church.  God  be  praised.” 

In  Germany,  the  punch  or  the  model 
letter  is  known  as  the  patrice , a word 
obviously  derived  from  the  root  of  the 
Latin  patronarum  of  the  text.  The  re- 
versed duplicates  of  pun  -lies,  here  trans- 
lated as  matrices,  are  noticed  in  the  text, 
as  formarum,  a variation  of  the  word 
form,  which  we  find  so  often  in  the  rec- 


IU oRtFfnruvnmus  put  s i 

fcioc  p 20  repaoone  ecdie  Aufoufen  et  ad  op9  fabrics  rpi9  intantu  oo  \ 
pjo  cuoEerim  drifp°ryi^  Itcoqs  pavticcpslndufcjcnoaq  ini 
£nm  nrtn  pium  papa  fct>m  coceffai*  c(Tc  Eebsbit  videlicet  q>  eiigc  po 
mo2ti0%arPculo  9fr(Torem  rdoneum  q cum  ab  omib9  Sentences  c: 
tnquas  nonbu  tnetbifle  &eclarat9  eft  Aeoio  ct  ab  omib9  crimib9  pfti 
caftb9  eda  fc£>i  aplicc  refuatis  abfotue  et  plenary  remiffione  aucte 
poOh Sic  t n q>  fadffaciar  fi  atiem  p eu  fa  tifFdctio  impcnbEba  fit  6t  f 
vl’  toco  Text?  fierie  qn  allunfce  m ilia  ic'mnarc  renetur  alio  bic  in  fed 
pietade.  iuxta  dictamen  fai  confefforis  maxfe  ab  fabricam  bietc  ecd 
fadat  in  obebieria  fedi*  apftce  ac  pfati  IctilTimi  dm  nri  pvj  pari 
bulla  dicti  dm  pape  pi]  plchi9  conrfcrutjn  cui9  teftAAommSu^IbU 
Rct)nba2du£pm  ac  Aubolpbum  becapu  \X)02ma«t©mpio  bacindi 
a bicto  dno  pio  fumo  pontifice  eft  bavA  faculty^  pnnbus  cl c afpenj 
ODilleftrnoquafcringentefimolexagefimopnrno 

Fac-simile  of  the  Types  of  the  Letter  of  Indulgence  of  1461. 

. [From  Bernard.] 


ord  of  the  Strasb'urg  trial.  “ The  ad- 
mirable proportion,  harmony  and  con- 
nection of  the  punches  and  matrices,” 
should  be  understood,  not  as  a commen- 
dation of  the  beauty  of  the  printed  letters, 
but  as  a specification  by  the  inventor  of 
what  he  conceived  was  the  great  feature 
of  typography,  the  making  of  types  of 
different  faces  and  thickness  on  bodies  of 
absolute  uniformity,  so  that  they  could 
be  combined  with  ease.  It  should  be 
noticed  that  the  invention  or  the  use  of 
isolated  letters  or  types  is  not  boasted  of; 
it  was  the  method  of  making  the  types 
which  the  inventor  regarded  as  the  most 
admirable  feature  of  his  invention. 

The  dignified  and  reverential  language 


duced  any  work  of  value,  cannot  be 
accepted.  It  is  possible,  but  not  certain, 
that  Gutenberg  printed  these  books.  A 
Treatise  on  Reason  and  Conscience , by 
Matthew  of  Cracow,  a small  quarto  of  22 
leaves ; a copy  of  this  book  in  the  Na- 
tional Library  of  Paris  has  an  annotation 
which  sets  forth  that  ‘ 1 Henry  Ivepfer  of 
Mentz  put  this  book  in  pledge  for  twelve 
days,  and  has  not  reclaimed  it ...  ” Henry 
Kepfer  was  one  of  Gutenberg’s  workmen 
who  appeared  for  him  on  the  trial ; and 
A Summary  of  the  Article's  of  Faith , by 
Thomas  Aquinas,  a quarto  of  12  leaves, 


printed  in  the  types  of  the  Cathol- 
icon, may  be  confidently  accepted 
as  the  work  of  Gutenberg.  But  one 
copy  or  fragment  of  some  of  these 
works  is  known.  Gutenberg  may 
have  printed  many  other  works 
which  have  been  destroyed  and  for- 
gotten. Fischer  says  that  a library 
at  Mentz  once  contained  several 
pamphlets  printed  by  Gutenberg  in 
the  large  types  of  the  Bible  of  36 
lines.  He  gives  fac-similes  of  the 
illuminated  initials  in  one  of  these 
pamphlets,  which  closely  resemble 
those  of  the  Psalter  of  1457.  This 
similarity  is  more  than  an  indication 
that  the  letters  of  this  Psalter  were 
made  by  Gutenberg. 

The  existing  copies  or  fragments 
of  pamphlets  and  books  printed  be- 
fore 1462  are  enough  to  prove  that 
printing  met  with  a qualified  de- 
gree of  appreciation.  Gutenberg 
and  Fust  must  have  given  employ- 
ment to  njany  presses  and.  work- 
men: there  was  a demand  for  printed 
work  of  all  kinds  from  almanacs  to  dic- 
tionaries, and  the  printers  had  reason  to 
believe  that  they  would  be  amply  re- 
warded for  their  labor.  Their  hopes  were 
destroyed  by  the  sack  of  Mentz  in  1462. 

The  city  of  Mentz  then  held  the  first 
place  in  the  league  of  the  free  cities  of 
the  Rhine,  but  her  prosperity  was  declin- 
ing. In  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries, 
Mentz,  then  the  capital  of  Germany, 
contained  a population  of  about  100,000 
inhabitants.  It  was  the  most  powerful 
city  of  the  empire,  the  great  city  where 


The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


of  this  colophon,  so  unlike  the  vainglori- 
ous imprints  of  Fust  and  Schceffer  and 
the  commonplace  subscriptions  of  Pfister, 
is  almost  enough  of  itself  to  show  that  the 
printer  of  .the  Catholicon  was  John  Gu- 
tenberg. That  he  should  attribute  the 
invention  to  the  assistance  and  favor  of 
the  Almighty,  might  be  expected  from 
a man  thoroughly  imbued  with  religious 
sentiment,  but  why  Gutenberg  should, 
in  this  and  in  all  other  books,  neglect  to 
mention  himself  as  the  man  through 
whom  the  invention  was  accomplished  is 
an  irregularity  which  cannot  be  explain- 
ed. This  neglect  is  strange,  for  Fust  and 
Schceffer  had  boasted,  in  an  imprint  to 
the  Psalter  of  1457,  of  their  skill  as 
printers. 

Five  little  pamphlets  with  texts  in  a 
new  face  of  Round  Gothic  on  English 
body,  and  with  chapter  headings  in  types 
resembling  the  text  types  of  the  Bible  of 
42  lines,  have  been  attributed  to  Guten- 
berg. They  are : A Treatise  on  the  Cele- 
bration of  the  Mass,1  a book  of  30 
leaves ; A Calender , or  An  Almanac  for 
1460,  ifa  Latin,  a quarto  of  6 leaves ; The 

1 This  work  is  attributed  to  Gutenberg,  chiefly 
on  the  authority  of  this  inscription,  which  was 
found  in  a copy’ in  the  possession  of  the  Carthu- 
sian Friars  at  Mentz: 

“The  Carthusian  Friars  near  Mentz,  through 
the  liberality  of  John  Gutenberg,  own  this  book, 
which  was  made  by  his  wonderful  art.  and  by 
the  skill  of  John  Nummeister,  clerk.  In  the  year 
of  our  Lord  1463,  on  the  13th  calend  of  July 
[June  19].” 

Helbig  doubts  the  genuineness  of  this  annota- 
tion. and  intimates  that  it  may  be  the  work  of 
Bodmann,  a librarian  at  Mentz,  who  has  been 
suspected  of  attempts  to  foist  spurious  documents 
on  those  who  were  eager  to  know  more  of  the 
life  and  labors  of  Gutenberg.  In  his  treatise  on 
the  Typographic  Monuments  of  Gutenberg , Fis- 
cher, on  the  authority  of  Bodmann,  printed  the 
copy  of  a verbose  document  which  set  forth  that 
John  Gutenberg  and  Frielo  Gensfleisch  assented 
to  the  action  of  their  sister  Hebele  in  conveying 
to  the  Convent  of  Saint  Clare,  of  which  she  was 
then  a nun,  her  share  in  the  paternal  inheritance. 
It  also  recites  that  John  Gnteuberg  will  give  to 
the  convent  a copy  of  every  book  to  be  printed  by 
him.  This  document,  which  is  dated  1459,  is  not 
accepted  'as  genuine  by  discreet  bibliographers. 


Mirror  of  the  Clergy , by  Hermann  of 
Saldis,  “happily  perfected  and  printed 
at  Mentz,”  a quarto  of  16  leaves : A Ti'ea- 
tise  on  the  Necessity  of  Councils , etc.,  a 
quarto  of  24  leaves ; A Dialogue  between 
Cato.  Hugo  and  Oliver  about  Ecclesias- 
tical Liberty,  a quarto  of  20  leaves:  Ber- 
nard says  that  some  of  these  works  were 
probably  printed  by  an  unknown  printer 
at  Mentz  (not  the  printer  of  the  Indul- 
gence of  31  lines ) but  this  conjecture  of 
two  printing  offices,  about  which  history 
and  tradition  are  silent,  which  never  pro- 


e/1 

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A 

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The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


the  emperors  were  crowned.  In  the  four- 
teenth century,  it  was  so  strong  that  it 
could  send  out  of  its  walls  10,000  armed 
citizens  to  destroy  the  strongholds  of 
the  noble  robbers  who  had  ravaged  its 
commerce.  Unceasing  civil  strifes  had 
driven  away  the  more  feeble  part  of.  her 
population.  In  1461,  it  was  the  wreck  of 
its  earlier  greatness : it  had  but  50,000 
inhabitants  and  was  burdened  with  debt. 


ouus.a.um.ni  Jctu  expornitrir*. 

...  |ox  (eqp&.bJ  a lcgo.gi0.lGgi  qi  legihw.C'f  cfl 
lexjho  fcripril  afeifeens  boneHu.^pbibens  contf 
riu.u?  lex  q fenptii  populo  jDTrmigatii  magifirA 
tu  querente  ct  populo  wrpo»»nitv.<r->olebat  gruj 
magifter  emimtie  aim  aliqua  legem  udlet  inlfitu 
<m?  afccnDsre  pulpjhi  m nicoia  conaomz  ot  qtiozc 
a populo  fi  wdlet alluo  rafu  cffc.et  acropm  rfifio 
tie  a populo  bcmccps  fi  lege  babebaf.^m  bug. 

f£t  feias  q’  logo. gis. cor  le  in  pnti  fi  in  pteiim 
rob.Vnbz  lex  legio  tenet  n a fu ram  bums  peer* 
ti  logt.airr?  primam  pro8.Xv.Aon  Sccct  ilia  leg! 
g/unr  contmnA  legi.De  lege  tiali  tube  in  corifria 
j 01  oxri  into  pratuz  paufacd  uel  fi?rmo.et  in  ba* 
barolexisj  5 bug. pap  ueno  Dint. Lexis  grere  lati 
ne  loaico.f.quelibet  fiirauf  uox  que  feribi  oebj 

Fac-simile  of  the  Types  of  the  Catholicon  of  1460. 

[From  Bernard.] 


Diether,  Count  of  Isenburg,  was  then 
archbishop  and  elector  of  the  city,  by  the 
consent  of  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants ; 
but  the  rival  archbishop,  Adolph  II. 
Count  of  Nassau,  supported  by  Pope 
Pius  II,  claimed  the  archbishopric,  and 
made  war  upon  Diether.  The  conse- 
quences of  the  war,  which  nearly  ruined 
the  city,  are  forcibly  stated  by  Schaab. 

“The  enmity  between  two  archbishops 
was  the  cause  of  one  of  the  most  terrible 
days  to  the  town  of  Mentz.  It  was  the 
28th  of  October,  1462,  the  day  on  which 
Christianity  celebrated  the  anniversary 
of  the  apostles  Simon  and  Judas.  Mentz 
had  remained  faithful  to  the  archbishop 
Diether.  Adolph  therefore  tried  to  con- 
quer it  by  stratagem  and  treason.  Trai- 
tors were  gained  over  in  the  town,  who 
entailed  upon  a,  half  thousand  of  their 
fellow-citizens  death,  and  endless  misery 
on  many  more.  By  the  treachery  of 
some  wicked  persons  the  town  was  as- 
saulted during  the  night  between  the  27th 
and  28th  of  October,  1462,  by  the  follow- 
ers of  Adolph ; its  noblest  citizens  were 
murdered,  and  most  of  them  robbed  of 
their  possessions,  and  driven  from  the 
town.  All  kinds  of  mischief  were  com- 
mitted toward  those  who  remained  be- 
hind. Neither  age,  rank,  nor  sex  was 
exempted.  The  booty  was  sold  publicly 
in  the  cattle-market,  and  the  money  di- 
vided between  the  soldiers.  Helbig  says 
that  all  the  larger  houses  that  had  not 
been  destroyed  by  fire  were  confiscated. 
The  booty  was  divided  in  three  parts : 
Adolph  took  the  first  and  the  best  part, 
the  nobles  of  his  ami}'-  claimed  the 


GEOEGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


134 


Nonpareil,  No.  20. 


The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


second:  the  soldiers,  £a  band  of  mercenary  savages/  took  the  remainder.  ( Notes  et 
dissertations , p.  52).  Of  the  expelled  citizens  only  a few  gradually  returned  in  secret 
to  their  relations.  But  the  town,  so  populous  before,  remained  empty,  and  all  in- 
dustry was  destroyed.  The  elector  Adolph  11  found  it  necessary,  on  the  Saturday 
after  St.  Thomas’s  day  of  the  same  year,  to  issue  a proclamation  whereby  he  promised 
to  all  who  wished  to  trade  or  to  exercise  a profession  in  Mentz,  protection  for  their 
persons  and  possessions,  to  induce  a few  to  return.  A town,  a short  time  before  flour- 
ishing with  commerce  and  industry,  had  been  robbed  in  a few  days  of  its  privileges 
and  utterly  destroyed.” 

In  the  general  sack  of  the  city,  the  house  of  Fust  was  burned,  and  his  printing 
materials  were  destroyed.  During  the  three  years  that  followed  no  books  of  value 
were  printed  in  Mentz.  We  do  not  know  how  Gutenberg  was  affected : we  find  no 
authoritative  statement  that  his  printing  office  was  destroyed;  it  is  not  even  certain 
that  his  office  was  then  in  the  city  of  Mentz.  In  the  year  1466,  the  printing  office 
which  contained  his  types  was  in  active  operation  at  Eltvill,  a village  not  far  from  the 
city.  As  this  was  the  place  where  Gutenberg’s  motjier  was  bom,  and  where  she  had 
an  estate,  it  is  probable  that  Gutenberg  found  some  advantage  in  making  it  his  resi- 
dence, soon  after  his  separation  from  Fust.  Eltvill  was  also  the  place  which  Adolph  11 
had  selected  for  his  residence  before  he  made  his  attack  on  Diether.  It  may  be 
presumed  that  Eltvill  was  the  place  where  Adolph  first  knew  of  Gutenberg  and  his 
works. 

In  1465,  Adolph  11  made  Gutenberg  one  of  the  gentlemen  of  his  court  for  ‘‘agree- 
able and  voluntary  service  rendered  to  us  and  our  bishopric.”  The  nature  of  the 
service  is  not  defined.  Gutenberg  was  certainly  not  a soldier.  His  German  biogra- 
phers do  not  believe  that,  as  diplomatist  or  politician,  he  favored  the  cause  of  the 
destroyer  of  the  liberties  of  his  native  city.  Helbig  thinks  the  words  used  are  purely 
conventional  and  that  this  distinction  was  conferred  on  Gutenberg  because  he  was 
connected  with  the  old  nobility  of  the  city.  It  is  a more  common  and  a more  reason- 
able belief  that  Adolph  recognized,  to  some  extent,  the  utility  of  Gutenberg’s  inven- 
tion, and  took  this  method  to  honor  the  inventor. 

“We,  Adolph,  elected  and  confirmed  archbishop  of  Mentz,  acknowledge  that 
we  have  considered  the  agreeable  and  voluntary  service  which  our  dear  and  faithful 
Johan  Gutenberg  has  rendered  to  us  and  our  bishopric,  and  have  appointed  and  accept- 
ed him  as  our  servant  and  courtier.  Nor  shall  we  remove  him  from  our  service  as 
long  as  he  lives : and  in  order  that  he  may  enjoy  it  the  more,  we  will  clothe  him  every 
year,  when  we  clothe  our  ordinary  suite  (unsern  gemeinen  hojfgesind '),  always  like 
our  noblemen,  and  give  him  our  court  dress ; also  every  year  twenty  mout  of  corn  and 
two  voer  of  wine  for  the  use  of  his  house,  free  of  duty,  as  long  as  he  lives,  but  on  con- 
dition that  he  shall  not  sell  it  or  give  it  away.  Which  has  been  promised  us  in  good 
faith  by  Johan  Gutenberg.  Eltvill,  Thursday  after  St.  Antony,  1465.”  1 


l Schaab  says  that  an  aristocratic  appoint- 
ment at  the  court  procured  this  nobleman  a 
comfortable  life.  Voluntarily  he  followed  the 
princely  court,  where  he  had  a free  table  and 
fodder  for  his  horses.  Even  for  his  dress  he 
received  cloth  in  the  court  colors,  and  gener- 
ally wore  a kind  of  mantle,  called  Tabard.  It 
was  in  accordance  with  theYnorals  of  that  time 
to  carouse  at  court.  They  went  there  with 
empty  cups  and  returned  with  full  ones.  The 
princes  tried  not  before  the  sixteenth  century 


to  put  a check  to  this  excess  by  special  orders. 
The  elector  Johan  Schweikard  von  Kronen- 
berg  ordered,  even  in  the  year  1605,  to  leave 
the grossen  Saumagen  — this  was  the  name  of 
the  cups  then  used  — for  the  future  at  home. 
However  comfortable  and  German-like  all  this 
may  look,  miserable  were  these  court-wages, 
this  dress,  these  alms  presented  to  the  inventor 
of  typography.  But  no,  it  is  perfectly  in  harm- 
ony with  the  general  course  of  earthly  things. 
Van  der  Linde,  Haarlem  Legend , p.  29. 


m 

o 

F 


ad 


P 

<3 


<3 
O 
1— 1 

P4 


O 

Eh 


a 


Eh 


has  generously  delivered  to  me  certain  formen  [matrices  or  moulds],  characters  [types], 
instruments,  utensils,  and  other  implements  connected  with  printing,  which  John  Gu- 
tenberg left  after  his  death,  which  materials  belonged  and  still  belong  to  me : but,  for 
the  honor  and  the  satisfaction  of  his  eminence  I am  bound,  and  I pledge  myself, 
by  this  document,  never  to  put  them  to  use  but  in  the  city  of  Mentz,  and  further 
to  sell  them,  at  a fair  price,  to  a citizen  of  Mentz  in  preference  to  any  other. 
In  testimony  whereof,  I have  put  my  seal  to  these  presents,  which  have  been 
made  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1468,  on  the  Friday  after  Saint  Matthew’s  day 
[26th  of  February].” 

In  this  strange  document  we  again  find  the  word  formen , and  the  formen  are 
specified  first,  as  if  they  were  the  most  valuable  tools.  As  types  are  specifically 
described,  it  is  plain  that  these  formen  must  have  been  matrices  or  moulds. 

Humery  kept  his  word.  The  types  and  tools  of  Gutenberg  remained  with 
Nicholas  Bechtermiintz  until  his  death.  They  were  then  transferred  to  the 
custody  or  the  possession  of  the  Brothers  of  the  Life-in-Common,  who  had  a 
printing  office  at  Marienthal,  near  Eltvill,  as  early  as  1468.  That  this  place  was 
regarded  as  a part  of  Mentz  may  be  inferred  from  the  imprint  they  put  on  their 
first  book,  which  is  to  this  effect:  Dated  in  our  city  of  Mentz  on  the  last  day 

of  August,  1468.  Eltvill  was  the  chosen  residence  of  the  archbishop,  and  under 
his  jurisdiction,  and  might  properly  be  considered  as  a dependency  or  a part  of 
the  city  of  Mentz. 

For  some  unknown  reason  these  Brothers  of  the  Life-in-Common  made  no  use 
of  the  types  of  Gutenberg.  In  the  year  1508,  they  were  sold  to  Frederic  Hau- 
man  of  Nuremberg,  who  established  a printing  office  in  Mentz,  and  who  used 
these  types  in  many  of  his  books.1  The  house  that  had  been  occupied  by 
Hauman  as  a printing  officp  was  subsequently  used  for  the  same  purpose  by 
Albinus,  a printer  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  types  of  Gutenberg  were  in 


1 One  day  when  I was  reading  this  interest- 
ing passage  [of  Bodmann,  concerning  the 
types  of  Gutenberg],  the  idea  presented  itself 
to  me  that  it  would  be  well  to  examine  with 
care  a certain  volume  printed  by  Frederic  Hau- 
man, which  was  in  a neglected  corner  of  my 
library.  I took  it  up,  not  thinking  that  I should 
make  any  discovery.  I knew  that  the  last  pro- 
ductions of  the  presses  ofNich.  Bechtermiintz 
were  printed  with  other  types  than  those 
of  Gutenberg,  and  that,  among  the  known  im- 
pressions of  the  Brothers  of  the  Life-in-Com- 
mon  at  Marienthal,  none  were  executed  with 
these  characters.  But  judge  of  my  astonish- 
ment, of  my  joy,  perhaps,  when  I recognized 
in  this  neglected  book  not  only  the  types  of  the 
Catholicon  of  1460,  the  only  ones  appertaining 
to  Gutenberg  that  could  have  been  employed 


in  the  books  that  proceeded  from  the  presses 
of  Eltvill,  but  also  the  types  that  had  been 
used  in  the  Letters  0/ Indulgence  of  1454  and 
1455,  in  the  Appeal  against  the  Turks  of  1455, 
the  Calendar  of  14S^  described  by  Fischer, 
the  Bible  ofj6  lines , and  all  the  characters  of 
Albert  Pfister  — or,  to  be  brief,—  when  I recog- 
nized the  most  ancient  types  of  John  Guten- 
berg. Helbig,  Ufie  dtcouverte  pour  Thistoire 
de  l ’ im primerie,  p.  4. 

Helbig  gives  a list  of  seven  books,  of  little 
value,  printed  by  Hauman,  in  these  types  of 
Gutenberg.  He  expresses  his  astonishment 
that  they  had  not  before  been  identified,  but 
he  offers  no  explanation  of  the  singular  fact 
that  these  types  were  not  used  by  any  printer 
between  1469  and  1506. 


The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


The  man  who  had  invented  an  art  which  promised  to  renew  the  literature  of  the 
world,  who  had  printed  two  great  Bibles , a Latin  Dictionary , and  many  minor  works 
relating  to  religion,  had  surely  rendered  service  to  the  first  ecclesiastical  dignitary  of 
Germany. 

Here  Gutenberg’s  work  ends.  If  not  disqualified  by  the  infirmities  of  age  from  the 
management  of  his  printing  office,  his  position  as  courtier  must  have  compelled  his 
attendance  at  the  court  of  the  archbishop.  Possibly,  the  rules  of  the  court  required 
Gutenberg  to  withdraw  from  business.  Whatever  the  reason,  we  see  that  the  printing 
office  at  Eltvill  passed  into  the  hands  of  his  relatives  by  marriage,  the  brothers  Henry 
and  Nicholas  Bechtermiintz.  It  does  not  appear  that  these  men  had  been  formally 
instructed  as  printers  in  Mentz.  As  they  acquired  no  rights  of  proprietorship  in  this 
office,  as  they  were  men  of  middle  age,  rich,  of  noble  birth  and  of  high  civic  position, 
it  may  be  supposed  that  they  took  charge  of  the  office  to  oblige  Gutenberg  and  the 
archbishop,  and,  perhaps,  from  a pure  love  of  the  new  art. 

In  the  year  1467,  this  printing  office  at  Eltvill  produced  a book  now  known  as  the 
Vocabularium  ex  quo , called  so  because  these  first  words  of  the  work  serve  to  dis- 
tinguish it  from  other  vocabularies.  It  is  an  abbreviation  of  the  Catholicon , and  for 
that  reason  is  described  in  the  colophon  as  an  ojnisculimi , or  a little  work ; but  it  is  a 
heavy  quarto  of  330  pages.  It  is  printed  with  the  types  of  the  Catholicon , and  shows 
the  same  peculiarities  of  composition.  The  colophon  says  that  “this  little  book  was 
made,  not  by  reed,  nor  pen,  nor  stencil  plate,  but  by  a certain  new  and  subtle  inven- 
tion ....  by  Henry  Bechtermiintz,  of  blessed  memory.1 . . . . Nicholas  Bechtermiintz, 
and  Wygand  Spyess  of  Orthenburg.”  2 

Gutenberg  could  not  have  abandoned  his  printing  office  with  much  regret.  He  had 
abundantly  demonstrated  the  utility  of  his  invention  and  his  own  ability  as  a printer 
by  the  publication  of  two  great  books  and  many  pamphlets.  His  art  had  been  adopted 
in  five  German  cities : it  was  then  making  its  entry  in  Rome ; it  was  eagerly  sought 
for  by  the  king  of  France.  A future  of  unbounded  popularity  and  usefulness  was 
before  it.  The  young  men  to  whom  Gutenberg  had  taught  the  practice  of  printing 
had  sq  improved  that  they  were  his  equals  and  superiors,  and  the  old  man  of  quite 
seventy  years  could  not  cope  with  these  competitors.  His  ambition  for  pre-eminence 
in  his  own  art,  or  for  the  wealth  that  should  have  been  derived  from  its  practice,  if  he 
ever  had  such  aspirations,  had  to  be  given  up.  It  was  time  that  he  should  quit  the  stage. 

Gutenberg  did  not  long  enjoy  the  leisure  or  the  honors  of  a courtier.  In  February, 
1468,  he  was  dead.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  cause  01  the  circumstances  of  his  death, 
nor  is  there  any  mention  of  a surviving  family.  We  have  to  conclude  that  John  Gu- 
tenberg, the  inventor  of  the  greatest  of  modem  arts,  died,  weighed  down  by  debts, 
and  unattended  by  wife  or  child.  The  disposition  of  his  printing  office  is  stated  in 
the  following  document : 3 

“ I,  the  undersigned,  Conrad  Humery,4  doctor,  acknowledge  by  this  writing,  that 
his  eminence  the  prince,  my  gracious  and  dear  lord  Adolphus,  archbishop  of  Mentz, 


1 Henry  Bechtermiintz  had  died  before  the 
book  was  finished. 

2 The  Vocabularium  ex  quo  was  reprinted 
by  Nicholas  Bechtermiintz,  in  the  same  types 
and  in  the  same  form,  in  the  years  1469,  1472, 
and  1477.  Only  one  copy  is  known  of  the  first 
edition  of  the  book. 

3 From  the  preface  to  a curious  and  little- 
known  poem  entitled  Hncomion  Chalcogra- 
phice , by  Arnold  Bergellanus,  as  reprinted  by 


Wolf  in  his  Monument  a Typographical  vol.  I, 
page  5. 

4 It  appears  from  this,  that  Humery,  who 
owned  the  printing  office,  had  neglected  to 
properly  record  or  establish  his  title.  It  was 
through  the  grace  of  the  archbishop,  who  un- 
derstood the  matter,  that  he  was  spared  the 
trouble  of  re-establishing  his  right  by  legal 
process. 


W 

O 

tr< 

>— 1 

P 


this  house  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  for  Serarius,  in  his  -History  of 
Mentz , says  that  he  had  seen  them  there.1 

Humery’ s promise  that,  in  the  sale  of  the  printing  materials  then  contemplated, 
he  would  give  preference  to  a citizen  of  Mentz,  was  obviously  made  at  the 
request  of  the  archbishop.  It  follows  that  the  types  of  the  dead  printer  were 
then  regarded  as  relics  of  value  of  which  the  city  should  be  proud.  This  request, 
which  would  not  have  been  made  without  occasion,  seems  to  confirm  the  con- 
jecture that  Gutenberg  had  previously  sold  the  types,  or  at  least  the  matrices,  of 
the  Bible  of  36  lines  to  Albert  Pfister,  of  the  monastic  town  of  Bamberg.  It  is 
not  probable  that  the  deed  of  gift  would  have  been  clogged  with  this  stipulation, 
if  there  had  been  *10  sale, 

(2)  This  request  of  the  archbishop  is  the  only  evidence  we  have  that  Gutenberg’s 
work  was  appreciated,  but  the  appreciation  came  when  he  was  dead.;  No  con- 
^ temporary  writer  noticed  the  Bible  of  42  lines , and  no  one  during  his  lifetime 
suitably  honored  Gutenberg  as  a great  inventor.  The  archbishop,  who  knew  the 
^ merit  of  the  man,  and  pitied  his  misfortunes,  had  not  a word  to  say  in  the  docu- 
ment  that  made  him  a courtier  of  his  services  as  an  inventor  or  printer. 

This  indifference  or  want  of  perception  seems  inexcusable,  but  it  was  not  alto- 
O gether  without  cause.  The  readers  of  that  time  were  somewhat  familiar  with 
printed  impressions  in  the  form  of  block-books,  and  the  Bible  of  42  lines  may 
t>  have  seemed  to  them  but  a block-book  of  larger  size  and  of  higher  order.  Know- 
uh  ing  that  engraving,  ink,  paper,  and  impression  upon  surfaces  in  relief,  were  used 
£_i  in  both  processes,  the  ordinary  book-buyer  could  have  inferred  that  type-printing 
^ was  the  natural  outgrowth  of  the  older  and  well-known  art  of  block-printing. 
^ According  to  this  view,  Gutenberg  invented  little  or  nothing;  he  did  but  little 
more  than  combine  some  old  and  well-known  processes;  he  distinguished  himself 
more  by  the  great  size  of  his  books  than  by  the  novelty  or  merit  of  his  process. 
It  is  but  proper  to  expose  this  sophistry,  for  it  is  perpetuated  to  this  day  in 
several  books  on  typography. 

This  grave  error  did  not  originate  with  the  first  printers,  who  knew  the  full 
difference  between  type  and  block-printing.  They  knew  that  Gutenberg  was 
indebted  to  the  earlier  block-printers  for  a great  deal  of  his  knowledge,  but  they 
knew  as  well  that  his  system  of  printing  was  a great  and  an  original  invention, 
for  they  clearly  understood,  what  the  ordinary  book-reader  did  not,  the  value  of 
its  characteristic  feature.  And  here  it  may  be  repeated,  for  the  error  is  common 
and  it  is  necessary  to  be  emphatic,  that  the  merit  of  Gutenberg  as  an  inventor 
is  not  based  upon  his  supposed  discovery  of  the  advantages  of  movable  types, 
but  upon  the  system  by  which  he  made  the  movable  types.  All  the  printers 
1 Helbig,  Une  dtcouverte  pour  I'histoire  de  I'imprimerie,  p.  4,  note. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  20. 


135 


The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


of  that  period  recognized  the  fact  that  Gutenberg’s  method  of  making  the  types, 
or  the  type-mould,  with  its  connections,  was  the  proper  basis  or  starting-point  of 
the  invention,  Schaeffer,  who  first  printed  a notice  of  the  new  art,  speaks  of  it 
as  the  “masterly  invention  of  printing  and  also  of  type-making,”  implying  that  the 
art  of  printing  was  inseparably  connected  with  that  of  type-making.  John  Gutenberg, 
in  the  Catholicon,  has  not  a word  to  say  about  isolated  types,  nor  about  a combination 
of  types : the  admiration  which  he  invokes  for  the  masterly  invention  should,  in  his 
view  of  the  matter,  be  bestowed  on  its  system  of  making  the  types,  or  on  the  “admir- 
able proportion,  connection  and  harmony  of  the  punches  and  matrices.” 

Gutenberg  made  no  effort  to  secure  for  himself  his  rightful  honors  as  the  inventor 
of  printing,  but  his  friends  who  knew  the  nature  and  value  of  his  services  were  not 
neglectful.  We  have  abundant  evidence  that  Gutenberg  was  the  man,  and  Mentz 
the  place,  where  printing  was  invented. 

Trithemius,  from  information  furnished  by  Peter  Schoeffer,  said,  in  a book  written 
before  1490,  “About  this  time  (1450),  the  admirable  and  then  unheard-of  art  of  com- 
posing and  printing  books,  by  means  of  types,  was  conceived  and  invented  at  Mentz, 
by  a citizen  of  Mentz,  named  John  Gutenberg.” 

Matthias  Palmer,  in  1474,  said  that  John  Gutenberg,  a knight  of  Mentz,  had 
invented  the  art  of  printing  books. 

Ulric  Zell’s  testimony,  given  in  1499,  is  equally  explicit.1 

Polydore  Virgil,  in  his  treatise  on  Inventions,  says,  in  the  first  edition,  that  printing 
was  invented  by  one  Peter  [probably  Peter  Schceffer],  but  in  the  second  edition  of 
1517,  he  corrected  the  error,  and  attributed  the  invention  to  Gutenberg. 

Wimpheling,  in  1499,  wrote  and  published  at  Heidelberg  some  verses  praising  Ui 
Gutenberg,  in  which  he  said,  “Blessed  Gensfleisch!  through  you  Germany  is  famous  O 
everywhere.  Assisted  by  Omniscience,  you  John,  first  of  all,  printed  with  letters  in 
metal.  Religion,  the  wisdom  of  Greece,  and  the  language  of  the  Latins,  are  forever  0 
indebted  to  you.”  Two  professors  at  Heidelberg,  at  an  earlier  date  (1494),  had 
written  panegyrics  on  Gutenberg  as  the  inventor  of  typography,  in  which  he  is  hon- 
ored above  all  the  great  men  of  antiquity.2 

Two  friends  of  Gutenberg  who,  no  doubt,  knew  all  about  his  invention,  put  up 
tablets  to  his  memory,  in  which  his  merit  as  an  inventor  is  distinctly  acknowledged. 

The  inscriptions  on  these  tablets  have  not  received  the  attention  which  they  merit.  The 
tablet  first  placed  was  put  up  not  long  after  his  death  by  his  relative,  Adam  Gelthus, 
near  his  tomb  in  the  church  of  St.  Francis.  This  is  a translation  of  the  inscription  : 

“To  John  Genszfleisch,  inventor  of  the  art  of  printing,  and  deserver  of  the  highest 
honors  from  every  nation  and  tongue,  Adam  Gelthus  places  this  tablet,  in  perpetual 
commemoration  of  his  name.  His  remains  peacefully  repose  in  the  church  of  St. 
Francis  of  Mentz.3 

Gelthus  properly  describes  Gutenberg’s  invention  as  the  art  of  printing.  In  a 


1 See  pages  107  and  108  of  this  book. 

2 Many  authors  who  do  not  mention  Guten- 
berg speak  of  Mentz  as  the  city  in  which  print- 
ing was  first  practised.  Van  Laar,  at  Cologne, 
in  1478;  Caxton,  at  Westminster,  in  1482;  the 
archbishop  Berthold  of  Mentz  in  i486;  Mey- 
denbach  of  Mentz  in  1494  — these  are  a few  of 
the  many  writers  who  have  certified  to  this  fact. 
A cloud  of  witnesses,  says  Van  der  Linde,  join 
in  the  song  of  Celtes : “\ou  wind  yourself, 
already,  O broad-waved  Rhine ! to  the  town 


of  Mentz,  which  first  of  all  printed  with  metal 
letters.”  Van  der  Linde,  Haar.  Legend,  p.  32. 

3 In  the  year  1742,  the  Jesuits,  who  then  had 
control  of  the  church  of  Saint  Francis,  tore  it 
down  in  order  to  rebuild  another  edifice  upon 
the  same  ground.  The  tablet  and  the  tomb  of 
Gutenberg  were  destroyed.  The  inscription 
on  this  tablet  was  published  for  the  first  time 
in  a book  printed  by  Peter  Friedburg  at  Mentz 
in  the  year  1499.  Helbig,  Notes  et  disserta- 
tions, p.  10. 


XXIII 


THE  WORK  OF  PETER  SCHCEFFER  AND  JOHN  FUST. 

Schoeffer  a Copyist  at  Paris  in  1449. . . Fac-simile  of  his  Writing. . . Enters  the  Service  of  Gu- 
tenberg . . . Psalter  of  1457,  wkh  Fac-simile  of  Types  and  Initials  in  Colors . . . Accurate  Regis- 
ter of  Initial  made  by  Painting  the  Cut . . . Evidences  of  Painting . . . Fac-simile  of  Colophon 
in  Colors . . . Different  Theories  concerning  the  Method  of  Printing  . . . Schceffer’s  First  Claim 
as  an  Inventor ...  Psalter  probably  Planned  by  Gutenberg ...  Fac-similes  of  the  Types  of 
the  Rationale  Durandi  and  of  the  Bible  of  1462. . . Trade-Mark  of  Fust  and  Schceffer. . . Fac- 
simile of  the  Types  of  the  Constitutions ...  Jenson’s  Mission  to  Mentz ...  Printing  not  a 
Secret . . . Death  of  Fust . . . Partnership  of  Schceffer  and  Conrad  Fust . . . Fac-simile  of  Types 
• of  1468 ...  Schoeffer  becomes  a Judge ...  Schceffer’s  Claim  to  the  Invention  of  Matrices. 
Statements  of  John  Schoeffer  and  of  Trithemius . . . Their  Improbability . . . Statement  of  Jo. 

H Frid.  Faustus ...  Its  Untrustworthiness. 

<1  

j The  man  who  enters  the  service  of  Gutenberg  and  Fust  at  Mentz  after  1450,  when  the  invention 
was  completed,  and  has  yet  the  courage  to  declare  in  1468,  that  he,  Petrus,  entered  first  of 
all  the  sanctuary  of  the  art,  is,  notwithstanding  all  his  technical  ability  as  a typographer,  a 

"S  bragger,  against  whose  information  we  ought  to  be  on  our  guard.  Van  der  Linde. 


P-t  Peter  Schceffer  was  bom  at  Gemszheim,  a little  village  situated  on  the  Rhine, 
Q near  Mentz,  about  the  year  1430.  Before  he  was  twenty  years  of  age,  he  was 
H copying  books  at  Paris,  as  is  clearly  enough  shown  in  the  colophon  of  an  old 

qq  manuscript  book,  which  says  that  “this  book  was  completed  by  me,  Peter,  of 

Gernszheym,  or  of  Mentz,  during  the  year  1449,  m the  most  glorious  University 
W of  Paris.”  This  isolated  fact  is  the  only  authority  for  the  assertion  that  Schoeffer 
£3  was  a calligrapher,  engaged  by  Gutenberg  to  design  the  letters  and  ornaments 
^ of  the  Bible  of  42  lines.  He  may  have  been  qualified  for  this  service,  but  the 
thin  letters  and  angular  ornaments  of  his  colophon  are  not  like  the  thick  types  and 
flowing  lines  of  Gutenberg’s  Bible.  Like  all  poor  students  of  his  time,  Schaeffer 
was  a copyist,  but  we  have  no  evidence  that  he  was  a calligrapher  or  an  illumi- 
nator. As  a student  of  the  University  of  Paris,  he  was  qualified  to  read  and 

correct  proofs  of  a Bible  in  Latin,  and  this  may  have  been  the  duty  for  which  he 

was  engaged.  If  so,  he  was  not  really  needed  in  the  printing  office  until  the 
types  were  founded,  or  until  1453;  but  whether  he  came  then  or  before,  it  is 
obvious  that  he  entered  the  printing  office  as  a boy  from  school,  and  that  all  he 
knew  of  printing  was  taught  him  by  Gutenberg.  He  proved  an  apt  scholar. 
Fust’s  confidence  in  his  ability  is  enough  to  show  that  he  had  added  skill  to  his 
knowledge,  and  that,  when  Gutenberg  departed,  he  was  competent  to  supervise 
and  manage  all  the  departments  of  the  printing  office. 


The  Later  Work  of  Gutenberg. 


practical  view,  there  was  no  other,  for  block  printing  was  not  regarded  as  book 
printing.  Equally  instructive  is  the  pithy  inscription  on  the  second  tablet,  which 
was  put  up  by  Ivo  Wittig,1  in  the  court  of  the  house  of  the  Gensfleisch  family,  where 
Gutenberg  is  supposed  to  have  died,2  and  which  was  then  used  as  a law  school. 

“To  John  Gutenberg,  of  Mentz,  who,  first  of  all,  invented  printing  letters  in  brass 
[matrices  and  moulds],  and  by  this  art  has  deserved  honor  from  the  whole  world,  Ivo 
Wittig  places  this  stone  in  commemoration,  1508.”  3 

Ivo  Wittig,  who  had  probably  known  Gutenberg,  and  who  clearly  understood  his 
process,  is  not  content  with  a paraphrase  of  the  Gelthus  inscription.  In  plain  words, 
he  specifies  the  key  of  the  invention : Gutenberg,  first  of  all,  made  types  in  brass 
moulds  and  matrices.  In  other  words,  it  was  only  through  the  invention  of  the  type- 
mould  and  matrices  in  brass  that  printing  became  a great  art.  This  inscription  shows 
that  Wittig,  then  professor  of  history  in  the  University,  and  probably  the  most  learned 
man  in  Mentz,  regarded  John  Gutenberg  as  the  true  inventor  of  printing. 

Considered  from  a mechanical  point  of  view,  the  merit  of  Gutenberg’s  invention 
may  be  infe^ed  from  its  permanency.  His  type-mould  was  not  merely  the  first ; it 
is  the  only  practical  mechanism  for  making  types.  For  more  than  four  hundred  years 
this  mould  has  been  under  critical  examination,  and  many  attempts  have  been  made 
to  supplant  it.  Contrivances  have  been  invented  for  casting  fifty  or  more  types  at  one 
operation ; for  swaging  types,  like  nails,  out  of  cold  metal ; for  stamping  types  from 
cylindrical  steel  dies  upon  the  ends  of  thin  copper  rods — but  experience  has  shown 
that  these  and  like  inventions  in  the  department  of  type-making  machinery  are  im- 
practicable. There  is  no  better  method  than  the  first.  Modern  type-casting  machines 
have  moulds  attached  to  them  which  are  more  exact  and  more  carefully  finished, 
and  which  have  many  little  attachments  of  which  the  inventor  never  dreamed,  but  in 
principle  and  in  all  the  more  important  features,  the  modern  mould  may  be  regarded 
as  the  mould  of  Gutenberg. 

Gutenberg's  merit  as  an  original  inventor,  although  never  properly  recognized 
during  his  life,  was  never  denied.  But  this  merit  was  disallowed  and  set  aside  after 
his  death  by  the  sons  and  friends  of  Peter  Schceffer.  They  said  that  printing  was 
only  half  invented  by  Gutenberg,  and  that  the  complete  invention  is  really  due  to 
Gutenberg’s  assistant  and  successor.  As  this  claim  has  been  repeated  by  many 
authors,  it  is  necessary,  for  the  vindication  of  Gutenberg,  to  review  the  work  and 
workmanship  of  Peter  Schoeffer  and  John  Fust. 


1 Ivo  Wittig, was  an  ecclesiastic  of  eminence, 
chancellor  and  grand  rector  of  the  University 
of  Mentz,  to  which  he  gave  his  large  library 
of  books  and  manuscripts.  When  the  Swedes 
approached  Mentz,  this  precious  library  was 
removed.  Unfortunately,  it  was  put  on  a boat 
of  the  Rhine  which  was  wrecked,  and  his  rare 
collection  of  books  was  lost.  Helbig  says  it  is 
an  irreparable  loss,  for  Wittig  was  deeply  in- 
terested in  printing,  and  his  collection,  no 
doubt,  contained  materials  of  the  highest  im- 
portance concerning  its  history. 

2 This  is  an  error.  This  house  is  not  connect- 
ed with  the  history  of  printing  in  any  other 
way  than  in  being  the  residence  of  Gutenberg 
when  a child.  When  the  Gensfleisch  family 
were  sent  or  went  in  exile,  there  houses  were 
confiscated.  It  is  not  probable  that  Gutenberg 
died  in  the  house  bearing  his  name. 


3The  Jesuit  Serarius  says  that  he  saw  this 
tablet  one  hundred  years  after  it  was  erected. 
Between  1632  and  1636,  when  the  Swedes  were 
in  Mentz,  this  house  was  sacked,  but  the  tablet 
was  spared.  In  1741,  it  was  taken  down  and 
placed  in  the  wall  in  the  court  of  a house  be- 
longing to  the  University.  But  this  monument, 
which  escaped  the  barbarity  of  the  Swedish 
soldiers,  was  destroyed  by  the  conscripts  of  the 
French  republic,  who  were  lodged  in  this 
house  between  the  years  1793  and  1797.  Hel- 
big says  it  is  probable  that  these  ruffians  sus- 
pected. John  Gutenberg  of  aristocratic  tenden- 
cies. They  did  not  know  that  the  old  citizen 
of  Mentz  was,  unwittingly,  the  leader  of  all 
democrats,  revolutionists  and  reformers,  the 
man  above  all  others,  who,  by  his  invention, 
had  paved  the  way  for  the  French  revolution. 


U1 


o 

£ 

B 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


P 

<! 

P 

P 

O 


o 


W 

Ei 


Reduced  Fac-simile  of  a Colophon 
written  by  Schoeffer. 

(From  Madden.] 


Bernard  thinks  that  Schoeffer’s  first  work  in 
his  new  place  was  to  change  the  appearance 
of  the  Bible  of  42  lines 1 by  the  cancellation 
of  eight  pages  of  42  lines,  and  the  substitution 
of  pages  of  40  lines,  with  summaries  printed 
in  red  ink.  The  extraordinary  licence  then 
enjoyed  by  copyists  allowed  the  compositor  to 
abbreviate  the  words  of  a manuscript  copy  of 
42  lines,  until  they  were  crowded  into  the  space 
of  40  lines.  The  page  was  made  oft  full  length 
by  leading  out,  or  by  widening  the  lines  with 
bands  of  stout  parchment. 

The  first  book  published  by  Fust,  after  his 
separation  from  Gutenberg,  was  the  Psalter 2 
of  1457,  a folio  of  175  leaves,  which  is  almost 
as  famous  as  the  Bible  of  42  lines.  Only 
seven  fair  copies  of  the  edition  of  1457  are 
known,  and  all  of  them  are  on  vellum.  The 
leaves  of  this  book  are  nearly  square,  smaller 
in  size  than  those  of  the  Bible  of  42  lines , 
but,  like  that  book,  they  are  made  up,  for  the 
most  part,  in  sections  of  ten  nested  leaves.  The 
size  of  the  printed  page  is  irregular,  but  most 
pages  are  about  8 inches  wide  and  12  inches 
high.  The  Psalms  are  printed  in  types  of 
Double-paragon  body,  and  the  introductory  or 
connecting  text  in  types  of  Double-great-primer 
body.3  As  the  cut  or  fashion  of  these  types 
is  like  that  of  the  Bibles  of  Gutenberg,  it  is 
possible  that  they  were  designed  by  the  same 
hand.  The  leaf  was  not  broad  enough  for  the 


I Bernard’s  conjectures  as  to  the  reason  for 
this  change  are  plausible.  He  says : The  sales 
of  the  Bible  had  not  been  so  great  as  F'ust  had 
expected.  Envious  copyists  had  probably  fos- 
tered a prejudice  against  the  printed  Bible  as 
purely  mechanical  copying,  and  for  that  rea- 
son, or  on  account  of  its  known  errors,  inferior 
to  the  ordinary  manuscript.  Fust  hoped  to 
remove  these  objections,  and  to  attract  pur- 
chasers by  giving  the  unsold  copies  the  ap- 
pearance of  a new  edition.  Madden  does  not 
accept  this  hypothesis.  He  thinks  that  the  two 
kinds  of  copies  were  composed  at  the  same 
time  by  different  compositors,  who,  setting 


their  types  from  dictation,  not  seeing  the  man- 
uscript copy,  made  their  abbreviations  without 
uniformity,  and,  as  a necessary  consequence, 
produced  pages  of  unequal  length.  This  ex- 
planation is  quite  as  reasonable. 

2 It  could,  with  more  propriety,  be  called  a 
ritual.  The  psalms  are  followed  by  prayers,  col- 
lects, litanies,  the  service  for  the  dead,  hymns, 
etc.  But  it  is  always  described  as  a psalter. 

3 The  rubricated  capital  letters  on  the  larger 
body,  which  are  very  large  and  square,  might 
be  regarded  as  another  incomplete  font,  for 
which  small  letters  had  not  been  provided. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


- 


' 


' 


■ 

■ 


136 


Nonpareil,  No.  20. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


The  Work  of  Schoeffer  and  Fust. 


large-sized  types,  but  a very  large  por- 
tion of  it  was  given  up  to  the  initial  letters 
and  their  pendants,  which  are  of  unusual 
dimensions.  The  space  allotted  to  the 
print  is  small : but  a few  lines  of  the  large 
types  could  be  put  on  a page,  and  on  many 
pages  it  was  necessary  to  use  small  types. 
The  fault  of  uneven  or  ragged  outline  on 
the  right  side  of  the  page,  which  has  been 
noticed  in  the  Bible  of  42  lines , is  repeated 
more  strikingly  in  the  Psalter.1  Here 
and  there  spaces  were  made  for  plain 
chant  notes  of  music,  parts  of  which  ap- 
pear in  printing  ink,  while  other  parts 
seem  to  have  been  retraced  with  a pen. 

It  is  obviously  an  imitation  not  only  of 
the  copyist’s  but  of  the  illuminator’s  work 
upon  a fine  manuscript.  It  was  intended 
that  the  book  should  show  the  full  capacity 
of  the  newly  discovered  art.  Letters  and 
lines  in  red  ink  are  to  be  found  on  eveiy 
page,  and  there  are  many  very  large  and 
profusely  ornamented  initials  in  red  and 

1  Savage  said,  before  he  had  critically  ex- 
amined the  ink  of  the  book  : 

“It  is  a curious  fact  that,  under  Fust  and 
Gutenberg,  the  process  [of  printing  in  colors] 
should  be  carried  nearly  to  perfection ; for 
some  of  the  works  they  printed,  both  in  the 
quality  of  the  ink  and  in  the  workmanship,  are 
so  excellent  that  it  would  require  all  the  skill 
of  our  best  printers,  even  at  the  present  day,  to 
surpass  them  in  all  respects : and  I do  not  hesi- 
tate to  say,  that,  in  a few  years  after,  the  print- 
ers were  actually  superior  to  us  in  the  use  of 
red  ink,  both  as  to  color  and  as  to  the  inserting 
of  a great  number  of  single  capital  letters  in 
their  proper  places  in  a sheet,  with  a degree 
of  accuracy  and  sharpness  of  impression  that  I 
have  never  seen  equaled  in  modern  workman- 
ship.” Decorative  Printing , London,  1822, 
pp.  6 and  7. 

After  a closer  inspection,  Savage  discovered 
that  the  red  was  painted. 

“ Papillon  declared  that  the  red  ink  was  of 
the  most  perfect  beauty.  Chatto  said  that  this 
earliest  known  production  [of  the  press  of  Fust 
and  Schceffer]  remains  to  the  present  day  un- 
impaired as  a specimen  of  skill  in  ornamental 
printing.  The  art  of  printing  was  perfected 
by  Fust  and  Schceffer.”  Jackson  and  Chatto, 
Wood  Engraving , p.  168. 

For  illustrations  of  the  First  Page  of  the 
Psalter  of  1457  and  the  Colophon  of  the  Psalter 
of  1457,  see  Appendix. 


blue  inks.  To  the  young  reader  who  is 
accustomed  to  the  severe  and  colorless 
style  of  modern  printing,  the  boldness  and 
blackness  of  the  stately  text  types  of  this 
Psalter , the  brightness  of  its  rubrics,  and 
the  graceful  forms  of  its  two-colored  ini- 
tials, are  really  bewildering.  They  lead 
him  to  the  belief  that  the  workmanship  of 
the  book  is  of  the  highest  order.  This  has 
been  the  opinion  of  many  eminent  au- 
thors; the  Psalter  of  1457  has  been  call- 
ed the  perfection  of  printing. 

The  initial  letter  B,  the  largest  in  the 
book,  which  is  at  the  beginning  of  the 
first  Psalm,  Beatus  vir , has  been  often 
reproduced,  and  commended  as  an  ex- 
ample of  skillful  engraving,  brilliant  color 
and  faultless  register.  The  design  is  beau- 
tiful and  admirably  fitted  for  relief  print- 
ing, but  it  is  not  in  the  Gothic  or  German 
style : the  palm  leaf  fillet-worktis  oriental, 
and  was  probably  copied  from  some  Span- 
ish manuscript,  the  illuminator  of  which 
had  been  taught  in  the  moorish  schools. 
In  a few  copies,  the  letter  is  red  and  the 
ornament  is  blue ; in  other  copies  the  col- 
ors are  reversed.  In  all  copies  the  thin 
white  line  which  separates  the  red  from 
the  blue  is  always  of  uniform  thickness : 
there  is  no  overlapping  or  meeting  of  the 
adjacent  colors.  The  register  is  without 
fault  in  all  the  copies.  The  quality  of  the 
ink  has  been  greatly  praised : we  are  told 
that  the  black  of  the  text  is  very  deep  and 
glossy,  that  the  red  has  a vividness  of 
color,  and  the  blue  a delicacy  of  tint,  not 
to  be  found  in  the  productions  of  any 
modern  printer.  It  has  been  asserted  that 
this  Psalter  is  more  neatly  printed  than 
any  modern  book;  that  Schoeffer,  with 
rudely  made  types,  a rough  press  of  wood, 

_ and  with  small  experience  in,  or  scientific 
knowledge  of,  ink-making,  succeeded  in 
producing  presswork  that  has  never  been 
excelled  on  modern  presses.  These  bold 
assertions  require  careful  examination. 

The  few  experts  in  printing  who  have 
examined  copies  of  this  book  have  been 
so  cowed  by  the  rulings  of  eminent  bibli- 


Ul 

O 

tr* 


nard  says  that  the  red  and  the  blue  blocks 
of  the  initials,  each  engraved  on  a sepa- 
rate piece  of  wood,  were  made  to  fit  each 
other,  so  that  the  red  block  should  fit 
accurately  in  the  mortised  blue  block. 
In  the  process  of  printing,  each  block  was 
separately  inked,  but  the  red  block  was 
dropped  in  the  mortise  of  the  blue  block 
before  impression  was  taken. 1 After  these 
painstaking  preparations,  exact  register 
was  inevitable. 

Blades  does  not  accept  this  explanation. 
He  thinks  that  the  engraving  for  the  red 
^ and  the  blue  ink  was  done  on  one  block, 
^ which  was  not  printed  with  ink,  but  was 
embossed  in  the  paper  as  a guide  to  the 
^ colorist.  He  says  that  his  examination 
<3  of  the  two-colored  initials  of  a Bible  made 
O by  Sweinheym  and  Pannartz  in  1467 
Ph  proves  that  they  were  not  printed,  but 
q embossed,  in  the  white  paper;  that  the 
Sh  paper  mask  on  the  frisket  was  left  uncut 
^ over  the  engraving,  so  as  to  shield  the 
white  paper  from  the  ink,  and  to  deepen 
W the  indentation  of  the  engraved  lines ; and 
fclj  that  the  illuminator  made  use  of  this  in- 
^ dentation,  as  he  would  of  a pencil  draw- 
ing, to  guide  his  pen  or  brush  when  lay- 
ing on  the  colors.  He  further  says2  that 
a similar  operation  was  carelessly  done  in 
parts  of  the  Psalter  of  1457 ; that  some  of 
the  spiral  lines,  finials  and  ornaments 

1 This  method  of  printing  in  colors  was  pat- 
ented by  Solomon  Henry  of  Great  Britain  in 
1786,  and  in  another  form  by  Sir  Wm.  Congreve 
in  1819,  and  by  him  applied  to  the  printing  of 
maps.  Abridgment  of  Specif  cations  relating 
to  Printing , London,  1859.  Improvements  in 
machine  presses  have  put  out  of  use  these 
methods  of  printing  in  colors. 

2 Life  and  Typography  of  William  Caxton , 
vol.  II,  p.  liii,  note. 


were  left  uncolored,  but  that  the  process 
was  plainly  exposed  by  the  indentation  of 
the  engraved  lines. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  accept  Blades’ 
opinion  that  the  coloring  was  done  entirely 
with  pen  or  brush:  the  few  uncolored 
lines  in  the  initials  of  the  Mentz  Psalter 
may  be  regarded  as  blemishes  occasioned 
by  an  agcidental  overlapping  of  the  mask 
on  the  frisket.  Savage’s  statement  that  the 
blocks  were  printed  with  ink  is  too  posi- 
tive to  be  disputed.  Nor  is  it  necessary 
to  accept  the  hypothesis  of  Bernard  that 
the  blocks  were  engraved  in  two  pieces 
and  mortised,  that  they  might  be  printed 
by  one  impression.  We  may  rightfully 
suppose  that  Schceffer  tried  to  imitate  the 
work  of  the  illuminator  by  the  imitation  of 
his  method.  To  engrave  the  initial  and 
the  ornament  around  it  on  one  block,  to 
paint  the  letter  in  one  color  and  the  orna- 
ment in  another,  and  to  print  both  colors 
by  one  impression,  seemed  the  surest  way 
to  do  the  work.  That  this  was  the  inten- 
tion of  the  designer  of  the  letters  is  evident 
from  the  manner  in  which  the  colors  are 
divided.  Contrary  to  the  usage  of  the 
illuminators,  who  were  fond  of  interweav- 
ing colors,  each  color  was  kept  apart  in  a 
mass,  that  it  might  be  inked  with  greater 
facility.  And  this  inking  was  probably 
done  with  a brush.  Blue  ink  was  painted 
on  the  letter,  and  red  ink  on  the  ornament, 
at  a great  sacrifice  of  time,  but  with  neat- 
ness and  without  interference  of  the  colors. 1 

l Blades  shows  fac-similes  of  the  printed  work 
of  Colard  Mansion,  in  which  we  see  that  his 
red  and  black  were  printed  by  the  same  im- 
pression. Life  and  Typography  of  William 
Caxton,  vol.  I,  p.  43.  Also,  plates  III  <t  VIII. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


ographers  that  they  have  not,  apparently, 
dared  to  trust  their  own  observation. 
Savage  was  the  first  to  refuse  the  dictum 
of  authorities  and  tell  us  what  he  saw  with 
his  own  eyes.  He  distinctly  says  that  the 
blackness  of  some  notes  of  music  was 
made  by  retracing  with  a pen 1 the  faded 
lines  of  a paler  printed  color.  Bernard2 
and  Humphreys3  plainly  say  that  in  the 
fine  copy  of  the  Mentz  Psalter  at  the 
British  Museum,  some  lines  of  text  have 
been  written  in  by  hand.  Humphreys 
thinks  that  this  filling  in  of  lines  may  have 
been  done  when  the  book  was  published. 
We  have  here  trusty  evidence  that  the 
printing  of  the  Psalter  was  imperfect: 
that  in  some  places  the  ink  was  too  weak,4 
and  that  the  deeper  color  was  produced 
by  painting  the  letters  with  a pen.  The 
brilliancy  of  the  black  ink  has  conse- 
quently been  unwisely  praised,  for  it  is 
a triumph  not  of  printing,  but  of  painting. 

The  same  observation  may  be  applied 
to  the  colored  ink  of  the  great  initials. 
Savage  denies  the  statement  of  Papillon 
that  the  red  ink  is  of  the  most  perfect 

1 He  says  the  ink  was  dull  yellow  : On  some 
of  the  leaves  where  music  is  given  there  is  an 
appearance  as  if  the  oil  in  the  ink  had  pene- 
trated through  the  vellum  and  tinged  the  op- 
posite side  of  the  leaf  with  a dingy  yellow. 
This  had  been  supposed  to  be  the  case,  but  I 
find  that  the  original  tune  had  been  printed 
with  a dull  yellow  ink,  and  that  subsequently  a 
different  one  had  been  written  in  over  the  first, 
with  black  ink  to  match  the  color  of  the  text ; 
and  so  exactly  is  this  effect  produced  that,  if 
it  were  not  for  the  remains  of  the  printing  of 
the  original  tune,  it  might  pass  unsuspected 
of  being  any  other  than  the  production  of  the 
press.  Practical  Hints  on  Decorative  Print- 
ing* PP-  49  a>id  51. 

2 De  I'origine,  etc.,  vol.  I.  p.  225. 

3 History  of  Printing,  p.  85. 

4 Some  writers  say  that  the  earliest  printing 
inks  were  gum-water  colors,  which  could  be 
washed  off  the  vellum  with  a wet  sponge.  But 
the  ink  of  the  Psalter  was  a true  printing  ink, 
a smoke-black  mixed  with  oil.  The  modern 
pressman,  who  has  ineffectually  tried  to  make 
ordinary  printing  ink  stick  to  parchment  im- 
perfectly cleansed  of  oily  matter,  will  at  once 
attribute  this  fail  ..re  of  the  printer  of  the  Psal- 
ter to  the  oiliness  of  the  vellum  and  the  weak- 
ness of  his  printing  ink. 


beauty : he  says  that  “it  is  a very  heavy 
brick-dust  color.”  Heineken  says  it  is  a 
dull  red.  A closer  examination  of  the 
book  revealed  the  fact  to  Savage  that  the 
initials  also  had  been  retraced  or  painted. 

“ I could  not  avoid  expressing  my  as- 
tonishment at  seeing  in  some  pages  two 
distinct  red  inks : one,  the  dull  color  be- 
fore spoken  of,  and  the  other,  a red  which, 
in  printing,  might  fairly  be  called  of  the 
most  perfect  beauty;  and  I had  nearly 
left  it  with  the  belief  that  there  were  two 
inks,  red  and  blue,  used  in  the  printing  of 
the  book,  which,  for  brilliancy  of  color, 
would  set  at  defiance  all  the  efforts  of  the 
present  day  to  equal  them.  Some  acci- 
dental circumstance  caused  me  to  view 
the  book  in  a different  light,  when  I dis- 
covered that  the  beautiful  red  was  not 
printed  but  written  in,  so  exactly  like  the 
type  that  it  could  only  be  ascertained  by 
the  want  of  indentation  in  the  paper,  which 
is  invariably  produced  by  pressure  in  the 
process  of  printing.  By  the  same  means, 
I also  ascertained  that  the  fine  delicate 
blue  was  painted.  Thus  the  colors  pro- 
duced by  printing  in  the  capital  letters  are 
reduced  to  two,  namely,  dull  blue  and 
dull  red.”1 

It  is  not  difficult  to  explain  this  curious 
circumstance.  The  red  and  blue  printing 
inks  first  used  by  Schceffer  were  so  dull 
and  faded  that  he  would  not  suffer  them 
to  be  compared  with  the  brighter  colors 
of  fair  manuscripts.  He  was  compelled 
to  brighten  the  colors  by  painting.  Al- 
though sold  as  a printed  book,  the  Psalter 
was  the  joint  work  of  the  printer  and  the 
illuminator,  and  the  features  which  the 
modern  bibliographer  most  admires  are 
those  made  by  the  illuminator. 

The  process  employed  by  the  printer  of 
the  Psalter  for  securing  an  exact  register 
of  the  colors  was  just  as  irregular.  It  is 
an  error  to  assume  that  the  two-colored 
initials  were  printed  as  similar  work  is 
now  printed,  by  two  impressions.  Ber- 

1 Practical  Hints  on  Decorative  Printing, 
page  50. 


GG 


O 

t"1 

HH 

d 


It  should  not  surprise  us  that  exact  reg- 
ister was  secured,  but  it  was  more  a feat 
of  painting  than  of  printing. 

Setting  aside  the  colors,  the  workman- 
ship of  the  Psalter 1 is  not  neater  than 
that  of  the  Bible  of  42  lines.  The  right 
side  of  every  page  is  much  more  ragged  2 
through  bad  spacing;  typographical  er- 
rors3 are  more  frequent;  the  lines  are 
often  bowed  or  bent  in  the  centre  from 
CO  careless  locking  up.  The  presswork  is 
^ not  good ; the  pages  are  dark  and  light 
£3  from  uneven  inking,  and  the  types  have  a 
grimy  appearance,  as  if  they  had  been 
inked  with  foul  balls  and  printed  on  over- 
O wet  vellum.  The  colophon  or  imprint 
^ attached  to  this  book  says : 

^ “This  book  of  Psalms-,  decorated  with 
^ antique  initials,  and  sufficiently  empha- 
sized with  rubricated  letters,  has  been  thus 
L*  , 

made  by  the  masterly  invention  of  printing 

P3  and  also  of  type-making,  without  the  writ- 
^ ing  of  a pen,  and  is  consummated  to  the 
^ service  of  God,  through  the  industry  of 

1 The  modern  printer  who  may  regard  this 
method  of  color-printing  as  puerile  and  waste- 
ful of  time,  must  be  reminded  that,  slow  as  it 
may  now  seem,  it  was  a quicker  method  than 
that  of  hand-drawing  and  painting.  The  differ- 
ence between  the  old  ana  the  modern  process 
of  printing  in  colors  will  be  fully  stated,  by 
saying  that  Schoeffer  printed,  probably,  but 
forty  copies  of  this  initial  in  one  day,  and  that 
the  modern  pressman  on  a machine  press 
would  be  required  to  produce,  from  two  im- 
pressions, about  twenty-five  hundred  copies 
in  one  day.  Far  frt>m  being  a specimen  of  the 
skill  of  the  early  printers,  this  initial  B is  a 
flagrant  example  of  their  inexperience  and  the 
rudeness  of  their  methods. 

2 See  fac-simile,  plate  15,  Humphrey's  His- 
tory of  Printing. 

3 See  fac-simile  of  the  Colophon  of  the  Psal- 
ter of  1457,  in  the  Appendix,  for  the  frequent 
transposition  of  the  letters  t and  c.  Also  in 
first  line  of  same  fac-simile,  Presen  spalmo - 
rum  for  Presens  psalmorum. 


Johan  Fust,  citizen  of  Mentz,  and  Peter 
Schoeffer  of  Gemszheim,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  1457,  on  the  eve  of  the  Assump- 
tion, [August  14].” 

This  imprint  is  ingeniously  worded. 
Fust  and  Schoeffer  do  not  say,  in  plain 
words,  that  they  were  the  inventors  of 
printing;  they  invite  attention  to  the  red 
ink  and  the  two  colored  initials  which  were 
here  used  in  printing,  with  fine  effect 
They  speak  of  rubricated  printing  and  of 
the  invention  of  printing  as  if  they  were 
inseparable.  They  suppress  the  name  of 
Gutenberg,  and  induce  the  reader  to  be- 
lieve that  F ust  and  Schoeffer  were  not  only 
the  first  to  print  with  letters  in  red  ink, 
but  the  first  to  discover  and  use  the  mas- 
terly invention.  This  insinuated  pretence 
had  the  effect  which  was,  no  doubt,  in- 
tended. By  many  readers  of  that  century, 
Peter  Schoeffer  was  regarded  as  a man 
who  planned  and  printed  the  Psalter , the 
man  who  made  the  types,  not  only  of 
this  book,  but  of  the  Bible  of  42  lines. 
Made  bold  by  the  silence  of  Gutenberg, 
Schoeffer  allowed,  if  he  did  not  positively 
authorize,  the  statement  to  be  made  by 
his  friends,  that  he  was  the  tru  : inventor 
of  printing ; that  he  took  up  the  art  where 
Gutenberg  left  it  incomplete,  and  per- 
fected it. 

Before  this  assertion  can  be  examined, 
it  will  be  proper  to  consider  the  date  of  1457 
in  the  imprint  of  the  Psalter.  If  Schoeffer 
planned  and  printed  the  book,  he  did  all 
the  work  in  the  twenty-one  months  fol- 
lowing Gutenberg’s  expulsion  from  the 
partnership.  This  is  an  unreasonable 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  20. 


137 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


proposition,  for  the  book  should  have 
been  in  press  or  in  preparation  as  long  as 
the  Bible  of  42  lines.  It  is  quite  probable 
that  the  Psalter  was  planned  and  left 
incomplete  by  Gutenberg.  The  types, 
which  are  like  those  of  Gutenberg’s 
Bible , are  unlike  any  types  subsequendy 
made  by  Schceffer.  The  great  initials  in 
colors  are  of  the  same  design  as  the 
initials  of  the  Donatuses  shown  by  Fis- 
cher, and  by  him  attributed  to  Guten- 
berg. The  careful  manner  in  which  they 
were  engraved  indicates  experience  as 
well  as  skill  on  the  part  of  the  engraver; 
but  it  is  not  possible  that  the  engraver  was 
Schceffer,  or  any  workmen  attached  to  his 
office,  for  Schceffer  never  after  printed  any 
engravings  on  wood  of  equal  merit.1  The 
sumptuous  style  of  the  Psalter  is  unlike 
that  of  any  book  afterward  made  by 
Schceffer ; it  is  in  a style  which  he  did  not 
originate,  and  could  not  sustain.  He  re- 
printed it  in  1459,  in  1490,  and  in  1502, 
but  the  later  editions  were  not  printed  so 
well  as  the  first. 2 The  inferiority  of  the 
later  workmanship  is  evidence  that  the 
master  mind  who  planned  the  work  was 
not  at  the  head  of  the  printing  office. 

On  the  sixth  day  of  October,  1459,  Fust 
published  the  Rationale  Durandi , or  the 
exposition,  by  Durandus,  of  the  services 
of  the  church.  It  is  a folio  of  160  leaves, 
2 columns  to  the  page,  in  types  on  English 
body,  63  lines  to  the  column.  It  has  many 
rubricated  letters  and  lines,  and  ends  with 
a colophon,  in  red  ink,  worded  like  the 

1 Fournier  thinks  that  all  the  letters  of  the 
Psalter  were  cut  on  wood.  De  I'origine,  etc., 
de  V imp  rimer  ie,  p.  231.  But  Bernard  says : 
“ After  a careful  study  of  many  copies,  I de- 
clare that  this  book  is  certainly  printed  with 
types  of  founded  metal,  and  founded,  too,  with 
admirable  precision.”  De  I'origine  et  des  de- 
buts, etc.,  vol.  I,  p.  224. 

2 The  last  edition  of  the  book,  printed  by  his 
son,  John  Schoeffer,  in  1516,  shows  the  great 
initial  B entirely  in  red  ink.  It  proves  that  the 
letter  previously  printed  in  two  colors  was  en- 
graved on  one  block.  It  proves  also  that  the 
original  method  of  painting  the  letter  in  two 
colors  had  been  found  expensive  and  imprac- 
ticable. 


pecu  to  loco.pafcafWc?  bndicct?C«tT q$  la* 
! enS  cq>i  ptm'pto  officlj  tot?m  ecctk 
Jj|^  &e  (api&  pcuflo  eft  caltbe 

'vl^cffallo  follt  obtc  eta  t>$  ellctTfee  farmetofbum 
tgjiis  Ast?  "Vetcrc  ft  gp  ft  cat  Icg-c-au?  ftg-ac  In  rw  ot© 
ytpx  copletefuere*  at  tec  "velut  eytimffe  ccflal  &eb  ms 
mt.fj  t©  lapvte  id  e fee  ypo.quue  (apis  angulans.q 
'Vetbe  cruets pcufliis (pm  (cm  nobis  effwdit  W t© 
eri  Hallo  inter  lolettialmtamcdtafcedd  off  Kpo  qm 

Fac-simile  of  the  Text  Types  of  the  Rationale  Durandi. 

[From  Bernard.) 


Psalter  of  1457,  but  with  the  addition  of 
the  words,  “clerk  of  the  diocese  of  Mentz,” 
after  the  name  of  Peter  Schceffer.  The 
statement  in  the  colophon,  that  it  was 
made  without  the  writing  of  a pen,  is  not 
entirely  true.  There  are  two  kinds  of 
copies : one  has  printed  capitals  like  those 
of  the  Psalter , the  other  has  illuminated 
initials.  To  provide  suitable  spaces  for  these 
written  initials,  which  are  of  large  size,  the 
types  were  overrun  and  re-arranged. 

If  Schoeffer  had  been  an  able  calligra-  rf 
pher,  he  would  have  demonstrated  his  q 
ability  by  the  production  of  types  of  finer  hh 
proportions  than  those  of  Gutenberg.  If  hh 
he  was  an  expert  type-founder,  and  the  O 
inventor  of  the  type-mould,  he  should  have 
proved  his  skill  by  casting  types  of  neater 
finish.  The  first  types  made  by  him  or 
by  his  order  after  his  separation  from  Gu- 
tenberg are  exhibited  in  the  Rationale 
Diirandi \ but  they  do  not  warrant  the 
opinion  that  he  was  a very  skillful  designer 
or  an  ingenious  type-founder.  The  com- 
bination of  Gothic  and  Roman  which  he 


began  to  print.  With  his  fellow-citizens, 
he  suffered  from  the  paralysis  to  industry 
inflicted  by  the  war.  There  was  no  en- 
couragement for  enterprise.  There  is  no 
book  bearing  the  imprint  of  Fust  and 
Schceffer  between  the  years  1462  and  1464. 
The  unemployed  workmen  of  Fust  and 
Schceffer  were  obliged  to  leave  the  city. 
In  leaving  it,  they  carried  with  them  the 
knowledge  of  the  new  art,  which  in  a few 
years,  they  established  in  all  the  larger 
cities  of  Europe. 

The  war  between  Diether  and  Adolph 
for  the  possession  of  the  electorate  of 
Mentz  was  the  occasion  of  some  curious 
proclamations  which  were  printed  in  the 
types  of  Schoeffer.1  Two  editions,  one  in 

l The  one  first  printed  is  dated  April  6, 1462  : 
it  is  a manifesto,  from  Diether,  notifying  all 
people  that  he  is  the  lawful  ruler,  and  that 
Adolph  is  the  usurper.  This  document,  which 


Latin,  one  in  German,  of  a Bull  of  Pope 
Pius  II  against  the  Turks , dated  October 
22,  1463,  have  also  been  attributed  to 
Schceffer. 

The  Bible  of  1462  found  few  purchasers 
in  Mentz.  The  demand  in  the  city  had 
already  been  supplied  with  the  Bibles  of 
36  lines  and  of  42  lines , and  buyers  from 
abroad  shunned  a city  subject  to  siege  and 
to  civil  war.  Leaving  Schceffer  to  take 
care  of  the  business  of  the  printing  office, 
F ust  took  the  unsold  Bibles  to  Paris,  where 
he  believed  they  would  find  a more  gener- 
ous appreciation.  For  it  seems  that,  in 
1458,  the  king  of  France  had  sent  Nichol- 
as Jenson  to  Mentz  to  get  a knowledge  of 
the  practice  of  typography,  the  fame  of 
which  had  then  reached  France,  and  it  is 
supposed  that  Jenson  gave  to  Fust  the 
information  that  there  was  a demand  for 
printing  in  Paris.  This  is  the  official  rec- 
ord of  the  proposed  mission.2 

“ On  the  third  day  of  October,  1458,  the 
king  [Charles  vn],  having  learned  that 

is  in  German,  contains  106  lines  of  Great-prim- 
er type,  and  is  printed  on  a sheet  of  the  size 
12%  by  17%  inches.  But  when  Adolph  captur- 
ed Mentz,  he  issued  counter  proclamations. 
First  of  all  was  a proclamation  dated  August  8, 
1461,  from  the  Emperor  Frederic  III,  announ- 
cing the  deposal  of  Diether.  It  was  printed 
on  a half  sheet,  in  German,  and  in  the  types  of 
the  Bible  0/  1462.  The  other  proclamations 
were  bulls  or  briefs  in  Latin,  against  Diether, 
from  Pope  Pius  II,  dated  at  Tivoli.  All  of  them 
are  in  Round  Gothic  types  on  English  body. 
The  first  bull  warns  the  people  to  shun  Diether 
as  they  would  a pestilent  beast ; the  second 
is  the  warrant  for  the  installation  of  Adolph  ; 
the  third  orders  the  clergy  to  obey  Adolph ; 
the  fourth  orders  the  people  to  obey  Adolph, 
and  releases  them  from  allegiance  to  Diether. 
The  fifth  bull  relates  to  a different  matter : it 
sets  forth  the  unsuccessful  mission  of  Cardinal 
Bessarion  to  the  T urks.  Bernard,  De I'orignie, 
etc.,  vol.  I,  p.  242. 

2 Bernard,  De  I'origine , vol.  II,  p.  273. 


The  "Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


there  exhibited  is  evidently  an  imitation  of 
the  Round  Gothic  face  used  by  Gutenberg 
in  the  Letters  of  Indulgence  and  the  Ca- 
tholicon.  Schoeffer’s  types  present  no 
features  of  superiority:  they  show  man- 
nerisms of  engraving  so  like  those  of  Gu- 
tenberg’s types  as  to  lead  to  the  opinion 
that  both  were  made  by  the  same  punch- 
cutter. 

In  the  following  year  (1460),  Schceffer 
and  Fust  finished  a stout  folio,  which  was 
printed  in  a Round  Gothic  face  on  the 
larger  body  of  Great-primer.  This  book, 
the  Constitutions  (or  Body  of  Divinity)  of 
Pope  Clement  V , 'with  the  Commentaries 
of  Bishop  John  A ndrew , has  been  much 
admired  by  bibliographers  for  its  composi- 
tion. For  fac-simile  see  Appendix,  which 
shows  the  text  of  the  pope  nested  in  the 
commentaries  of  the  bishop  — truly  “a 
rivulet  of  text  in  a meadow  of  notes.”  In 
some  pages  the  text  occupies  about  one- 
third,  in  other  pages  about  one-sixth,  of 
the  space  assigned  to  the  print.  The  com- 
position of  pages  so  unevenly  balanced 
must  have  taxed  the  ingenuity  of  the  com- 
positor, but  he  was  materially  aided  by 
the  licence  permitting  frequent  use  of 
abbreviations. 

These  types  are  cast  in  evener  line  than 
the  types  of  the  Rationale , but  the  face  is 
not  of  neater  cut.  The  presswork  is  not 
good.  The  colophon,  which  is  like  that 
of  the  Psalter , states  that  the  red  letters 
have  been  printed  by  the  masterly  inven- 
tion of  type-making ; but  the  red  letters 
are  the  ones  interspersed  in  the  text.  The 
great  initials  were  not  printed;  the  blank 
space  left  for  them  was  filled  up  by  the 
illuminator.  This  book  was  even  more 
popular  than  the  Psalter ; it  was  reprinted 
four  times,  but  always  in  the  same  form. 

In  1462  Schceffer  printed  a new  edition 
of  the  Latin  Bible , in  the  Great-primer 
types  of  the  Constitutions , in  folio  form, 
two  columns  to  the  page,  and  48  lines  to 
the  column.  It  is  the  first  Bible  with 
printed  date.  According  to  modem  taste, 
Schoeffer’s  change  from  Pointed  Gothic  to 


Round  Gothic  was  not  happy,  for  the  new 
face  is  inferior  in  design  and  execution. 

But  the  Round  Gothic  permitted  the  com- 
pression of  the  book  within  fewer  pages, 
and  was’  a more  economical  letter  for  the 
printer.  The  second  volume  has,  in  some 
copies,  a colophon  worded  like  that  of  the 
Psalter  of  1457,  setting  forth  that  “ this 
little  book  was  made  by  the  masterly  in- 
vention of  printing  and  of  type-making,  2? 
without  any  writing  of  a pen;”  in  other  2 
copies  obviously  of  the  same  edition,  this 
clause  does  not  appear.  This  is  but  one  (3) 
of  many  variations  in  this  book  which  can 
be  satisfactorily  explained  only  by  Mad- 
den's theory  of  a double  composition. 

The  capture  and  sack  of  Mentz  brought 
great  misfortune  to  Fust  and  Schceffer. 

We  are  told  that  the  house  and  materials 
of  Fust  were  burned ; but  it  is  plain  that 
he  saved  his  punches  and  matrices,  for  we 
see  that  the  old  faces  of  type  were  used  in 
all  the  later  books  of  Fust  and  Schceffer. 

The  printed  proclamations  of  Adolph  show 
that  Fust  soon  refurnished  his  office,  and 


Messire  Guthemburg,  chevalier,  a resident 
of  Mentz  in  Germany,  a man  dextrous  in 
engraving  and  in  types  and  punches,  had 
perfected  the  invention  of  printing  with 
types  and  punches,  curious  concerning 
this  mystery,  the  king  ordered  the  chiefs 
of  the  mint  to  nominate  some  persons  of 
proper  experience  in  engraving  of  a similar 
nature,  so  that  he  could  secretly  send  them 
to  the  said  place,  to  obtain  information 
about  the  said  form  [type-mould]  and  in- 
vention, there  to  hear,  to  consider,  and  to 
learn  the  art.  This  mandate  of  the  king 
was  obeyed,  and  it  was  directed  that 
Nicholas  Jenson  should  make  the  journey, 
by  means  of  which  the  knowledge  of  the 
art  and  its  establishment  should  be  achiev- 
ed in  this  realm,  and  it  should  be  his 
(Jenson’s)  duty  to  first  give  the  art  of 
printing  to  the  said  realm.”  1 


|bns  bocopufcultty  firntu  ac  d>pktu«er  ad 
cufcbiaj  teimduftnern  mutate  Q)agimtij 
jxr'Jobauue  fuft  t £etru  fthoiftfcer  & 

gemfhepm  den  cu  ftiotef  emfdej  eft  coiifu? 
uiatu.  Anno  mcarnacois  t>mce*AV»ccc cApp 
"Jnvigdta  aOumpcois  gfefewgima  marie. 


Fac-simile  of  the  Types  of  the  Bible  of  1462. 

[From  Bernard.] 


The  description  of  printing  here  given 
is  singularly  exact.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  the  existence  of  the  new  art  was  then 


known  in  Paris,  for  the  colophon  to  the 
Psalter  of  1457  had  announced  the  mas- 
terly invention ; but  it  is  strange  that  this 
document  specified  its  characteristic  feat- 
ures— the  formen , or  the  matrices  and 
type-mould,  the  types,  punches  and  en- 
graving. We  see  that  the  secret  was 
revealed;  that  Frenchmen  in  1458  had  a 
correct  idea  of  the  vital  principle  of  print- 
ing, and  that  all  they  required  was  a 
knowledge  of  its  manipulations. 

1 We  do  not  know  whether  Jenson  acquired 
his  knowledge  of  printing  secretly  or  openly 
— in  the  office  of  Gutenberg  or  Schceffer,  or 
elsewhere,  but  he  succeeded  in  his  undertak- 
ing. Nor  is  the  date  of  his  return  to  Paris 
known.  Madden  thinks  that  Jenson  was 
taught  the  art  not  in  Mentz,  but  in  Cologne. 
During  his  absence,  Charles  VII  died.  On  the 
15th  August,  1461,  Louis  XI,  his  son,  was 
crowned  at  Rheiins.  A lover  of  books,  and  the 
founder  of  the  great  National  Library,  the  king 
should  have  been  deeply  interested  in  the  mis- 
sion of  Jenson,  but  he  had  formed  a strong  dis- 
like to  all  the  officers  that  had  been  appointed 
by  his  father,  and  began  his  reign  by  dismis- 
sing the  court  favorites.  Jenson  was  treated 
as  one  of  their  number.  All  his  efforts  to  get 
a suitable  recompense  for  what  he  had  done, 
and  money  to  establish  an  office  in  Paris,  were 
unavailing,  and  he  was  obliged  to  abandon 
Paris.  He  went  to  Venice,  and  made  himself 
famous  by  his  new  design  of  Roman  letter,  and 
by  the  admirable  presswork  of  his  books. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


. 


v 

■ 


’ 


’ 


■ 

- 


' 


138 


Nonpareil,  No.  21. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 

Eager  to  prevent  the  threatened  rivalry  of  Jenson,  Fust  appeared  in  Paris, 
in  1462,  with  copies  of  the  Bible , while  J enson  was  ineffectually  soliciting  the  new 
king  to  aid  him.  So  far  from  being  persecuted  in  Paris,  Fust  was  received  with 
high  consideration,  not  only  by  the  king,  but  by  the  leading  men  of  the  city. 

He  was  encouraged  to  establish  in  Paris  a store  for  the  sale  of  his  books,  and 
to  repeat  his  visit.  . „ . £ , 

These  Bibles  have  been  the  occasion  of  an  mcredible  legend  which  was  first 
told  by  one  John  Walchius.  It  would  not  deserve  repetition  here  if  it  had  not 
so  often  appeared  in  modern  literature.  He  says  that  Fust  offered  one  copy  of 
this  Bible  to  the  king  for  sixty  crowns,  and  another  copy  to.  the  archbishop  for 
fifty  crowns.  To  tempt  indifferent  purchasers,  he  abated  his  price  until  it  was 
but  forty  crowns,  a price  so  small  and  so  insufficient  as.  to  excite  the  greatest 
wonder.  The  purchasers  of  different  copies,  fearing  trickery,  compared  their  ^ 
copies.  Instead  of  discovering  imperfection,  they  found  an  unvarying  unifor-  q 
mity  which  was  unaccountable.  Meanwhile  Fust  was  still  offering  for  sale 
other  copies,  and  all  were  exactly  alike.  As  it  was  clearly  impossible  that  any  p 
copyist  could  write  so  many  books  with  this  precision,  it  was  obvious  that  Fust  w 
was  in  league  with  the  Devil,  and  that  the  Bibles  were  their  joint  production. 

The  logical  process  by  which  this  conclusion  was  reached  is  not  stated ; but 
we  are  told  that  complaint  was  made,  that  Fust  was  arrested,  and  thrown  in 
prison,  from  which  he  was  not  released  until  he  had  revealed  the  secret.  The 
absurdity  of  the  story  is  transparent.  Bernard  has  shown  that  it  rests  on  no 
valid  authority. 

In  1465,  Schoeffer  printed  the  Decretals  of  Boniface  VIII , a folio  of  141  leaves, 
each  page  containing  a text  in  large  types,  surrounded  by  notes  in  small  types. 

Red  letters  and  lines  are  introduced,  but  there  are  no  engravings,  and  the 
presswork  is  in  no  point  better  than  that  of  the  Bible  of  1462.  The  colophon 
exhibits  an  unscrupulous  appropriation  of  the  words  of  the  colophon  of  the  Ca- 
tholicon  of  1460  ; 1 but,  unlike  the  printer  of  that  book,  Fust  and  Schoeffer  here 
advertise  themselves  as  the  men  most  intimately  connected  with  the  great 
invention.  We  can  plainly  see  their  strong  desire  to  be  regarded  as  the  first 
printers,  but  their  is  as  yet  no  clear  statement  that  Schoeffer  was  the  real  in- 
ventor of  printing. 

In  the  same  year  was  printed  by  Fust  and  Schoeffer  an 
edition  of  The  Offices  of  Cicero , a small  quarto  of  88  leaves, 
in  their  smaller  size  of  Round  Gothic  types.  To  make  the 
book  of  proper  thickness,  and  perhaps  to  improve  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  types,  which  show  signs  of  wear,  Schoeffer 
put  thick  leads,  about  one-tenth  of  an  inch  thick,  between 
the  lines.  As  it  is  the  first  book  in  which  leads  of  per- 
ceptible thickness  were  used,  this  real  improvement  in 
printing  may  be  attributed  to  Schoeffer.  This  edition  of 
Cicero  is  also  distinguished  as  the  first  book  in  which  Greek 
letters  were  printed ; but  these  letters  were  not  types  — 
they  were  engraved  on  wood  in  a rude  manner. 

In  this  year  Conrad  Sweinheym  and  Arnold  Pannartz, 
who  had  established  a printing  office  in  the  monastery  of 
Subiaco,  near  Rome,  printed  an  edition  of  Lactantius,  in 
which  Greek  types  were  used. 

1 See  page  133  of  this  book. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


This  edition  of  Cicero  has  the  following  colophon : 

“This  very  celebrated  work  of  Marcus  Tullius,  I,  John 
Fust,  a citizen  of  Mentz,  have  happily  completed,  through 
the  hands  of  Peter,  my  son,  not  with  writing  ink,  nor  with 
pen,  nor  yet  in  brass,  but  with  a certain  art  exceedingly 
beautiful.  Dated  1465.” 

The  phrase,  not  in  brass,  neque  terea , must  be  understood 
as,  not  by  engraving  in  brass  or  copper-plates,  or  not  by 
the  process  then  employed  by  the  copper-plate  printers. 

The  use  of  the  words,  Peter,  my  son,  may  be  understood 

as  the  first  acknowledgment  by  Fust  of  the  marriage  of  his  Por 

daughter  to  Schoeffer. 

The  Cicero  was  reprinted  on  February  4,  1466.  Soon 
after  its  publication,  Fust  made  another  journey  to  Paris. 

Before  he  could  perfect  his  arrangements  for  the  sale  of 
his  books,  Paris  was  depopulated  by  the  plague,  and  it  is  the  common  belief 
that  Fust  was  one  of  its  victims.  This  is  not  certainly  known,  but  he  was  dead 
on  the  thirtieth  day  of  October,  1466,  the  date  of  the  first  mass  instituted  for 
him  at  the  Church  of  Saint  ‘Victor  at  Paris,  where  his  body  was  buried. 

The  Library  of  Geneva  has  a copy  of  this  edition  of  Cicero , which  contains, 
in  his  own  handwriting,  the  acknowledgment  of  Louis  de  Lavernade,  first  pre- 
sident of  Languedoc,  that  the  book  had  been  presented  to  him  in  Paris,  by  John 
Fust,  in  July,  1466. 

The  record  of  this  church  says  that  the  mass  was  instituted  to  J ohn  Fust, 
printer  of  books,  “ by  Peter  Scofer  and  Conrad  Henlif,”  who  gave  to  the  church 
the  Epistles  of  Saint  Jerome , printed  on  parchment,  and  valued  at  12  crowns  of 
gold.  In  1473,  Schceffer  established  another  mass  for  Fust  and  his  wife  Mar- 
garet, with  the  Dominicans  at  Mentz,  for  which  he  gave  a copy  of  the  Epistles 
of  Jerome  and  of  the  Constitutions  of  Pope  Clement  V.  As  two  books  were  here 
required,  it  shows  that  the  price  of  books  was  rapidly  decreasing.  ^ 

After  Fust’s  death,  Peter  Schceffer  took  his  place  at  the  head  of  the  printing  q 
house.  It  seems,  however,  that  he  had  a partner,  one  Conrad  Fust,  or  Conrad 
Hanequis,  who  was,  no  doubt,  the  Henlif  mentioned  in  the  record  of  the  Church 
of  Saint  Victor.  _ _ P 

Bernard  says  that  this  Conrad  was  the  son  of  John  Fust,  and  that  Christina 
Fust,  who  married  Schceffer,  was  Conrad’s  daughter.  The  only  evidence  that 
this  Christina  was  Conrad’s  daughter  is  the  statement  in  the  application,  which 
is  printed  below.  But  this  statement  is  not  enough  to  overturn  the  contradic- 
tory statements  of  other  writers  of  that  day,  who  had  better  knowledge  of  the 
true  relationship  of  all  the  parties.  W etter  thinks  that  Conrad  was  another 
son-in-law  to  Fust.  We  know'  very  little  about  him.  It  does  not  appear  that 
he  had  anything  to  do  with  printing  before  the  death  of  Fust,  nor  did  he  exer- 
cise any  biown  influence  as  a printer.  His  name  is  not  to  be  found  in  any  of 
Schoeffer’s  books.  It  is  not  known  when  he  died. 

A book  belonging  to  the  Church  of  Saint  Peter  of  Mentz  contains  the  fol- 
lowing record  of  their  application  for  the  manuscript  of  a book  to  which  they 
wished  to  refer : 

“On  Tuesday  evening,  January  14,  1468.  the  dean  and  the  canons  of  the 
chapter  being  assembled  in  the  court  of.  Rhingrave,  the  discreet  man,  Conrad 


Q 

< 

Hi 

o 


o 

H 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 

Fust,  citizen  of  Mentz,  respectfully  requested  of  their  reverences  that  they 
would  be  pleased  to  lend  to  him,  and  also  to  Peter,  the  husband  of  his 
daughter,  a book  from  the  library  of  our  church,  to  be  used  as  a copy, 
namely:  the  Saint  Thomas  [of  Aquinas],  entitled  Liber  super  quarto  sententi- 
arum,  and  of  which  they  wish  to  make  many  copies.  The  canons,  con- 
sidering that  this  request  was  just  and  pious,  and  that  it  would  be 
productive  of  good,  consented  to  the  request,  on  condition,  however,  that 
he  should  replace  this  book,  together  with  the  Decretals  of  Boniface , and 
further,  that  he  should  give  proper  security  to  the  canons.  It  was  so  done.” 
This  manuscript  was  returned,  as  had  been  agreed..  It  was  probably  used 
to  collate  the  text  of  their  editions  of  this  book,  a big  folio  of  548  double- 
columned  pages  in  types  on  English  body,  which  was  completed  bjr  Schoef- 
fer and  Conrad  Fust,  June  13th,  1469. 

Soon  after  Gutenberg’s  death,  Schoeffer  put  forth  this  artful  claim  for 
recognition  as  one  of  the  inventors  of  the  new  art: 

“Moses,  in  the  plan  of  the  tabernacle,  and  Solomon,  in  the  plan  of  the 
temple,  did  nothing  more  than  imagine  a meritorious  work.  The  merit  of 
constructing  the  temple  was  greater  than  Solomon’s  thought.  Hiram  and 
Bezaleel,  greater  than  Solomon,  improved  on  the  plans  of  Solomon  and 
Moses.  He  who  is  pleased  to  endow  mighty  men  with  knowledge  has  given  us 
two  distinguished  masters  in  the  art  of  engraving,  both  bearing  the  name 
of  John,  both  living  in  the  city  of  Mentz,  and  both  illustrious  as  the  first 
printers  of  books.  In  company  with  these  masters,  Peter  hastened  toward 
the  same  end.1  The  last  to  leave,  he  was  the  first  to  arrive;  for  he  ex- 
celled in  the  science  of  engraving,  through  the  grace  of  Him  only  who  can 
give  genius  and  inspiration.  Hereafter  every  nation 
may  procure  proper  types  of  its  own  characters,  for 
he  excels  in  the  engraving  of  all  kinds  of  types.  It 
would  be  almost  incredible  were  I to  specify  the  great 
sums  which  he  pays  to  the  wise  men  who  correct  his 
editions.  He  has  in  his  employ,  the  professor  Francis, 
the  grammarian,  whose  methodical  science  is  admired 
all  over  the  world.  I,  also,  am  attached  to  him,  not  by 
any  greed  of  filthy  lucre,  but  by  my  love  for  the  general 
good,  and  for  the  honor  of  my  country.  Oh  that  they 

1 This  passage  is  an  allusion  to  the  running  of  the  disciples  to  the  sepul- 
chre where  Christ  had  been  laid.  “So  they  ran  both  together;  and  the 
other  disciple  did  outrun  Peter,  and  came  first  to  the  sepulchre . . . yet  went 

he  not  in Then  cometh  Simon  Peter  following  him,  and  went  into  the 

sepulchre.”  St.  John,  xx,  4,  6. 


, of  Peter  Schceffer. 
[From  Dalil.] 


VI 

Q 

<! 

w 

-«! 

o 

M 

Ph 

•o 

H 

t- 


The  Work  op  Schceffer  and  Fust. 

who  set  the  types  and  they  who  read  the  proofs  would 
free  their  texts  from  errors ! The  lovers  of  literature 
would  certainly  reward  them  with  crowns  of  honor 
when  with  their  books,  they  come  to  aid  the  students 
in  thousands  of  schools.”  Institutes  of  Justinian,  1468. 

In  this  colophon,  Schoeffer  claims  superior  skill  as  a 
letter  cutter.  This  pretension  must  be  tested  by  his 
works.  His  first  types,  on  English  body,  appeared  in 
1459,  at  least  four  years  after  Gutenberg's  expulsion 
from  the  partnership;  his  next  types,  on  Great-primer 
body,  appeared  in  1462 ; his  last  types,  a very  bold-faced 
Round  Gothic  on  English  body,  were  first  shown  in 
1462,  and  this  new  face  is  but  a font  of  small  letters  fitted  to  the  capitals 
of  the  English  of  1459.  It  seems  that  this  was  done  to  avoid  the  expense 
of  making  a new  mould,  and  to  save  the  labor  of  cutting  new  capital  let- 
ters— an  evasion  of  duty  not  at  all  creditable  to  the  alleged  inventor  of 
the  type-mould.  Gutenberg  made  four  sizes  of  Pointed  Gothic — the  Para- 
gon of  i the  Bible  of  42  lines,  the  Double-pica  of  the  Bible  of  36  lines,  the 
Double-great-primer  and  Meridian  of  the  Psalter  of  1457 — and  three  sizes 
of  Round  Gothic,  the  large  English  of  the  Letter  of  Indulgence  of  31  lines, 
the  small  English  of  the  Letter  of  Indulgence  of  30  lines,  and  the  Pica  of  the 
Catholicon  of  1460.  They  were  cast  on  seven  distinct  bodies.  Schoeffer’s 
three  faces  of  types,  one  of  them  imperfect,  were  cast  on  two  bodies. 
These  are  the  only  types  made  by  Schceffer.  If  we  compare  them  with 
the  types  of  Gutenberg,  it  will  be  perceived  that  they  are  fewer  in  number 
and  of  inferior  design  and  execution.  It  is  absurd  for  Schoeffer  to  claim 
even  equal  merit  with  Gutenberg,  either  as  letter-cutter  or  type-founder, 
Schceffer’s  real  merit  is  to  be  found  in  his  eminence  as  a man  of  business. 
He  was,  no  doubt,  chosen  as  Gutenberg's  successor,  for  his  presumed  ability 
as  a manager  and  a sharp  financier.  This  presumption  was  warrantable. 
His  subsequent  management  of  the  printing  office  shows  that  he  was  a 
thorough  man  of  business — a born  trader’.  He  has  not  shown  that  he  was 
a mechanic  or  an  inventor^  Like  John  Fust,  he  practised  printing,  not 
because  he  loved  it  for  its  own  sake,  but  because  he  loved  its  excitement 
and  its  pi-omised  rewards. 

Schoeffer  established  agencies  for  the  sale  of  his  books  in  Lubec1  and 
Frankfort,2  and  probably  in  other  cities.  He  sold  not  only  his  own  books. 

1 He  consigned  his  books  to  one  Hans  Bitz  of  2 To  become  a freeman  of  the  city  of  Frankfort, 
Lubec.  who  died,  leaving  the  debt  unpaid.  Schcelt'er  paid  a tax  of  10  pounds  4 shillings. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  21. 


139 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


but  those  of  other  printers.1  We  have  many  evidences  that  he  was  unwearied 
in  the  prosecution  of  his  business,  which  seems  to  have  been  attended  with 
much  risk  of  loss.2  His  prosperity  was  at  its  highest  point  in  1476,  in  which 
year  he  printed  four  large  books.  After  1480,  his  interest  in  the  printing  office 
began  to  decline.  Between  1490  and  1502,  but  six  books  were  issued  from  his 
office.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  his  last  book  was  the  fourth  edition  of  the 
Psalter , the  book  with  which  he  began  his  typographical  career. 

During  his  later  years,  Schoeft’er  was  made  a judge.  His  official  duties  pre- 
vented him  from  giving  close  attention  to  his  printing  office  ; but  printing  was 
neglected  by  him  because  it  had  almost  ceased  to  be  profitable.  He  had  com- 
petitors, not  only  in  Rome,  Paris  and  Venice,  but  in  all  the  larger  cities  of  Ger- 
many, and  even  in  Mentz  and  Strasburg — competitors  who  were  more  skillful 
as  printers  and  more  shrewd  as  publishers.  They  had  perceived  that  the  art 
of  printing  would  be  of  little  advantage  to  them,  and  of  little  service  to  the 
world,  if  its  practice  was  confined  to  the  servile  imitation  of  manuscript  books, 
or  if  it  expected  to  derive  a generous  support  exclusively  from  the  rich,  or  from  g 
men  of  taste  and  men  of  letters.  The  younger  printers  saw  that  it  was  neces-  ^ 
sary  that  books  should  be  made  more  cheaply,  and  in  more  convenient  forms.  ^ 
With  this  end  in  view,  they  introduced  the  cheaper  size  of  octavo,  which  was  O 
much  handier  than  the  unwieldy  folio  or  quarto.  The  rubricated  letters  and 
lines  were  supplanted  by  initials  and  borders  engraved  on  wood  and  printed 
with  the  types  in  black  ink.  The  fashion  of  surrounding  a text  with  notes, 
and  of  making  notes  and  text  in  measures  of  different  width  and  length  on 
every  page,  was  abandoned : the  text  was  put  at  the  top  and  the  notes  at  the 
bottom.  Signatures,  catch-words,  paging-figures,  blank  spaces  between  chap- 
ters, and  the  division  of  matter  in  paragraphs,  were  introduced.  But  the 
greatest  innovation  was  in  the  letters  themselves.  When  Nicholas  Jenson 
introduced  Roman  types,  and  proved  the  superior  legibility  of  light  and  simple 
lines,  the  popularity  of  the  sombre  Gothic  in  Southern  Europe  came  to  an  end. 

The  new  fashions  were  adopted  by  many  printers  in  Germany,  but  they  were 
not  approved  by  Schceffer,  who  resisted  them  till  his  death.  In  his  judgment, 
the  only  model  for  a printed  book  was  the  Gothic  manuscript  copy,  and  he 
copied  it  as  closely  as  he  could,  with  all  its  imperfections. 

His  son,  John  Schceffer,  who  had  some  control  over  the  printing  office  before 
his  father’s  death,  timidly  and  tardily  introduced  paging-figures,  but  they  were 
not  regularly  used  in  his  later  works.  W e may  suppose  that  the  father  dis- 
liked the  innovation.  The  invention  of  leads  is  the 
only  improvement  that  can  be  attributed  to  Schceffer. 

1 There  is  in  Paris  a treatise  by  Dun  Scotus,  printed  by  Anthony 
Koburger  of  Nuremberg  in  1474,  which  contains  a bill  of  sale  written 
by  Peter  Schceffer,  which  states  that  the  book  was  sold  to  one  John 
Henry  for  three  crowns  of  gold. 

2 His  agent  in  Paris  was  Hermann  Stathoen,  who  died  there  in  1474, 
before  he  had  been  made  a citizen.  According  to  the  French  law.  all 
his  effects  reverted  to  the  crown.  The  books  of  Schceffer  were  seized 
by  the  king’s  commissioners,  and  were  scattered  and  sold  before  his 
partner  Conrad  Fust,  or  Henlif,  could  make  a reclamation.  He  ap- 
pealed to  the  king,  Louis  xx,  who  ordered  that  Schceffer  should  be 
recompensed  by  the  payment  of  2,425  crowns.  This  was  a large  sum 
for  that  day  : it  was  nearly  four  times  as  large  as  the  sum  fixed  on  in 
a valuation  of  all  the  books  in  the  Louvre  in  1459. 


century,  wrote  the  following  description  of  the  invention,  which  he  says 
he  had  from  Peter  Schoeffer  himself : 

•‘It  was  at  this  period  (1450)  in  Mentz,  a city  of  Germany  on  the  Rhine, 
and  not  in  Italy,  as  some  people  have  falsely  asserted,  that  this  admirable, 
and  till  then  unheard-of,  art  of  printing  books  by  the  aid  of  types  was 
planned  and  invented  by  John  Gutenberg,  a citizen  of  Mentz.  When  he 
^ had  spent  all  his  property  in  his  search  after  this  art,  and  was  almost 
^ overwhelmed  with  difficulties,  unable  to  find  relief  from  an)'  quarter,  and 
meditating  the  abandonment  of  his  project,  Gutenberg  was  enabled  by  the 
^ counsel  and  by  the  money  of  John  Fust,  also  a citizen  of  Mentz,  to  finish 
^ the  work  which  he  had  begun. 

ZJ  "They  first  printed,  -with  engravings  of  letters  on  blocks  of  wood,  arranged 
£L(  in  proper  order  in  the  manner  of  ordinary  manuscripts,  the  vocabulary 
then  called  the  Catholicon ; but  with  the  letters  on  these  blocks  they  were 
not  able  to  print  anything  else,  for  the  letters  were  not  movable,  but  fixed 
and  unalterable  upon  the  blocks,  as  has  been  stated.  To  this  invention 
'*~l  succeeded  another  much  more  ingenious.  They  discovered  a method  of 
Jlj  founding  the  forms  of  all  the  letters  of  the  Latin  alphabet,  which  they 
H called  matrices,  from  which  [matrices]  they  again  founded  types,  either  in 
>-  tin  or  in  brass,  strong  enough  for  any  pressure,  which  [types?]  before  this 
had  been  cut  by  hand.  In  right  earnest,  1 was  told,  nearly  thirty  years 
ago,  by  Peter  Schceffer  of  Gernszheim,  citizen  of  Mentz,  the  son-in-law  of 
the  first  inventor,  that  this  art  of  printing  had  encountered,  in  its  first 
essays,  great  difficulties.  For,  when  they  were  printing  the  Bible , they 
were  obliged  to  expend  more  than  4.000  florins  before  they  had  printed 
three  sections  [sixty  pages].  But  the  Peter  Schceffer  already  mentioned, 
at  that  time  a workman,  but  afterward  son-in-law,  as  has  been  said,  of  the 
first  inventor,  John  Fust,  a man  skillful  and  ingenious,  devised  a more  easy 
method  of  founding  types,  and  thus  gave  the  art 
its  present  perfection.  And  the  three  men  kept 
secret  among  themselves,  for  a while,  this  method 
of  printing,  up  to  the  time  when  their  workmen 
were  deprived  of  the  work,  without  which  they 
were  unable  to  practise  their  trade,  by  whom  it  was 
divulged,  first  in  Strasburg,  and  afterward  in  other 
cities/’ 

There  are  many  inaccuracies  in  this  statement. 
Gutenberg  and  Fust  are  represented  as  foolishly 
squandering  money  in  vain  efforts  to  invent  xylog- 


f tioiaqmdagvamaticent', 
timieta  cesto  p oidmimt 
mcro  podere&menlumm 
^niu  cohered  mgvtt  Eabol  comtut  fu 
quo&ifcchs  et  ccrdomieiisficmaab 

Fac-simile  of  the  Types  of  the  Latin  Grammar  of  1468. 

A.  bold-faced  Round  Gothic  on  English  Body 
[From  Bernard.] 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


This  curt  review  of  the  works  and  workmanship  of  Peter  Schoeffer  should 
be  enough  to  show  that  his  reputation  as  the  father  of  letter-founders,  and  the 
inventor  of  matrices  and  the  type-mould,  is  entirely  undeserved.  His  types 
show  that  he  had  no  skill  as  a letter-cutter  or  mechanic.  It  is  not  possible  that 
a man  who  has  shown  such  feeble  evidences  of  mechanical  ability  could  have 
been  the  first  inventor  of  the  matrices  and  the  type-mould.  While  Gutenberg 
and  Fust  were  living,  Schoeffer  never  made  the  claim  that  he  was  the  inventor, 
or  even  a co-inventor,  of  printing.  But  when  they  were  buried,  he  claimed 
that  he  was  superior  to  both,  and  that  he  was  really  the  first  to  enter  the  sanct- 
uary of  the  art.  In  1468,  he  falsely  said  that  although  Gutenberg  was  the  first 
inventor,  he  was  the  man  who  perfected  the  art.  It  seems  that  he  must  have 
told  his  friends  many  things 'about  his  pretended  services  which  he  was  un- 
willing to  print.  In  1503,  John  Schoeffer  said  in  his  first  book  that  he  was  a 
descendant  of  the  inventor  of  the  almost  divine  art  of  printing.  In  1509,  he 
says  in  another  book  that  his  grandfather  was  the  first  inventor  of  printing. 
In  1515, 1 he  printed  this  extraordinary  statement: 

‘ ■ The  printing  of  this  chronicle  was  completed  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1515 , 
in  the  vigil  of  the  Virgin  Margaret,  in  the  noble  and  famous  city  of  Mentz, 
where  the  art  of  printing  was  first  developed,  by  John  Schoeffer,  descendant  of 
the  honest  man,  John  Fust,  citizen  of  Mentz,  and  inventor  of  the  before-men- 
tioned art.  It  was  in  the  year  1450,  in  the  13th  indiction,  under  the  reign  of 
the  very  illustrious  Roman  Emperor  Frederic  ill,  the  very  reverend  father  in 
Christ,  Lord  Theodoric,  grand  cup-bearer  of  Erpach,  prince  elector,  occupying 
the  archiepiscopal  chair  in  Mentz,  that  this  John  Fust  began  to  devise,  and 
finally  invented,  solely  through  his  own  genius,  the  art  of  printing.  Aided  by 
divine  favor,  in  the  year  1452,  he  had  so  far  improved  and  developed  his  art, 
that  he  was  able  to  print ; in  which  work,  however,  he  was  indebted  for  many 
improvements  to  the  ingenuity  of  Peter  Schoeffer  of  Gernszheim,  his  workman 
and  his  adopted  son,  to  whom  in  acknowledgment  of  his  many  services  and  his 
skill,  he  gave  the  hand  of  his  daughter.  Christina  Fust.  These  two  men,  John 
Fust  and  Peter  Schceffer,  carefully  retained  to  their  own  advantage  the  secrets 
of  the  art ; and  for  this  purpose,  they  demanded  from  their  workmen  and  ser- 
vants an  oath  that  they  should  not  in  any  way  divulge  the  process.  Notwith- 
standing this  precaution,  in  the  year  1462  the  knowledge  of  the  art  was  carried 
by  their  workmen  to  distant  countries,  and  printing  thereby  secured  a wide 
development.” 

The  thorough  dishonesty  of  this  statement  is  abundantly  proved  by  its  sup- 
pression of  the  name  and  services  of  Gutenberg.  It  is  also  evident  that  the 
writer  could  not,  or  dared  not,  point  out  the  improvements  which  he  alleges 
were  made  by  Schceffer.  This  deficiency  was  soon  supplied  by  a more  credu- 
lous writer.  About  1514.  Trithemius,2  one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  that 


1 Ten  years  before,  John  Schceffer  had  conceded 
full  justice  to  Gutenberg,  and  had  told  the  story 
with  more  truth.  In  the  dedication  of  an  edition  of 
Livy,  printed  by  him  in  1505,  John  Schceffer  uses 
this  language:  “Will  your  Majesty  [addressing 
the  Emperor  Maximilian]  deign  to  accept  this 
book,  printed  in  Mentz,  the  city  in  which  the  ad- 
mirable art  of  typography  was  invented,  in  the 
year  1450,  by  the  ingenious  John  Gutenberg,  and 
was  afterward  perfected  at  the  cost  and  by  the 


work  of  John  Fust  and  of  Peter  Schceffer. . .”  This 
acknowledgment  did  not  prevent  the  Emperor 
from  making  a subsequent  official  declaration,  in 
the  privilege  or  copyright  for  a grand  edition  of 
Livy,  published  by  the  same  printer,  and  dated 
December  9,  1518,  that  the  grandfather  of  John 
Schceffer  had  invented  printing  [ clialcographia ]. 
So  much  for  the  strength  of  audacious  falsehood! 
Bernard,  De  Vorigine  et  des  debuts,  vol.  i,  p.  309. 

2 Annales  Hirsaugienses,  vol.  n,  p.  421. 


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raphy,  a method  of  printing  then  in  common  use  in  many  cities  of  Ger- 
many, Italy  and  Holland.  The  Catholicon , which  is  mentioned  as  one  of 
the  productions  of  block-printing,  was  printed  from  metal  types  in  1460. 
In  the  beginning,  Gutenberg  is  acknowledged  as  the  inventor  of  printing, 
yet,  a few  lines  further,  we  are  told  that  Fust  was  the  first  inventor.  And 
it  seems  that  Gutenberg  could  do  nothing  with  his  invention  until  helped 
by  the  advice,  as  well  as  the  money,  of  John  Fust.  After  the  improved 
invention,1  Gutenberg  and  Fust  fell  in  hopeless  difficulties,  having  spent 
four  thousand  florins  before  they  had  completed  sixty  pages  of  the  Bible. 
From  these  difficulties  they  were  extricated  by  Peter  Schoeffer,  "son-in-law 
of  the  first  inventor,”  who  invented  a more  easy  method  of  making  types, 
and  who  gave  the  art  its  present  perfection,  and  without  whose  aid  the 
earlier  inventions  would  have  been  of  little  value.  The  intention  of  the 
writer  is  plain : Gutenberg,  Fust  and  Schoeffer  may  be  regarded  as  co-in- 
ventors,  but  Schoeffer  did  the  most  effective  service. 

It  is  a curious  fact  that  this  paper,  which  has  been  so  often  quoted  as 
evidence  in  favor  of  Schoeffer’s  invention  of  matrices,  positively  says  that 
matrices  had  already  been  used  by  Fust  and  Gutenberg.  Before  Schoeffer’s 
name  is  mentioned,  it  is  said  that  "they”  [Fust  and  Gutenberg]  discovered 
a method  of  making  matrices.  Trithemius  says  that  Schoeffer’s  contribution 
to  the  invention  was  ‘ ‘ a more  easy  method  of  founding  types,  by  which 
he  gave  the  art  its  present  perfection.”  He  does  not  explain  this  easy 
method.  We  do  not  know  whether  his  claimed  improvement  was  in  the 
mould  or  matrix,  in  its  construction  or  in  its  manipulation ; but  it  was  not 
origination  or  invention,  it  was  improvement  only.  The  passage  which 
seems  to  say  that  the  first  types  were  cut  by  hand  does  not  require  much 
comment.  Trithemius  may  have  misunderstood,  and  incorrectly  reported, 
what  he  heard,  or  Schoeffer  may  have  misrepresented  the  facts.  It  is 
evident  that  Trithemius  is  in  error ; for  cut  types,  cut  either  as  to  body  or 
as  to  face,  never  were,  never  could  have  been  used.  The  most  trustworthy 


l The  description  of  the  more  ingenious  method 
uf  “founding  the  forms  of  all  the  letters  of  the 
Latin  alphabet,  which  they  called  matrices,  from 
which  [matrices]  they  again  founded  types,  either 
in  tin  or  in  brass,”  has  b_-en  denounced  by  many 
writers  on  typography  as lie  confused  statement  of 
a man  who  did  not  thoroughly  understand  what  he 
related,  and  who  has  reversed  the  proper  order  of 
the  process  of  type-making.  A more  careful  reading 
will  show  that  Trithemius  attempted  to  describe 
the  process  of  matrix-making,  which  is  set  forth 
in  page  103  of  this  book.  He  says  that  types  were 
made  either  of  brass  or  of  tin,  for  his  memory 


failed  him,  and  he  could  not  recollect  that  it  was 
the  matrix  which  should  have  been  of  brass,  and 
the  type  of  tin.  The  characters  “which  before 
this  had  been  cut  by  hand,”  may  be  regarded  not 
as  types,  but  as  punches  of  soft  metal.  They 
would  necessarily  be  damaged  by  pressure  in  the 
semi-fluid  metal  selected  for  making  the  matrices 
The  tools  which  Trithemius  vainly  tried  to  de- 
scribe were  the  punch  of  steel  and  the  mould  and 
matrices  of  brass.  That  punches  and  matrices  of 
wood  or  of  soft  metal  unequal  to  hard  pressure 
were  used  by  the  earlier  printers  is  proved  by  the 
variable  shapes  of  their  types. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


I 


140 


Nonpareil,  No.  21. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


evidences  tell  us  that  the  earliest  types 
were  cast  in  a mould. 

The  impressions  of  Gutenberg,  which 
clearly  show  that  his  types  were  cast 
and  not  cut.  should  outweigh  the  state- 
ments of  all  the  chroniclers ; but  it 
may  be  proper  to  call  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  types  of  the  Bible  of  42 
lines  were  used  by  Schceffer  in  1476, 
and  that  the  types  of  the  Letters  of  In- 
dulgence and  oi‘  the  Bible  of  36  lines  were 
in  use  by  Hauman  at  the  end  of  the 
fifteenth  century.  If  these  types  had 
been  cut,  they  would  have  been  soon 
worn  out.  The  re-appearance  of  these 
faces  fifty  years  after  they  were  first 
used  shows  that  the  types  of  Hauman 
must  have  been  cast  from  the  matrices 
of.  Gutenberg. 

If  the  word formen,  which  is  found 
in  the  record  of  the  trial  of  Strasburg, 
be  construed  as  the  same  word  must 
be  construed  in  the  colophon  to  the 
Catholicon  of  1460,  in  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  Dr.  Humery  in  1468,  and  in  the 
order  of  the  King  of  France  in  1458, 
then  we  have  the  most  complete  evid- 
ence that  the  matrices  and  the  accom- 
panying type-mould  were  used  by  Gut- 
enberg long  before  he  knew  Schceffer. 

It  was  not  necessary  that  Trithemius 
should  have  told  us  that  he  derived  this 
curious  information  from  Peter  Schcef- 
fer. In  these  perversions  of  truth  we 
may  see  the  vanity  of  the  man  who  had 
already  boasted  that  he  was  the  first  to 
enter  the  sanctuary  of  the  art.  The  un- 
reasonableness of  his  claim  to  the  in- 
vention of  matrices,  or  to  the  perfection 
of  printing,  may  be  inferred  from  the 
fact  that,  although  he  was  a judge,  a 
man  of  distinction,  and  a successful 
publisher  for  more  than  forty  years, 
during  the  period  when  the  value  of 
printing  was  fully  appreciated,  he  was 
never  noticed  in  any  way  as  a great 
benefactor.  Neither  the  emperor  nor 
elector  gave  him  any  distinction  as  the 
founder  of  a great  art ; no  one  put  up 


a stone  to  . his  memory,  honoring  him 
as  an  inventor  ; no  printer  of  that  cent- 
ury regarded  him  as  aught  more  than 
a thrifty  publisher.  His  reputation 
has  been  created  entirely  by  his  own 
boasts  and  those  of  his  family ; and  it 
is  a most  damaging  circumstance  that 
these  boasts  were  not  made  until  Gu- 
tenberg and  Fust  were  dead,  and  that 
the  statement  written  by  Trithemius 
was  not  published  until  all  the  witness- 
es to  the  invention  were  dead,  and  there 
could  be  no  contradiction. 

There  are  many  facts  which  show 
the  falsity  of  Schceffer’ s claim.  Setting- 
aside  the  evidences  in  favor  of  the  prob- 
able priority  of  the  types  of  the  Bible 
of  36  lines , the  record  of  the  lawsuit 
between  Gutenberg  and  Fust  virtually 
tells  us  that  the  types  of  the  Bible  of  42 
lines  had  been  made,  perhaps  in  1452, 
but  not  later  than  1453.  That  these 
types  were  founded  in  matrices,  were 
of  neater  cut,  more  exact  as  to  body,  GG 
and  better  founded  than  any  afterward  O 
made  by  Schceffer,  is  apparent  at  a X 
glance.  They  prove  that  the  true  me-  y 
thod  of  type-making  had  already  been 
found.  If  Schceffer  invented  the  mat- 
rices from  which  these  types  were 
made,  he  should  have  perfected  this 
invention  in  1451.  But  Schoeffer  was 
a copyist  at  Paris  in  1449,  and  it  is  not 
certain  that  he  was  with  Gutenberg 
before  1453.  Here  we  encounter  an 
impossibility.  It  cannot  be  supposed 
that  a young  collegian,  fresh  from 
books,  without  experience  in  mechan- 
ics, could  invent,  off-hand,  a compli- 
cated method  of  type-making,  upon 
which  Gutenberg  had  been  working 
for  many  years. 

There  is  still  another  version  of  this 
invention  of  matrices  by  Schoeffer,  the 
version  of  Jo.  Frid.  Faustus,  which  has 
been  often  paraded  as  conclusive  testi- 
mony in  Schceffer’ s favor. 

■‘John  Fust,  of  ^Ientz,  was  the  first 
to  perceive  the  losses  suffered  by  schol- 


extricate  themselves  until  Gutenberg- 
had  acquired  a right  to  use  the  inven- 
tion, by  which  use  he  wrongfully  en- 
joys the  honor  of  first  inventor.  Here 
we  may  stop.  It  would  be  a waste  of 
time  to  expose,  one  by  one,  the  false- 
hoods of  a statement  so  flatly  contra- 
dicted by  many  unimpeachable  evi- 
dences. It  is  very  clear  that  the  writer 
had  no  new  facts  to  tell  us  about  the 
invention.  He  has  told  us  not  how  it 
was  made,  but  how  he  wished  it  had 
. been  made  that  it  might  redound  to  the 
q honor  of  the*Fusts. 

This  version  is  found  in  Wolf's  Mon- 
P3  umenta  Typographical , vol.  I,  pp.  466  and 
^ 469,  under  the  heading  of  The  Statement 

<|  of  an  Unknown  Author , and  is  attributed 
^ by  Wolf  to  one  Jo.  Frid.  Faustus  of 
Ph  Aschaffenburg  (who  died  in  1620),  or 

O 


to  .his  son.  Wolf  admits  (p.  452,  note) 
that  the  identity  of  the  author  is  not 
clearly  established.  It  is  probable  that 
the  statement  was  written  by  a descend- 
ant of  J ohn  Fust,  who  was  predisposed 
to  magnify  his  services  and  those  of  his 
partner.  Yan  der  Linde  calls  the  writer 
an  arch  liar.  Bernard  rejects  the  en- 
tire-statement  as  unworthy  of  credit,  or 
even  of  notice. 

What  later  writers  have  said  about 
the  value  of  Schoeffer’ s services  need 
not  be  considered,  for  they  also  have 
produced  no  new  facts : they  have  based 
their  opinions  entirely  on  the  incorrect 
information  of  Faustus,  Trithemius 
and  Schceffer.  We  may  pass,  without 
further  delay,  to  the  examination  of 
the  claims  made  for  other  alleged  in- 
ventors of  printing. 


The  Work  of  Schceffer  and  Fust. 


ars  through  the  scarcity  of  books.  He 
labored  diligently  to  invent  some  new 
method  of  multiplying  them,  so  that 
they  could  be  furnished  to  readers  at 
reduced  and  reasonable  prices.  High 
Heaven,  kindly  favoring  his  sincere 
prayers  and  his  most  laudable  inten- 
tion, revealed  to  this  excellent  man  the 
most  approved  form  and  mainstay  of 
his  invention.  In  the  beginning,  he 
cut  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  for 
children,  on  a block  of  wood,  in  high 
relief.  With  much  loss  of  time  and 
labor,  he  waited  for  the  invention  of  a 
more  suitable  ink;  for  writing  ink 
blotted  and  made  the  printed  letters 
unintelligible.  He  experimented  with 
soot  from  a candle,  with  which  he  was 
able  to  print,  but  the  impression  would 
not  adhere  to  the  paper.  At  last  he 
invented  an  ink  which  was  black,  ad- 
hesive and  permanent.  Then  he  began 
to  print  on  a press  and  to  publish  little 
books  for  children,  which  everybody 
bought,  for  the  price  was  trivial,  and 
buyers  praised  the  printer.  Fust  was 
stimulated  to  attempt  larger  work,  and 
he  thereupon  printed  the  Donat  us  in 
exactly  the  same  manner.  But  the  en- 
graved pages  of  this  book,  cut  out  of 
the  solid  block,  displayed  many  imper- 
fect letters,  and  many  copies  were 
worthless.  It  then  occurred  to  the  in- 
ventor. at  the  right  time,  that  he  might 
print  books  with  separate  types,  and 
that  it  was  not  at  all  necessary  that 
the  letters  should  always  be  cut  on 
solid  blocks.  Whereupon  he  cut  up  the 
wood  blocks,  and  saving  all  the  types 
that  had  escaped  injury,  he  made  new 
combinations  with  them.  This  is  the 
true  origin  of  the  composition  of  mov- 
able types.  This  new  method  of  making 
types  called  for  a great  expenditure  of 
time  and  labor ; it  delayed  the  work, 
hindered  the  development  of  the  new 
art,  alid  made  many  miserable  difficul- 
ties for  the  inventor. 

“Fust  had  many  workmen,  who  as- 


sisted him  in  making  ink  and  types,  and 
in  other  work.  Among  them  was  Peter 
Schoeffer  of  Gernszheim,  who,  when  he 
perceived  the  difficulties  and  delays  of 
his  master,  was  seized  with  an  ardent 
desire  to  accomplish  the  success  of  the 
new  art.  Through  the  special  inspira- 
tion of  God,  he  discovered  the  secret  by 
which  types  of  the  matrix,  as  they  are 
called,  could  be  cut,  and  types  could  be 
founded  from  them,  which,  for  this  pur- 
pose, could  be  composed  in  frequent 
combinations,  and  not  be  singly  cut  as 
they  had  been  before.  Schoeffer  se- 
cretly cut  matrices  of  the  alphabet,  and 
showed  types  cast  therefrom  to  his 
master,  John  Fust,  who  was  so  greatly 
pleased  with  them,  and  rejoiced  so 
greatly,  that  he  immediately  promised 
to  him  his  only  daughter,  and  soon  after 
he  gave  her  to  him  in  marriage.  But 
even  with  this  kind  of  type,  great  diffi- 
culty was  experienced.  The  metal  was 
soft  and  did  not  withstand  pressure, 
until  they  invented  an  alloy  which  gave 
it  proper  strength.  As  they  had  hap- 
pily succeeded  in  this  undertaking,  Fust 
and  Schceffer  bound  their  workmen  by 
oath  to  conceal  the  process  with  the 
greatest  secrecy ; but  they  showed  to 
friends,  whenever  it  pleased  them,  the 
first  experimental  types  of  wood,  which 
they  tied  up  with  a string  and  preserv- 
ed. My  uncle,  Doctor  John  Fust,  tes- 
tified that  he  had  seen,  with  the  manu- 
scripts which  were  bequeathed  by  the 
inventor,  these  experimental  types  of 
wood,  and  that  he  had  held  in  his  hands 
the  first  part  of  his  edition  of  the 
Donatus .” 

The  unknown  author  further  says 
that  John  Gutenberg  was  one  of  the 
friends  to  whom  Fust  and  Schceffer 
showed  the  wood  types ; that  Guten- 
berg, professing  to  admire  their  inge- 
nuity, took  a great  interest  in  their 
enterprise,  and  lent  Fust  and  Schoeffer 
money,  thereby  entangling  them  in  an 
agreement,  from  which  they  could  not 


GG 

o 

£ 

3 


XXIV 

ALLEGED  INVENTORS  OF  PRINTING. 


m 

Q 

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J 


O 

£ 


Discovery  of  the  Book  of  Four  Stories,  with  Imprint  of  Albert  Pfister . . . Its  Types  the  same  as  those 

of  the  Bible  of  36  lines Pfister  regarded  as  an  Inventor  of  Printing Description  of  Book  of 

Four  Stories. . . Its  Colophon Book  of  Fables Colophon  and  Fac-simile Other  Books  by 

Pfister. . . Pfister  not  a Type-founder. . . Probably  an  Engraver  on  Wood. . . Could  not  have  Printed 
the  Bible  of  36  lines. . . Pfister  probably  got  his  knowledge  of  Printing  from  Gutenberg. . . Paul  of 
Prague’s  Notice  of  Printing  at  Bamberg. . . Sebastian  Pfister. . . Pamphilo  Castaldi. . . Absurdity  of 
the  Legend  . . . John  Mentel  and  his  Epitaph  . . . Gebwiler’s  Statement. . . Fac-simile  of  the  Arms  of 
the  Typothetae. . . Specklin’s  Statement. . . Plain  Falsification?  of  History. . . Known  Facts  about 
Mentel  and  his  partner  Henry  Eggestein. 


It  is,  perhaps,  possible  to  show  of  all  inventions  that  somewhere  somebody  must  have  been  very  near 
to  it.  To  assert  of  any  invention  whatever,  that  it  could  or  should  have  been  invented  long  ago, 
is  nothing  but  chicane : we  are  to  prove,  incontrovertibly,  that  it  was  really  invented,  or  else  be 
silent. — Lessing. 


o 

H 

X 

$ 


SCHELHORN'S  opinion  that  the  Bible  of 
36  lines  was  the  Bible  described  by  Zell 
— the  book  printed  by  Gutenberg  in 
1450  — did  not  meet  with  the  approval 
of  those  who  had  copies  of  the  Bible  of 
42  lines.  Men  who  had  paid  very  large 
prices  for  the  copies  of  an  edition  sup- 
posed to  be  the  first,  were  loth  to  have 
it  degraded  to  the  inferior  place  of  a 
second  edition.  The  testimony  of  Zell 
was  unceremoniously  set  aside;  the 
written  date  of  1460  in  one  copy  of  the 
Bible  of  36  lines  was  regarded  as  indi- 
cating the  date  of  printing,,  and  the 
book  was  declared  the  work  of  Guten- 
berg between  1455  and  1460.  Another 
hypothesis  was  soon  presented.  In  1792, 
Steiner,  a clergyman  at  Augsburg,  an- 
nounced the  discovery  of  the  Book  of 
Four  Stories  with  the  imprint  of  Albert 
Pfister,  Bamberg,  1462.  Soon  after, 


Camus  read  before  the  National  Insti- 
tute at  Paris,  a critical  description  of 
the  book,  in  which  he  proved  the 
identity  of  its  types  with  those  of  the 
Bible  of  36  lines.  Thereupon,  incau- 
tious readers  rushed  to  the  hasty  infer- 
ence that,  as  Pfister  had  made  use  of 
the  types  of  the  Bible  of  36  lines,  the 
Bible  must  have  been  printed  by  Pfister. 
Critics  of  authority  did  not  hesitate  to 
say  that  Albert  Pfister,  a printer  un- 
known for  three  centuries,  and  of  whom 
there  is  no  tradition,  might  have  been 
an  inventor  of  printing,  the  rival,  and 
perhaps  the  predecessor  and  teacher,  of 
John  Gutenberg.  As  we  know  Pfister 
only  through  his  books,  it  -will  be  proper 
to  examine  their  workmanship  before 
this  hypothesis  can  be  considered. 
They  are  not  numerous : sixteen  books 
and  pamphlets  have  been  attributed 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Nonpareil,  No.  21. 


141 


Alleged  Inventors  of  Printing. 


Alleged  Inventors  of  Printing. 


to  him,  but  his  claim  to  eight  has  been 
disproved. — Five  of  the  disputed  works 
are  the  JDonatus  of  1451,  the  Bible  of  36 
lines , the  Letters  of  Indulgence  of  1455, 
the  Calendar  of  1457  and  the  Almanac 
of  1455.  The  chief  reason  for  attribut- 
ing these  works  to  Pfister  is  that  they 
exhibit  the  types  of  the  Bible  of  36  lines. 

The  Book  of  Four  Stoi'ics,  a thin  folio 
of  60  leaves — a version  made  for  child- 
ish readers  of  the  biblical  descriptions 
of  Joseph,  Daniel,  Esther  and  Judith 
— may  be  offered  as  the  most  character- 
istic specimen  of  Pfister’s  style.  The 
types  of  this  book  are  those  of  the  Bible 
of  36  lines,  but  they  are  much  worn.  If 
the}'  were  not  the  identical  characters, 
they  were  cast  in  the  mould  and  mat- 
rices that  had  been  used  for  the  types 
of  the  Bible , for  the  types  of  both  books 
agree  in  face  and  in  body.  The  Book  of 
Four  Stories  has  fifty-five  engravings 
on  wood,  six  of  which  are  repeated^ 
each  occupying  the  space  of  about 
eleven  lines,  or  224  inches,  of  the  text. 
The  engravings  are  coarse : they  have 
no  artistic  merit,  and  are  in  every  way 
inferior  to  those  of  the  Bible  of  the  Poor 


or  the  Speculum  Salutis  ; they  abound 
in  puerile  absurdities,  and  seem  to  be 
the  work  of  a maker  of  cards  or  images. 

The  text  of  the  book  is  in  German 
rhyme,  but  the  lines  follow  each  other, 
without  break,  as  in  a text  of  prose.  A 
capital  letter  indicates  the  beginning 
of  each  line  of  poetry,  and  a lozenge- 
shaped period  denotes  its  ending.  The 
presswork  is  decidedly  inferior : the 
deeply  indented  paper  shows  that  the 
printer  could  not  regulate  the  pressure 
on  the  types ; the  muddiness  of  the  2^ 
letters  comes  from  the  use  of  a thin  hh 
ink,  and  the  faulty  register  from  a Q 
shackly  press.  The  colophon  or  sub- 
scription of  this  book,  a translation  of 
which  is  submitted,  specifies  the  date, 
the  place  of  printing  and  the  printer  : 

“ Every  man,  in  his  heart,  desires  to 
be  learned  and  well  read.  Without 
books  and  without  teacher,  this  cannot 
be.  If  it  were  otherwise,  all  of  us  would 
know  Latin.  These  reflections  have 
engaged  me  for  a long  time.  To  good 
purpose  have  I sought  out  and  gather- 
ed the  four  stories  of  Joseph,  Daniel, 

J udith,  and  also  of  Esther.  God  granted 


of  1461  seems  the  earliest  of  Pfister’s 
books,  but  it  was  published  without 
any  explanation  stating  that  it  was 
made  by  a new  art.  It  may  therefore 
be  presumed  that  he  began  to  print 
with  types  before  1461.  The  profusion 
of  wood-cuts  in  his  books  is  an  in- 
dication that  he  was  an  engraver  on 
wood — probably  a maker  of  playing 
cards,  images,  and  block-books,  who 
had  profited  by  an  early  opportunity 
to  perceive  the  advantages  of  types. 
As  a seller  and  maker  of  chap-books, 
he  would  prefer  the  types  because  they 
explained  his  pictures  more  cheaply 
than  the  slower  process  of  engraving 
letter  by  letter ; but  his  persistent  use 
of  types  which  other  printers  would 
have  condemned  as  worn  out,  shows 
that  he  did  not  make  and  could  not 
renew  them.  It  is  not  probable  that 
a man  who  seems  to  have  rated  his 


protection  to  these  four  personages,  as 
lie  always  does  to  the  good.  This  little 
book,  which  is  intended  to  teach  us 
how  to  amend  our  lives,  was  completed 
in  Bamberg,  in  which  city  Albert  Pfister 
printed  it,  in  the  year  which  is  num- 
bered one  thousand  four  hunched  and 
sixty-two, — which  is  the  truth, — soon 
after  the  day  of  Saint  Walpurgis,  who 
is  able  to  obtain  for  us  grace  abundant, 
peace,  and  everlasting  life.  May  God 
give  them  to  all  of  us.  Amen.” 

The  Book  of  Fables , a folio  of  88 
leaves,  printed  with  the  types  of  the 
Bible  of  36  lines,  is  another  work  which 
fairly  exhibits  the  style  of  Pfister.  It 
contains  eighty-five  fables,  ea,ch  illus- 
trated with  a coarse  engraving  on  wood, 
in  which  monkeys  represent  men.  The 
text  is  in  rhyme,  but  the  lines  follow 
each  other  without  break.  The  colo- 
phon says : 

At.  Bamberg  this  little  book  was 
finished,  after  the  Nativity  of  Jesus 
Christ,  as  one  counts,  one  thousand 
four  hunched  years  and  sixty  and  one, 
— such  is  the  truth, — on  the  day  of 
Saint  Valentine.  God  save  us  from  his 
sufferings.” 

Another  book  attributed  to  Pfister  is 


Fac-simile  of  an  Illustration  in  the  Book  of  Fables  by  Albert  Pfister. 
[From  Heineken.] 


known  as  Belial , or  the  Consolation  of 
the  Sinner.  It  is  a folio  of  95  leaves, 
which  exhibits  on  the  last  leaf  the 
words  Albrecht  Pfister  zu  Bamberg. 
Pfister  also  printed  two  editions  of  the 
Bible  of  the  Poor , one  in  Latin  and  one 
in  German,  each  containing  eighteen 
engravings.  His  treatment  of  the  old 
block-book  is  that  of  a mechanic  and 
not  of  an  artist:  the  designing,  en- 
graving and  printing  are  of  the  lowest 
order.  He  also  printed  the  Complaint 
against  Death , and  the  Judgment  of  Man 
after  Death.  All  were  printed  with  the 
types  of  the  Bible  of  36  lines,  and  they  ^ 
were,  apparently,  his  only  types.  E 

That  Pfister  was  not  a type-founder  C 
seems  clearly  enough  established 
through  the  fact  that  he  did  all  his 
typographic  work  with  only  one  size 
and  face  of  type.  In  all  his  books,  the 
letters  of  the  Latin  alphabet  appear  old 
and  worn,  but  the  io,  k , and  z,  charac- 
ters of  the  German  alphabet,  are  new 
and  sharp.  The  types  had  evidently 
been  used  before  for  books  in  Latin, 
but  not  by  Pfister,  for  the  Bible  of  the 
Poor  seems  to  have  been  the  only  book 
he  printed  in  that  language. 

The  Book  of  Fables  bearing  the  date 


tween  the  years  1442  and  1448,  about 
which  we  know  nothing.  That  he  was 
then  at  work  on  his  problem  ; that  he 
must  have  communicated  more  or  less 
of  his  secrets  to  the  many  unknoAvn 
workmen  and  associates  who  succeeded 
Dritzehen,  Saspacli,  Heilmann  and 
Dunne ; that  he  may  have  been  induced 
to  try  his  fortunes  at  Bamberg  before 
he  went  to  Mentz  ; that  Albert  Pfister 
may  have  been  one  of  his  workmen  who 
followed  him  to  Mentz  and  acquired 
some  skill  in  the  art, — these  are  con- 
jectures that  deserve  consideration. 
But  they  are  conjectures  only : we  have 
no  exact  knowledge  concerning  the  in- 
troduction of  typography  in  Bamberg. 
It  is  plain,  however,  that  the  appear- 
ance at  Bamberg,  in  1461, — a year  be- 
fore the  sack  of  Mentz,  the  date  usually 
fixed  on  as  that  of  the  dispersion  of  the 
printers,  and  the  general  divulgement 
of  the  secret, — of  a book  printed  in  the 
worn  types  of  the  Bible  of  36  lines , and 


wretched  wood-cuts  as  the  most  meri- 
torious feature  of  his  books  could  have 
invented  types.  It  is  possible,  how- 
ever, that  an  image  printer  of  low  aims 
and  slender  ability  could  have  perceived 
the  economical  advantages  of  types, 
and  may  have  purchased  a discarded 
font  for  the  sole  purpose  of  printing 
explanations  to  his  engravings.  And 
this  seems  the  only  conjecture  that  will 
explain  Pfister’s  ownership  of  the  types 
of  the  Bible  of  36  lines. 

The  conjecture  that  Pfister  printed 
the  Bible  erf  36  lines  will  not  bear  a 
critical  examination.  It  is  not  enough 
to  show  that  our  first  positive  knowl- 
edge of  the  types  and  the  copies  of  this 
book  begins  with  Pfister  and  Bamberg. 
It  still  remains  to  be  proved  that  Pfister 
made  the  types  and  printed  the  copies. 
The  proof  is  wanting  and  the  probabil- 
ities are  strongly  adverse.  The  Bible 
of  36  lines  is  unlike  any  book  of  Pfister’s 
in  size,  character,  and  workmanship. 
It  is  not  possible  that  the  man  who 
began  his  career  as  a printer  with  an 
admirable  edition  of  the  Latin  Bible  in 
three  volumes  folio,  could  have  ended 
it  with  the  publication  of  shabby  little 
books  in  German,  intended  for  children. 
A declension  like  this  is  without  par- 
allel in  typographical  history. 

It  has  been  supposed  that  Pfister  got 
his  types  and  his  imperfect  knowledge 
of  typography  from  Gutenberg  after 
the  dissolution  of  the  partnership  be- 
tween Fust  and  Gutenberg,  but  Pfister 
could  have  gotten  them  before.  There 
is  a blank  in  Gutenberg’s  history  be- 


the  subsequent  discovery  near  this  city 
of  many  copies  of  this  book,  which 
could  not  have  been  printed  by  Pfister, 
are  indications  that  Gutenberg  must 
have  had  business  relations  with  Bam- 
berg which  are  of  importance  in  the 
history  of  printing. 

The  only  documentary  evidence 
which  seems  to  favor  the  hypothesis 
that  Pfister  might  have  printed  the 
Bible  of  36  lines  is  the  following  curious 
notice  of  early  printing,  which  wras 
written  about  1463,  by  Paul  of  Prague, 
for  a contemplated  but  unfinished  en- 
cyclopedia, of  arts  and  sciences : 

“ The  libripagus  is  an  artisan  who 
skillfully  engraves  on  plates  of  copper, 
iron,  hard  wood,  or  other  substances, 
images,  writing,  or  anything  he  fancies, 
and  afterward  quickly  prints  them  on 
paper,  or  on  a wall,  or  on  a smooth 
board.  He  cuts  whatever  he  pleases, 
and  is  a man  who  can  apply  his  art  to 
pictures.  When  I was  at  Bamberg,  a 
man  engraved  the  whole  Bible  upon 
plates,  and  in  four  weeks  skillfully  pre- 
served this  engraving  of  the  whole 
Bible  on  thin  parchment.” 

There  is  no  English  equivalent  for 
libripagus,  which  means  a workman 
who  is  an  engraver,  a printer,  and 
a stenciler.  Like  other  writers  of 
his  day,  Paul  of  Prague  had  to  coin  a 
word  to  define  printers,  who  for  many 
years  after  were  called  typographic  typo- 
thetse,  chalcographi,  excusores  and  pro- 
tochar agmatici.  Most  -writers  called 

printers  impressores,  or  impressors, 
from  the  process  of  impressing  types. 
This  is  the  word  that  has  fostered  the 
error  that  printing  is  impression. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


\ 


* 


- 


> 

I 


- 


342 


Agate,  No.  11. 


Alleged  Inventors  of  Printing. 


Alleged  Inventors  of  Printing. 


Pfister’s  name  is  not  mentioned,  but  lie  was,  probably,  the  libripagus 
here  noticed.  The  story  is  not  credible.  The  whole  Bible  was  not  plant- 
ed in  four  weeks,  neither  at  Bamberg  nor  elsewhere ; nor  was  it  ever  en- 
graved upon  plates.  The  only  book  of  Pfister’s  to  which  this  statement 
could  be  applied,  is  his  edition  of  the  Bible  of  the  Poor. 

We  do  not  know  when  Pfister  died;  his  last  dated  work  is  of  the  year 
1462.  Sebastian  Pfister,  who  is  supposed  to  be  Albert’s  son,  was  at  the 
head  of  a printing  office  at  Bamberg  in  the  year  1470,  and  then  printed  a 
little  book  which  seems  to  have  been  his  first  and  last  venture  in  printing. 

Pamphilo  Castaldi  of  Feltre,  Italy,  to  whom  a statue  was  erected  in 
1868,  has  also  received  the  undeserved  honor  of  an  inventor  of  printing. 

This  commemoration  of  the  man  by  the  people  of  a great  nation  seems 
to  require  in  this  book  at  least  a statement  of  the  legend  on  which  his 
claims  are  based.  This  is  the  legend,  abridged  from  a long  panegyric  on 
Castaldi’s  services  by  one  of  his  countrymen : 

“ Pamphilo  Castaldi  was  born  in  Feltre,  of  noble  parents,  at  the  end  of 
the  fourteenth  century.  He  was  highly  educated  and  intelligent.  Al- 
though a poet  and  a lawyer  of  good  reputation,  his  love  for  literature 
induced  him  to  open  a school  for  polite  learning,  which  soon  became 
famous,  and  attracted  students  from  foreign  countries.  None  of  his 
pupils  acquired  greater  fame  than  John  Fust,  who  is  called  by  the  his- 
torians of  Feltre,  Fausto  Comesburgo.  This  Faust  resided  with  Castaldi  Vfi 
in  Feltre  as  early  as  1454.  In  the  year  1442,  Castaldi  had  seen  a proof  of  O 
Gutenberg’s  attempts  at  the  invention  of  typography.  Gutenberg  at  < 
that  time  (1442)  was  supported  by  the  money  of  Faust  and  the  skill  of 
Schceffer,  his  partners.  After  ten  years  of  experiment,  Gutenberg  had  O 
done  nothing  more  than  print  from  blocks  of  wood  and  with  metallic 
characters.  He  had  not  yet  invented  movable  types,  for  the  Bible  of  1456 
should  be  classified  with  the  block-books. 

“ Castaldi,  more  ingenious  or  more  fortunate,  had  already  discovered 
movable  types  before  the  arrival  of  Faust  in  Feltre.  It  is 'well  known 
that,  a century  before  the  publication  of  the  Mentz  Psalter  of  1457,  initial 
letters  and  capital  letters  formed  of  glass  were  manufactured  at  Murano, 
and  used  in  Italy.  These  glass  letters  were,  probably,  the  invention  of 
Pietro  de  Natali,  bishop  of  Equilo.  Castaldi  had  noticed  that  these  letters 
were  of  advantage  to  the  scribes,  who  printed  them  in  their  manuscript 
books.  He  at  once  saw  that  it  would  be  possible  to  print  entire  books, 
instead  of  occasional  letters,  with  movable  types.  The  facility  with 
which  this  discoveiy  had  been  made  caused  him  to  undervalue  its  im- 
portance. He  gave  the  idea  to  Faust,  who,  returning  to  his  partners  in 
1456,  or  a little  before,  enabled  them  to  appropriate  the  invention  of  Cas- 
taldi. They  greedily  adopted  this  invention,  and,  in  1457,  they  produced 
the  Psalter,  the  first  book  printed  with  movable  characters'  of  wood.” 

See  Ticozzi,  Stefano,  Storia  del  letterati  e degli  artisti  del  dipartimento 
della  Piave , Belluno,  1813.  See  also,  L'imprimerie,  No.  58,  October,  1868. 

The  only  portion  of  this  absurd  story  which  has  any  claim  to  respect 
is  that  about  the  early  use  in  Italy  by  copyists  of  engraved  or  moulded 
initial  letters.  That  rude  letters  could  have  been  made  by  the  glass- 
blowers  of  Murano,  and  that  Castaldi  may  have  amused  himself  with 


[Bernard,  De  Vorigine,  vol.  n,  p.  94.] 
This  vain  and  scandalous  inscrip- 
tion was  probably  made  by  one 
of  Mentel’s  descendants.  It  'is  not 
stated  when  this  tablet  was  erected. 
Bernard  supposes  that  it  is  a second 
tablet,  which  was  put  up  in  place  of 
one  made  soon  after  his  burial. 

The  claim  that  Mentel  was  the 
inventor  of  typography  was  first 
made  in  1520  by  John  Schott,  son 
of  a Martin  Schott,  who  had  mar- 
ried Mentel’ s daughter  and  inherit- 
ed his  business.  It  was  probably 
provoked  by  the  false  assertion  of 
John  Schceffer,  that  Peter  Schceffer, 
his  father,  and  John  Fust,  his  grand- 
father, were  the  proper  inventors, 
to  the  exclusion  of  Gutenberg. 
Schott,  knowing  that  Mentel’ s 
claims  as  an  inventor  were  as  valid 
• as  those  of  Fust  or  Schoeff er,  placed 
Q on  liis  books,  after  1520,  an  armorial 
shield  containing  a crowned  lion, 
GT  with  this  inscription : “ Arms  of  the 
^ Schott  family,  granted  by  the  Em- 
^ peror  Frederic  in  to  John  Mentel, 
the  first  inventor  of  typography, 
and  to  his  heirs,  in  the  year  1466.” 
There  are  doubts  concerning  this 
patent  of  nobility.  When  it  was  de- 
manded many  years  afterward,  it 
could  not  be  produced  [De  Vorigine , 
vol.  n,  p.  69].  It  may  have  been 
granted  to  Mentel,  not  as  the  first 
rinter,  but  as  the  first  printer  in 
trasburg.  Schoepflin,  who  speaks 
of  this  document  as  if  he  had  seen 
the  original,  denies  that  it  gave  to 
Mentel  the  title  of  inventor  of  print- 
ing [ Vindicice  Typographical,  p.  98, 
note].  There  was  a tradition  that 
the  Emperor  Frederic  m had  given 
to  a corporation  of  master  printers 
known  as  the  Typothetse,  an  heral- 
dic shield,  representing  an  eagle 
holding  in  one  claw  a composing- 
stick,  and  in  the  other  claw  a copy- 
guide,  surmounted  by  a griffin  dis- 


tributing ink  with  two  balls.  But 
these  are  not  the  arms  displayed  by 
Schott,  nor  did  Mentel,  nor  his  suc- 
cessor Flach,  make  any  display  of 
them  in  their  books. 

In  the  year  1521,  Jerome  Gebwiler, 
misled  by  the  assertions  of  Schott, 
undertook  to  controvert  the  pre- 
tensions  of  Fust  and  Schoeffer  as 
the  first  printers.  He  writes  that 
printing  was  practised  in  Strasburg 
by  John  Mentel,  who  had  obtained 
the  new  art  of  chalcography,  or  of 
making  books  with  tin  pens  (types) 
about  the  year  1447 ; that  Mentel, 
and  Eggestein,  his  partner,  made  an 
agreement  that  they  should  keep 
secret  the  new  art';  that  Schott, 
whom  he  praises,  showed  him  a 
manuscript  book,  without  date, 
written  by  Mentel,  in  which  were 
drawings  of  typographic  instru- 
ments, and  observations  on  the 
manufacture  of  printing  ink.  It 
was  by  similar  methods  that  John 
Schott  induced  James  Spiegel  to 
declare,  in  a book  printed  in  1531, 
that  John  Mentel  invented  printing- 
in  Strasburg  in  the  year  1444.  In 
another  book  Spiegel  says  1442. 
John  Schott  is  also  the  authority 
for  the  following  version  of  the  in- 
vention which  was  found  in  an  old 
manuscript  chronicle  attributed  to 
Daniel  Specklin. 

“ In  the  year  1440,  the  admirable 
art  of  printing  was  discovered  in 
Strasburg  by  J ohn  Mentel.  His  son- 
in-law,  Peter  Schoiffer,  and  Martin 
Flach  at  once  made  use  of  the  dis- 
covery; but  a servant  of  Mentel, 
called  John  Gensfleisch,  after  steal- 
ing the  secret,  fled  to  Mentz,  where 
he  soon  established  the  new  art, 
through  the  help  of  Gutenberg,  a 
very  rich  man.  Mentel  was  so  affect- 
ed with  grief  by  this  perfidy  that  it 
caused  ms  death.  In  honor  of  the 
art,  he  was  buried  in  the  monastery 


Alleged  Inventors  of  Printing. 


Alleged  Inventors  of  Printing. 


experiments  in  stamping  consecutive  letters  or  lines,  is  possible.  All 
else  is  pure  fiction.  It  does  not  appear  that  Castaldi  printed  any- 
thing of  value:  we  have  no  relics  of  his  experiments  in  the  form  of  a 
book,  or  even  of  a leaf,  a line,  or  a letter.  Nor  did  his  dreams  or 
teachings  about  the  possible  value  of  types  ever  incite  any  of  his 
Italian  pupils  to  make  and  use  types. 

To  those  who  think  that  the  merit  of  the  invention  of  printing  is 
in  the  conception  of  the  idea  of  movable  types,  this  legend  about 

Castaldi  is  instructive.  It 
reveals  to  us  a man  who  is 
represented  as  having  a veiy 
clear  idea  of  the  importance 
of  types,  who  did  nothing 
■with  his  great  discovery. 
His  discovery,  if  it  can  be 
so  called,  was  useless.  He 
cannot  be  rated  as  an  in- 
ventor of  planting,  for  he 
printed  nothing. 

John  Mentel,  of  Strasburg, 
who  died  in  December,  1478, 
and  was  buried  in  the  great 
cathedral  of  that  city,  has 
there  a tablet  to  his  memoiy, 
which  contains  the  following 
inscription : 

“ Here  I rest:  I.  John  Men- 
tel, who,  by  the  grace  of  God, 
The  Arms  of  the  Typothetae.  was  the  first* to  invent,  in 

[From  Hansard.)  Strasburg,  the  characters  of 

typography,  and  to  develop 
this  art  of  printing,  which  should  be  perpetuated  to  the  end  of  the 
world,  to  such  a degree  of  perfection  that  a man  can  now  write  as 
much  in  a day  as  another  could  have  done  in  a year.  It  is  but  just 
that  thanks  should  be  rendered  to  God,  and  without  vanity,  to  me 
myself:  but  as  this  homage  could  not  otherwise  be  rendered  in  a 
proper  manner,  God  has  ordained,  as  the  reward  for  my  invention, 
that  the  stones  of  this  cathedral  should  serve  for  my  mausoleum.” 


W 


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»— i 

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£ 


or  cathedral  church,  and  a represen- 
tation of  his  press  was  cut  on  his 
tombstone.  God  swiftly  punished 
the  servant  Gensfleisch,  by  striking 
him  with  blindness  for  the  remnant 
of  his  life.  I have  seen  the  first 
press  (of  Mentel)  and  the  types  cut 
on  wood,  which  were  of  syllables 
and  words.  They  were  pierced 
through  the  sides,  that  they  could 
be  conjoined  by  a wire  and  kept  in 
line.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  these 
types,  the  first  of  the  kind,  should 
have  been  lost.”  Meerman,  Origines 
Typographic^ , vol.  n,  p.  199. 

It  is  not  clearly  proved  that  Speck- 
lin, who  was  a magistrate  of  Stras- 
burg at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  is  the  author  of  this  state- 
ment. Bernard  says  that  this  ver- 
sion contains  about  as  many  errors 
as  words. 

These  impudent  falsifications  of 
history  would  have  been  soon  for- 
gotten if  they  had  not  been  renew- 
ed in  the  seventeenth  century,  by 
one  James  Mentel,  a physician  of 
Paris,  the  supposed  descendant  of 
John  Mentel,  who  published  two 
little  books  on  the  history  of  print- 
ing, in  which  he  enlarged  and  dis- 
torted the  versions  of  Gebwiler, 
Spiegel  and  Specklin.  To  support 
his  claim,  he  did  not  scruple  to  alter 
the  text  and  pervert  the  meaning 
of  the  authors  from  whom  he  pre- 
tended to  quote.  (Lichtenberger, 
Initia  Typographica,  p.  56.)  It  was 


a useless  work,  for  no  impartial 
critic  can  accept  the  statements  of 
Mentel  or  of  his  predecessors.  For 
these  statements,  like  those  in  be- 
half of  Coster,  Castaldi  and  Schoef- 
fer, were  made  for  the  first  time, 
long  after  the  invention  had  been 
perfected,  by  men  who  had  the  de- 
sire and  the  temptation  to  misrep- 
. resent  the  facts.  All  of  them  are 
tainted  with  the  same  calumny  — 
the'accusation  that  Gutenberg  stole 
his  knowledge  of  the  invention  — 
and  all  of  them  are  contradicted  by 
public  records  of  good  authority. 

Neither  Mentel’s  books  nor  the 
records  of  Strasburg  give  any  war- 
rant to  the  hypothesis  that  Mentel 
was  an  inventor  of  printing.  His 
name  appears  for  the  first  time  on 
the  tax  list  of  the  city  of  Strasburg, 
in  the  year  1447.  He  is  called  a golt- 
schriber,  and  is  enrolled  with  the 
goldsmiths.  In  another  record  of 
the  city,  for  the  same  year,  his  name 
appears  in  a list  of  artists  and  paint- 
ers, but  he  is  not  described  as  a 
printer.  The  earliest  notice  of  him 
as  a printer  was  made  by  Philip  de 
Lignamine  of  Rome,  who  said,  in 
1474,  that  John  Mentel  of  Strasburg, 
since  1458,  had  there  a printing  office, 
in  which  he  printed  three  hundred 
sheets  a day,  “ after  the  manner  of 
Fust  and  Gutc-nberg.”  By  this  state- 
ment we  may  suppose  that  Mentel 
practised  printing  soon  after  the 
dissolution  of  the  partnership  be- 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Agate,  No.  12. 


143 


Alleged  Inventors  of  Printing. 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


tween  Fust  and  Gutenberg.  It  was,  no  doubt,  from  Mentz  that  he 
got  a knowledge  of  typography,  for  it  cannot  be  shown  that  he  was 
taught  the  art  by  any  of  Gutenberg’s  early  associates  in  Strasburg, 
nor  is  there  any  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  an  independent  in- 
ventor. We  have  no  evidence  that  he  experimented  with  types,  or 
that  he  printed  anything  in  Strasburg  between  1439  and  1457.  It  is 
not  even  established  that  Mentel  was  the  first  practical  printer  in 
Strasburg,  for  there  is  evidence  that  he  began  to  print  there  in 
partnership  with  one  Henry  Eggestein,  who  was  a man  of  superior 
ability  and  of  greater  distinction,  a master  of  arts  and  philosophy. 

The  first  book  printed  at  Strasburg  with  a date  was  a copy  of  the 
Decretals  of  Gratianus,  a folio  in  two  volumes,  which  bears  this  im- 
print : “ By  the  venerable  Henry  Eggestein,  master  of  liberal  arts, 
and  citizen  of  the  renowned  city  of  Strasburg,  in  the  year  1471.” 

This  was  not  his  first  book,  for  iii  another  book  printed  in  the  same 
year,  he  tells  the  reader  that  he  has  printed  “innumerable  volumes 
of  law,  philosophy  and  divinity.”  He  printed  two  or  three  editions 
of  the  Bible  in  Latin,  and  one  in  German,  and  many  other  books  in 
folio.  The  types  of  these  books  are  unlike  those  used  by  Mentel. 
Eggestein  was  recorded  in  the  tax  list  among  the  city  officers,  and 
was  afterward  bishop’s  chancellor  in  the  court  of  Strasburg.  The 
partnership  between  Mentel  and  Eggestein  was  of  short  duration.  ^ 
The  date  of  Eggestein’ s death  is  not  known : his  name  is  not  found  q 
in  any  books  prmted  with  his  types  after  1472.  m 

Mentel  did  not  affix  his  name  to  any  of  his  books  before  1473,  but  hh 
lie  had  then  printed  many  large  theological  works.  Schoepflin  says  Q 
that  he  soon  made  himself  rich  by  his  industry  and  his  sagacity  in 
the  selection  of  salable  books.  He  was  a shrewd  publisher,  the  first 
who  issued  a descriptive  catalogue,  and  employed  agents  for  the 
sale  of  his  works. 

It  is  supposed  that  he  printed  the  Bible  in  German  and  in  Latin. 
Questions  of  Conscience , A Concordance  of  the  Bible,  The  Epistles  of 
Saint  Jerome , The  City  of  God,  The  Specula  of  Vincent  of  Beauvais. 

All  these  books  are  thick  folios  — many  of  them  in  types  on  English 
body.  Some  are  in  two,  and  the  last  named  in  eight,  volumes.  Other 
works  have  been  attributed  to  him,  but  Madden  says  that  some  of 
them  (books  with  a curious  form  of  the  letter  II  — which  others  say 
were  the  work  of  Zell)  were  printed  at  the  Monastery  of  Weidenbach. 


O 

m 


Place. 


Printer. 


Date. 


Mentz 

Bamberg  

Strasburg 

Cologne 

Augsburg 

Nuremberg 

Munster  in  Argau. 

Spire 

Ulm 

Buda  (Hungary). . . 

Mersburg 

Laugingen 

Esslingen 

Marienthal 

Lubec 

-Burgdorf 

Blaubeuren 

Pilsen 

Bostock 

Geneva 

Prague 

Eichstadt 

Wurtzburg 

Leipsic 

Aurach 

Erfurt 

Memmingen 

Passau 

Beutlingen 

Vienna 

Madgeburg 

Stockholm 

Winterberg 

Heidelberg 

Batisbon 

Brinn 

Munster 

Sleswick 

Frisia 

Kuttenberg 

Ingolstadt 

Hamburg 

Wadstein 

Czernigov : 

Zinna 

Fribourg 

Luneburg  


.John  Gutenberg 1450 

.Albert  Pfister 

Mentel  and  Eggestein 1458 

.ITlric  Zell : 1462 

.Gunther  Zainer-. 1468 

.Henry  Keffer 1469 

.Helyas  Helye 1470 

. Peter  Drach 1471 

.John  Zainer 1473 

.Andrew  Hess 1473 

.Lucas  Brandis 1473 

1473 

.Conrad  Fyner 1473 

.Brothers  of  Life-in-Common  . .1474 

.Lucas  Brandis 1475 

1475 

. Conrad  Mancz 1475 

1475 

.Brothers  of  Life-in-Common  . .1476 


.Ad.  Steynschauer 1478 

1478 

.M.  and  G.  Beyser 1478 

.Dold,  Byser,  etal 1479 

.Marcus  Brand 1481 

.Conrad  Fyner 1481 

.Wider  de  Horabacli 1482 

.Albert  de  Duderstadt 1482 

.Stahl,  Mayer,  etal 1482 

. J ohn  O ttm  ar  *. 1482 

. J ohn  W in  terburg 1482 

.Bauenstein,  etal 1483 

.John  Snell 1483 


John  Alacraw 1484 

Fred.  Misch 1485 

John  Sensenschmidt 1485 

.Stahl  and  Preinlein 1486 

. John  Limburg 1486 

.Stephen  Arnctes 1486 

1488 

.Von  Tisclmiowa 1489 

. John  Kaclielofen. 1490 

.J.  and  T.  Borchard 1491 

1491 

Tzernoevic 1492 

1492 

.Kilianus  Piscator 1493 

.John  Luce 1493 


XXV 

THE  SPBEAD  OF  PRINTING. 

First  Printers  of  Germany  . . . Mentel  at  Strasburg . . . Zell  at  Cologne . . . Keffer  and  Koburger  at 
Nuremberg ....  Fac-simile  of  a part  of  I^oburger’s  Map ....  Zainer  at  Augsburg ....  Fac-simile  of 
Zainer’s  Birth  of  Eve....  John  of  Westphalia  and  Martens  at  Louvnin ....  Mansion  at  Bruges. 
Gerard  Leeu  at  Antwerp  . . . First  Printers  of  Italy  . . . Sweinheym  and  Paimartz  at  Rome  . . . De 
Spira  at  Venice  . . . Jenson's  Types  . . . Venice  Famous  for  Printing . . . Cennini  at  Florence  . . . The 
Ripoli  Press  . . . Zarot  at  Milan  . . . Appearance  of  Publishers . . . First  Printers  of  France . . . Gering, 
Crantz  and  Friburger  at  Paris.  . . The  Printers  of  Elegant  Books.  . . First  Printers  in  Spain  and 
Portugal ...  In  England  ....  Caxton  at  Westminster  ....  Printing  did  not  find  a general  Welcome. 
Made  Popular  by  the  Cheapness  of  Books ....  Injudicious  Selection  of  Books  for  Publication. 
Demand  for  Books  in  the  Vernacular  . . . First  Check  on  the  Liberty  of  the  Press. 


About  this  time,  the  crafte  of  Enpryntyng  was  fyrste  founde  in  magounce  in  Almayne,  which  crafte 
is  multiplyed  through  the  world  in  many  places,  and  bookes  ben  had  grete  cliepe  and  in  grete 
nombre  by  cause  of  the  same  crafte.— Ca.vfo/i,  1482. 


IN  CENTRAL  AND  NORTHERN  EUROPE. 

When  two  rival  printing  offices  hail  heen  established  at  Mentz  it 
was  no  longer  possible  to  keep  secret  the  processes.  Every  print- 
er  who  handled  the  types  and  every  goldsmith  who  helped  to 
make  the  tools  must  have  felt  a weakening  of  the  obligation  of 
secrecy.  The  sack  of  Mentz  was  a greater  misfortune,  for  it  dis- 
solved all  obligations  and  sent  the  printers  to  other  cities  to 
found  new  offices.  Not  one  of  these  printers  has  told  us  when 
and  how  he  began  to  print  on  his  own  account.  All  we  know 
about  the  introduction  of  printing  in  many  of  the  large  cities  has 
been  gathered  from  the  dates  of  books  and  the  chance  allusions 
of  early  chroniclers.  It  is  from  these  imperfect  evidences  that 
the  following  tables  of  the  spread  of  printing  have  been  made 
up.  They  are  based  on  the  chronological  arrangement  of  San- 
tander’s Dictionary , but  the  names  and  dates  have  been  collated 
with  those  of  Cotton’s  Typographical  Gazetteer,  and  other  works 
of  authority,  and  some  alterations  have  been  made. 


H 

O 

>Tt 

I— I 

O 

>■ 

t-1 


m 

P 

-< 

P 

P 

o 


o 

Eh 


Place. 

Copenhagen 
Oppenlieim . . 

Freisingen  . 

Offenburg . . . 

Tubingen . . . 

Cracow 

Munich 

Olmutz 

Pfortzkeim . 

This  is  but  a brief  list  for  the 
vast  and  populous  country  north 
of  Italy  and  east  of  France  and 
the  Netherlands.!  Not  less  re- 
markable is  the  fact  that  some 
cities  now  deservedly  famous  for 
their  printing  were  among  the 
last  to  acquire  a knowledge  of  the 
art,  and  those  that  gave  it  feeble 
support. 

The  master  printers  at  Mentz 
before  1500,  not  previously  named, 
were : Erkardus  Beuwich,  whose 
first  book  was  dated  1486 ; Fred- 
eric Misch,  who  began  after  1490 ; 
Jacob  Meydenbach  (a  witness  at 
the  trial  of  1455),  between  1491  and 
1496;  and  Peter  Friedburg,  be- 
tween 1494  and  1497.  There  may 
have  been  others,  whose  names 
are  lost,  but  the  printers  are  few ; 
they  cannot  be  compared,  either 
in  number  or  in  influence,  with 
those  of  many  smaller  cities  dur- 
ing the  same  period.  Long  before 
Sckceffer  died  Mentz  had  ceased 

1 For  a table  of  the  chronological  order  in  which 
printing  was  established  in  the  Netherlands,  see 
page  109  of  this  book. 


Date. 

.1493 
.1494 
.1495 
.1496 
.1498 
.1500 
.1500 
.1500 
.1500 

to  be  a great  school  and  centre  of 
printing.  The  high  reputation  of 
Schoeffer’s  office  was  fairly  sus- 
tained by  Us  son  Jobn,  wbo  died 
in  1531.  Peter  Schceffer,  junior, 
another  son,  was  equally  able,  for 
he  printed  books  in  Hebrew, 
Latin,  German  and  English.  He 
found  no  proper  encouragement 
at  Mentz,  and  had  to  establish 
1ns  office  successively  at  Worms, 
Strasburg  and  Venice.  His  last 
known  work,  with  date  1542,  was 
printed  at  V enice,  where  it  is  sup- 
posed he  died.  Ives  Schceffer,  son 
of  Peter,  junior,  who  succeeded 
John  Schceffer  in  management 
of  the  office  at  Mentz,  was  an  in- 
dustrious publisher  from  1531  to 
1552,  the  supposed  year  of  his 
death.  Victor,  the  son  of  Ives, 
gave  up  the  business,  and  the 
name  of  Schceffer  disappeared 
from  the  roll  of  printers  at  Mentz. 
Helbig,  Notes  et  dissertations,  etc. 
p.  47-50. 

Strasburg.  The  statement  of 
Lignamine,  that  Mentel  printed 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 
-Gothof.  de  Ghemen 


.John  Schaeffler. 


.John  Ottmar 

.John  Haller 

.John  Schobser 

.De  Baumgarten 

.Thomas  Anselmus. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


' 


* 

_ 


a ■■'!  r 


■ 


144 


Agate,  No.  13. 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


at  Strasburg  after  1458,  lias  been  corroborated  by  the  recent  discovery 
in  tlie  Freiburg  library  of  a Latin  Bible  in  two  volumes  folio,  which  is 
known  to  have  been  printed  by  Mentel,  and  which  contains  the  sub- 
scriptions of  the  illuminator  and  the  written  dates,  in  one  volume  of 
1460,  in  the  other  of  1461.  As  this  book  should  have  been  in  press  at 
least  two  years,  it  may  be  regarded  as  evidence  that  printing  was 
practised  liere  as  early  as  in  Bamberg.  Strasburg  gave  greater  encour- 
agement to  printers  than  Mentz,  for  sixteen  master  printers  were 
working  there  before  1500. 

A description  of  this  Bible , with  other  particulars  of  importance,  was 
given  by  l)r.  Dziatzko,  the  librarian  at  Freiburg,  in  a letter  to  Hessels, 
and  by  him  printed  in  the  introduction  to  the  Haarlem  Legend,  p.  xxii. 

Cologne.  The  first  printer  at  Cologne  was  Ulric  Zell.  He  was  an 
industrious  printer  for  more  than  forty  years,  but  he  never  printed  a 
book  in  German,  nor  did  he  adopt  any  of  the  improvements  of  the 
printers  of  Italy.  He  adhered  rigidly  to  the  severe  style  of  his  master, 
Schceffer,  printing  all  his  books  from  three  sizes  of  a rude  face  of 
Round  Gothic  Types.  He  was  not  a skillful  nor  even  a correct  printer,  ^ 
but  he  was  a shrewd  publisher,  and  accumulated  a large  property,  q 
Madden  says  that  he  went  to  Cologne  in  1462,  and  was  engaged  by  the  i—i 
Brotherhood  of  the  Life-in-Common  at  Weidenbach,  near  that  city,  to  ^ 
assist  them  with  his  new  art  of  printing  in  their  pious  task  of  making  (35 
books.  His  name  appears  for  the  first  time  in  a book  dated  1466,  which 
date  may  be  accepted  as  indicative  of  the  time  when  he  left  the  mon- 
astery and  began  to  print  on  his  own  account  in  the  city. 

The  Brotherhood  were  forbidden  by  the  vows  they  had  taken  to  ask 
for  alms  or  accept  gifts,  and  were  required  to  live  by  the  labor  of  their 
hands.  They  devoted  themselves  to  the  duties  of  teaching  school  and 
copying  books.  At  Weidenbach  they  were  remarkably  successful. 
They  built  a church  in  1490  with  the  money  they  had  made  from  the 
sale  of  manuscript  and  printed  books.  Madden  says  that  the  monas- 
tery of  Weidenbach  w^is  not  only  a publishing  house,  but  a prominent 
school  of  typography,  and  that  there  are  reasons  for  believing  that  it 
gave  instruction  to  Caxton,  Jenson,  Mansion  and  other  famed  printers. 

At  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  twenty-two  printing  offices 
had  been  established  at  Cologne.  Among  them  was  that  of  Arnold  Ter 
Hoorne,  who,  despite  his  occasional  bad  presswork,  deserves  special 
notice  as  one  of  the  first  printers  who  made  use  of  Arabic  figures. 

Nuremberg.  Henry  Keffer,  who  appeared  as  a witness  for  Gutenberg 
in  the  suit  at  law  in  1455,  is  supposed  to  have  established  himself  as  a 
printer  at  Nuremberg  about  1469.  His  name  appears  for  the  first  time, 
m the  imprint  of  a book  dated  1473,  from  which  it  seems  that  he  was 
hired  by  John  Sensenschmidt,  a wealthy  man  of  that  city  who  aspired 
to  be  a publisher.  This  John  Sensenchmidt  subsequently  went  to 
Bamberg,  and  in  1481  there  published  the  Bamberg  Missal,  with  a text 
in  Pointed  Gothic  types  of  five-line  pica  body,  .probably  the  largest 
text  types  ever  used  in  a book.  It 
was  admirably  printed  and  rubric- 
ated. In  1473,  Anthony  Koburger 


with  an  indifference  to  anachron- 
isms and  a cool  disregard  of  the 
incredulity  of  the  reader  that  are 
amazing.  The  author  had  a keen 
relish  for  the  marvelous  — for  men 
with  one  eye,  with  immense  ears, 
with  enormous  legs,  and  like  mon- 
strosities. The  Dance  of  Death , 
which  is  reproduced  on  page  70  of 
this  book,  is  one  of  the  most  meri- 
torious designs,  but  most  of  them 
are  of  smairvalue.  The  fac-simile 
of  Koburger’s  map  011  this  page 
should  be  contrasted  with  the  map 
of  Germany  in  any  modern  atlas 
It  is  presented  as  an  illustration  of 
the  medieval  notion  of  geography, 
• and  as  one  of  the  first  attempts  at 
H map-printing. 

2 Augsburg.  The  practice  of  typ- 
^ ography  was  brought  to  Augs- 
burg  in  1468  by  Gunther  Zainer  of 
^ Reutlingen,  who  is  supposed  to 
have  been  taught  at  Strasburg. 
He  was  the  first  printer  in  Ger- 
many who  printed  a book  in  Ro- 
man  eharacters.  He  and  his  rivals, 
Bamler,  Schussler  and  Sorg,  illus- 
trated their  books  so  freely  with 
wood-cuts  as  to  provoke  the  re- 
monstrance of  the  fraternity  of 
block-printers  of  Augsburg.  In 
1477,  Sorg  printed  the  first  illus- 
trated edition  of  the  whole  Bible  ; 
in  1483,  a description  of  the  council 
of  Constance,  containing  nearly 
one  thousand  engravings. 

Representing  that  the  use  of 
wood-cuts  by  typographers  was 
an  infringement  on  the  vested 
rights  of  the  guild,  the  block-print- 
ers induced  the  magistrates  to 
pass  a law  commanding  printers 
not  to  use  wood-cuts.  Not  deriving 
the  benefits  they  expected  from 
this  restriction,  tlie  block-printers 


proposed  to  concede  to  the  typog- 
raphers the  right  to  use  as  many 
cuts  as  they  pleased,  providing 
they  would  agree  to  use  only  the 
wood-cuts  made  by  regular  en- 
gravers. This  opposition  may  have 
caused  Zainer’s  retirement  from 
business  in  1475,  but  it  did  not 
check  the  business  of  the  others. 
There  were  twenty  master-print- 
ers at  Augsburg  before  1500.  In 
1472,  Melchior  of  Stanheim.  abbot 
of  the  monastery  of  St.  Ulric  at 
Augsburg,  established  a printing 
office  in  his  monastery,  buying 
types  and  tools  from  other  print- 
ers. He  bought  five  presses  of 
Schussler  for" 73  florins,  and  had 
five  other  presses  made  for  him 
by  a joiner  of  Augsburg.  The 
equipment  of  his  office  cost  702 
florins,  which  was  then  regarded 
as  a large  sum. 

IN  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

U trecht.  It  is  probable  that  the 
unknown  printer  of  the  four  not- 
able editions  of  the  Speculum , was 
at  Utrecht  before  the  arrival  of 
Ketelaer  and  De  Leempt  in  1473. 
See  chapter  xv  and  pages  109-110 
of  this  book  for  a fuller  aescription 
of  the  works  of  this  printer. 

Louvain.  — John  of  Westphalia 
came  to  Louvain  in  1472,  with  some 
matrices  of  Round  Gothic  and  Ro- 
man types  which  he  had  acquired 
in  Venice,  and  began  to  fit  up  a 
printing  office.  In  1473,  he  pub- 
lished his  first  book.  During  the 
twenty-two  years  he  was  in  busi- 
ness, he  printed  120  works.  Many 
were  editions  of  the  classics,  and 
all  were  selected  with  reference 
to  the  requirements  of  the  Univer- 
sity. from  which  he  received  the 
honorary  title  of  Master  of  Print- 
ing. Jolin  Veldener,  who  began  to 
print  at  Louvain  in  1473,  received 


began  to  print  at  Nuremberg.  I11 
a few  years  he  acquired  a great 
reputation  as  printer  and  publish- 
er : he  had  twenty-four  presses  at 
Nuremberg  and  offices  at  Basle 
and  at  Lyons.  Lichtenberger  says 
that  he  printed  twelve  editions  of 
the  Bible  in  Latin  and  one  in  Ger- 
man. That  lie  merited  his  honors 
is  implied  by  the  testimony  of  Jo- 
docus  Badius,  his  rival  at  Paris, 
who  frankly  said  he  was  an  honest 
merchant  and  the  prince  of  print- 
ers. The  success  of  Koburger  did 
not  materially  interfere  with  the 
prosperity  of  his  rivals,  for  there 
were  seventeen  master  type-print- 
ers and  many  block-printers  at  Nu- 
remberg before  1500.  Koburger’s 
most  curious  book  is  the  Nurem- 
berg Chronicle  of  1493,  a large  and 
thick  folio,  edited  or  compiled  by 
Hartmann  Scliedel,  as  a summary 
of  the  history,  geography  and 
wonders  of  the  world.  It  contains 
more  than  two  thousand  impres- 
sions of  wood-cuts,  “ made  by  Wol- 
gemuth  and  Pleydcnwurff,  mathe- 
matical men,  and  cunning  as  de- 
signers.” 

These  two  thousand  impressions 
were  taken  from  .about  three  hun- 
dred cuts : the  cut  that  served  for 
the  portrait  of  Paris  of  Troy  was 
used  for  Odofredus  of  Germany 
and  the  poet  Dante  of  Italy.  Wood- 
cuts  professing  to  represent  cities 
and  battles  in  Greece  and  Syria 
were  repeated  for  battles  and 
cities  in  France  and  Germany, 


':~1  OCEAHV5  GERMA»iCV5 


holaiid 


SfCAs  FLATIDRIA 


GELRIA  A' 

Colon 


CERMAHL 
MAGIM  .* 


TnScn/ 


ittUi 


)) 

A^bvegvm  dL 


SWEV1A 


.VVma.  Omutnaffi  (j 
i fey  BAVARIA 


Fac-simile,  reduced,  of  part  of  Koburger’s  Map  of  Europe. 


a similar  title.  He  boasted  that 
he  was  expert  in  all  branches  of 
the  graphic  arts,  but  his  skill  was 
that  of  a mechanic.  As  a publish- 
er, he  could  not  compete  with  John 
of  Westphalia.  (See  notes  on  pages 
97  and  109).  Thierry  Martens,  of 
Alost,  was  employed  by  John  of 
Westphalia,  probably  as  editor, 
soon  after  he  arrived  at  Louvain. 
After  receiving  suitable  instruc- 
tion, Martens  was  allowed  to  print 
some  little  books  at  Alost  in  1473. 
He  began  to  print  at  Alost  in  his 
own  name  in  1487.  Necessity  or 
the  love  of  change  compelled  him 
to  move  his  printing  office  many 
times  between  Louvain  and  Ant- 
werp. In  1529,  he  forsook  printing 
and  retired  to  Alost,  where  he  died 
in  1534,  at  the  age  of  eighty-eight 
years.  In  his  business  life  of  al- 
most sixty  years  he  printed,  be- 
side many  other  works,  about  150 
books  in  Greek,  Hebrew  and  Latin. 
He  had  a critical  knowledge  of  six 
languages,  and  his  ability  as  an 
editor  w as  acknowledged  by  many 
scholars  who  w*ere  his  friends  and 
correspondents.  Erasmus  wrote 
his  epitaph,  and  the  towm  of  Alost 
has  put  up  a statue  to  commemo- 
rate his  worth. 

Bruges.  The  name  of  Colard 
Mansion,  a calligrapher  of  high 
merit  and  afterward  the  first  typo- 
grapher at  Bruges,  is  found  in  the 
records  of  a corporation  of  book- 
makers,  between  the  years  1454 
and  1473.  As  his  name  does  not 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chajmbers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Agate,  No.  14. 


145 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


re-appear  before  1482;  it  is  supposed  that  he  abandoned  the  guild  and  learned 
printing.  Many  bibliographers  say  that  he  went  to  Cologne  in  1473.  Mad- 
den regards  him  as  a pupil  of  the  monastery  at  Weidenbach.  Blades  thinks 
that  lie  was  self-taught,  or  taught  by  some  unknown  printer,  and  that,  as 
early  as  1472,  he  began  his  typographic  work  at  Bruges,  in  which  he  was 
assisted  by  William  Caxton.  In  1476,  he  printed  a little  book  in  a new  face  W. 
of  type  in  the  French  style.  He  was  a skillful  but  not  a prosperous  printer,  O 
for  he  was  obliged  to  eke  out  his  scant  income  as  a printer  by  occasional 
jobs  of  illumination.  Soon  after  1'484}  he  left  Bruges.  It  is' not  known 
where  he  went  or  when  he  died.  John  Brito,  who  succeeded  Mansion,  O 
was  for  many  years  the  only  typographic  printer  at  Bruges.  This  neglect 
of  printing  in  a city  renowned  tor  the  elegance  of  its  manuscripts  and.  the 
skill  of  its  calligraphers  shows  that  the  professional  book-makers  regarded 
printing  as  an  inartistic  and  mechanical  method  of  making  books. 

Gouda  and  Antwerp.  Gerard  Leeu,  the  most  industrious  printer  of 
his  time,  began  to  print  at  Gouda  in  1477,  but  he  went  to  Antwerp  in 


Place. 

Jesi 

Cremona 

Parma 

Brescia 

X Messina 

p Vicenza 

.j  Como 

q Turin 

02  Genoa 

Modena 

Trent 

Palermo 

Ascoli 

Lucca 

Casal 


Printer.  Date. 

.Frederic  Veronensis 1472 

.Paravisinus  et  al 1472 

.Andrew  Portiglia 1473 

.Thomas  Ferrandus 1473 

.Henry  Aiding 1473 

.John  de  Reno 1473 

.De  Orcho,  et  al 1474 

.Fabri  and  John  de  Petro 1474 

.Matthew  Moravus,  et  al 1474 

.John  Vurster 1475 

.Hermann  Schindeleyp 1476 

.Andrew  de  Wormatia 1477 

.William  de  Linis 1477 

.Bart,  de  Civitali ■ 1477 

.William  de  Canepa 1481 


Cotton,  in  his  Typographical  Gazeteer , specifies 
thirty-seven  other  places  in  Italy  in  which  print- 
ing was  done  before  .1500. 

Subiaco  and  Rome.  Conrad  Sweinheym  and 
Arnold  Pannartz,  two  printers  from  Germany,  set 
up  a press  in  the  monastery  of  Subiaco, 'near 
Rome,  and  there  produced  in  1465  the  books  first 
printed  from  types  in  Italy.  To  please  the  taste 
of  their  Roman  readers  they  made  a new  font  of 
Roman  types.  It  was  not  a successful  effort,  for 
the  traces  of  Gothic  mannerisms  are  noticeable  in 
almost  every  letter.  Not  meeting  with  the  en- 
couragement they  desired,  the  two  printers  re- 
moved to  Rome  in  1467.  They  began  to  print  on 
a grand  scale,  making  new  fonts  of'  Roman,  Greek 
and  Round  Gothic  types,  enlisting  the  services  of 
Bishop  John  Andrew  as  reader  and  corrector,  and 
undertaking  the  publication  of  many  large  clas- 
sical works.  They  did  not  prosper.  In  the  year 
1472,  they  petitioned  the  pope  for  relief,  setting 
forth  that  they  had  printed  11,475  copies  of  twenty- 
eight  works,'  a very  large  portion  of  which  had 
not  been  sold,  and  that  they  were  in  great  distress. 
In  1473,  Sweinheym  withdrew  from  the  partner- 
ship, and  began  to  engrave  on  copper  maps  for  an 
edition  of  Ptolemy's  Geography.  He  died  before 
the  book  was  published,  in  1478.  Pannartz  died 
in  1476. 

Ulrich  Hahn,  a printer  of  Bavaria,  went  to  Rome 
in  1465,  and  began  to  print  there  in  1467.  His  first 
book  was  in  Round  Gothic  types,  but  his  Italian 
readers  induced  him  to  make  for  his  second  book 
a rude  form  of  Roman  types.  He  employed 


The  Birth  of  Eve,  from  Zainer’s  Edition  of  the  Speculum  Salutis. 
[From  Heineken.] 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


1484,  where  he  continued  to  print  until  his  death  in  1493.  He  printed 
eight  books  in  1478 ; seven  in  1479 ; nine  in  1480 ; ten  in  1482.  In  fifteen 
days  he  printed  three  books,  one  of  85,  and  another  of  305  leaves. 
During  the  seventeen  years  he  was  in  business  he  printed  150  books. 
His  last  book  at  Gouda  was  dated  June  23,  1484;  on  the  18th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1484,  he  published  at  Antwerp,  a book  of  400  pages.  Fifteen 
days  after  he  completed  another  book.  During  the  first  six  months  of 

1485,  he  published  one  volume  each  month.  One  of  these  books  had  34, 
and  another  76  engravings  specially  cut  for  the  work.  Imitating  Ve- 
rard  of  Paris,  he  gave  his  later  years  to  the  translation  and  printing  of 
romances  and  popular  books.  In  1493,  he  began  to  print  Caxton’s 
Chronicle  of  England , in  English  and  obviously  for  sale  in  England, 
but  he  died  before  the  work  was  finished.  The  colophon  of  this  book 
is  a queer  piece  of  mysterious  English : . . . Enprentyd  in  the  duchye  of 
Braband,  in  the  town  of  Andewarpe,  in  the  yere  of  our  Lord  m.  cccc. 
xciiii.  By  maistir  Gerard  de  Leew,  a man  of  grete  wysedom  in  all 
manner  of  kunyng:  whych  nowe  is  come  from  Lyfe  unto  the  doth, 
which  is  grete  harme  for  many  of  poure  man.  On  whas  sowle  God 
almythy  for  hys  hygh  grace  liaue  mercy.  Amen.  Van  der  Meersch. 
Imprimeurs  Beiges  et  Neerlandais,  vol.  i.  p.  119. 


IN  ITALY. 


This  is  the  order  in  which  printing  was  established  in  Italy: 


Place. 


Date. 


Subiaco.. 

Rome 

Venice  . . 
Milan  . . . 
Foligno. . 

Trevi 

Verona . . 
Treviso . . 
Bologna . 
Ferrara. . . 
Naples. . . 

Pavia 

Florence. 
Fivizano. 
Padua  . . . 
Mantua . . 
Mondovi. 


.Sweinheym  and  Pannartz 1465 

.Sweinheym  and  Pannartz 1467 

.John  de  Spira. 1469 

.Anthony  Zarot 1470 

.John  Nummeister 1470 

.John  Reynard 1470 

.John  of  Verona 1470 

.Gerard  de  Lisa 1471 

.Balthazar  Azzoguidi * 1471 

.Andrew  Belfort 1471 

.Sixtus  Riessinger 1471 

.Antonio  de  Carcano 1471 

.Bernard  Cennini 1471 

.Jacobus  and  others 1472 

.Balt,  de  Valdezochio 1472 

.Pietro  Adam  de  Michael 1472 

.Antonio  Mathiae,  et  al 1472 


<3 


QO 

H 

O 

hH 

Q 

tr* 

> 

d 


Campanus,  an  eminent  scholar,  as 
reader  and  corrector,  and  associated 
himself  with  Simon  Nicholas  de 
Lucca,  who  acted  as  editor  and  pub- 
lisher of  his  books.  At  this  time 
there  were  in  Rome  many  printing 
offices,  and  the  number  increased, 
notwithstanding  the  complaints  of 
Sweinheym  and  Pannartz,  and  also 
of  Philip  de  Lignamine,  that  more 
books  were  printed  than  could  be 
££  sold.  Before  the  year  1500,  there 
0 were  or  had  been  thirty-seven  mas- 
ter  printers  at  Rome. 
r3  Venice.  John  de  Spira,  so  called 
^ from  Spire,  the  city  in  which  he  was 
^ born,  was  the  first  typographer  at 
O Venice.  He  began  in  1469,  by  the 
publication  of  the  Letters  of  Cicero 
in  types  of  Roman  form.  Soon  after 
O he  published  an  edition  in  folio 
d of  the  Natural  History  of  Pliny , 
qq  which  is  regarded  as  one  of  the  fin- 
est specimens  of  the  printing  of  the 
W fifteenth  century.  Proud  of  his  fine 
^ work,  but  fearing  competition,  De 
Spira  solicited  and  obtained  from  the 
^ senate,  September  18th,  1469,  exclu- 
sive rights  as  a printer  in  V enice  for 
five  years.  The  privileges  seem  to 
have  been  forfeited  by  his  deatli  in 
1470;  but  his  printing  office  was 
managed  with  ability  by  his  broth- 
er Vindelin,  who  succeeded  to  the 
business. 

Nicholas  Jenson,  the  “ man  skilled 
in  engraving,”  who  had  been  sent  to 
Mentz  in  1458,  and  who,  according  to 


Madden,  had  thoroughly  qualified 
himself  in  the  monastery  of  Weiden- 
bach, seems  to  have  been  the  first  of 
several  printers  who  hastened  to 
Venice  to  profit  by  the  forfeiture  of 
De  Spira’ s privilege.  In  1471,  he 
published  his  first  book,  the  Decor 
Puellarum,  in  neat  lighted-faced 
Roman  types  on  Great-primer  body. 
The  printed  date  of  this  book  is 
m. cccc. lx i.  It  is  a curious  circum- 
stance that  this  exact  printer  should 
begin  with  an  error  which  makes  his 
first  publication  appear  ten  years 
earlier  than  it  was.  His  experience 
at  the  mint  of  Tours  as  an  engraver 
gave  him  a decided  advantage  over 
all  his  rivals.  Roman  types  had 
been  made  before  by  Sweinheym,  De 
Spira  and  Hahn,  but  never  before  had 
punches  been  so  scientifically  en- 
graved, nor  types  so  truly  aligned. 
It  is  not  surprising  that  the  efforts  of 
his  predecessors  should  pass  for 
naught,  and  that  Jenson  has  ever 
since  been  regarded  as  the  introducer 
of  Roman  types..  But  Jenson  dis- 
covered, as  Hahn  and  De  Spira  had 
done,  that,  to  secure  buyers  in  Ger- 
many, it  was  necessary  to  print 
books  in  Gothic  characters.  With 
this  object  in  view,  he  cut  several 
fonts  of  Round  Gothic,  one  on  Bour- 
geois and  one  on  Brevier  body,  the 
smallest  sizes  of  types  made  in  the 
fifteenth  century. 

As  a printer,  Jenson  is  entitled  to 
high  praise.  None  of  his  competitors 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


' 


' 


3 

. 


. 


’ 


' 

. 


' 


146 


Agate,  No.  15. 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


showed  so  much  taste  and  skill  in  the  details  of  hook-making.  It  is  noticeable 
in  every  feature  — in  the  tint  and  texture  of  his  paper,  in  the  glossy  blackness 
of  his  ink,  in  the  clearness  and  solidity  of  his  impressions,  in  the  uniformity  of 
register  and  of  color  on  every  page.  ‘Jenson’s  merits  were  recognized  by  Pope 
Sixtus  iv,  who,  in  addition  to  other  marks  of  favor,  bestowed  upon  him  the  title 
of  count-palatine.  He  died  in  1481.  His  printing  office  passed  into  the  hands  of 
an  association  of  which  Andrew  Torresani  of  Asola  was  the  manager.  In  time, 

Aldus  Manutius,  a partner  in  this  association,  married  a daughter  of  Torresani, 
and  got  control  of  the  office,  the  reputation  of  which  he  increased  by  his  scholar- 
ship, by  his  numerous  editions  of  the  classics,  and  by  his  introduction  of  Italic 
types,  but  not  by  superior  skill  as  a typographer.  As  a type-founder,  printer 
and  ink-maker,  Jenson  had  no  rival  and  left  no  proper  successor. 

At  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  Venice  took  the  lead  of  all  cities,  not  only 
in  the  number  of  its  printing  offices,  but  in  the  beauty  of  its  types  and  printing. 
Printers  in  other  countries  knew  that  they  would  secure  for  their  types  the  high- 
est commendation  by  announcing  them  as  the  true  Venetian  characters.  San- 
tander specifies  201  master  printers  who  had  been  in  business  at  Venice  before 
1500.  Bernard  estimates  the  number  of  books  then  and  there  printed  at  two 
million  volumes. 

Florence.  Bernard  Cennini,  an  eminent  goldsmith  of  Florence,  began  to 
print  with  types  at  that  city  in  the  year  1471.  lie  said  that  he  and  his  sons  Peter 
and  Dominic  made  the  tools  and  types  and  did  all  the  work  without  instruction, 
but  the  exact  manner  in  which  Cennini  describes  the  cutting  of  punches  and  the  ^ 
founding  of  types  makes  this  statement  doubtful.  Cennini  never  earned  any  q 
reputation  as  a typographer,  for  it  does  not  appear  that  he  printed  any  book  ^ 
after  1471.  Santander  names  twenty-two  master  printers  at  Florence  before 
1500.  The  most  noticeable  of  the  number  is  Dominic  de  Pistoia,  an  ecclesiastic  y 
who  founded  a printing  office  in  1474,  which  is  known  in  history  as  the  Ripoli 
Press.  Dominic  was  the  abbot  of  a monastery,  but  he  proved  an  active  and 
intelligent  publisher.  He  deserves  notice  chiefly  for  his  care  in  keeping  his 
accounts,  which  give  us  our  most  trustworthy  information  concerning  the  mate- 
rials and  usages  of  the  early  printers. 

In  1479,  Dominic  made  this  contract  for  printing  a book.  The  publisher  Boni- 
face should  furnish  the  paper,  and  should  pay  10  livres  for  200  copies  of  a book 
of  23  or  24  leaves  of  royal  octavo  or  ordinary  quarto.  If  he  printed  more  than 
200  copies,  he  should  forfeit  all  claims  for  work  done.  In  another  contract,  made 
in  1480,  Dominic  agreed  to  print  100  copies  of  a book  of  100  or  120  pages  for  4 
florins  in  gold.  The  prices  for  printing  seem  insufficient,  but  the  cost  of  labor 
was  small.  The  compositors  of  the  Ripoli  Press  were  the  sisters  of  a convent. 

Milan.  Anthony  Zarot  began  to  print  at  Milan  in  1470  or  1471,  having  been 
hired  by  Philip  de  Lavagna,  who  seems  to  have  been  a capitalist  and  a publisher. 

In  1472‘,  Zarot  persuaded  four  citizens  of  Milan  to  unite  with  him  in  a new  asso- 
ciation for  the  printing  and  publishing  of  books.  The  articles  of  agreement  are 
curious,  and  deserve  preservation. 

The  partnership  should  be  for  three  years.  Zarot  bound  himself  to  furnish  all 
the  types,  Latin  and  Greek,  Roman  and  Gothic,  and  to  make  all  the  ink.  The  four 
associates  were  to  furnish  the  money.  One  of  them,  De  Burgo,  should  advance 
100  ducats  as  soon  as  they  could  keep  four  presses  steadily  at  work.  If  any  part- 
ner should  obstruct  the  business,  he  should  lose  all  his  rights.  Rent  should  be 


Q 


HI 

O 


02 


Place. 

Paris 

Lyons 

Angers 

Chablis 

Poitiers 

Toulouse  

Caen 

Vienne 

Promentour 

Troyes 

Chambery 

Br6and-L‘oud6hac 

Rennes 

Abbeville 

Rouen  

Besan$on 

Hagenau 

Dol 

Grenoble 

Orleans 

Dijon 

Angouleme 

Cluny 

Nantes 

Limoges 

Provins 

Tours 

Avignon 

Treguier 

Gnienne 

Perpignan 


IN  FRANCE. 

Printer. 

.Ulrich  Gering,  et  al 

.Buyer  and  Le  Roy 

.De  Turre  and  Morelli 

.Pierre  le  Rouge 

. . J.  Boyer  and  G.  Bouchet 


Ferrandus  and  Quijone 

Pierre  Schenck 

.Loys  Guerbin 

.Guillaume  le  Rouge  . . . 

. Antonious  Neyret" 

. R.  Foucquet 

.Pierre  Belleescul6e 

.Dupr6  and  Gerard 

. Guillaume  le  Talleur  . . 


Henry  Grau 

.Peter  Metlinger. 


Matthieu  Vivian 
Peter  Metlinger. 


Michael  Wenssler. 
Etienne  Larcher  . . 

.John  Berton 

■ G.  Tavernier 

Matthieu  Lateron. 
.Nicol  Lepe 


.J.  Rosembach. 


Date. 

.1469 

.1476 

.1477 

.1478 

.1479 

.1479 

.1480 

.1481 

.1482 

.1483 

.1484 

.1484 

.1484 

.1486 

.1487 

.1487 

.1489 

.1490 

.1490 

.1490 

.1491 

.1491 

.1493 

.1493 

.1495 

.1496 

.1496 

.1497 

.1499 

.1500 

.1500 


Paris.  About  the  close  of  the  year 
1469,  Ulrich  Gering,  Michael  Friburger 
and  Martin  Crantz  began  to  print  at 
Paris.  To  please  the  classic  tastes  of 
the  doctors  of  the  university  who  had 
invited  them,  their  first  book  appeared 
in  types  of  Roman  form.  They  were 
not  skillful  printers,  for  Chevillier  says 
that  letters  half  formed  and  half  print- 
ed are  noticeable  in  their  earlier  works, 
but  they  were  industrious  publishers. 
Like  Jenson,  they  found  it  expedient 
to  cut  and  cast  types  of  the  Round  Go- 
thic fashion,  for  the  Roman  character 
was  most  admired  by  scholars.  In  1477, 


Crantz  and  Friburger  abandoned  print- 
ing, but  Gering  continued  to  print  until 
his  death  in  1510.  He  willed  a large 
property  to  the  university. 

In  1473,  Peter  Keyser  and  John  Stol, 
after  a three  years’  service  with  Gering, 
set  up  a rival  printing  office,  the  result 
of  which  was  a reduction  in  the  price 
of  books.  Gering  reprinted  the  books  of 
Keyser  and  Stol  as  soon  as  he  could  pro- 
cure copies.  Each  house  boasted  of 
the  superior  accuracy  and  cheapness 
of  its  own  publications.  This  competi- 
tion did  not  prevent  other  printers  from 
founding  offices  in  Paris,  but  it  did  com- 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


paid  out  of  the  general  fund.  Profits  should  be  divided  in  three  parts,  of 
which  Zarot  should  have  one  part,  and  the  four  associates,  two  parts.  Zarot 
should  pay  the  associates  one-tlnrd  the  actual  cost  of  the  presses  and  other 
implements,  which  should  become  his  property  at  the  termination  of  the 
partnership.  Current  expenses  should  be  paid  out  of  the  general  fund  from 
the  profits  of  sales.  The  priest  Gabriel  (a  partner)  should  be  the  agent, 
treasurer  and  general  manager.  He  should  have  one  copy  of  every  book 
printed.  Books  for  publication  should  be  selected  at  a general  meeting  of 
all  partners.  The  corrector  and  the  copyists  should  be  paid  in  printed  books. 
Every  workman  should  be  bound  by  oath  to  keep  the  secrets  of  the  part- 
ners,  and  was  forbid  to  give  any  book  to  any  other  master  printer  of  the  ^ 
city.  If  any  partner  wished  to  print  a book  on  his  own  account,  and  could  ^ 
not  agree  with  his  associates,  he  would  be  permitted  to  have  it  done  else- 
where.— Peter  and  Nicholas  de  Burgo  immediately  asked  for  the  use  of  CC 
three  presses  or  more,  for  works  on  common  and  civil  law  and  medicine,  ^ 

they  providing  and  paying  for  the  presses  and  for  working  them,  and  half  q 

the  current  expenses  of  the  office.  They  also  agreed  to  give  one-fourth  of 
the  profits,  to  pay  a bonus  of  25  ducats,  and  one  copy  of  each  book,  provided  ^ 
the  society  would  not  sell  it  under  price.  Q 

The  association  seems  to  have  been  remarkably  prosperous,  for  in  1472  it  ^ 
had  seven  presses  at  work.  In  1473,  the  publisher  Philip  de  Lavagna  and  ^ 
his  new  partner  Montanus  made  an  agreement  with  Christopher  Valdarfer,  ^ 
another  printer  at  Milan,  for  the  exclusive  use  of  two  presses.  It  null  be 
seen  that  the  business  of  publishing  is  almost  as  old  as  that  of  printing.  U 

Valdarfer  agreed  to  set  up  the  types  of  the  books  produced  at  the  rate  of  V2 
24  imperials  (?)  for  every  20  pages.  The  wary  publishers  took  the  precau- 
tion to  specify  in  the  agreement  that  the  blank  pages  should  not  be  counted. 

There  was  no  part  of  Europe  in  which  so  great  an  enthusiasm  was  shown 
for  printing  as  in  Italy.  The  Senate  of  Lucca,  by  a vote  of  38  to  9,  voted 
to  pay  the  priest  Clement,  a professional  calligrapher  and  bookbinder  (who 
had  applied  for  the  means  to  go  to  Venice  and  get  a knowledge  of  the  art)} 
a subvention  of  two  florins  monthly,  on  condition  that  he  should  practise  his 
art  as  a public  officer,  teaching  all  who  wished  to  learn.  Clement  declined 
the  offer.  The  only  open  opposition  which  the  new  art  encountered  was 
made  in  1472,  by  the  copyists  of  Genoa,  who  complained  that  the  typogra- 
phers were  greedy,  and  that  they  deprived  the  copyists  of  their  livelihood 
by  undertaking  to  print  little  books. 


m 

Q 

W 

h! 

o 


o 

H 


w 

EH 


pel  some  to  improve  the  quality  of  their 
work,  and  to  seek  a new  class  of  read- 
ers. Antoine  Verard  in  1480.  and  Phil- 
lipe  Pigouchet  in  1484,  founded  a new 
school  of  printing,  when  they  under- 
took to  make  prayer-books  and  roman- 
ces in  imitation  of  the  style  of  the  mini- 
aturists. In  this  style  the  pages  were 
surrounded  by  narrow  pictorial  borders 
in  pieces  of  irregular  length.  These 
pieces  were  repeatedly  used  on  different 
pages,  but  always  in  new  combinations, 
so  as  to  present  some  feature  of  novelty. 
The  groundworks  of  the  borders  were 
generally  stippled.  The  large  illustra- 
tions in  the  text  were  in  outline,  obvi- 
ously intended  for  coloring.  Red  letters 
were  often  printed  on  every  page,  but 
the  larger  initials  were  painted.  Thcil- 
mann  Kerver,  who  commenced  to  print 
in  1497,  was  almost  as  famous  as  a 
printer  of  ornamental  books.  The  grow- 
ing taste  for  fine  books  did  not  prevent 
the  publication  of  solid  literature.  In 


1495,  Jodocus  Badius,  a printer  of  great 
learning,  who  had  been  proof-reader  for 
his  father-in-law,  Trechsel  of  Lyons, 
established  an  office  at  Paris,  and  began 
to  print  for  men  of  education.  In  the 
following  year  came  the  famous  Henry 
.Stephens,  first  of  a long  line  of  printers 
eminent  for  their  scholarship  and  dil- 
igence as  editors  and  publishers  of  clas- 
sical and  critical  text  books.  Before 
the  year  1500,  there  were,  or  had  been, 
sixty-nine  master  printers  in  Paris. 

Lyons.  Lyons  must  have  offered 
unusual  inducements  to  master  printers, 
for  there  were  forty  printing  offices  in 
that  city  before  the  year  1500.  The 
printers  of  Lyons  were  busy  publishers, 
and  their  competitors  in  Italy  complain- 
ed with  reason  of  their  piratical  edi- 
tions. They  made  liberal  use  of  en- 
gravings on  wood  and  copper-plate 
illustrations.  They  were  also  the  first 
printers  to  sell  cheap  books  in  showy 
bindings. 


Barcelona. 
Valcencia . 
Saragossa . 

Seville 

’ Segorbe. . . 

Tolosa 

Burgos 

Salamanca 

Soria 

Xerica 

Toledo 

Murcia 

Tarragona. 


IN  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL. 


Printer. 

.N.  Spindeler 

. Cordova  and  Palomar 
.Matthew  Flandrus  ... 
.A.  Martinez,  et  al 


.Henry  Mayer 
De  Basilea. .. 


.Eliezar  ben  Alanta 


.John  Vasquez 

Juan  de  Roca 

.John  Rosembach. 


Date. 

.1473  or  1478 

1474 

1475 

1476 

1479 

1480 

1485 

1485 

1485 

1485 

1486 

1487 

1488 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Agate,  No.  21. 


147 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


Place. 


Printer. 


Date. 


Lerida 

San  Cucufute  des  Valles 

Lisbon R.  Samuel  Zorba. 

Pampeluna 

Zamora r 

Leiria Abraham  Dortas. 

Grenada Meynard  Ungut. . 

Madrid 

Montserrat John  Luchner 


.1488 

.1489 

.1489 

.1489 

.1490 

.1492 

.1496 

.1499 

.1499 


IN  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

The  first  book  printed  in  English,  the  Recuyell  of  the  History es  of  Troye,  a 
stout  folio  of  351  leaves,  does  not  contain  the  date  of  printing,  nor  the  name 
and  place  of  the  printer,  but  it  appears  from  the  introduction  that  it  was 
translated  from  the  French  by  William  Caxton  between  the  years  1469  and 
1471.  When  and  where  it  was  printed  is  a vexed  question.  Blades  thinks 
that  it  was  printed  at  Bruges  by  Colard  Mansion  and  William  Caxton, 
about  1472.  Madden  thinks  ib  was  printed  at  the  monastery  of  Weiden- 
bach  by  Mansion  and  Caxton,  who  went  there  about  1474  to  learn  practical 
typography.  Other  bibliographers  say  that  it  was  printed  by  Zell  at  Co- 
logne. The  types  of  this  Recuyell  are  thoroughly  French,  and  are  like  the 
larger  types  used  by  Mansion.  Bernard  thinks  that  these  types  were  made  ^ 
and  first  used  at  Cologne,  by  the  order  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  for  the  2 
French  edition  of  the  same  work. 

The  monogram  which  was  exhibited  by  Caxton  in  his  later  books  — j 
s W.  74.  C.  c — is  interpreted  by  Madden  as  William  Caxton , 1474,  Sancta  . 
Colonia.  It  is  an  indication  that  a notable  event  in  his  life  was  represented 
by  the  year  1474  and  the  city  of  Cologne,  and  it  seems  to  authorize  the 
conjecture  that  at  this  time  and  place  he  published  his  first  book.  In 
1475,  Caxton  printed,  in  the  office  of  Mansion  at  Bruges,  The  Game  and 
Play e of  the  Chesse.  In  1477,  he  was  “in  the  abbey  of  Westminster,  by 
London,”  and  then  and  there  published  The  Bides  and  Sayings  of  Philoso- 
phers. He  was  then  a very  old  man,  but  he  did  good  service  as  a printer 
before  his  death  in  1491.  Blades  estimates  the  entire  product  of  his  press 
at  18,000  pages,  nearly  all  of  which  were  of  folio  size.  Compared  with  his 
great  rivals  on  the  Continent,  Caxton  cannot  be  accorded  high  rank  as 
editor  or  publisher,  but  there  was  no  printer  of  his  time  who  labored  more 
diligently. 

In  1480,  Lettou  and  Machlinia  began  to  print  at  London.  Wynken  de 
Worde,  Richard  Pynson,  Julian  Notary  and  William  Faques  were  also 
printers  of  that  city  before  1500. 

In  1480,  Theodoric  Rood,  of  Cologne,  printed  at  Oxford.  In  the  same 
year,  an  unnamed  printer,  known  to  bibliographers  as  The  School-master 
of  St.  Albans,  was  at  Saint  Albans. 

The  first  printing  press  in  Scotland  was  put  up  at  Edinburgh  in  1507 ; the 
first  in  Ireland  at  Dublin  in  1551. 

Printing  was  firstfpractised  in  the  New  World  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  by 


by  any  early  book-buyer.  It  does 
not  appear  that  any  book-lover  of 
that  period  regarded  this  work,  or 
the  art  by  which  it  was  made,  as  of 
high  merit.  The  error  seems  par- 
donable, for  the  printed  book  was 
not  as  attractive  as  the  manuscript, 
and  no  one  foresaw  the  future  of 
printing.  Gutenberg  may  have  had 
a clearer  idea  than  any  man  living 
of  its  capabilities,  but  it  is  not  prob- 
able that  he  foresaw  the  wheels 
within  wheels  which  his  types  would 
put  in  motion,  or  heard  the  clash  and 
roar  of  the  innumerable  presses  for 
which  there  should  be  no  night  and 
scarcely  a Sunday  of  rest,  or  dream- 
ed that  books,  schools,  libraries, 
newspapers  and  readers  were  yet  to 
appear  in  a world  then  undiscovered, 
in  numbers  so  great  that  they  could 
not  be  counted. 

• _ The  activity  of  the  early  printers 

M is  remarkable.  The  task  of  preserv- 
^ big  the  literature  of  the  world  was 
^ fairly  done  at  a very  early  date. 
^ There  were  not  many  books  that 
^ promised  to  be  salable  and  profit- 
able, and  some  of  them  were  scarce, 
and  copies  were  obtained  with  diffi- 
culty— but  nearly  every  valuable 
book  was  found  and  printed.  Naude, 
the  librarian  of  Cardinal  Mazarin, 
said  that,  before  the  year  1474,  all 
the  good  books,  however  bulky,  had 
been  printed  two  or  three  times,  to 
say  nothing  of  many  worthless 
works  which  should  have  been  burn- 
ed. The  same  work  was  often  print- 
ed in  the  same  year,  by  four  or  five 
rival  printers  in  as  many  different 
cities.  The  catalogue  of  Hain  very 
minutely  describes  16,290  editions, 
which,  at  the  low  estimate  of  300 
copies  for  each  6'dition,  represents  a 
total  production  of  4,887,000  books. 

This  is  Hallam’s  enumeration  of 
the  books  printed  in  large  cities  be- 
fore 1500 : 


Florence 300 

Milan 629 

Bologna 298 

Rome 925 

Venice 2835 

London 130 

Paris 751 

Cologne 530 

Nuremberg 382 

Leipsic 351 

Basle 320 

Strasburg 526 

Augsburg 256 

Louvain 116 

Mentz 134 

Deventer 161 


If  allowance  be  made  for  the  books 
that  are  lost,  these  numbers  are  too 
small,  but  the  list  will  give  a correct 
idea  of  the  comparative  activity  of 
the  early  printers  at  different  places. 
During  this  period  were  published 
291  editions  of  Cicero,  95  of  Virgil, 
57  of  Horace,  91  of  the  Latin  Bible 
and  many  hundreds  of  the  decretals 
and  digests  of  canon  law. 

The  attention  of  the  literary  world 
was  first  arrested,  not  by  the  possi- 
bilities of  future  usefulness  in  print- 
ing, but  by  the  growing  cheapness 
of  books.  The  early  printers  offer- 
ed their  books  at  less  than  the  mar- 
ket prices  of  manuscripts,  but  in  a 
few  years  they  were  obliged  to  re- 
duce the  prices  still  lower.  The 
market  was  soon  glutted,  and  the 
prices  fell  rapidly  and  irretrievably. 
Chevillier  says  that,  at  the  close  of 
the  century,  the  price  of  many  books 
had  been  reduced  by  four-fifths.  In 
the  preface  to  a book  printed  at 
Rome  in  1470,  John  Andrew,  the 
bishop  of  Aleria,  addressing  Pope 
Pius  n,  says : 

‘ 1 It  reflects  no  small  glory  on  the 
reign  of  your  holiness  that  a toler- 
ably correct  copy  of  such  a work  as 
formerly  cost  more  than  a hundred 
crowns  may  now  be  purchased  for 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


The  Spread  of  Printing. 


Juan  Cromberger,  or  his  agent  Pablos,  between  1536  and  1540.  Thomas, 
in  his  History  of  Printing,  said  that  printing  was  done  in  Mexico  before 
1569.  The  subsequent  discovery  of  Mexican  books  with  earlier  im- 
prints has  compelled  a gradual  putting  back  of  the  date  to  1540,  which 
is  that  of  the  earliest  existing  book.  There  is  a tradition  about  a 
Mexican  book  said  to  be  printed  in  1536,  but  the  book  is  not  in  exist- 
ence, and  the  correctness  of  this  date  has  not  been  proved.  Harrisse 
quotes  an  author  who  says  that  printing  was  taken  to  Mexico  in  1532, 
by  the  Viceroy  Mendoza,  and  that  Pablos  was  the  first  printer.  But 
Mendoza  did  not  go  to  Mexico  until  1535.  Pablos  was  the  foreman  of 
Cromberger,  who  had  one  office  in  Seville  and  one  in  Mexico.  The  m 
second  printing  press  in  North  America  was  put  up  by  Stephen  Daye 
at  Cambridge,  in  1638,  and  the  first  work  printed  on  it,  the  Freema/n's  ^ 
Oath,  was  dated  1639.  ~ qq 

The  German  origin  of  printing  is  fairly  shown  by  the  names,  unques- 
tionably German,  of  nearly  all  the  men  who  introduced  printing  in  H 
Southern  Europe.  The  workmanship  of  these,  men  leads  to  the  same  ^ 
conclusion,  for  the  expert  will  see  in  their  books  evidences  of  the  use  ^ 
of  the  punch,  mould,  press,  and  frisket.  Whether  done  well  or  ill, 
printing  was  done  with  the  tools  and  by  the  methods  of  Gutenberg.  ^ 
Printing  did  not  meet  with  general  welcome,  but  the  neglect  or  oppo- 
sition it  encountered  did  not  come  largely  from  the  copyists.  The  ^ 
business  of  the  copyist  of  cheap  books  was  injured,  but  the  only  com-  ^ 
plaint  that  I have  met  came  from  the  copyists  of  Genoa.  The  calli-  y 
grapher  was  indifferent  to  the  growth  of  the  new  art,  for  his  skill  was  Tji 
never  in  higher  request  nor  more  handsomely  rewarded  than  at  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century.  So  far  from  injuring  the  business  of 
the  calligrapher,  printing  really  improved  it,  for  it  largely  increased  the 
production  of  books  intended  for  illumination.  The  neglect  of  literary 
men  to  note  the  Bible  of  42  lines  and  the  Catholieon  of  Gutenberg,  the 
delayed  establishment  of  a planting  office  at  Paris,  the  indifference 
shown  to  printing  in  the  great  book-making  town  of  Bruges,  and  the 
insufficient  patronage  bestowed  on  the  early  printers  at  Rome,  are 
evidences  that  there  was,  in  the  beginning,  a prejudice  against  printed 
books  much  more  powerful  than  that  of  the  copyists.  The  bibliophiles 
of  the  time  looked  on  printed  books  as  the  productions  of  an  inartistic 
trade.  The  admiration  which  has  been  recently  invoked  for  the  Bible 
of  42  lines  as  a book  of  nearly  perfect  workmanship  was  not  expressed 


twenty ; those  that  were  worth 
twenty,  for  four  at  most.  It  is  a 
great  thing,  holy  father,  to  say,  that 
in  your  time  the  most  estimable 
authors  are  attainable  at  a price 
little  exceeding  that  of  blank  parch- 
ment or  paper.” 

The  failure  of  many  early  printers 
to  make  their  business  profitable 
W.  was  largely  caused  by  their  injudi- 
0 cious  selection  for  publication  of 
^ bulky  theological  writings  which 
^ cost  a great  deal  of  money  to  print, 
and  were  salable  only  to  a small 
class.  It  was  unwisely  supposed 
^ that  printing  would  receive  its  great 
p-i  support  from  the  ecclesiastics.  With 
this  object  in  view,  the  first  printers 
^ printed  almost  exclusively  in  Latin, 
and  generally  in  the  expensive  shape 
GO  of  folio,  the  books  which  could  be 
read  only  by  the  learned,  and  bought 
^ only  by  the  wealthy.  The  Bishop  of 
M ( Angers  in  1470  paid  40  crowns  of  gold 
^ for  a copy  of  the  Bible  of  1462.  The 
Catholieon  of  Gutenberg  sold  for  41 
crowns  of  gold  in  1465.  A copy  of 
Mansion’s  edition  of  the  Consolation 
of  Philosophy  by  Boethius,  brought 
40  crowns  in  1431.  A missal  was  sold 
in  1481  for  18  gold  florins.  Bernard 
notes  a sale  in  which  a printed  copy 
brought  a higher  price  than  a man- 
uscript. A copy  on  vellum  of  the 
Summary  of  St.  Thomas  by  Schceffer, 
was  sold  at  Paris  for  15  crowns  of 
gold.  A manuscript  of  similar  size 
was  sold  for  10  crown  s.  It  is  difficult 


to  form  just  conclusions  from  these 
prices,  for  the  bindings  of  the  books 
have  not  been  described.  Hallam 
says  that  the  florin  was  worth  about 
foui-  francs  of  present  money,  equiv- 
alent, perhaps,  to  twenty-four  in 
commodities,  and  that  the  crown 
was  worth  rather  more.  Another 
estimate  allows  to  the  money  of  the 
fifteenth  century.eight  times  its  pre- 
sent purchasing  power. — The  print- 
ers’ hopes  of  profit  were  rarely  ever 
realized.  Only  a few  like  Zell,  Men- 
tel  and  Schoeffer  became  successful 
merchants  of  books  on  dogmatic 
theology.  It  was  soon  discovered 
that  printing  could  not  be  supported 
by  ecclesiastics.  The  printers  who 
had  been  induced  to  set  up  presses 
in  monasteries  did  not  long  remain 
there,  nor  did  the  printing  and  pub- 
lishing offices  which  they  left  pros- 
per for  many  years.  Books  of  devo- 
tion were  never  in  greater  request, 
but  books  published  by  the  church 
did  not  fully  meet  the  popular  want. 

Nearly  all  the  books  printed  by 
Gutenberg  and  Schceffer  were  in  the 
Latin  language.  'Whether  they  over- 
looked the  fact  that  there  was  an 
actual  need  for  books  in  German,  or 
whether  they  were  restrained  in  an 
attempt  to  print  in  German,  cannot 
be  decided.  Other  publishers  saw 
the  need,  and  disregarded  the  re- 
straint, if  there  was  any,  to  the  great 
inquietude  of  ecclesiastics,  who 
seem  to  have  had  forewarning  of 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  -Chambers-Street,  NEW- YORK. 


' 


. 


■ 


. 


' 

. 

' 


. 


■ 


. 


' 


148 


Pearl,  No.  11. 


^ The  Spread  of  Printing. 


The  Tools  of  the  Early  Printers. 


the  mischief  that  would  be  made  by  types.  On  the  fourth  day  of  January,  1486, 
Berthold,  the  archbishop  of  Mentz,  issued  a mandate  in  which  he  forbade  all  per- 
sons from  printing,  publishing,  buying  or  selling  books  translated  from  the  Greek 
or  Latin,  or  any  other  language,  before  the  written  translation  had  been  approved 
by  a committee  which  should  be  appointed  for  the  purpose  from  the  faculty  of  the 
University  of  Mentz.  The  penalties  were  excommunication,  confiscation  of  the 
books,  and  a fine  of  100  florins  of  gold. 

The  mandate  is  too  long  for  an  unabridged  translation,  but  the  following  extracts 
will  fairly  set  forth  the  reasons  for  his  action  : 

“Although,  by  a certain  divine  art  of  printing,  abundant  and  easy  access  is 
obtained  to  books  in  every  science . . . yet  we  have  perceived  that  certain  men,  led 
by  the  desire  of  vainglory  or  money,  do  abuse  this  art ; and  that  which  was  given 
for  the  instruction  of  human  life  is  perverted  to  purposes  of  mischief  and  calamity. 

For,  to  the  dishonoring  of  religion,  we  have  seen  in  the  hands  of  the  vulgar  certain 
books  of  the  divine  offices  and  the  writings  of  our  religion  translated  from  the 
Latin  into  the  German  tongue. . . . Some  volumes  on  this  subject,  certain  rash  un- 
learned simpletons  have  dared  to  translate  into  the  vulgar  tongue,  whose  transla- 
tion. . . many  learned  men  have  declared  unintelligible,  in  consequence  of  the  very 
great  misapplication  and  abuse  of  words. . . Let  sucm  translators,  if  they  pay  regard 
to  truth,  say  whether  the  German  language  be  capable  of  expressing  that  which 
excellent  writers  in  Greek  and  in  Latin  have  most  accurately  and  argumenta- 
tively written  on  the  sublime  speculations  of  the  Christian  religion  and  the  knowl- 
edge of  things.  They  must  acknowledge  that  the  poverty  of  our  idiom  renders  it 
insufficient, . . . they  must  corrupt  the  sense  of  the  truth  m the  sacred  writings . . . 
which,  from  the  greatness  of  the  danger  attendant  upon  it,  we  greatly  dread ; for 
who  would  leave  it  to  ignorant  and  unlearned  men  and  to  the  female  sex,  into  ^ 
whose  hands  copies  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  may  have  fallen,  to  find  out  the  time  0, 
meaning  of  them?”  Sj 

This  was  not  the  first  restriction  imposed  on  the  liberty  of  the  printers,  for  the  k] 
University  of  Cologne  in  1479  had  assumed  the  right  to  control  the  printing  of  K 
books  by  Quentell  and  Winters.  ^ 

In  Italy  the  revival  of  classical  literature  opened  a new  field  for  the  publisher,  but 
the  demand  for  Latin  authors  was  limited.  In  this  country,  and  in  others,  eager- 
ness for  books  in  the  native  language  was  manifested ; for  books  that  plain  people 
could  read ; for  books  that  represented  the  life  and  thoughts  of  the  living  and  not 
of  the  dead.  The  world  was  getting  ready  for  new  teachers  and  for  a new  litera- 
ture — for  Luther  and  Bacon,  for  Galileo  and  Shakespeare. 

mfyi  fejfnifg  ititsbft 

kfftjuentito:  fed  butof^t 
pagmayevba  feUfos  sited!  \{  /a  ; 
gxstffimm  mix  qn  allumtstoetn  mm  fe  U 

p9a bt  \\  X ■ 

me*cj?ipfe  onme$  tofotittgfcSt  X 


and  make  a mould.  I find  no  mention 
of  punch-chtting  or  mould-making  at 
Mentz,  but  there  is,  in  the  accounts  of 
the  Ripoli  Press,  an  unequivocal  notice 
of  one  John  Peter  of  Mentz,  who  was 
selling  matrices  to  the  printers  of  Flor- 
ence in  1476.  It  is  evident  that  this  John 
Peter  had  experience  in  this  branch  of 
typography.  The  Bipoli  Press  bought  of 
him,  in  1477,  the  matrices  of  a full  font 
of  Boman,  for  10  florins  in  gold.  John 
Peter  was  not  the  only  punch-cutter.  I n 
1478,  the  Bipoli  Press  paid  the  goldsmith 
Benvenuto  110  livres  for  the  punches  of 
three  fonts  — two  of  which  were  of  Bo- 
man and  one  of  Gothic  face.  In  1481, 
another  goldsmith,  Banco,  made  a sale 
to  the  manager  of  the  Bipoli  Press,  of 
“ 100  little  letters,  3 big  letters,  and  3 
vignettes  on  copper.” 

The  styles  of  the  early  types  were  not 
invented  by  printer  or  punch-cutter. 
The  Pointed  Gothic  letters  of  Guten- 
berg’s Bibles  and  of  the  Psalter  of  1457 
are  like  those  of  the  choice  ecclesiastical 
. manuscripts  of  that  period.  The  Bound 
Q Gothic  letters  of  the  Catholicon  and  of 
1—4  the  Letters  of  In  dulgence  are  of  the  form 

then  used  by  German  copyists  in  popular 
q books.  In  Italy,  the  first  types  were  cut 
in  imitation  of  the  popular  form  of  Bo- 
man letters,  or  in  the  southern  fashion 
of  Bound  Gothic  ;rin  the  Netherlands, 
they  present  the  peculiarities  of  Flemish 
writing;  in  France  and  Burgundy,  they 
were,  for  the  most  part,  in  the  favorite 
French  style  of  Bdtarde  ancienne.  In  no 
instance  did  the  printer  invent  a new 
style:  he  did  no  more  than  direct  his 
punch-cutter  to  imitate,  as  closely  as 
be  could,  the  letters  of  a meritorious 
manuscript.  In  this  matter,  as  well  as 
in  the  arrangement  of  types,  he  followed 
the  fashion  set  by  an  approved  copyist 
or  calligrapher.  The  peculiar  characters 
of  different  languages  were  produced  as 
they  were  required,  somewhat  slowly 
and  of  unequal  merit,  by  different  print- 
ers. Square  notes  of  music,  partly  writ- 
ten, partly  printed,  are  seen  in  the  Psal- 
ter of  1457.  Greek  letters  were  made  by 
Schceffer  and  Sweiuheym,  but  the  first 
book  in  Greek  was  printed  by  Paravi- 
sinus  at  Milan  in  1476.  Hebrew  types 
were  made  at  Soncino  in  1488.  At  the 


close  of  the  century,  a German  printer 
at  Paris  made  an  imitation  of  writing, 
but  the  letters  were  not  connected,  and 
and  the  only  penmanlike  features  were 
in  the  capitals.  About  1500,  Manutius 
had  the  engraver  Francis  of  Bologna  cut 
punches  for  Italic  types,  in  imitation  of 
the  handwriting  of  Petrarch.  The  limit- 
ations of  typography  were  not  fully  per- 
ceived, and  many  unsuccessful  attempts 
were  made  to  produce  tvnes  and  sec- 
tional wood-cuts  that  could  be  used  in 
the  construction  of  maps,  ornaments 
and  pictures. 

Jacob  Bellaert  of  Haarlem  combined 
isolated  engravings,  cut  for  the  purpose, 
in  the  belief  that  each  combination 
would  seem  a new  engraving.  Kerver 
tried  to  give  variety  to  his  pages  by  vary- 
ing combinations  of  detached  pictorial 
borders.  But  it  was  quickly  demon- 
strated that  typography  could  deal  suc- 
cessfully with  letters  only.  The  large 
ornamental  initial  letters  of  books  were 
not  cast,  but  cut,  sometimes  on  wood, 
ofteneron  metal.  Small  and  ornament- 
ed capital  letters  were  cast  by  Mentel  of 
Strasburg,  and  by  Batdolt  of  V enice  in 
1477. 

The  Gothic  character  was  more  popu- 
lar than  the  Boman,  but  there  were  me- 
chanical reasons  why  many  printers 
preferred  it.  It  was  not  so  quickly  cut, 
but  its  broad  face,  free  from  hair-lines, 
was  more  readily  founded.  It  could  be 
inked  with  facility  and  printed  with 
more  evenness  of  color,  and  it  would 
not  show  wear  as  soon  as  the  Boman. 
Early  printers  who  hod  no  Boman,  were 
loud  in  their  praises  of  the  Gothic. 
Colonna  and  Manthen  at  Venice  said 
that  their  Gothic  was  a “ sublime  letter.  ” 
John  Herbort,  in  1483,  said  his  was  “a 
most  captivating  letter,  unquestionably 
excelling  all  others.”  Nicholas  Prevost 
said  his  book  was  printed  “ in  types  the 
most  beautiful  and  most  becoming  for 
polite  literature.”  Chevalon  said  his 
Gothic  was  “the  polite  and  fashionable 
letter.”  It  was  preferred  by  Verard,  Pi- 
goucliet,  Kerver,  and  nearly  all  French 
and  Flemish  printers.  It  did* not  entirely 
go  out  of  fashion  in  Southern  Europe 
nor  in  France  until  the  close  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  It  might  have  been 


A Type  of  the  Fifteenth  Century. 
[From  Madden.] 


XXVI 

THE  TOOLS  AND  USAGES  OF  THE  EABLY  PRINTERS. 


Punches  made  by  Goldsmiths  . . . Styles  of  Types  imitated  from  Manuscripts . . . Popularity  of  the  Gothic. 
Moulded  Matrices  . . . Types  made  without  any  System  . . . From  an  Adjustable  Mould  . . . Appearance 
of  Early  Types  . . . Large  Fonts  made  . . . Importance  of  Mould  . . . Rudeness  of  Early  Composition. 

Method  of  Dictation  . . . Faults  of  Compositors . . . Slowness  of  Improvement . . . Construction  of  the 
Hand-Press,  with  illustration  . . . Inking  Balls,  with  illustration  . . . Slowness  of  Pressmen . . . Printing 
in  Colors  . . . Printing  Ink  . . . Ingredients  used  by  the  Ripoli  Press . . . Moxou's  Complaints  about  ink. 

Neglect  of  Engraving  on  Wood  . . . Peculiarities  of  Paper  . . . The  Degradation  of  Engraving . . . Proof-  hH 
reading  at  Weidenbach  . . . Faults  of  First  Editions . . . Superiority  of  Printed  as  compared  with  Man- 
uscript  Books . . . Permanence  of  Gutenberg's  Method.  . 

All  invention  is  progressive  . . . When  a new  machine  is  produced,  we  do  not  say,  Why,  it  only  consists  QQ 
of  a number  of  wheels  and  cylinders,  therefore,  surely  there  is  nothing  new  in  it ! All  the  parts  may 
be  old,  and  yet  the  combination  be  quite  new.  To  analyse  an  invention  into  its  several  parts,  would  j 
be  equivalent  to  finding  that  a poem  was  only  composed  of  the  letters  of  the  alphabet,  or  the  words  in  ^ 
a dictionary.  Dircks. 

The  first  processes  in  the  practice  of  typography  — the  cutting  of  punches  and 
making  of  moulds  — demanded  a degree  of  skill  in  the  handling  of  tools  and  of  0 
experience  in  the  working  of  metal  rarely  found  in  any  man  who  undertook 
to  learn  the  art  of  printing.  They  were  never  regarded  as  proper  branches  of 
the  printer’s  trade,  but  were,  from  the  beginning,  set  aside  as  kinds  of  work  f* 
which  could  be  properly  done  by  the  goldsmith  only.  Jenson,  Cennini,  Swein-  t-U 
heym  and  Vcldener  seem  to  have  been  the  only  printers  of  the  fifteenth  cent-  ^ 
ury  who  had  the  preliminary  education  that  would  warrant  them  in  attempt-  0 
ng  to  cut  punches  with  their  own  hands. 

•Not  every  goldsmith  could  do  this  work  with  neatness,  and  for  this  reason, 
as  well  as  for  the  sake  of  economy,  many  beginners  bought  their  matrices  from 
the  printers  who  owned  punches.  In  some  cases  the  types  were  bought  out- 
right, but  matrices  which  gave  the  means  of  renewing  a worn-out  font  must 
have  been  preferred.  That  there  was  a trade  in  matrices  before  type-foundries 
for  the  trade  were  established  is  shown  by  the  appearance  of  the  same  face  of 
type  in  many  offices.  The  Bound  Gothic  types  cut  by  Jenson  were  frequently 
used  by  printers  in  France  and  Germany.  Certain  faces  of  types  used  by 
Caxton  and  by  Van  der  Goes,  by  Leeu  and  Bellaert,  by  Machlinia  and  Veldener, 
are  identically  the  same,  and  must  have  been  cast  from  matrices  struck  from 
the  same  punches.  % 

Gutenberg’s  employment  of  the  goldsmith  Dlinne  at  Strasburg,  and  the  pay- 
ment to  him  of  a big  sum  for  work  connected  with  printing,  can  be  most 
satistactorily  explained  by  the  conjecture  that  Dlinne  was  hired  to  cut  punches 


The  Tools  of  the  Early  Printers. 


supplanted  by  Boman  characters  in  Ger- 
many, if  there  had  not  been  at  this  time  a 
strong  prejudice  against  Boman  customs 
and  fashions  of  all  kinds.  Attempts  at 
change  were  frequently  made,  but  they 
were  always  unsuccessful. 

The  steel  bought  for  the  type-foundry 
of  the  Ripoli  Press  was  probably  intend- 
ed for  punches.  The  use  of  this  metal 
in  other  type-foundries  may  be  inferred 
W.  from  the  sharpness,  when  new,  of  many 
Pi  fonts  of  early  types.  That  the  moulds 

^ were  of  brass  is  indicated  by  the  allu- 

w sions  of  early  writers  and  printers  to 
^ types  made  in  brass.  The  matrices  were 
^ of  copper,  but  it  is  not  probable  that 
0 they  were  struck  in  cold  metal,  for  it 
h- I required  great  force  and  still  greater  dis- 

cretion  to  strike  the  punch  truly,  and  the 
0 risk  of  breaking  it  had  to  be  hazarded. 

0 For  the  matrices  of  the  large  types  of 
Gutenberg’s  Bibles  and  the  Psalter  of 

QO  1457,  copper  softened  by  heat  should 
have  been,  and  probably  was,  provided. 
hH  In  France,  the  punches  are  struck  in 
^ hot  copper  to  prevent  their  breakage. 

Wheii  the  secrets  of  type-making  had 

1 been  divulged,  the  printers  who  found 
difficulties  in  making  or  buying  matrices 
tried  to  evade  its  necessary  conditions 
and  cheapen  its  processes.  The  types 
of  wood  with  holes  for  wire,  described 
by  Specklin  and  others,  must  liuvc  been 
punches  of  wood  which  had  been  made 
in  the  belief  that  it  would  be  cheaper  to 
cast  words  than  to  cast  and  compose 
single  letters.  The  matrices  of  lead 
noticed  by  Enschede  were  probably 
made  by  striking  tbe  punch  of  wood  in 
half-melted  metal,  after  the  process  de- 
scribed by  Didot.  The  punch  of  wood, 
burned  by  contact  with  hot  metal,  was 


repaired,  altered  and  renewed ; the  mat- 
rix of  lead,  clogged  by  the  adhesion  of 
metal,  became  defaced,  and  was  soon 
worn  out.  Every  change  in  the  punch 
or  matrix  produced  a corresponding 
change  in  the  cast  type. 

“ I know  by  experience  that  the  ordi- 
nary metal  used  for  types  can  be  cast  in 
a matrix  of  lead  to  the  number  of  125  or 
150  types  before  the  matrix  will  be  de- 
stroyed. After  50  or  GO  castings,  there 
will  be  an  alteration  in  the  mould;  the 
finer  lines  will  disappear  and  ruder  lines 
will  be  presented.  Tliis  will  account  for 
the  differences  that  the  same  letters  pre- 
sent on  every  page.  ” Magazin  Encyclop. 
de  Afillin,  1806,  vol.  i,  p.  74,  as  quoted  by 
Bernard,  vol.  i,  p,  290. 

Tbe  types  of  the  fifteenth  century 
were  made  without  system.  The  dimen- 
sions of  each  body  and  the  peculiarities 
of  each  face  were  determined  chiefly  by 
the  manuscript  cop>  which  had  been 
selected  as  the  model.  No  printer  had 
any  idea  of  the  advantages  to  be  derived 
from  a series  of  regularly  graduated 
sizes,  nor  of  the  beauty  of  a series  of 
uniform  faces,  nor  of  the  great  evils  they 
would,  impose  on  themselves  and  their 
successors  by  the  use  of  irregular  bodies. 
Gutenberg’s  larger  bodies  were  irregu- 
larly graduated  and  of  Pointed  Gothic 
face ; his  smaller  bodies  were  not  sepa- 
rated at  proper  distances,  and  were  of 
Round  Gothic  face.  The  unknown 
printer  had  four  faces  and  four  bodies  of 
the  size  English.  Caxton  had  two  faces 
ancl  two  bodies  each  of  the  sizes  Paragon, 
Great-primer  and  English.  The  types 
of  many  printers  at  Paris  and  Venice 
show  irregularities  of  body  which  seem 
inexplicable  to  the  modem  printer. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Cilajvibeks-Stkeet,  NEW-YORK. 


Pearl,  No.  16. 


149 


The  Tools  of  the  Early  Printers. 


The  Tools  of  the  Early  Printers. 


A classification  by  scale  of  t-lie  types  of  any  printer  of  this  period  will  show  that 
there  are  often  wide  gaps  between  the  larger,  and  confusing  proximities  between  the 
smaller,  bodies.  The  smallest  sizes  which  I have  met  in  any  book  of  the  fifteenth 
century  are  in  the  Decretals  of  Gregory , printed  in  black  and  red  by  Andrew  Torresani 
at  Venice  in  1498,  in  which  book  the  text  is  in  Bourgeois  and  the  surrounding  notes  are 
in  Brevier.  Nonpareil  was  first  made  by  Garamond  of  Paris  about  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Diamond  was  made  by  Jannon  of  Sedan  about  1625.  Nothing 
smaller  was  attempted  until  1827,  when  Henry  Didot,  then  66  years  old,  cut  a font  on 
the  French  body  of  24$  points — a body  known  to  American  printers  as  Brilliant,  or 
Half-nonpareil  — about  twenty-five  lines  to  the  American  inch. 

As  the  size  of  every  body  is  determined  by  the  mould  in  which  it  is  cast,  it  would 
seem  that  there  must  have  been  a separate  mould  for  every  distinct  body.  (It  has  been 
suggested  that  these  distinct  bodies  were  founded  in  sand  moulds ; that  a new  pattern 
for  the  body  was  made  every  time  a new  font  was  cast ; and  that  the  irregularities  in 
body  are  the  results  of  unintended  or  undetected  variations  in  the  pattern.  But  this 
hypothesis  cannot  be  accepted.  The  small  bodies,  the  sharp  edges,  close  fitting-up  and 
even  lining  of  the  types,  are  peculiarities  which  could  not  have  been  produced  by  a sand 
mould,  nor  by  a mould  of  any  plastic  material. ) This  inference  is  encumbered  with 
fatal  objections.  The  type-mould  of  hard  metal  is,  and  always  has  been,  a very 
expensive  tool,  and  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  any  early  printer  made  two  or  four 
moulds  for  one  body  when  one  mould  would  have  served.  It  is  much  more  probable 
that  he  tried  to  make  one  mould  serve  for  two  or  more  bodies.  The  inventor  of  the 
mould  may  have  thought  that  it  should  be  constructed  with  adjustments,  so  that  it 
should  cast  different  bodies  as  well  as  different  widths  of  types.  The  practicability  of 
a mould  of  this  description  is  properly  demonstrated  by  the  old-fashioned  adjustable 
mould  for  irregular  bodies,  or  by  the  mould  used  for  casting  leads,  which  can  be  so 
enlarged  or  diminished  that  it  will  cast  many  bodies  or  thicknesses.  If  we  suppose 
that  this  mould  was  used  by  Gutenberg  for  casting  the  two  bodies  of  the  Letters  of 
Indulgence,  and  by  the  unknown  printer  of  the  Netherlands  for  his  four  bodies  of 
English,  and  that  it  was,  of  necessity,  newly  set  or  adjusted  each  time  a new  font  was 
cast,  we  shall  at  once  have  a precise  explanation  of  irregularities  which  are  unac- 
countable under  any  other  hypothesis.  Casting  types  without  the  system,  standards 
and  gauges  which  modern  type-founders  use,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  first  printers 
made  types  with  differences  of  body.  It  was  the  impracticability  of  casting  in  this 
primitive  mould,  at  different  times,  types 
of  uniform  body,  that  compelled  later  type- 
founders to  discard  it,  and  to  use  instead 
a mould  for  each  "body. 

The  casting  of  the  types,  which  was  al- 
ways done  in  the  printing  office,  was  then 
adjudged  a proper  part  of  a printer’s  trade. 

The  earlier  chroniclers  said  the  first  types 
were  made  of  lead  and  tin.  The  Cost  Book 
of  the  Ripoli  Press  specifies  these  metals, 
and  obscurety  mentions  another  which 
seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  constituents 
of  type-metal.  If  this  conjecture  can  be 
accepted,  types  were  probably  made  in  the 
fifteenth  century  as  they  are  now,  of  lead, 
tin  and  antimony.  (See  page  32  of  this 
book. ) W as  this  obscure  metal  antimony  ? 

The  text  books  say  that  antimony  was, 
for  the  first  time,  set  apart  as  a distinct 
metal  in  1490,  by  Basil  Valentine,  a monk 
of  Erfurt.  But  Madden  says  that  a book 


There  is  a disagreement  among  bibliog- 
raphers about  the  quantity  of  types  ordi- 
narily cast  for  a font  by  the  early  printers. 
Some,  judging  from  appearances  which 
show  that  one  page  only  was  printed  at 
an  impression,  say  that  they  cast  types  for 
two  or  three  pages  only ; others  maintain 
that  they  must  have  had  very  large  fonts. 
That  the  latter  view  is  correct  seems  fully 
established  after  a survey  of  the  books 
known  to  have  been  printed  by  Zell,  Ko- 
burger,  Leeu,  and  others.  It  would  have 
been  impossible  to  print  these  books  in  the 
short  period  in  which  we  know  they  were 
done,  if  the  printer  had  not  been  provided 
with  abundance  of  types.  As  the  types 
were  made  in  the  printing  office,  by  a 
quick  method,  from  an  alloy  which  could 
be  used  repeatedly  for  the  same  purpose, 
the  supply  was  rarely  limited  by  consider- 
ations of  expense. 

Bernard  believes  that  Gutenberg  cast  for 
the  Bible  of  42  lines  at  least  120,000  types, 
or  enough  for  two  sections,  or  forty  pages. 
He  supposes  that  twenty  pages  were  per- 
fected, and  ready  for  press  or  under  press, 
while  the  succeeding  twenty  pages  were 
in  the  compositor’s  hands.  This  would 
be  the  method  adopted  by  the  modern 
printer,  and  it  may  have  been  the  method 
of  Gutenberg,  but  it  is  probable  that  the 
difficulties  connected  with  the  new  art 
compelled  him  to  print  the  book  more 
slowly,  and  with  imperfect  system.  But 


supposed  to  have  been  printed  at  Cologne, 
before  the  year  1473,  plainly  describes  anti- 
mony as  a metal  frequently  used  and  much 
abused  by  many  monks  of  the  thirteenth 
century  in  their  pharmaceutical  prepara- 
tions. Lettres  d'un  bibliographe,  4th 
series,  p.  115.  Not  one  of  the  millions  of 
types  founded  during  the  fifteenth  century 
has  been  preserved,  nor  is  there  in  any  old 
book  an  engraving  or  a description  of  a 
type.  This  neglected  information  has  been 
unwittingly  furnished  by  a careless  press- 
man in  the  office  of  Conrad  Winters,  who 
printed  at  Cologne  in  1476.  This  pressman, 
or  his  mate,  when  inking  a slackly  justified 
form,  permitted  the  inking  ball  to  pull  out 


Presswork  and  Composition  as  done  in  1564. 
[From  Jost  Amman.] 


a thin-bodied  type,  which  dropped  sideways  on  the  face  of  the  form.  The  acci- 
dent was  not  noticed;  the  tympan  closed  upon  the  form,  and  the  bed  was  drawn 
under  the  platen.  Down  came  the  screw  And  platen,  jamming  the  unfortunate 
type  in  the  form,  and  embossing  it  strongly  in  the  fibres  of  the  thick  wet  paper, 
in  a manner  which  reveals  to  us  the  shape  of  Winters’  types  more  truthfully 
than  it  could  have  been  done  even  by  special  engraving.  (See  illustration  on 
preceding  page.)  The  height  of  this  type  is  a trifle  less  than  one  American  inch. 
It  agrees  exactly  with  the  old  French  standard  (of  1723)  for  height  of  type,  which 
was  104$  geometric  lines,  or,  by  modern  French  measure,  24  millimetres.  Four- 
nier, Manuel  typographique,  vol.  I,  p.  125.  The  sloping  shoulder,  or  the  beard,  as 
it  was  once  called,  was  made  to  prevent  the  blackening  of  the  paper,  for  it  would 
have  been  blackened  if  the  shoulder  had  been  high  and  square.  The  sloping 
shoulder,  which  was  in  general  use  in  the  first  quarter  of  this  century,  was  dis- 
carded to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  new  art  of  stereotyping.  It  was  found 
that  these  sloping  shoulders  made  projections  in  the  plaster  mould,  which  imperiled 
the  making  of  an  accurate  cast.  The  blackening  of  the  sheet  from  square  shoulders 
was  prevented  by  altering  the  mould  and  placing  the  shoulder  lower  on  the  body. 
The  circular  mark,  about  one-tenth  of  an  inch  diameter,  on  the  side  of  the  type, 
was  firmly  depressed  in  the  metal,  but  did  not  perforate  it.  As  this  type  had  no 
nick  on  the  body,  it  is  apparent  that  the  circular  mark  was  cast  there  to  guide 
the  compositor.  When  the  type  was  put  in  the  stick  with  the  mark  facing  out- 
ward, the  compositor  knew,  without  looking  at  the  face,  that  it  was  rightly  placed. 
There  is  no  groove  at  the  foot.  Duverger  says  that  the  early  types  had  no  jet  or 
breaking-piece;  that  the  superfluous  metal  was  cut  off,  and  the  type  made  of 
proper  height  by  sawing.  (See  page  126  of  this  book.)  These  details  may  seem 
trifling,  but  they  are  of  importance : they  show  that,  in  the  more  important  feat- 
ures, the  types  of  the  early  printers  closely  resembled  ours. 


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ing  office.  The  roving  habits  of  the  masters 
will  not  seem  so  strange  when  it  is  known 
that  the  equipment  of  the  early  office  was 
simple,  and  that  the  more  expensive  tools 
could  be  earned  with  little  difficulty. 

This  illustration,  a fac-simile  of  one  of 
Amman’s  engravings  of  a printing  office, 
is  from  his  book  dated  1564.  The  case  for 
the  type  is  of  one  piece  and  is  resting  on  a 
rude  frame.  AH  the  boxes  are  represented 
as  of  the  same  size,  but  this  is  probably  an 
error,  for  it  is  an  error  which  is  frequently 
made  by  designers  of  this  day.  The  en- 
gravings of  cases  shown  by  Moxon  have 
boxes  of  unequal  size.  No  doubt,  they  were 
so  made  from  the  beginning,  for  a day’s 
experience  would  teach  any  compositor 
that  his  case  must  have  a lai'ger  box  for 
the  letter  e than  for  the  letter  x.  In  this, 
and  in  many  other  early  illustrations  of 
type-setting,  the  compositors  are  seated  on 
stools.  In  Italy  and  in  Paris,  women  were 
employed  as  compositors*  In  the  wood- 
cut  (see  following  page)  used  by  Jodocus 
Badius  for  a trade-mark,  we  see.  a hard- 
featured  dame  before  a narrow  case,  com- 
posing types  with  judicial  deliberation. 


the  printers  who  followed  him  certainly 
used  quick  methods. 

The  trades  of  compositor  a nd  pressman, 
and  possibly  that  of  type-caster,  were  kept 
about  as  distinct  then  as  they  are  now. 
There  were  more  compositors  than  press- 
men, and  the  compositors,  says  Madden, 
in  the  heroic  age  of  printing,  were  not  boys, 
but  men  of  education  and  intelligence. 
The  early  printers  who  were  taught  the 
business  that  they  might  become  masters 
had  to  pay  a premium  for  their  education. 
Caxton  said  that  he  had  “practysed  & 
learned  at  [his]  grete  charge  and  dispense 
to  ordeyne  this  said  booke  in  prvnte.” 
In  the  brief  time  that  they  gave  to  the 
work,  their  education  must  have  been 
more  theoretical  than  practical.  As  the 
branch  of  composition  required  the  largest 
number  of  workmen,  and  more  intellig- 
ence, and  less  manual  labor  than  any  other, 
it  was  usually  selected  by  the  pupil  for 
practice.  Of  type-casting  and  presswork 
he  learned  no  more  than  was  sufficient  to 
enable  him  to  direct  the  labors  of  his  future 
workmen.  The  knowledge  of  the  trade 
which  the  pupil  coveted  was  the  ability  to 
practise  it  on  his  own  account,  and  this 
knowledge  was,  in  most  instances,  satis- 
factorily acquired  when  he  got  a theoret- 
ical knowledge  of  its  secret  processes. 

The  frequent  specification  of  the  formen 
in  the  earliest  notices  of  printing  shows 
that  the  mould,  with  its  accompanying 
matrices,  was  regarded  as  the  key  to  the 
knowledge  and  practice  of  the  art.  As  the 
moulds  were  made  by  master  mechanics, 
not  bound  to  secrecy,  and  as  the  earlier 
compositors  had  some  knowledge  of  the 
process  of  type-casting,  it  was  not  difficult 
for  a journeyman  to  become  a master 
printer.  When  he  had  bought  a type- 
mould  and  matrices,  he  could  go  to  any 
city  and  begin  to  print  books.  He  could 
cast  types  and  mix  ink  as  he  needed  them  ; 
he  could  buy  paper  and  the  constituents  of 
type-metal  in  any  large  town ; properly 
instructed,  any  joiner  could  make  the 
press.  Many  of  the  early  master  printers 
practised  their  trade  for  a few  years  in  one 
place,  and  a few  years  in  another,  roving 
about  from  town  to  town  with  a seeming 
indifference  to  change  which  seems  unac- 
countable to  the  modern  printer,  who 
knows  how  expensive  it  is  to  move  a print- 


She  has  in  her  left  hand  a narrow  com- 
posing stick,  made  to  hold  but  two  or  three 
lines  of  small  types.  The  early  stick  was 
not  like  the  neatly  finished  iron  tool  of  our 
time,  with  steel  composing  rule  and  an 
adjustable  screw  and  knee  adapting  it  to 
any  measure.  It  was  a real  stick  of  wood, 
a home-made  strip  of  deal,  with  the  side 
and  end-piece  tacked  on.  For  every  meas- 
ure, a new  stick  or  a retacking  of  the 
movable  piece  was  required.  The  date  of 
the  introduction  of  the  stick  cannot  be 
fixed,  but  it  was  used,  -without  alteration 
for  many  years,  by  the  printers  of  all 
countries.  It  is  possible  that  some  of  the 
early  printers  had  no  sticks.  The  peculiar 
workmanship  of  the  unknown  printer  and 
of  Albert  Pfister  shows  that  the  types  were 
taken  direct  from  the  case  and  wedged  in 
the  mortised  blocks  of  wood  which  served 
for  chases.  Blades  attributes  the  uneven 
spacing  and  irregular  endings  of  lines  in 
the  early  printed  books  of  Caxton  and  of 
other  printers,  to  their  ignorance  of  the  ad- 
vantages of  a composing  rule,  without 
which  types  could  not  be  readily  moved  to 
and  fro,  and  adjusted.  Bernard  Says  that 
sticks  of  wood  were  used  by  Christopher 
Plantin,  “king  of  printers.”  It  is  char- 
acteristic of  the  taste  of  his  time,  that 
Plantin  had  sticks  of  wood,  although  he 
boasted  that  some  of  his  types  were  cast  in 
[matrices  of]  silver. 

In  the  following  illustration,  the  com- 
positor has  the  copy  before  her  in  the  shape 
of  a book,  but  Conrad  Zeltner,  a learned 
author  of  the  seventeenth  centuiy,  said 
that  this  was  not  the  early  usage ; that  it 
was  customary  to  employ  a reader  to  read 
aloud  to  the  compositors,  who  set  the  types 
from  dictation,  not  seeing  the  cop}r.  He 
also  says  that  the  reader  could  dictate  from 
as  many  different  pages  or  copies  to  three 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


150 


Pearl,  No.  20. 


The  Tools  of  the  Early  printers. 


The  Tools  of  the  Early  Printers. 


or  four  compositors  working  together.  Madden,  in  his  first  collection  of  Lettres 
d'un  bibliography, — the  most  curious  piece  of  analytical  criticism  that  has  appeared 
in  typographical  literature  — has  demonstrated  that  the  method  of  dictation  was 
practised  in  the  office  at  Weidenbach.  In  this  series  of  letters  he  critically  examines 
three  books,  printed  at  this  office  with  the  same  types,  and  at  the  same  time,  and 
points  out  the  peculiar  errors  of  three  different  compositors,  who,  not  seeing  the 
copy,  were  misled  by  their  misapprehension  of  the  dictated  words.  He  claims 
that  these  books  were  the  practice  work  of  three  amateur  -compositors  who  were 
then  learning  the  trade.  Each  compositor  had  copies  of  his  own  workmanship 
printed  as  evidences  of  his  skill,  or  as  a memento  of  his  errors.  Novel  as  they  may 
seem,  I am  inclined  to  accept  the  conclusions  of  Madden.  Many  copies  of  early 
printed  books,  known  to  be  of  the  same  edition,  or  done  at  the  same  time,  show 
variations  in  the  typographical  arrangement  which  cannot  be  explained  by  any 
other  hypothesis  than  that  of  a double  composition  by  compositors  working  from 
dictation.  When  the-eompositors  were  educated,  the  method  of  dictation  may 
have  been  practised  with  some  success ; when  they  were  ignorant,  it  was  sure  to 
produce  many  errors.  Zeltner  said  that  he  preferred  the  old  method,  but  he 
admits  that  it  had  to  be  abandoned,  on  account  of  the  increasing  ignorance  of  the 
compositors. 

No  feature  of  early  printing  is  more  unworkmanlike  than  that  of  composition. 
Imitating  the  style  of  the  manuscript  copy,  the  compositor  huddled  together  words 
and  paragraphs  in  solid  columns  of  dismal  blackness,  and  sent  his  forms  to  press 
without  title,  running-titles,  chapter-heads  and  paging-figures.  The  space  for  the 
ornamental  borders  and  letters  of  the  illuminator  seems  extravagant  when  con- 
trasted with  the  pinched  spaces  between  lines  and  words.  The  printer  trusted  to 
the  bright  colors  of  the  illuminator  to  give  relief  to  the  blackness  of  the  types,  not 
knowing  that  a purer  relief  and  greater  perspicuity  would  have  been  secured  by 
a wider'spacing  of  the  words  and  lines.  The  obscurity  produced  by  huddled  and 
over-black  types  was  increased  by  the  neglect  of  simple  orthographical  rules. 
Proper  names  were  printed  with  or  without  capitals,  apparently  to  suit  the  whim 
of  the  compositor.  The  comma,  colon  and  period,  the  only  points  of  punctuation 
in  general  use,  were  employed  capriciously  and  illogically.  Crooked  and  un- 
evenly spaced  lines  and  errors  of  arrangement  or  making-up  were  common. 
Madden  has  pointed  out  several  gross  blunders,  caused  by  the  transposition  of 
lines  and  pages  and  an  erroneous  calculation  of  the  space  that  should  be  occupied 
by  print.  Words  were  mangled  in  division,  and  in  the  display  of  lines  in  capital 
letters,  in  a manner  that  seems  inexcusable.  But  no  usage  of  the  early  compositor 
is  more  annoying  than  his  lawless  use  of  abbreviations.  Imitating  the  example  of 
Procrustes,  he  made  the  words  fit,  chopping  them  off  on  any  letter  or  in  any  posi- 
tion, indifferent  to  the  wants  of  the  reader  or  to  the  proprieties  of  language.  The 
composition  of  Schosffer's  edition  of 
the  Decretals  has  been  injudiciously 
praised  by  Bernard.  In  the  fac-simile 
shown  in  the  Appendix,  it  will  be  no- 
ticed that  the  page  is  crooked,  and  that 
the  justification  and  making-up  are  very 
faulty.  In  a copy  of  Torresam’s  edition 
of  the  Decretals,  the  frequent  contrac- 
tions make  the  work  almost  unreadable. 

This  book  has  been  highly  commended 
for  its  even  spacing  ; but  it  is  a sufficient 
answer  to  say  that  any  printer  could 
space  admirably,  even  in  the  narrowest 
measure,  if  allowed  to  mangle  words  to 
suit  his  convenience.  Whatever  opinion 


in  1517,  neither  leaves  nor  pages  are 
numbered.  A table  of  errata,  two  pages 
folio,  was  exhibited  by  Gabriel  Peter  of 
Venice  in  1478.  The  first  full  title,  if  a 
few  lines  in  compact  capital  letters  can 
be  so  called,  was  made  by  Ratdolt  of 
Venice  in  1477,  but  his  example  was  not 
rapidly  followed  by  rival  printers.  Run- 
ning titles  and  open  chapter  headings 
are  innovations  of  the  next  century.  The 
printers  of  the  fifteenth  century  who 
wished  to  free  themselves  from  depend- 
ence on  the  illuminator  filled  up  the 
white  spaces  about  chapter-headings 
with  bits  of  engraving  on  wood  orjnetal. 

Galleys,  or  trays  of  wood  to  keep  in 
place  the  composed  types,  were  not 
known  ; the  types  were  placed  line  after 
line,  perhaps  letter  by  letter,  in  the  mor- 
tised block  of  wood  which  served  for  the 
chase.  Nice  justification  was  impossible. 
If  two  pages  were  put  in  one  mortise, 
one  of  these  pages  would  often  be  out  of 
square  — an  irregularity  which  has  led 
some  bibliographers  to  think  that  each 
page  was  separately  printed  from  a sepa- 
rate form.  The  locking-up  or  tightening 
of  the  types,  which  was  roughly  done, 
often  made  the  types  crooked,  springing 
them  off  their  feet  and  making  the 
spaces  work  up.  Some  early  chases  held 
their  types  not  with  quoins,  but  by  the 
pressure  of  screws.  A German  printer’s 
hand-book,  dated  Leipsic,  1743,  has  dia- 
grams of  impositions  in  which  the  pages 
are  fastened  by  screws  perforating  the 
chase.  Quoins  and  bevels  were  not  an 
early  invention. 

The  neglect  of  the  early  printers  to 
praise  their  presses  is  remarkable  when 


may  be  entertained  concerning  the  de- 
terioration of  printing  in  other  branches, 
it  is,  beyond  all  cavil,  certain  that  in  the 
art  of  arranging  types  so  that  the  mean- 
ing of  the  author  shall  be  made  lucid, 
the  modern  compositor  is  much  the  more 
intelligent  mechanic. 

Improvements  were  made  slowly. 
The  method  of  spacing  out  lines  so  as 
to  produce  a regular  outline  at  the  right 
side  of  every  page  had  been  practised 
before,  but  it  was  not  in  general  use 
even  as  late  as  1478.  Arabic  figures,  in- 
stead of  Roman  numerals,  were  first 
used  by  Ter  Hoorne  of  Cologne,  and  by 
Helye  of  Munster  in  1470.  Signatures 
to  guide  the  binder  in  putting  in  order 
the  different  sheets  of  a book  were  first 
used  in  printed  books  by  Zarot  of  Milan 
in  1470.  As  the  letters  of  the  signa- 
tures often  had  to  be  doubled,  and 
sometimes  quadrupled  in  thick  books, 
it  became  necessary  to  print  a full  list  of 
the  signatures  at  the  end  of  every  book 
as  an  additional  guide  to  the  binder. 
This  list,  registrum  chartarran,  seems 
to  have  been  first  used  by  Colonna  at 
Venice  in  1475.  The  clumsiness  of  dou- 
bled alphabetical  letters  should  have  led 
to  the  use  of  Arabic  figures  for  signa- 
tures, and  should  have  suggested  pag- 
ing, but  these  reforms  were  not  adopted 


m 

ft 

o 

5 

o 

Eh 


for  many  years  afterward.  The  state- 
ment made  by  Lacroix  that  one  book 
was  paged  in  1469  does  not  prove  that 
this  was  the  usage.  In  some  books  print- 
ed at  Venice  during  the  last  ten  years  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  the  leaves  (not  the 
pages)  are  numbered  on  every  odd  page. 
But  this  was  not  the  common  practice. 
In  the  Statius  of  Aldus,  printed  at  Ven- 
ice in  1502,  and  in  the  Italian  translation 
of  the  Commentaries  of  Julius  Ceesar, 
printed  by  Bernard  Venetus  of  that  city 


Presswork  and  Composition  as  done  in  1520. 

[From  Blades’  fac-simile  of  the  print  of  Badius.] 

Two  upright  beams,  or  cheeks,  supporting  a thick  cross-piece,  or  cap,  made  the  frame-work. 
The  cap  held  in  place  the  screw  and  spindle  which  gave  the  impression,  and  the  descent  of 
the  spindle  was  steadied  by  the  large  square  collar,  or  till,  which  was  supported  by  the  cheeks. 
The  point  of  the  spindle  pressed  against  the  impressing  surface,  or  platen,  which  was  held 
in  place  by  iron  rods  connecting  it  with  the  collar.  The  bed  of  the  press  and  the  form  of 
type,  are  concealed  by  the  tympan  drawer,  which,  with  tympan  and  frisket,  have  been 
folded  down  and  run  under  the  platen.  (See  illustration  oh  page  105,  and  explanation  on 
page  97,  for  the  uses  of  these  parts.)  The  bed  was  of  stone,  but  every  other  large  piece  was 
of  wood.  Iron  was  used  only  for  the  spindle,  the  core  of  the  bar-handle,  for  nuts  and  bolts, 
and  the  minor  pieces  for  which  no  other  material  would  serve. 


contrasted  with  their  frequent  praises  of 
the  marvelous  art  of  type-making.  It  is 
inferential  evidence  that  the  press  was 
then  regarded  as  an  old  contrivance,  and 
not  worthy  of  notice,  but  this  conclusion 
cannot  be  unreservedly  accepted.  The 
principle  of  pressure  was  old,  and  for 
that  reason,  was  undervalued  by  print- 
ers, but  the  mechanism  of  the  press  was 
new.  That  the  printing  press  was  an 
invention  of  merit  will  be  perceived  at  a 
glance  when  it  is  compared  with  the 
screw  press  which  is  supposed  to  have 
served  as  the  basis  of  construction.  (See 
page  125  for  illustration  of  primitive 
screw  press.)  That  a proper  method  of 
doing  presswork  was  devised  in  the  in- 
fancy of  the  art  may  be  inferred,  not  only 
from  the  permanency  of  the  primitive 
form  of  press,  all  the  important  features 
of  which  are  still  preserved  in  the  mod- 
ern hand-press,  but  from  the  meritori- 
ous presswork  of  the  first  books.  The 
Bibles  of  Gutehberg  were  certainly 
printed  on  a press  which  quickly  gave 
and  qilickly  released  its  pressure,  and 
which  had  the  attachments  of  a movable 
bed,  tympan  and  frisket,  and  contriv- 
ances for  neatly  inking  the  types  and  for 
keeping  the  paper  in  position. 

Jodocus  Badius  of  Paris  was  the  first 
printer  who  published  engravings  of  the 
printing  press.  It  cannot  be  asserted 
that  they  are  minutely  accurate  repre- 
sentations of  the  press  then  in  use,  but 
they  will  serve  to  show  its  general  con- 
struction. Two  features  provoke  hostile 
comment.  Cqntrary  to  modern  usage, 
the  piles  of  white  paper  and  printed 
paper  are  unhandily  placed  on  the  off- 
side of  the  press,  and  the  stalwart  press- 
man pulls  home  the  bar  with  both  arms. 
The  platen  seems  altogether  too  small 
when  contrasted  with  the  great  screw, 
the  heavy  frame,  and  the  two-handed 
pull  of  the  pressman.  The  smallness  of 
this  platen  was  not  an  error  of  the  de- 
signer. Moxon  (Mechanics  Exercises , 
vol.  I,  pp.  52,  69^,  who  has  minutely  de- 
scribed the  press  of  his  time,  says  that 
the  platen  of  an  ordinary  press  should  be 
of  the  size  9 by  14  inches,  and  that  the 
coffin,  or  trough  in  which  the  bed  was 
placed,  should  be  28  inches  long  and  22 
inches  wide.  In  other  words,  the  platen 


was  purposely  made  so  that  it  could  im- 
press less  than  half  the  surface  of  the 
bed ; it  could  print  only  one-half  of  one 
side  of  the  sheet.  Small  as  this  platen 
may  seem,  it  was  large  enough  for  the 
frame-work  of  wood.  It  gave  great  re- 
sistance under  pull,  and  severely  taxed 
the  strength  of  the  pressman.  A platen 
of  double  size  would  have  defied  the 
pressman ; it  would  have  sprung  under 
pressure  and  have  broken  the  bed  of 
stone. 

To  the  printer  who  has  seen  only  the 
press  in  which  the  platen  covers  the 
bed  this  may  seem  an  absurd  method, 
but  it  was  a method  in  general  use  even 
as  late  as  the  beginning  of  this  century-. 
Men  are  yet  living  who  have  printed 
books  by  the  method  shown  in  the  cut : 
pulling  down  the  bar  when  one-half 
of  the  form  was  under  the  platen ; re- 
leasing the  pressure ; running  the  other 
half  of  the  bed  under  the  platen;  and 
finishing  the  presswork  of  the  other  half 
of  the  sheet  by  a second  pull. 

The  types  were  inked  by  balls,  an  ap- 
pliance which  is  not  more  than  fifty  years 
out  of  fashion.  These  balls  were  made 
of  untanned  sheepskin,  stuffed  hard  with 
wool,  and  mounted  with  handles.  The 
gluey  ink  was  evenly  distributed  by  for- 
cibly rocking  their  curved  surfaces 
against  each  other.  This  done,  the  balls 
were  then  beaten  upon  the  types  in  the 
form. 

When  we  learn  that  the  early  presses 
were  made  almost  entirely  of  wood,  and 
put  together  by  ordinary  joiners,  we  may 
infer  that  many  were  unscientifically 
built,  and  shackly.  There  should  have 
been  a gradual  improvement  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  press,  as  there  was  in  the 
making  of  the  types,  but  there  was  no  de- 
cided change  for  two  centuries.  Moxon, 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Pearl,  No.  21 


151 


The  Tools  of  the  Early  Printers. 


The  Tools  of  the  Early  Printers. 


in  1683,  commending  the  “new  fashion  ” presses  of  Blaew,  denounced  the  “old  fashion 
presses  as  make-shift,  slovenly  contrivances  practised  in  the  minority  of  this  art.”  Nor 
was  Blaew ’s  press  perfect.  To  insure  proper  register,  Jackson  (who  undertook,  at 
Venice  in  1745,  to  print  wood-cuts  in  colors)  was  obliged  to  reconstruct  the  press  of 
Blaew.  All  the  materials  for  presswork  were  imperfect.  The  types,  cut  to  length  by  a 
saw,  were  of  uneven  height ; the  paper  was  usually  of  very  rough  surface  and  of  irregu- 
lar thickness ; the  platen  of  wood,  rarely  ever  truly  Hat,  must  have  given  unequal  press- 
ure at  different  corners.  It  was  necessary  that  some  substance  should  be  put  between 
the  platen  and  the  white  sheet  which*  would  compensate  for  these  irregularities.  This 
substance  was  a woolen  blanket,  in  two  or  more  thicknesses,  which  spread  or  diffused 
the  impression.  The  wetting  of  the  paper,  which  made  it  soft  and  pliable,  materially 
aided  the  pressman,  but  his  great  reliance  seems  to  have  been  on  strong  impression. 
All  the  old  cuts  of  presses  represent  the  pressman  tugging  at  the  bar  with  a force  which 
seems  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  size  of  the  form. 

The  early  press  was  rude,  and  the  method  of  printing  was  unscientific,  but  in  many 
offices  the  pressman  was  superior  to  his  press  and  his  method.  By  doing  his  work  slowly 
and  carefully  he  often  did  it  admirably.  It  was  always  done  slowly,  with  a waste  of  time 
which,  if  allowed  in  the  modern  practice  of  printing,  would  make  books  of  excessive 
price.  Some  notion  of  this  waste  may  be  had  after  an  examination  of  the  letters  of  the 
Psalter  of  1457,  in  which  exact  work  was  produced  by  painting,  not  by  printing  proper. 
That  the  performance  of  the  press  even  on  ordinary  black  work  was  slow  is  indicated 
by  the  great  number  of  presses  used  by  the  early  printers,  and  is  proved  by  the  plain 
statement  of  Philip  de  Lignamine,  who  said  that  the  printers  of  Mentz  printed  three 
hundred  sheets  a day.  This  seems  a small  performance. 

^It  must  also  be  remembered  that  on  the  early  printing  press  two  pressmen  were  re- 
quired for  the  work  — one  to  beat  or  to  ink,  and  one  to  pull  or  to  print.  The  ordinary 
task  of  the  hand-pressman  of  New-York  in  1840  was  rated  at  1500  impressions,  but  these 
impressions  were  made  by  one  man  (working  an  inking  machine)  and  one  pull  on  forms 
of  large  size.  Considering  the  surface  printed,  the  performance  of  one  hand-pressman 
in  1840  was  about  eight  times  more  than  that  of  one  pressman  in  1458. 

The  accurate  register  of  the  first  books  was  produced  by  placing  the  white  sheet  on 
four  fixed  points  which  perforated  the  four  corners  of  the  leaf  when  the  first  side  was 
printed.  In  printing  the  back  of  the  page,  the  half-printed  sheet  was  hung  on  the  same 
points,  from  the  same  point-holes,  and  was  impressed  in  the  same  position.  Blades 
notices  the  four  point-holes  in  some  of  Caxton’s  books,  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  mysterious  pin-holes  in  other  books  are  the  marks 
of  points.  It  was  soon  discovered  that  register  could  be  had  with  two 
points,  which  were  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  sheet  where  the  marks 
would  be  hidden  by  the  binder. 

Words  and  lines  were  sometimes  printed  in  red  in  a text  of  black, 
with  a nicety  of  register  rarely  equaled  by  any  printer  during  the  first 
years  of  this  century.  The  early  method  of  printing  red  with  black 
has  been  described  by  Moxon.  The  black  form  was  first  printed  with 
quadrats  m the  places  that  should  be  occupied  by  the  red  words  or 
lines.  This  done,  the  form  remaining  on  press,  the  quadrats  were  taken 
out  and  the  vacant  space  partially  filled  with  “underlays  ” of  reglet, 
about  one-sixth  inch  thick.  On  these  underlays  the  types  to  be  printed 
in  red  were  placed,  which  adjusting  made  them  about  one-sixth  of  an 
inch  higher  than  the  types  of  the  black  form.  The  bearers  were 
then  raised,  the  impression  was  readjusted,  a new  frisket  was  put  on, 
and  the  pressman  was  ready  to  print  red  as  he  printed  the  black. 

This  method  of  printing  red  with  black,  a clumsy  method  at  best, 
which  can  be  practised  only  on  small  forms  on  the  hand-press,  has 
been  out  of  fashion  for  many  years. — The  color  work  of  the  early 
printers  has  been  over-praised.  Superior,  no-doubt,  to  that  of  printers 


The  Tools  of  the  Early  Printers. 

of  the  last  century,  who  tried  to  do  more  work  in  less  time,  it  cannot 
be  compared  with  the  color  work  of  our  day.  The  rubricated  Book 
of  Common  Prayer  printed  by  Welch,  Bigelow  & Co.  of  Cambridge, 
Massachusetts,  the  Specimen  Book  of  Charles  Derriey  of  Paris,  the 
French-English  Dictionary  of  John  Bellows  of  Gloucester,  Eng- 
land, may  be  offered  as  specimens  of  modem  color  presswork 
which  show  an  exactness  of  register  and  a purity  of  color  and  of 
impression  not  to  be  found  in  any  early  book. 

The  printing  ink  of  the  fifteenth  century,  as  we  now  see  it,  is 
of  unequal  merit.  In  the  books  of  Jenson  it  appears  as  an  in- 
tense, velvety,  glossy  black;  in  the  Bibles  of  Gutenberg  it  is  a 
strong,  permanent  black  without  gloss;  in  the  Psalter  of  1457  it 
appears  in  some  places  as  a glossy  black,  and  in  others  as  a faded 
color  which  had  to  be  retouched  with  the  pen ; in  the  works  of  the 
unknown  printer  it  is  a dingy  and  smearing  black ; in  the  books  of  some 
printers  it  is  a paste  color  which  can  be  rubbed  off  with  a sponge; 


of  copper-plate  effects,  to  the  masculine 
boldness,  solidity  and  readableness  of  the 
old-style  letter  of  the  last  century.  The 
same  ink  applied  to  the  small  thin  Roman 
types  of  our  time,  would  seem  dull  and  gray. 
The  microscopic  examination  of  any  early 
ink  will  show  that  the  black  is  not  fine  and 
not  thoroughly  mixed  with  proper  drying 
oil.  But  this  imperfection  is  comparatively 
unimportant.  It  is  a graver  fault,  in  some 
early  inks  that  they  are  not  firmly  fixed  to 
the  paper. 

Mr.  Ticheborne,  a recent  contributor  to 
Chambers'  Journal,  says  that  the  older 
• printing  inks  are  more  easily  saponified  and 
O washed  off  by  alkalies  than  those  of  the  last 
^ century.  Some  of  the  old  inks  he  found  so 
sensitive,  that  on  introducing  them  to  a 
O weak  solution  of  ammonia,  the  printed 
characters  instantly  floated  off'  the  surface 
of  the  pages.  His  explanation,  that  the  oil 
had  not  been  properly  prepared  by  boiling, 
and  was  not  changed  into  an  insoluble  var- 
nish, and  “resinfied,  ” is,  no  doubt,  correct. 
A practical  ink-maker,  in  a series  of  papers 
to  L'imprimerie  (vol.  i,  p.  129),  says  that 
in  many  books  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the 
adhesion  of  the  color  to  the  paper  is  very 
weak,  and  that  the  ink  can  be  made' pale 
or  washed  oft"  with  a moist  sponge. 

There  is  no  trustworthy  account  of  the 
invention  of  printing  ink,  but  the  types  and 
the  inks  were  undoubtedly  invented  to- 
gether. One  was  the  proper  complement 
of  the  other.  It  may  be 
supposed  that  Guten- 
berg acquired  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  newly  found 
properties  of  boiled  lin- 
seed oil  from  German 
painters.  It  is  certain 
that  he  used  oil  as  the 
basis  of  his  ink,  and  that 
it  was  also  used  by  his 
pupils  and  successors. 
And  it  has  been  in  use 
ever  since,  for  there  is 
no  substitute.  Lanzi  re- 
fers to  an  Italian  manu- 
script of  1437  in  which  it 
is  asserted  that  the  new 
method  of  painting  in  oil. 
as  practised  by  the  Ger- 
mans, must  begin  with 
the  process  of  boiling  lin- 


Early  Inking  Ball.-/, 
i Playing  Card  of  Sixteenth  Century.] 


The  Tools  of  the 

by  its  fatness  hinders  the 
Inck  from  drying,  so  that 
when  the  Work  comes 
to  the  Binders,  it  Scts- 
off ; and  besides  is  dull, 
smeary  and  unpleasant 
to  the  eye.  And  the 
Rosin,  if  too  great  a 
quantity  be  put  in,  and 
the  Form  be  not  very 
Lean-Beaten,  makes  the 
Inck  turn  yellow  : And 
the  same  does  the  New 
Lvnsecd-Oyl. — Secondly 
They  seldom  Boyl  or 
Buryi  it  to  that  consistence  the  Hollanders 


it  is  uneven,  over-black  on  one  page  and  gray  on  another. 

This  unevenness  does  not  prove  the  use  of  two  distinct  inks.  In  some  instances, 
it  was  caused  by  the  negligence  of  the  pressman,  who  applied  an  unequal  quantity 
of  ink  upon  different  pages.  In  many  instances,  it  was  produced,  by  the  variable 
qualities  or  conditions  of  the  paper  or  vellum.  If  the  paper  laid  out  for  one  form 
dift'ered  from  that  used  for  other  forms  in  being  too  coarse  or  too  dry,  or  over-wet, 
or  if  the  vellum  had  been  polished  too  much  or  too  little,  or  had  not  been  entirely 
freed  from  lime  and  grease,  it  would  take  up  from  the  types,  during  each  condition, 
a variable  quantity  of  color,  and  produce  prints  of  a different  degree  of  blackness. 
These  variations  in  color  are  most  noticeable  in  books  of  vellum.  In  a prayer  book 
printed  by  Kerver  in  1507,  the  ink  is  black  wherever  the  vellum  is  smooth,  and  gray 
where  it  is  rough.  In  another  edition  of  the  same  book  on  paper,  printed  by  Kerver 
in  1522,  the  ink  is  not  so  black  as  it  appears  on  the  smooth  vellum,  but  the  color 
is  more  uniform.  Equal  carefulness  seems  to  have  been  taken  with  each  book,  and 
the  ink  was,  no  doubt,  substantially  the  same.  Some  of  the  early  printers  sorted 
their  sheets  after  printing,  separating  the  under-colored  from  the  over-colored  and 
binding  each  together. 

The  general  impression  that  early  printing  ink  is  blacker  and  brighter  than  modern 
ink  is  not  always  correct.  Early  ink  seems  blacker,  because  it  is  shown  in  greater 
quantity,  for  the  early  types  were  larger,  of  broader  face,  without  hair  lines,  and 
could  be  over-colored  without  disadvantage.  In  trying  to  avoid  the  gloominess  of 
early  printing,  modern  printers  have  gone  too  far  in  the  opposite  direction.  The 
fault  of  imperfect  blackness  which  is  justly  censurable  in  many  modern  books  is 
largely  due  to  what  Hansard  calls  the  “razor-edged”  hair  lines  and  thin  stems  of 
modern  types  which  give  the  printer  no  opportunity  to  show  black  color.  Readers 
have  been  taught  to  prefer  a feminine  elegance  in  types,  a weak  and  useless  imitation 


O 


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do,  because  they  not  only  save  labour  and 
Fewel,  but  have  a greater  weight  of  Inck 
out  of  the  same  quantity  of  Oyl  when  less 
Burnt  away  than  when  more  Burnt  away ; 
which  want  of  Burning  makes  the  Inck 
q also,  though  made  of  good  old  Linsecd-Oyl, 
Fat  and  Smeary,  and  hinders  its  Drying; 
pq  so  that  when  it  comes  to  the  Binders  it 
also  Sets-off. — Thirdly.  They  do  not  use 
that  way  of  clearing  their  Inck  the  Holland- 
ers  do,  or  indeed  any  other  way  than  meer 
^ Burning  it,  whereby  the  Inck  remains  more 
p | Oyly  and  Greasie  than  if  it  were  well  clari- 
fied.— Fourthly.  They,  to  save  the  Press- 
o man  the  labour  of  Rubbing  the  Blacking 
E-1  into  Varnish  on  the  Inck-Block,  Boyl  the 
qq  Blacking  in  the  Varnish,  or  at  least  put 
the  Blacking  in  whilst  the  Varnish  is  yet 
[Tj  Boyling-hot , which  so  Burns  and  Rubifies 
the  Blacking,  that  it  loses  much  of  its  brisk 
M and  vivid  black  compaction. — Fifthly.  Be- 
r > cause  Blacking  is  dear,  and  adds  little  to 

the  weight  of  the  Inck,  they  stint  them- 
selves to  a quant  ity  which  they  exceed  not ; 
so  that  sometimes  the  Inck  proves  so  un- 
sufferable  Pale , that  the  Press-man  is 


seed  oil.  History  of  Painting  in  Italy. 
Bohn’s  edition,  1852,  vol.  i,  p.  86. 

We  have  not  been  told  how  the  ink  was 
compounded.  Our  nearest  approach  to  this 
knowledge  is  through  the  Cost  Book  of  the 
Itipoli  Press  for  1481,  which  specifies  and 
prices  the  materials.  As  no  mention  is 
made  of  smoke-black,  we  have  to  infer  that 
pitch  was  burnt  to  make  this  black.  Lin- 
seed oil,  as  the  most  bulky  ingredient,  very 
properly  occupies  the  first  place.  The  real 
value  of  nutgalls  and  vitriol  is  not  so  ap- 
parent: they  were  important  ingredients 
in  writing  ink,  and  the  Italian  printer  may 
have  thought  them  indispensable  in  print- 
ing ink.  Shellac  and  liquid  varnish  were 
used  to  give  a glossy  surface. 


Ingredients  of  Printing  Ink  used  by 
the  Ripoli  Press. 


Ingredients. 


Tuscan  American 
Currency.  Currency. 


Linseed  Oil,  bbl..lir. 

3 10 

0 

$3  17 

Turpentine,  lb... 

4 

0 

.18 

Pitch,  Greek 

4 

0 

.18 

Pitch,  Black 

1 

8 

- 7% 

Marcassite 

3 

0 

.13^, 

Vermilion 

5 

0 

-2234 

Rosin 

3 

0 

.13k. 

Varnish,  hard  . . . 

8 

0 

.36 

Varnish,  liquid  .. 

12 

0 

.54 

Nutgalls 

4 

0 

.18 

Vitriol 4 0 .18 


Shellac 3 0 _13}£ 


Printers  soon  discovered  that  printing 
was  an  art  of  too  many  details,  and  that  the 
manufacture  of  printing  ink  was  its  most 
objectionable  duty.  There  was  risk  of  fire 
in  the  boiling  of  linseed  oil ; discomfort  and 
dirt  were  connected  with  the  manipulation 
of  the  ingredients;  and  in  inexpert  hands 
waste  and  failure  were  unavoidable  conse- 
quences. In  all  large  cities,  ink-making  was 
set  apart  and  practised  as  a distinct  trade. 
As  a necessary  consequence,  the  quality 
deteriorated  through  the  competition  that 
followed.  Moxon’s  criticism  of  ink  made 
in  England  in  1683  could  be  applied  without 
an}'  injustice  to  much  of  the  ink  of  the  fif- 
teenth century : 

Our  Inch-makers  to  save  charges,  mingle 
many  times  Trane-Oyl  among  theirs  and  a 
great  deal  of  Rosin  ; which  Trane-Oyl  by  its 
grossness  Furs  and  Choaks  up  a Foryn,  and 


Earl^  Printers. 

forced  to  Rub  in  more  Blacking  upon  the 
Block ; yet  this  he  is  often  so  loth  to  do, 
that  he  will  rather  hazard  the  Content  the 
Colour  shall  give,  than  take  the  pains  to 
amend  it : satisfying  himself  that  he  can  lay 
the  blame  upon  the  Inck-maker.  Moxon, 
Mechanick  Exercises,  vol.  n,  pp.  76,  77. 

Gutenberg,  Schoefter,  Zell,  Mentel  and 
many  early  printers  of  France  and  Italy 
neglected  engraving  on  wood.  It  may  be 
that  this  neglect  originated  in  the  difficulties 
of  printing  types  and  wood-cuts  together, 
or  in  a despisal  of  the  rude  productions  of 
the  block-printers,  and  in  the  intention  of 
the  typographers  to  make  emphatic  the 
superiority  of  their  branch. 

No  exception  need  be  made  for  the  initial 
letters  of  the  Psalter  of  1457.  The  thin 
curved  lines  of  the  ornamental  portions  of 
these  letters  could  not  have  been  cut  on  the 
flat  boards  then  used  by  all  engravers  on 
wood.  The  absence  of  cracks  and  broken 
lines,  after  long  service,  in  every  print  taken 
from  these  cuts  is  presumptive  evidence 
that  they  were  cut  on  metal.  The  orna- 
mentation is  unlike  that  of  the  professional 
engravers  of  block-books  and  at  once  sug- 
gests the  thought  that  they  were  cut.  on 
brass  or  type-metal  by  the  hand  that  cut 
the  types  of  the  text. 

That  the  early  printers  did  encounter 
serious  difficulties  in  the  use  of  wood-cuts 
in  type-forms  is  proved  by  their  selection  of 
blocks  of  smaller  size.  Full-page  cuts  are 
rare  in  the  books  ofKoburger,  Leeu  and 
Veldener.  Von  Os  of  Zwoll  cut  up  the 
blocks  of  the  Bible  of  the  Pooi\  Blades 
says  that  Colard  Mansion  printed  the  types 
and  wood-cuts  that  appeared  on  the  same 
page  by  two  impressions.  Sad  experience 
in  the  warping  and  cracking  of  blocks  of 
wood  in  forms  of  types  was,  no  doubt  the 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chajvebers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


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GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & C0.;  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


Tools  of  the  Early  Printers. 


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Additional  Notes  and  Corrections.  Additional  Notes  and  Corrections. 


Bourgeois,  No.  21 


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GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW- YORK. 


160 


APPENDIX. 


tntimcit  m rqtne  etna 
cROuouawwitRti»ftii 


lausfBrwretJpg 


tff'Tttcgantett  aie  fitu  qi/ton  n ialfowe. 


Fac-simile  of  the  Last  Page  of  the  Bible  of  the  Poor,  see  Pages  72  and  155. 


[From  Hansard.] 


Au.umii^uuuiujaill 


APPENDIX. 


161 


Fac-simile  of  Part  of  the  First  Page  of  the  Psalter  of  1457. 

[From  Humphreys.] 


Fac-simile,  slightly  reduced,  of  the  Colophon  of  the  Psalter  of  1457.  See  pages  135,  136  and  159. 


[From  Falkenstem.] 


>» 


APPENDIX. 


162 


Thorwaldsen’s  Statue  of  John  Gutenberg.  Statue  of  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg. 

[From  Timperley.]  [From  St.  Nicholas  Magazine.] 


Thorwaldsen’s  Statue,  designed  at  Rome  in  1835,  and  cast  in  bronze  by  Crozatier,  of  Paris,  was  unveiled  at  Mentz,  August  14,  1837.  The 
occasion  was  marked  by  the  solemnity  of  high  mass,  the  bishop  officiating ; also  by  a festival  of  three  days,  attended  by  many  visitors  from  all 
parts  of  Europe.  One  of  the  bas-rehefs  represent  Gutenberg  before  bis  working  table  and  desk,  showing  a matrix  to  Schceffer  who  bolds  in 
one  band  a half  engraved  block.  Another  bas-rebef  represents  Gutenberg  leaning  against  the  tail  of  a press,  examining  a printed  sheet  while 
a boy  is  pulling  around  the  screw  of  a very  clumsy  press.  These  designs  are  in  every  feature,  inferior  to  that  of  the  statue.  On  one  side  of  the 
pedestal  is  this  inscription,  “ In  the  year  1837  the  people  of  Mentz  erected  this  monument  to  their  fellow  citizen,  J.  G.  Gutenberg,  through 
contributions  received  from  every  part  of  Europe.”  Another  side  of  the  pedestal  contains  this  legend,  “ This  art,  unknown  to  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  was  discovered  through  the  inventive  skill  of  a German,  who  has  thereby  made  all  works  of  genius,  both  ancient  and  modern,  the 
heritage  of  the  world.” 

The  Gutenberg  Statue  in  the  market  place  of  Strasburg  is  the  work  of  David  d’ Anger,  a sculptor  of  France.  The  motto  on  the  proof- 
sheet,  “And  there  was  light”  (Gen.  I,  3,)  is  well  chosen.  This  idea,  the  diffusion  of  the  light  of  knowledge  through  printing,  is  developed 
more  pointedly  in  the  bas-relief  on  the  pedestal  which  represents  all  great  modern  authors  from  Shakspeare  to  Goethe,  grouped  around  a Stan- 
hope hand-press. 

At  Frankfort  is  a Memorial  to  the  Invention  of  Printing  which  upholds  on  one  pedestal  the  separate  statues  of  Gutenberg,  Fust  and 
Schceffer.  This  is  most  imposing  of  all,  for  the  pedestal  is  lofty,  surrounded  by  emblematic  figures,  and  the  statues  are  of  heroic  size. 


APPENDIX. 


1(53 


font*#  gfjmctrtS  tualnfft^  as  qi  feat)? 
icrttac^e&etf  t3«f  fejgtt?  fee  ntjfetemetfers 
trie  iflU  alitbwfeE  oft*  twfemif  fet  totU* 
«?  fiftatm  gliouaf  <Saflu8  fetrft  fiftt  otwR 
ttta  W tonmn  gtptcfigutmt!  fctf  fei  6«>  Io$il 
irfetW  htJc  bwic  wolmfcye  f onatf  was 

nt&fop  {at  tmptr  (taint  war  b amot#  fet« 
S teoa  ft* ttfete  alfe  i?  gmi  Ide  m tt  m toaai 
feos  fettrawn  \}sm  wltt  it* 


Type  II.  Fac-simile  of  tlie  Small  Types  in  tlie  Third  Edition  of  the 
Speculum.  See  page  98. 

[From  Holtrop.] 


Reduced  Fac-simile  of  a large  Wood-cut  said  to  be  of  the  Fifteenth 
Century.  See  page  151. 

[From  Jackson.] 


NOTE  ON  THE  INDULGENCE . 

The  fac-simile  appended  of  the  Letter  of 
Indulgence  of  1454  was  taken  by  De  la  Borde 
from  the  original  in  the  National  Library  at 
Paris.  Sotheby  says,  in  his  Appendix,  that 
it  contains  on  the  margin  a half-obliterated 
inscription  that  it  was  sold  for  three  florins. 
These  letters  of  indulgence  have  been  the 
occasion  of  many  disputes  among  bibliogra- 
phers, many  of  whom,  (Wetter  and  Sotzmann 
among  the  number)  maintain  that  they  were 
engraved  on  wood,  but  Bernard,  Didot,  and 
other  authors  of  authority,  are  emphatic  in 
their  statements  that  they  were  printed  from 
movable  types.  Didot  (Essai  sur  la  typogra- 
phy, p.  604 ) says  that  the  large  letters  of  the 
displayed  lines  are  the  letters  of  the  text  of 
the  Bible  of  86  lines.  The  establishment  of 
this  indentity  is  of  importance,  for  it  proves 
that  these  types  were  in  use  in  1454,  and  fairly 
warrants  the  inference  that  this  Bible  could 
have  been  printed  before  1454. 


i: 


witfhfodify  pntc*  lifted  mlpteiU  is.  JJflUllItUS  Cbcupedonliliati'’  dmbaltafo!  n jpeutafor  gcnc!a(is»cre  = 
nilfimi  Regis  Cppn  l^ac  £te  £>alutc”in-bno  Cu  Sbactiflim?  Apo  pi  aids  nf.bns  flicola9  bium  puibctia-papa'o9.  dfflictiot  Re  - 
gni  Cppn  mifencoibifae  opatiSuconfmpfibiffioscjucisypi  fyoltesXfyettClos  t £>aiaccnos  gratis  coccflit  omib;  ppifibclibiMbtlibet: 
pltrtuds  ipos p afpliomm  laguisbm  mAtjuppi pic cpbottaboqui infra  triemua  pumabte  OOan  dnnibiu  COeccelUiiKipieni>u»v 
J>  bcfenltoe  catljolioc  fibei  nRegnipbicti  be  fqcultadb;  fuisinagis‘'ocl  min9ptout  ipok'Pifecbit  Plcicnttis-pjociinbihel  wuciis  ibub  - 
ftmmspie  crogaucdnf  "vt  Conf*notcspboneilcculatcs\>elUegul<Ucs  pctipfoscligenbofcITiombi  conauMtis.ppmiflisctidAebi 
ilpticc  rcfetuads  exceflibj  cnimbjatqj  bclicftsquatucuqtgiauib;  pvmaSaice  tatii  Scbita  abfelutiotte  impebete  * penitetia  ialufaje 
imugete  flecitd fi  tbfeuiliter  petieiftipqsaquibulcuqi  e^caieationufltfpetirioiiu  n)nte5bicS  3lufq;  lentetusccluiis  n perns  eedelia ; 
Iticis  aluic^ocl  abljofe  jpmulgattsquib?  fotlan  mucbati  cpiliut  abfoluetc  .Imuctap  mobo  culpe  pemteiia  falutati^oelalus  que 
be  hue  fuedntimugenba  dc  els  "Mere peuttetib; a eonfcfTis-loel  fi  fo’fan  propter  ftimflionem  loqucle-oftteri  non  potedtttfignaotth 
ttonis  oftenbenbo  plciflimd  own  peton  (itotu  be  qutbj  oee  ofcflA  eoebe  otnd  fueeft  )nbulgctia  ac  plecuia  reini/lionf  Cind  inboita  et 
let  m mottisatticulo  ipis  auctedptica  occbeJeVoalcdtribanfFactocp  eos  fcfq,  lifiyjuijcMtnt  antp  cog  fyeeebes  li  tunc  tealtjjint  toic 
tii.q’  poft  inbultu  ocdlum  p\mu  anu  lingidis  Icetic  feuis'Oel  quaba  aliabic  iautieUegitio  impebimeto  eedelic  pcepto  Reguldei 
ob(e!uatia.piiia  inmcta"'ooto  ncj  alias  non  obftan.Gupis  unpeintisuibicto  ano  uel  cius  paJtc  dnuolequcntiuel  alias  quam  = 
pnmu  potesint  iciunabunt.St  6 1 altquo  anojitidcoie  parte  b tcrii  leiuniu  comobe  abitnpleje  nequiuemt  Co»fc(ibrab»b  deans 
in  alia  o mutate  potent  catitahs  opeta  queeplfaceic  etia  teneat'Cmmobo  tii  c>;  oftbenharfilKoms  bmoi  quoi  abfit  pecawc  non 
ptefi unant  dlioqm  bicta  eoncelho  quo  ab  plenatid  rcnulTtone  in  moms  aeficulo  et  remiflio  quo  ab  peta  eje  olibentia'ht  pmittif' 

omifla  mtllF  Imt  robous ucl momcti  £-t qiua beuotul)  lubouie  ott  \Knt cijofpadt  

)uyta  bictii  inbultum be facultatibus  (ids  pie  etogauit-  .metito  buiulmoot  moulgentiis gaubeje bebet  jn'Oenfatis  teltimo  = 
mum  Aigillum  ab  bocoibmatum  ptefentibjlittetis  tcltimomalibj  eft  avpenfum  Catum  ivaguntux  fob  dnuo  bni  OOccccluu 
bie  uejo  vlrmva.  COenfis- ^xcem^nb  7C  ^ 

ifomta  plmfifmit  abfalurisnis  rt  rmiilliaiiis  tn  utta 

olttceamr  tUI  Ut  C nsnf  tAfus  rps  p lua  lefiflimd  et  piiflimdmid;  te  abloluat  Gt  aiictc  ipC  beatojqqj  .petji  et  pKuli 

ilptou  Cl’  ac  diicte  ilpliea  miclnomilfact  ubi  occl(d£go  teabfoluo  ab  omibipcftstuis  omtisolclfis  n oblitisGtiaab  cnrubi  call 
b9  ejccclfitr?  crirmbnuq?  bclicds  quatticiim  giauib;  &ebi  dpticc  rcfeumtis  (lecnon  a quibtdcitqt  ejtcoicatiomi  (iifpenfioit  et  iuteibicti 
din  Up  liiusccfuvis  t pansccctiafucisahire'oel  ab  hoie  qumilgatis  (iquasiiicu’vifd  banbo  ubi  pleillima  otm  pcfo’q  tuou  iribid  : 
genua  n remilfiouc  Inqtuud claues  (dnctc  mar.iscccfic  in  l)ac  pte  fe  ejetciibvit.  )n  nomine  patrts  n filn  et  (piritus  fanen  dmen . 

a[a  ifo>ma  plmajit  rem  terns  m raentis  ararulo 

^J^AilffCEatUlT  tUl  It  Liis  nofter  utjiqm  Ggo  te  abtbluo  ab  oinibtpcfis tins o tries  rleffis  loblitis  refdtuenbo  tc  Vnita  ; 
dftbeltu  i (dcramentis  ecctie  jRemittcnbo  tibi  penaspmgatoru  qu as  ptopter culpas  et  offenlasincutrifti  banbo  tibi  pUnatiatn 
pfmpcfoiu  tuotu  veniifHone'.liiqudtu  claues Ite.mjiseccTie  in  bac  parte  le  e^tenbut.  m notepfis  ctfiln  et  Ipus  fancti  dinen . 

jo*  ix&=  fA  OurrAuvt 

ab  pvomtjja  5ept  " ‘ ' 


Reduced  Fac-simile  of  a Letter  of  Indulgence,  dated  1454.  See  pages  127  and  158. 

[From  De  la  Borde.] 


A Print  of  1475,  probably  tbe  work  of  an  Amateur  Engraver. 
[From  Heineken.] 


dEpttaplMfl  l»uH§  t»awirf«- 

tolufCupctatif 

CopMfttua  ^oOte.fctjnlPligoitc  rofttw 
€g  fapds  pafti8*w»  tato.cti  fyottt  Culracto 
mt  laf  ntt  feflittg-pafaia®  nuBa  lull 

5U«a  tun©  tittcoms* 
Idtjua  et  tgutnnne  Iftottfeip  mgrnij  fens 
$ngf  nia  majn?  ata-ntt  tnujuft 

^atiftmnc  rauGfeio  roaiwftfife  toflra  puHUi 

Type  V.  Fac-similes  of  the  Tyqtes  of  the  Epitaphs  of  Pope  Pins  II.  See  page  99. 

[From  Koning.] 


r 


' 


. 

. 


■ 


, 


•- 

■ 

- 


164 


APPENDIX. 


wifi  zicpmat  i d qtS  ad  Imam  mdie* 
Fenfme  aprdanlu<f It?  cu  e;ee4co*F4*t5  tefH*cu  oil. 
«1  n ’ a?  to  * ct  otu  • cu  qm*  |i- vi  ri  a fi  $rnfiimanjsfc«tmstTi  alt)s 
wti^cus  bi^i.  ?ar-cprnairjs  cauf?  in  qteFuaf'tiidtctoi/:  fig'U* 
V °PJPWrt^ia  fit  n cce  pep  toarn  e?prrri*tibi  no  ftt'trma  ata 
audieda-qt?  vid?tenere^or^n7j*q.iiii*teilliata*6» 
b? oFtcc.  o fuimt-lnno.tj  a cm  • a dp  medj  • g’ui  1-  m fpe.tie  dta- 
Tirobetpc-^.arsafit.  r ^ 

ftrn.v.cimdfi 
|[ln  lepds^pfeftaf:  q& 
atqefcfewus  ottamij 
tenebat  e&i*  mtec  no? 
nit-  fetia  To  lu  e#  vi  iUtuf 
^bi  lx?  plano'ctp  fooc 

no.tmom  quite  ouettiy 
lint  file  etaficcaufeofi 
q?mbijs  ncce  fitfoiffi? 
nifcani  m fcpto^fcm. 

^te  <p  tude^  fie  m alrfs 
ita  in  fofi  s b|  i Uam  pfe^ 
spfii^p  Ferre*  ct  tie  litre? 
q?  lads  tio«be  fen-ctre 
mdi*  c-fi-Jt-  vi«  ubi  vide# 
sefrolmt  $|  fciiptumj 
q mfentetps  repntur 
p^placoriemiudias  m _ 
b^s  catiFptcrmittidie 
pidofcsng-et  occultari 
■v  entate^a! a ta.ei  ill  _ 
mdido  biffmita*  etp  otis  victcne  ridiculofinfraftei  in  talyx# 
cdTusiudiaolabcKafie- ^cflrtti*  tubfiscauf?  ad  alias  qwereq 
U Stans* m boe  Dmerlu*  mnt  figtirauidicio^  quefem  tebgt 
atw4i^Fedente*t3cqiio^it5eno.fnpt5«  tcc^fi^teremdi'liviiri 
gio-penr«(rtvi62 qbufdafeocrndtta  etiap  fo [urn  illud  vbii 
piano  at  tafia  in  piVfetiius  ptis-et  $umh®t  egbin  tec-no  mt» 
iTCbETu  fi  oti  e- 1!  Fa  liavitfevclle  q?  tuaSqs  eaufisreqwreiitite 
figuni  iudidojjC  medlar*  a fit  odufio  °£fe  teocFonefeabetur.s* 
tJe^pa^audida’tecauSapoF*  pafteiafis*etr?i  coftitutionedfe* 


(|[^en^fiam  wro  biffmfc 
miaatarisacl  icHicctrion 
pemptoiteptite  ffl  fcripftf 
et$  utmarpefibiplacue 
rit,ee  (las  ml  fecffe4pferat 
eriamfi  civjdebitur^dult?: 
cue  no  fcl  ^ «t  eje  peticoe 
efcj>baas»cr  alias  acHtarif 
in  aula fiierit  faciendum, 
^C5uebmia  eriam  tn  Hits 
raiifo  ro  qmbo  p alia  ofto^ 


the  page  was  not  produced  by  irregularity  in  the 
bodies  of  one  or  more  types,  for  the  curving  is  at 
the  top  only,  and  is  regular  in  its  curvature.  The 
lining  in  the  middle  and  at  the  foot  of  the  page 
is  good,  notwithstanding  some  irregularity  in  the 
fitting  of  letters — much  better  than  could  have 
been  produced  if  the  bodies  had  been  cut  or  saw- 
ed apart.  The  curving  seems  to  have  been  caused 
by  the  shrinking  of  the  wood  furniture  between 
the  text  and  the  notes,  or  in  the  wooden  chase, 
and  by  the  driving  in  of  plugs  or  little  wedges  at 
the  top  to  keep  the  types  secure.  If  these  types 
had  been  cut  apart  by  saw,  some  one  or  more 
would  have  been  larger  than  the  others,  and  this 
largeness  woidd  have  produced  a general  crook- 
edness of  line  (see  page  26)  which  could  have 
been  remedied  but  imperfectly  by  leading  (see 
page  101).  But  the  types  of  this  Constitution  are 
not  leaded.  On  the  contrary,  they  have  been 
fitted-up  with  unusual  closeness.  Types  often 
touch  each  other  on  all  sides.  The  general  uni- 
formity of  body  is  that  of  cast-types,  but  the 
variations  of  form  in  different  types  of  the  same 
letter  seem  to  be  those  of  hand-cut  faces.  There 
is  a similarity  in  general  appearance,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  find  two  letters  exactly  alike.  The 
unvarying  precision  of  modem  type  is  wanting. 
The  variations  in  face,  so  far  from  showing  that 
the  letters  were  cut,  really  prove  that  they  were 
cast,  but  by  an  imperfect  method — probably  by 
the  method  described  by  Didot  (page  103  and  104). 
As  the  letters  of  the  Constitutions  show  the  varia- 
tions that  have  been  noticed  in  the  Speculum,  and 
in  other  works  of  the  unknown  printer  of  the 
Netherlands,  it  is  probable  that  they  were  made 
by  the  same  or  by  a similar  process.  That  Schcef- 
fer  did  use  matrices  of  lead  is  distinctly  asserted 
by  the  eminent  type-founder  Enschede,  who 
claimed  to  have  some  of  them  in  his  possesion.  A 
careful  comparison  of  the  types  of  Schoeffer  with 
those  of  Gutenberg  should  lead  any  unprejudiced 
examiner  to  admit  the  truth  of  the  statement  of 
Wittig  that  it  was  Gutenberg,  and  not  Schoeffer, 
who  first  of  all  invented  types  in  brass  matrices. 

It  should,  however,  be  stated  that  the  types  of 
this  fac-simile  are  either  thick  and  worn,  or  over- 
colored with  ink.  In  other  books  and  pages  of 
Schoeffer,  these  types  have  a lighter  appearance. 


Fac-simile  of  Part  of  a Page  of  the  Constitutions  of  Pope  Clement  v. 

The  paragraph  marks  were  written  in  red  ink. 

[F^om  Humphreys.] 


See  page  137. 


NOTE  ON  THE  CONSTITUTIONS. 

The  fac-simile  of  the  Constitutions  present  ine- 
charfical  features  of  interest  which,  carefully 
examined,  should  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
types  of  this  book,  and  indeed  of  all  early  type 
books,  were  not  cut  but  founded.  It  is  true,  that 
this  edition  of  the  book  has  never  been  claimed 
as  xylograpkic  work,  nor  has  it  to  my  knowledge 
ever  been  offered  as  a piece  of  printing  by  cut 
types — probably  for  the  reason  that  it  was  print- 
ed by  the  man  who  has  received  unmerited  honor 
as  the  inventor  of  type-founding — but  it  was 
produced  from  types  made  very  soon  after  the 
publication  of  the  two  great  Bibles,  during  the 
period  when  cut  types  were  supposed  to  be  in  use, 
and  it  shows  all  the  features  which  have  beon 
claimed  as  the  peculiarities  of  cut  types.  The 
curving  in  or  bending  of  the  line  at  the  top  of 


The  Fall  of  Lucifer,  as  shown  in  Zanier’s  Edition  of  the  Speculam  Salutis. 
An  Illustration  of  the  Degradation  of  Engraving  on  Wood. 


[From  Heineken.] 


Diamond,  No.  16. 


165 


AUTHORITIES  CONSULTED. 


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William  Johnston.  12mo.  2 vols.  London,  1846. 

BerjeauJ.  Ph.  Biblia  Pauperum.  Reproduced  in  Fac-simile: . . . . with  an  Historical 
and  Bibliographical  Introduction.  Polio.  London,  1859. 

Le  Bibliophile  Ulnstre  for  1861.  Imperial  8vo.  London,  1862. 

Book-worm  for  1866.  Imperial  8vo.  London,  1866. 

Bernard  Aug.  De  l'origine  et  des  debuts  de  l’imprimerie  en  Europe.  8vo.  2 vols. 

Paris,  1853. 

Bibliophile  Belge  Bulletin  du.  8vo.  Vols.  i to  rx.  Brussels,  1845—1852. 

Blades  William.  The  Life  and  Typography  of  William  Caxton,  England’s  First  Printer, 
etc.  Royal  4to.  2 vols.  London.  1861 — 1863. 

Breitkopf  Joh.  Gottl.  Imman.  Versuch  den  Ursprung  der  Spielkarten,  die  Einfiihrung 
des  Lienenpapieres,  nnd  den  Anfang  der  Holzschneidekunst  in  Europa.  4to.  2 vols. 
in  one.  Leipsic,  1784. 

Campbell  M.-F.-A.-G.  Annales  de  la  typographic  Neerlandaise  au  xve  si&cle.  8vo.  La 
Haye,  1874. 

Camus.  Notice  d’un  livre  imprime  a Bamberg  en  1462.  4to.  Paris,  an  vn. 

Crapelet,  G.-A.  Ltudes  pratiques  et  litteraires  sur  la  typographic,  8vo.  Paris,  1837. 

Daunou  . Analyse  des  opinions  diverses  sur  l’origine  de  l'imprimerie.  8vo. 

Paris,  an  XI. 

De  la  Borde  Leon.  Debuts  de  l’imprimerie  a Strasbourg,  ou  recherches  sur  les  travaux 
mysterieux  de  Gutenberg  dans  cette  ville,  et  sur  le  proems  qui  lui  fut  intente  en  1439 
a cette  occasion.  8vo.  Paris,  18-10. 

Debuts  de  l’imprimerie  a Mayence  et  a Bamberg,  ou  description  des  lettres 

d’indulgence  du  pape  Nicholas  V pro  regno  Cypri,  imprimecs  en  1454.  Royal  4to. 

Paris,  1840. 

De  Vries  A.  £claircissemens  sur  l’histoire  de  l’invention  de  l'imprimerie.  8vo.  La 
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Falkensteen  Karl.  Geschichte  der  Buchdruckerkunst  in  ilirer  Entstehung  und  Aus- 

bildung.  4to.  Leipsic,  1840.  )-H 

Fischer  Gotthelf.  Essai  sur  les  monuments  typographies  de  Jean  Gutenberg,  may- 
enqais,  inventeur  de  l’imprimerie.  4to.  Mayence,  an  x. 

Fournier  le  jeune  P.  S.  Manuel  typographique.  16mo.  2 vols.  Paris,  1764 — 1766. 

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Hallam  Henry.  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  Europe  in  the  Fifteenth,  Sixteenth 
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View  of  the  State  of  Europe  during  the  Middle  Ages.  8vo.  3 vols. 

Boston,  1853. 

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8vo.  London,  1861. 

Jacob  P.  L.  (Lacroix.)  Curiosites  de  l’histoire  des  arts.  16mo.  Paris,  1858. 


Johnson  J.  Typographia,  or  the  Printers'  Instructor,  including  an  Account  of  the  Origin 
of  Printing.  24mo.  2 vols.  London,  1824. 

Koning  Jacques.  Dissertations  sur  l’origine,  l’invention,  et  le  perfectionnement  de  l’im- 
primerie. 8vo.  Amsterdam,  1819. 

Lacroix  Paul  (Bibliophile  Jacob),  E.  Fournier  et  F.  Sere.  Histoire  de  l’imprimerie 
et  des  arts  et  professions,  etc.  Imperial  8vo.  Paris,  1862. 

La  Caille  Jean  De.  Histoire  de  l'imprimerie  et  de  la  librarie  oil  l'on  voit  son  origine 
et  sou  progre's  jusqu’en  1689  . 4to.  Paris,  1689. 

Lambinet  P.  Recherches  historiques,  litteraires  et  critiques  sur  l’origine  de  l'imprimerie. 
8vo.  Brussels,  an  vn. 

Lanzi  Abate  Luigi.  The  History  of  Painting  in  Italy,  etc.  Translated  by  Thomas  Ros- 
coe.  12mo.  3 vols.  London,  1852. 

Madden,  J.-P. -A.  Lettres  d'un  bibliographe.  Series  i to  iv.  Royal  8vo.  Versailles  and 
Paris,  1868—1875. 

Maittaire  M.  Annales  Typographic!  ab  Artis  Invent®  Origine  ad  annum  mdclxiv. 
4to.  5 vols.  Hagae-Comitum,  1719 — 1741. 

Marcha.nd  Prosper.  Histoire  de  l'origine  et  des  premiers  progres  de  l’imprimerie.  4to. 
La  Haye,  1740. 

Meerman  G.  Origines  Typographic®.  4to.  2 vols.  Hagae-Comitum,  1765. 

Merlin  It.  Origine  des  cartes  a jouer,  etc.  4to.  Paris,  without  date. 

Moxon  Joseph.  Mechanick  Exercises : or  the  Doctrine  of  Handy-Works.  Applied  to 
the  Art  of  Printing.  Small  4to.  London,  1683. 

Munsell  Joel.  A Chronology  of  Paper  and  Paper  Making.  8vo.  Albany,  1870. 

Nichols  . The  Origin  of  Printing,  etc.  8vo.  London,  1774. 

Ottley  William  Young.  An  Inquiry  into  the  Origin  and  Early  History  of  Engraving 
upon  Copper  and  on  Wood.  2 vols.  4to.  London,  1816. 

An  Inquiry  concerning  the  Invention  of  Printing,  etc.,  with  an  Introduction 

by  J.  Ph.  Berjeau.  4to.  London,  1863. 

. Passavant  J.  D.  Le  Peintre-Graveur.  8vo.  6 vols.  Leipsic,  1860. 

O Ringwalt  J.  Luther.  American  Encyclopaedia  of  Printing.  Imperial  8v>  Phila- 

delphia,  1871. 

, i Santander  Serna  de  la.  Dictionnaire  bibliographique  choisi  du  quinzi^me  si£cle.  8vo. 
3 vols.  Brussels,  1805—1807. 

w Savage  William.  Practical  Hints  on  Decorative  Printing.  4to.  London,  1822. 

U2  Sohoepflin  Jo.  Daniel.  Vindici®  Typographic®.  4to.  Strasburg,  1760. 

Seiz  J.  C.  Annus  Tertius  Sxcularis  Invent®  Artis  Typographic®.  Svo.  Haarlem,  1743. 

Sismondi  J.  C.  L.  Sdionde  de.  Historical  View  of  the  Literature  of  the  South  of  Europe. 
12mo.  2 vols.  New-York,  1860. 

Sotheby  S.  Leigh.  The  Typography  of  the  Fifteenth  Century,  etc.,  exemplified  in  a 
collection  of  Fac-similcs.  Folio.  London,  1845. 

Principia  Typographica.  The  Block-Books,  or  Xylographic  Delineations, 

etc.  Folio.  3 vols.  London,  1858. 

Skeen  William.  Early  Typography.  8vo.  Colombo,  Ceylon,  1872. 

Thomas  Isaiah.  History  of  Printing  in  America,  etc. . . . with  a concise  view  of  the  dis- 
covery of  the  art.  8vo.  2 vols.  Worcester,  1810. 

Tlmperley  C.  H.  A Dictionary  of  Printers  and  Printing,  etc.  Royal  8vo.  London,  1839. 

Tymms  W.  R.  and  Wyatt,  M.D.  The  Art  of  Illumination  as  Practised  in  Europe  from 
the  Earliest  Times.  Royal  8vo  London,  without  date. 

Van  der  Linde.  The  Haarlem  Legend  of  the  Invention  of  Printing  by  Lourens  Janszoon 
Coster  Critically  Examined.  From  the  Dutch  by  J.  A.  Hessels,  with  an  Introduc- 
tion, etc.  8vo.  London,  1871. 

Van  der  Meersch  P.  C.  Recherches  sur  la  vie  et  les  travaux  des  imprimeurs  Beiges  et 
Neerlandais,  etc.  Royal  8vo.  Gand  et  Paris,  1856. 

Weigel  T.  O.  and  Zesterman.  Die  Anfange  der  Druckerkunst  in  Bild  und  Schrift, 
etc.  Imperial  4to.  2 vols.  Leipsic,  1866. 

Wetter  J.  Kritische  Geschichte  der  Erfindung  der  Buchdruckerkunst  durch  Johann 
Gutenberg  zu  Mainz.  8vo  1836. 

Woltmann  Alfred..  Holbein  and  His  Time.  Translated  by  F.  E.  Bunnett.  8vo. 
London, 1872. 

Wolf  Jo.  Christian.  Monumenta  Typographica,  qv®  Artis  hujus  pr®stantissim® 
Originem,  Luudein  et  Abusurn  posteris  produnt,  etc.  16mo.  2 vols.  Hamburg,  1740. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Surface  Exposed  to  Impression  by  Cop- 
per-plate method 11 

Surface  Inked  and  Exposed  to  Impression 

by  Typographic  method 11 

Surface  Exposed  to  Impression  by  Litho- 
graphic method 11 

Face  of  a large  Type,  showing  how  the 

Letter  is  placed  on  the  body 12 

Side  view  of  Canon  body 13 

Small-Pica,  Agate  and  Diamond  body. . . 13 
View  of  body  inclined  to  show  the  face. . 13 

Stamped  Brick  from  Babylon 15 

Fac-simile  of  Impression  on  brick 16 

Egyptian  Stamp  for  impressing  bricks. . 16 

Assyrian  Cylinder 17 

Old  Roman  Stamps 19 

Roman  Scriniumand  rolls  of  papyrus. . 22 

Types  of  Irregular  Body 26 

Punch 27 

Matrix 27 

Illustrations  of  Type-bodies 28 

Type-Mould,  without  matrix 28 

One-half  of  the  Mould 28 

The  other  half  of  the  Mould 28 

Type-casting  as  practised  in  1683 29 

Type-casting  as  practised  in  1664 30 

Print  of  St.  Christopher 34 

Print  of  the  Annunciation 35 

Print  of  St.  Bridget 35 

Flemish  Indulgence  Print 36 

Brussels  Print 37 

Berlin  Print 38 

Playing  Card  of  the  fifteenth  century  . . 42 

Print  Colorer 43 

Engraver  on  Wood 43 

Chinese  Playing  Cards 45 

Early  French  Playing  Cards 46 

French  and  German  Playing  Cards  of  the 
fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries. ...  47 


Fac-simile  of  part  of  a Chinese  Book. ...  61 

Chinese  Types  made  in  London 61 

Mark  of  Jacobus  Arnoldus,  1345 53 

Mark  of  Johannes  Meynersen,  1435. . . 63 
Mark  of  Adam  de  Walsokne,  1349  ...  63 

Mark  of  Edmund  Pepyr,  14S3 53 

Mark  of  an  unknown  person 53 

Japanese  Method  of  Making  Paper 56 

Paper-Mill  of  the  sixteenth  century.  ...  58 

Scriptorium  of  the  middle  ages 60 

Penmanship  of  the  ninth  century 61 

Manuscript  of  the  fifteenth  century 62 

Medieval  Bookbinding 62 

Sumptuously  Bound  Book 63 

Medieval  Book  with  covers  of  oak 63 

Book  Cover  in  Ivory,  Byzantine  style. . 63 

Seal  of  the  University  of  Paris 64 

Medieval  Illuminator 65 

English  Horn-Book 68 

English  Clog 68 

Holbein's  Dance  of  Death 69 

Dance  of  Death,  as  shown  in  the  Nurem- 
berg Chronicle 70 

First  page  of  the  Bible  of  the  Poor,  as 

made  by  Walther  and  Hurning. . . 74 

First  page  of  the  Apocalypse 76 

First  page  of  the  Canticles 77 

Story  of  the  Blessed  Virgin 78 

Exercise  on  the  Lord’s  Prayer 78 

Illustration  from  the  Book  of  Kings 79 

Letter  K of  Grotesque  Alphabet 79 

Page  from  the  Apostles'  Creed 80 

Page  from  the  Eight  Rogueries 80 

Page  from  the  Antichrist 81 

Page  from  the  Ars  Memorandi 82 

Page  from  the  Ars  Moriendi 83 

Chiromancy  of  Doctor  Hartlieb 84 

Calendar  of  John  of  Gamundia 85 

Pomerium  Spirituale 85 


m 

3 

J 

o 


o 

H 


m 

H 

Ph 

P 

O 


iz; 

o 

a 

a 

o 

o 


EH 

W 

<1 

Ph 


Temptations  of  the  Devil 86 

Life  of  St.  Meinrat 86 

Heidelberg  Dance  of  Death 87 

Page  from  the  Wonders  of  Rome 87 

German  Donatus,  from  a block  in  the 

National  Library  at  Paris 90 

Fragment  of  an  early  Donatus 90 

Early  Dutch  Horarium 91 

Imprint  of  Conrad  Dinckmut 91 

First  page  of  Speculum  Salutis 92 

Last  page  of  Speculum  Salutis 93 

Types  of  Speculum  Salutis 96 

Types  in  third  edition  of  Speculum 98 

Types  of  Fables  of  Lorenzo  Valla 98 

Types  of  Peculiarities  of  Criminal  Law.  99 

Types  of  Epitaphs  of  Pope  Pius  n 99 

The  Enschede  Abecedarium 100 

Experimental  Letters  drawn  on  wood. . 101 

Types  from  Experimental  Letters 101 

Frisket,  Tympan  and  Bed  of  an  early 

European  Printing  Press 105 

Paper-marks:  seven  illustrations.  . 105,  106 

Types  of  Jacob  Bellaert 108 

Types  of  John  Brito 109 

Map  of  the  Netherlands 110 

Scriverius'  Portrait  of  Coster 112 

Statue  of  Coster  in  Doctors'  Garden. ...  115 

Medals  in  honor  of  Coster 116 

Statue  of  Coster  on  the  monument 117 

Autograph  of  Laurens  Janszoon 118 

House  of  Coster 119 

Portrait  of  Laurens  Janszoon  Coster...  120 
Spurious  Portrait  by  Van  den  Berg. . . . 120 
Portrait  attributed  to  Van  Oudewater.  . 120 

The  Laurens  Janszoon  of  Meerman 120 

Medieval  Press 124 

Type-motild  of  Claude  Garamond 125 

Types  of  the  Donatus  attributed  to  Gu- 
tenberg at  Strasburg 126 


Types  of  Donatus  of  1451 127 

Holbein's  Satire  on  the  Indulgences.  . . . 128 

Abbreviations  of  Bible  of  36  lines 128 

Portrait  of  John  Fust 128 

Types  of  Bible  of  36  lines 129 

Types  of  Bible  of  42  lines 130 

Portrait  of  John  Gutenberg 131 

Types  of  Celebration  of  the  Mass 132 

Types  of  Mirror  of  the  Clergy 132 

Types  of  Letter  of  Indulgence  of  1461 . 133 

Types  of  Catholicon  of  1460 133 

Colophon  written  by  Peter  Schceffer.  . . . 135 

Types  of  the  Rationale  Durandi 137 

Types  of  the  Bible  of  1462 137 

Trade-mark  of  Fust  and  Schceffer 137 

Portrait  of  Peter  Schceffer 138 

Types  of  the  Grammar  of  1468 139 

Arms  of  the  Typothet® 140 

Illustration  from  the  Book  of  Fables 141 

Part  of  Koburger's  Map  of  Europe 144 

The  Birth  of  Eve,  Zainer’s J45 

Type  of  the  fifteenth  century 148 

Printing  Office  of  sixteenth  century.  . . . 149 

Hand  Press  of  Jodocus  Badius 160 

.Inking  Balls  of  sixteenth  century 151 

Last  page  of  the  Bible  of  the  Poor 160 

Colophon  of  the  Psalter  of  1457 161 

Types  of  the  Psalter  of  1457 161 

Statue  of  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg 162 

Statue  of  John  Gutenberg 162 

Letter  of  Indulgence  dated  1454 163 

De  la  Borde's  Illustration  of  Types 163 

Large  wood-cut  of  fifteenth  century.  . . 163 

A Print  of  1476 163 

Types  of  Constitutions  of  Clement  V. . . . 164 
The  Fall  of  Lucifer,  Zaiuer’s 164 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No. 


13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


4 


* 


166 


Diamond,  No.  16. 


INDEX.  A TO  B. 


INDEX.  B TO  C. 


II. 


Abbreviations,  excessive  use  of.  . . .65,  150 

“ of  Bible  of  36  lines 128 

Abececlarium  of  Enschede 99,  100 

Accuracy  in  types,  importance  of 26 

Accursius  Mariangelus 89 

Acta  Diurna  of  old  Rome 22 

Adolph,  count  of  Nassau 133 

“ his  patronage  of  Gutenberg.  . . . 134 

iEneas  Sylvius,  Pope  Pius  n 99 

Aix-la-Clmpelle,  fair  of 125 

Aldus  Manutius 100,  146,  154 

Amman  Jost,  the  artist 30 

Anachronisms 74,  75,  76,  144 

Andrieszoon  Jan,  of  Haarlem 108 

Annunciation,  print  of 35 

Antichrist,  the  block-book 81,  157 

Antimony,  probable  use  of 32,  149 

Antwerp,  early  type-printiDg  at 145 

“ first  block-printer  at 107 

Apocalypse  of  St.  John,  block-book 75 

“ evidences  of  its  age 75,  76 

“ prices  paid  for 157 

Apostles'  Creed,  the  block-book 80 

Appeal  against  the  Turks 127 

Arabic  figures,  first  use  of 150 

Ars  Memorandi,  the  block-book 81 

Ars  Moriendi,  the  block-book 82 

Association  of  printers  at  Milan 146 

“ “at  Strasburg. . . . 122 

Assyrian  Cylinders 17 

Augsburg,  early  printing  at 144 

Babylon,  bricks  of 17 

Badius  Jodocus,  of  Paris 146 

Bamberg,  Bible  of,  see  Bible  of  36  lines. 

“ early  printing  at 141 

“ Missal 144 

Batavia  of  Adrian  Junius 112 

“ its  authority  considered.  . . .112,  113 

Bearers  of  early  printing  press 104 

Bechtermuntz,  Henry  and  Nicholas.  . . . 134 

Beildick  Lorentz,  testimony  of 123 

Bellaert  Jacob,  of  Zierikzee 108 

Berlin  print 38 

Bernard  August,  history  of 4 

Bible,  early  translations  of 69 

“ first  with  wood-cuts 144 

“ reading  of  prohibited 70 

Bible,  Mazarin,  see  Bible  of  42  lines. 

Bible  of  1462  (48  lines) 137 

Bible  of  Mentel  at  Strasburg 143 


Bible  of  36  lines,  description  of 1 

“ its  discovery 1 

“ not  printed  by  Pfister.  1 

“ peculiarities  of 1 

“ possibly  the  first 1 

“ Schelhorn's  view  of. . 1 

“ speculations  about 1 

“ when  printed 1 

Bible  of  42  lines,  description  of 129,  1 

“ annotations  in 1 

“ cost  of 1 

“ defects  of 1 

“ ornamentation  of 1 

“ prices  paid  for 1 

“ probably  of  slow  sale.  1 

“ two  kinds  of  copies ...  I 

“ workmanship  of 1 

Bible  of  the  Poor,  editions  from  types.  . 

“ xylographic  editions  of 

“ description  of 73,  1 

“ Nordlingen  edition... 

“ prices  paid  for 1 

“ printing  of 

Blemishes  in  books,  how  corrected 

Block-books,  Antichrist 

“ Apocalypse 

“ Apostles’  Creed 

“ Ars  Memorandi 

“ Ars  Moriendi 

“ Bible  of  the  Poor 

“ Book  of  Kings 

“ Canticles 

“ Chiromancy  of  Hartlieb. . 

“ Dance  of  Death 

“ Donatus 

“ Eight  Rogueries 

“ Exercise  Lord’s  Prayer  78,  1 

“ German  Planetarium 

“ Grotesque  Alphabet 

“ Life  of  St.  Meinrat 

“ Pomerium  Spirituale  .85, 

“ Story  of  the  Virgin 

“ Temptations  of  Devil 

“ Wonders  of  Rome 85, 

“ absurdities  in 

“ advantages  of 

“ definition  of 

“ disregarded  by  scholars. . . ; 

“ earliest  date  in 

“ great  number  of 72, 

“ inferiority  of 


co 


O 

F 

d 


Q 

o 

m 


Block-books,  literary  merit  of 

“ made  for  priests 

“ obscurity  of. 

“ period  of 

“ permitted  to  people 

“ popularity  of 84, 

“ where  made 

Block-printers,  many  in  number 

“ faulty  work  of 

“ unknown  

Block-printing  an  established  trade 

“ early  notices  of 

“ in  Holland 

“ not  Gutenberg’s  secret. . 

“ process  of 

“ slighted 40, 

Blocks  used  for  engraving 

Bodies,  irregularities  of,  explained 

Bodies  of  types,  cuts  of. 12,  28,  95, 

“ “in  Speculum 

“ “ not  made  by  rule.  .148, 

“ “ of  Caxton 

“ “of  unknown  printer. . . . 

Bodman’s  spurious  "documents 

Book  of  Kings 

Book  of  Trades 

Book-binding,  Chinese 

“ of  middle  ages 

“ prices  paid  for 

“ sumptuous  forms  of 

Book-collecting,  a princely  hobby 

Book-making,  as  done  in  old  Rome 

“ an  ecclesiastical  art 

“ becomes  a trade 

“ given  up  to  copyists 

“ in  monasteries 

“ oriental  method  of 

Book  of  Four  Stories 

Book  of  Fables 

Books,  printed,  changes  in  style  of 

“ Chinese,  cheapness  of 

“ common  in  old  Rome 

“ demand  for  cheapness  in 

“ early  printed,  cheapness  of 

“ early  printed,  prices  of 

“ medieval 

“ “ character  of. 

“ “ cheap  forms  of 62, 

“ “ large  size  of 

“ “ made  by  artists 


87 

87 
90 

88 
87 

87 

88 
86 
87 


42 

89 

125 

39 

70 

50 

149 

127 

95 

149 

100 

100 

133 

79 

30 

50 
62 
66 
63 
66 
22 
61 
70 

63 
60 
61 
57 

141 

141 

139 

51 
22 
70 

147 

147 

61 

64 

64 
62 

65 


Books,  medieval,  made  for  the  rich 66 

“ “ neglected  by  clergy.  .63,  156 

“ “ obsoleteness  of 70 

“ “ of  romance 65 

“ “ sale  of  regulated. . . .63,  64 

“ “ sumptuousness  of 66 

“ of  dark  ages 23 

“ of  monasteries 76 

“ of  pictures 64 

“ of  unknown  printer 98 

“ number  printed  before  1500 147 

“ the  right  of  the  educated 88 

“ injudiciously  selected 147 

“ written  and  printed 71 

Book-sellers  of  Paris 63 

Book-selling  restricted 64 

Boxhorn,  Marcus  Zuerins 115 

Branding  in  middle  ages 19 

Brass  moulds  or  matrices 30 

Brass  stamps  of  middle  ages 19 

Brass  types  impracticable 31 

Brethren  of  Life-in-Common 134,  157 

Bricks,  stamped,  antiquity  of 15 

Brito  John,  of  Bruges 109 

Brotherhood  of  the  Life-in-Common  at 

Weideubach 144 

Bruges,  early  printing  at 144 

“ guild  of  book-makers  at 107 

Brussels  print 37 

Bull  of  Pope  Pius  n against  the  Turks.  . 137 
Burnisher  of  engravers 39 

Calendar  of  1457 132 

Calendar  or  Almanac  of  1460 133 

Calico-printing,  early 54 

Calligraphy,  early 61,  65 

Cambray,  record  of 106 

Canticles,  the  block-book 76 

Card-makers,  early 42 

Case  of  early  compositors 149 

Castaldi  Pamphilo 14,  142 

Catholicon  of  1460 132,  133 

Caxton  William,  of  England 147 

Celebration  of  the  Mass 133 

Cennini  Bernard 146 

Chases  of  wood 104,  150 

Chinese  planting,  early  method  of 49 

“ language  not  fit  for  types 51 

“ paper,  invention  of 50,  51 

Chiromancy  of  Dr.  Hartlieb 83 

Cicero,  his  speculations  on  types 18 


III. 


INDEX.  C TO  D. 


Clog  of  England 67 

Codex  Argenteus 53 

Cologne  as  a school  for  printers  . . .109,  144 

Cologne  Chronicle  of  1499 107 

Cologne,  early  printing  at 144 

Color  work  of  Peter  Sclicefler 136 

Complaint  against  Death 141 

Composing  rules,  early  ignorance  of. . . . 150 

Composition  as  done  in  156-1 149 

“ by  dictation 150 

“ double,  indications  of 138 

“ in  imitation  of  writing 150 

“ imperfections  of 160 

Composition  of  types  in  China 51 

“ “a  test  of  age 106 

“ “ cost  of 12 

Compositors  often  men  of  education  ....  149 

“ sometimes  women 149 

Condition  of  medieval  society 68 

Confraternity  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. . . 107 

Consolation  of  the  Sinner 141 

Constitutions  of  Pope  Clement  V * . 137 

Coornhert  and  Van  Zuren 109 

Copper-plate  printing,  process  of 9 

“ “ invention  of 14 

Copyists,  faults  of 153 

“ fond  of  pictures 64 

“ of  middle  ages 61 

“ of  old  Rome 22 

“ of  Paris 64 

Cornelis,  the  binder 98,  111,  114 

Correctors  of  the  press 153 

Coster,  Lourens  Janszoon 110 

Coster,  as  described  by  Junius  Ill 

“ “by  Koning 117 

“ “ in  archives 118 

“ “ in  chair  book 119 

“ “in  treasury  book..  118 

“ as  a printer 113 


( foster,  as  .1  sexton 113 

“ as  a tallow-chandler 118 

“ as  a tavern  keeper 119 

“ confounded  with  Janszoon 119 

“ alleged  descendants  of 114 

“ portraits  of 120 

“ statues  of 115,  117 

“ tablets  to 117 

Costerian  Museum 117 

Counter-punch,  use  of 27 

Couplets  of  Cato 98,  99 

Cuneiform  inscriptions 15 

Cunio,  the  story  of  the  two 54 

Cylinders  of  Assyria 17 

Dance  of  Death,  Holbein’s  designs 69 

“ in  Nuremberg  Chronicle  70 

“ popularity  of 69,  165 

“ the  block -book 86,  87 

Decretals  of  Boniface  viii 138 

Desroches,  his  story  about  Ludwig 107 

De  Vries  Abraham,  on  Coster 117 

Dialogue  between  Cato.  Hugo,  et  al. . . . 133 

Dictation,  Madden's  theory  of 135,  150 

Diether,  Count  of  Isenburg 133 

Dissertation  on  Invention,  Boxhoru’s  .115 
Doctor  Hartlieb,  Chiromancy  of  . . . .83,  84 

Doctrinal  of  Alexander  Gallus 98,  99 

“ of  Cambray 106 

Donatus  noticed  by  Zell  89,  107 

“ ascribed  to  Gutenberg 90,  126 

“ imitations  of  type-work 91 

“ of  Gutenberg  at  Mentz 127 

“ of  Koning 90 

“ suggested  typography 124 

“ ofSweinheym 89 

“ of  unknown  printer 98 

“ popularity  of  the  book 89 


Dordrecht,  tradition  of  printing  at  . .89,  90 


H 

a 

M 

O 

H 

O 

F 
1— 1 

a 

>- 

F 

F 

!> 

U 

co 


02 

a 


o 

1— i 
Ph 


o 

r-1 


INDEX. 


Dritzehcn  Claus,  complaint  of 122 

“ Andrew,  death  of 122,123 

“ “ services  of 123 

“ Ennel,  testimony  of 122 

“ George 123 

Diinne  Hans,  testimony  of 123 


Education,  state  of  in  xivth  century. . . 67 
Education  of  schools  in  middle  ages. ...  68 

“ afforded  by  block-books 87 

“ early,  made  difficult 91 

“ modern,  aided  by  types 90 

Eggesteiu  Henry,  of  Strasburg 143 

Eight  Rogueries,  the  block-book 80 

Eltvill,  printing  done  at 134 

“ a suburb  of  Mentz 134 

Embossed  types  of  unknown  printer. ...  97 
“ “of  Codex  Argenteus. ...  53 

Endkrist,  the  block-book 81 

Engravers,  early,  jealousy  of 144 

Engravers  on  wood,  early,  notices  of.  . . . 70 

Engraving  an  aid  to  the  invention 125 

Engraving  decadence  of 152 

“ large  blocks  of. 152 

“ often  done  on  metal 151 

“ of  Pfister 141 

“ at  Augsburg 144 

“ at  Nuremberg 144 

“ not  mother  of  typography. . . . 124 
“ not  practised  at  Haarlem.  . . . 109 

“ of  playing  cards 42 

“ of  punches 31, 148 

“ on  wood,  by  the  Cunios 55 

“ “ Chinese  practice. 60 

“ “ early  forms  of 65 

“ “ rudeness  of  ...  . 84.  152 

“ “ Italian  practice  of.  . 65 

“ “ merit  of  early  work . 34 

“ “ neglect  of 96,151 


D TO  F.  IV. 

Engraving  on  wood,  of  letters 73 

“ • “ origin  considered  . . 36 

“ “ used  by  copyists...  53 

Enschede  on  wood  types 102,  116 

Epitaphs  of  Pope  Pius  II 99 

Erasmus,  his  version  of  the  invention  . . 114 

“ as  a corrector ' 154 

Errata,  first  appearance  of 160 

Errors  of  early  hooks 153 

“ typographical,  frequency  of.  136,  150 

Eulogy  on  Lorenzo  Valla 99 

Exercise  on  the  Lord's  Prayer 78,  167 

Fables,  Book  of,  by  Pfister 141 

Fables  of  Lorenzo  Valla 98 

Faust  John,  as  described  by  Junius. ...  Ill 

Faustus  Jo.  Frid.,  testimony  of 140 

Finiguerra  Maso 14 

Flanders,  early  importance  of 68 

Flemings,  their  skill  in  the  arts 68 

Flemish  block-printing 76,  88,  107 

Florence,  early  printing  at 146 

Form,  ambiguity  of  the  word 125 

Formen 125,  134,  137,  140,  149 

Forms  of  metal,  notices  of 123 

“ melted  by  G utenberg 125 

“ were  probably  matrices  . . . 125,  134 

Four  pieces,  the  tool  of 125 

Fraternity  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. ...  107 

“ of  St.  Luke 107 

Friction,  press- work  by 73 

Frisket,  early  use  of 97 

Frotton  of  engravers  on  wood 39 

“ not  used  by  block-printers  73 

Fust  John,  conflicting  views  about 129 

“ “ death  of 138 

“ “ his  suit  against  Gutenberg. . . 130 

“ “ his  victory  over  Gutenberg. . 132 

“ “ was  not  Faust . . 128 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Stkeet,  NEW-YORK. 


Diamond,  No.  16. 


167 


INDEX.  F TO  I 


INDEX.  I TO  L. 


VI. 


Fust,  Conrad 138 

“ Jacob,  the  judge 131 

Fust's  sale  of  "Bible  in  Paris 138 


Gcbwiler,  testimony  of 

Gelthus  Adam,  tablet  of 

Gensfleisch  John,  not  a printer 

“ family  of 

Gering  Ulrich 

German  Planetarium  and  Calendar. . . 
Germany,  its  progress  in  education. . . . 

“ “in  useful  arts  . . 

Gette  en  molle,  meaning  of  the  term. . . 

Goldsmiths  as  punch-cutters 

Gothic  character,  popularity  of 

Gothic  letters,  origin  of 

“ popularity  of 

“ varieties  of 

“ Petrarch’s  dislike  of. . . . 
Grotesque  Alphabet,  the  block-book.  . . 

Guilds  of  middle  ages 70 

“ of  book-makers 

Gutenberg,  family  of 

Gutenberg  John,  early  life  of 

“ as  a book-maker 

“ as  a courtier 

“ as  a financier 


“ as  an  inventor 122,  128,  1 

“ as  an  organizer 1 

“ books  printed  by 1 

“ careless  of  fame 1 

“ Catholicon  of 1 

“ courage  of 1 

“ death  of 1 

“ experiments  of 1 

“ memorials  of 1 

“ partnership  of,  at  Strasburg.  1 

“ partnership  of,  at  Mentz. . . . 1 

“ planned  the  Psalter 1 

“ poverty  of 123,  126,  1 

“ probable  marriage  of 1 

“ supplanted  by  Schaeffer 1 

“ trials  of,  at  Strasburg. . 121,  1 

. “ “at  Mentz 1 

“ unknown  work  of ) 

Gutenberg's  types,  history  of 1 

“ defense  against  Fust 1 

“ idea  of  typography I 

“ place  in  history 1 


Haarlem,  first  notice  of  legend  of 110 

“ known  printers  at 108 

“ neglected  printing 112,114 

Hahn  Ulrich 145 

Hanequis  Conrad 138 

Hanseatic  League 69 

Husback  of  Haarlem 109 

Hauman  Frederic 134 

Heilmann  Anthony,  testimony  of 123 

Hessels  J.  H.,  writings  of 98 

Holland,  early  printing  of 107,  108 

“ confounded  with  Netherlands. . 108 
“ not  the  birthplace  of  invention. . 108 

Horarium  of  Scaliger 89 

“ of  Adrien  Rooman 90 

Horn- book  of  England 67 

How  to  Die  Becomingly  82 

How  to  Remember  the  Evangelists 81 

Humery  Conrad,  friend  to  Gutenberg. . 132 
“ “ acknowledgment  of. ..  134 

Ignorance,  prevalence  of  in  dark  ages.  . 23 

“ of  ecclesiastics 60 

Iliad  of  Homer,’ the  school-book 99 

Illuminated  books  of  middle  ages 61 

Illuminators  and  calligraphers 65 

Impression  by  different  methods 13 

“ doubling  of 96 

“ not  typography 25 

“ on  bricks 15 

“ on  early  hand  press. . . . 104,  151 

“ on  paper  and  vellum. . . 152,  153 

“ on  textile  fabrics 54 

Image  prints  all  devotional 40 

“ Annunciation 34 

“ Berlin  print 37,  38 

“ Brussels  print 37 

“ Indulgence  print 36,  37 

“ St.  Christopher 34 

“ preceded  books 33 

“ how  printed 39 

“ made  for  stenciling 34 

“ merit  of 40 

“ not  done  by  friction 39 

“ not  made  by  monks 40 

“ origin  of 33 

“ popularity  of 40 

where  made 38,  39 

Impositions  of  eight  pages 100 

Initial  letters  of  Italy.  62,  142 

“ “ of  early  printers 148 


Inking  balls,  how  made 150 

Inking  of  printing  surfaces 13 

Ink  Printing,  affected  by  paper 151 

“ deterioration  of 151 

“ early,  faults  of 136 

“ early,  unstableness  of. . . . 151 

“ inequality  of 151 

“ Moxon’s  criticism  of 151 

u of  Bible  of  42  lines 130 

“ of  Donatus  of  Mentz 127 

“ of  Jenson 151 

“ of  Psalter  of  Mentz 136 

“ of  the  block-printers 73 

“ of  the  Psalter  of  1457.  . . . 136 

“ of  the  Ripoli  Press 151 

“ of  unknown  printer  ..  .93,  96 

“ the  complement  of  types. ..  151 

Ink  writing,  antiquity  of 20 

“ useless  in  printing 20 

Invention,  merit  of,  not  in  idea. . . . 134,  142 

Inventions  not  the  work  of  experts 125 

Invention  of  paper  in  China 56 

Invention  of  press,  not  noticed 104 

“ “ why  neglected 150 

Invention  of  Printing, 

“ early  notices  of 135 

“ a great  discovery 32 

“ came  at  the  right  time 23 

“ different  methods  of 14 

“ key  of  in  the  type-mould 32 

“ merit  of,  not  in  the  idea 26 

“ “ in  the  type-mould. . . 135 

“ not  perfect  in  1439  125 

“ probable  causes  of 7,  8,  14 

“ waited  for  readers 23 

“ version  of  Bertius 115 

“ “ Coornhert 110 

“ “ DeVries 117 

“ “ Erasmus 108,  114 

“ “ Guicciardini Ill 

“ “ Jo.  Frid.  Faustus. . 140 

“ “ Junius Ill 

“ “ Koning 117 

“ “ Meerinan  116 

“ “ Scaliger 89 

“ “ John  Schaeffer 139 

“ “ Scriverius 115 

“ “ Seiz  116 

“ “ Trithemius 135,  139 

“ “ Van  Zuren.  . . .110,  111 

“ “ Wimpheling . . . 124,  125 


Invention  of  Printing, 

“ version  of  Zell 107 

Invention  of  printing  ink 21,  111,  151 

Inventions  of  the  middle  ages 68 

Invention  of  types,  not  boasted  of 133 

“ alleged  thefts  of Ill,  113,  114 

Ireland,  the  book-makers  of 60 

Italy,  early  printers  of 145 

“ its  enthusiasm  for  the  art 146 

Jan,  the  printer  at  Antwerp. 107 

Janszoon  not  Janszoon  Coster 117,  119 

Japan,  paper  of 56 

Jenson  Nicholas 137 

“ “ as  a type  founder 145 

John  of  Gamundia,  calendar  of  85 

John  of  Westphalia,  as  a publisher  ....  144 

Judgment  of  Man  after  Death 141 

Junius  Htidrian,  sketch  Of  his  life 112 

“ > “ credulousness  of 112 

“ “ history  of 112 

Kepfer  for  Kefler)  Henry 133,  144 

Ketel  Anthonis,  of  Haarlem  109 

Ketelaer  and  De  Leempt 144 

Kerver  Thielman,  of  Paris 146 

Keyser  Peter,  of  Paris 146 

Knowledge,  acquisition  of,  difficult 91 

Knowledge  a monopoly 60,  88 

Koburger  Anthony,  of  Nuremberg 144 

Koning’s  hook  on  the  invention 117 

Koster  Lourens  Janszoon,  see  Coster. 

Labor,  division  of,  by  printers 149 

Latin  language,  why  preserved 60 

“ “ abbreviations  of 65 

“ “ key  to  all  knowledge. . . 68 

Laurecrans  of  Scriverius 115 

Lead  used  by  Gutenberg  122 

Leads  first  used  by  Schceffer 138,  159 

Lecturn  of  the  middle  ages 62,  63 

Leeu  Gerard,  industry  of 145 

Legend  of  Haarlem 110 

“ began  with  pedigree.  118 
“ “ contradictions  of.  ...  117 

“ “ early  meagreness  of.  Ill 

“ “ echo  of  false  history.  113 

“ “ exposure  of 118 

“ “ improbability  of ... . 114 

“ “ unfixed  dates  of.  .115, 117 

Legend  of  Walchius  about  the  sale  of 
first  printed  books  at  Paris 138 


VII.  INDEX. 

Letters  engraved,  peculiarities  of 91 

“ “ imperfections  of 73 

Lettres  de  somme  or  Round  Gothic 107 

“ de  forme  or  Pointed  Gothic 107 

Letter  of  Indulgence  of  1461  132,  133 

Letters  of  Indulgence  of  1454  127 

“ “ Holbein's  satire  on.  127 

“ “ popularity  of 127 

“ “ translation  of 158 

Libraries,  early,  neglect  of 63 

“ in  France  and  Burgundy.  66 

Life  of  St.  Meinrat 86 

Literature,  decline  of  in  old  Rome 22 

“ neglect  of  by  the  Church  . . 60 

“ of  popular  books 70 

“ of  the  romance  books 65 

“ revolutionized  by  printing. . 70 
“ the  privilege  of  a class  . .66,  88 

Lithography,  process  of 10 

“ invention  of 14 

Little  Book  of  the  Mass 98 

London,  early  printing  at 147 

Louvain,  early  printing  at 144 

Lyons,  early  printing  at 146 

Making-up  badly  done 150 

Mansion  Colard,  of  Bruges 144 

Manuscripts,  faultiness  of 163 

Manutius  Aldus 146 

“ as  an  editor 154 

Marco  Polo  does  not  notice  printing  ....  62 

Marks  of  notaries 52,  53 

Martens  Thierry 144 

Master  printers,  changes  of 149 

Mastery  of  printing,  how  acquired 149 

Materials  early,  imperfections  of 151 

Matrices,  as  described  by  Trithemius  . . 139 

Matrices  of  lead 103,  104,  148 

“ of  copper i 148 


L TO  N. 


Matrices,  conjoined 103 

“ early  method  of  making 148 

“ early  trade  in 148 

“ made  of  soft  metal 103,139 

Matrix,  description  of 27 

“ early  use  of 31 

Mechanics  in  middle  ages 68 

Medals  in  honor  of  Coster 116 

Meerinan  Gerard,  book  of 116 

Memorials  to  Coster 117 

“ Gutenberg 135 

Mendicant  friars 63 

Meutel  John,  memorial  to 142 

“ “ alleged  invention  of 142 

“ “ as  a printer 142 

“ James 142 

Mentz,  revolt  of  burghers  at 121 

“ capture  and  sack  of 133,  134 

Methods  of  printing 9,  108 

Mexico,  first  printers  of 147 

Milan,  early  printing  at 146 

Miniaturists  of  middle  ages 65 

Mirror-making  in  Germany 124 

Mirror  of  Salvation 92 

Mirror  of  the  Clergy 133 

Mould,  modern,  description  of 28 

“ adjustable,  notice  of 126,  149 

“ early,  description  of 30 

“ of  Gutenberg 125,  126,  135 

Music,  types  for 136,  148 

Neglect  of  early  printing 134 

Netherlands,  block-printers  of 107 

“ type-printers  of.  . 97,  110,  144 

“ block-printing  of 88 

Newspapers  of  old  Rome 22 

“ China 50 

Nope  Cune,  decision  of 123 

Nummeister,  John 133,  145 


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INDEX. 


Nuremberg,  early  printing  at 144 

Nuremberg,  Chronicle  of 144 

Oflices  of  Cicero 138 

Order  of  King  of  France  to  Jenson  ....  137 

Origines  Typographical 116 

Ornamentation  of  manuscript  books. ...  61 

Fainting  of  printed  letters 136 

Palimpsests 59 

Pandects  of  Justinian 98 

Paper  approved  by  the  people 70 

“ as  made  in  Japan  56 

“ “ in  middle  ages 58 

“ “ in  Spain 58 

“ came  before  its  time 59 

“ disliked  by  calligraphers 59 

“ earliest  notices  of 57,  58 

“ early,  badly  made 59 

“ great  price  of 152 

“ linen  and  cotton 57 

“ made  of  many  qualities 152 

“ neglected  by  copyists ...  59,  70 

“ of  early  typographic  printers  ....  152 

“ preceded  printing 21 

“ preferred  to  vellum  by  printers.  . 153 

“ selected  for  block-books 86 

“ sizes  of 152 

Paper-making,  growth  of 58 

Paper-marks  not  a guide  to  age 106 

“ of  unknown  printer 105 

“ why  made 105 

Paper-mills,  early  notices  of 58 

Paper  money  of  China 62 

Papillon’s  story  of  the  Cunios 54 

Papyrus  not  fit  for  printing 21 

Parchment,  how  made 153 

Paris,  reception  of  printing  at 138 

“ first  printers  at 146 


N TO  P.  VIII. 

Paul  of  Prague,  testimony  of 141 

Peculiarities  of  Criminal  Law 98 

Pedigree  of  Coster  family 117 

“ “its  exposure  ...  118 

“ “its  forgery  ....  118 

“ “ its  insufficiency  118 

Pfister  Albert,  our  first  knowledge  of. . 140 

“ as  a block-printer 141 

“ as  an  inventor 141 

“ Sebastian 142 

Pi-Clung,  an  early  Chinese  printer  ....  49 

Pictures  came  before  books 33 

“ general  fondness  for 70,  87 

Pigouchet  Phillipe,  of  Paris 146 

Platen,  smallness  of 150 

Playing  Cards,  Chinese 41 

“ “ date  of  introduction  . .44,  48 

“ “ denounced  by  clergy. ...  45 

“ “ early,  cost  of 43,  45 

“ “ early  forms  of 46 

“ “ early  notices  of 42,  43 

“ “ manufacture  of 41 

“ “of  France  and  Italy  . .43,  44 

“ “of  Germany 42 

“ “ popularity  of 43 

“ “ preceded  image  prints. ..  48 

“ “ rudely  made 48 

“ “ strange  games  of 45 

“ “ suggestive  of  printing. . . 47 

Pliny's  notice  of  portraits  in  books 49 

Points  for  making  register 151 

Polishing  of  gems  taught  by  Gutenberg.  124 

Pomerium  Spirituale 86 

Pope  Pius  n,  treatises  of 99 

Presswork,  early  method  of 150 

“ alters  appearance  of  types. . 102 

“ as  done  in  China 50 

“ daily  performance  of 50,  151 

“ early,  in  colors 151 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers-Street,  NEW-YORK. 


168 


Diamond,  No.  16. 


IX. 


INDEX.  P TO  S. 


INDEX.  S TO  T. 


Presswork,  early  practice  of 151 

“ imperfections  of 151 

“ of  block-books 87 

- of  Colard  Mansion 136 

“ of  early  tvpe  printers. 151. 

“ of  Gutenlierg 128,  130.  132 

of  ScbcefTer  . . . .. 136/137 

“ of  unknown  printer 104 

“ on  textile  fabrics  of  Italy 54 

“ process  of 104 

Prices  of  manuscript  books  in  old  Rome  22 

“ of  medieval  books 66 

“ of  printed  books 147 

“ paid  for  printing 146 

Print-coloring,  early  practice  of. 43 

Printers,  early,  activity  of 147 

Printers,  early  names  for 141 

- armorial  shield  of 142 

“ at  Mentz  before  1500 143 

“ earliest  in  Germany 143 

“ “ Central  Europe 143 

“ “ Great  Britain 147 

* “ France 146 

" “ Italy 145 

“ “ New  World 147 

44  “ Spain,  etc 146 

Printing,  ambiguity  of  the  word 8,  107 

“ aided  by  painting 136 

“ by  friction 39 

“ “ “ difficulties  of 73 

“ Chinese  method  of 50 

“ depends  on  other  aids 24 

“ derivation  of  from  China 52 

“ different  methods  of 9 

“ early,  in  Netherlands 107 

“ early  prejudices  against  . .135,  147 

“ from  engraved  stamps  19 

“ German  origin  of 147 

“ in  clay 17 

“ not  always  economical 71 

“ not  generally  welcomed 147 

“ of  Psalter  of  1457 136 

“ on  one  side,  reason  of. 86,  100 

“ on  textile  fabrics 54 

“ permanence  of  the  art 154 

“ benefit  from 154 

“ waited  for  readers 67,  71 

“ with  a brush 50 

Printing  Press,  construction  of 150 

“ “ Lignamine's  notice  of. . . 151 

“ “ operation  of 150 


Printing  Presses,  cost  of 144 

Proof-planer,  use  of 39 

Proof-reading,  early  notice  of 138 

“ how  done 153 

Psalter  of  1457,  beauty  of 136,  161 

14  “ colophon  of 136,  161 

“ “ editions  of 137 

“ “ the  designer  of. 136 

Publishers  of  old  Rome 22 

in  Italy 146 

Punch,  description  of 27 

Punch-cutters  were  goldsmiths ...  148 

Punch-cutting  not  done  by  printers . . 148 

“ importance  of 27 

Punches  of  steel 148 

“ of  wood 103 

“ of  Gutenberg 133 

Quadrats,  substitutes  for 97 

“ proper  use  of 104 

Quintilian's  notice  of  stencils 18 

Rationale  Durandi * 137 

Register,  means  used  for  making 151 

“ of  colors,  how  doDe  ....  136,  151 

“ - in  Psalter  of  1457.  . 136 

Register  of  pages,  early,  how  done 151 

Registrum  chartarum 150 

Reimlioldt,  testimony  of. 123 

Religious  dissensions 69 

Ripoli  Press  at  Florence 146 

“ “ materials  used  by 32,151 

Rome,  early  printing  at 145 

Rooman  Gillis  and  Adrien 109 

Rubricated  books  of  middle  ages 61 

“ “of  early  printers 151 

Sahspach  Conrad.  testimony  of 122 

Sand  moulds. 103,  149 

Savage  on  the  Psalter  of  1457  136 

Scaliger  J.  J.,  about  Horarium 89 

Schaeffer  Peter,  as  a copyist 135 

“ as  a judge 139 

“ as  a printer 136 

“ as  a punch-cutter 138 

“ as  a trader 138 

as  a type-founder 137 

“ as  an  inventor 138,  140 

“ borrows  a book 138 

“ descendants  of 143 

“ false  claims  of 138,139 


Schaeffer  Peter,  memory  of,  neglected ...  140 

* pupil  of  Gutenberg 135 

“ succeeds  Gutenberg 132 

“ vanity  of 138 

Schaeffer  John,  testimony  of 139 

Schoepflin  Daniel 116 

Schott  John,  claims  of . 142 

School  books  of  middle  ages .......  . 70 

Schools  of  the  middle  ages 68 

Schultheiss  Hans,  testimony  of 122 

Scriptorium  of  monasteries #^51 

Scriverius  Peter  ...  . . .# ft 5 

Secrets  of  printing  stolen • 111,  113 

Section,  definition  of  term 75 

Seiz  and  his  book 116 

Senefelder  Alois,  the  lithographer 14 

Sensenschmidt  John 144 

Seven  Penitential  Psalms 98 

Sewing  of  books 62 

Sidenneger  Hans,  testimony  of 122 

Signatures,  early  use  of 150 

Spacing  out  of  lines 100,  150 

Specklin  Daniel 142 

Speculum  Salutis.  a Dutch  book 95 

“ as  noticed  by  Junius Ill 

“ blocks  of  destroyed 97 

“ description  of 92 

“ translation  of 106 

“ editions  of 94 

“ its  workmanship 94 

“ not  an  experiment 97 

' printed  from  types 95 

“ probably  printed  at  Utrecht.  106 

“ teachings  of  the  book 93 

“ variable  letters  of 95 

“ when  printed 106 

Spira  John  de.  of  Venice 145 

Spyess  Wygand 134 

Stamping  of  single  letters 54 

“ on  te  xtile  fabrics 54 

Stamps  of  Babylon  and  Assyria 15 

“ copyists 53 

“ Egypt 16 

“ middle  ages 19 

“ Romans 19 

“ printers  of  textile  fabrics  ...  54 

Stationers  of  Paris 63 

St.  Bridget,  print  of 35 

St.  Christopher,  print  of 34 

Steel-plate  printing,  process  of 9 

Steinbach  Thomas,  testimony  of 123 


Stencil-plates  of  old  Romans 43 

“ of  card-makers 43 

Stereotype  moulds 103 

Stereotyping,  its  ail  vantages 12 

Stick  of  early  compositors 149 

Stocker  Mydehart,  testimony  of 122 

Story  of  the  Blessed  Virgin 77 

Strasburg,  early  printing  at 142,  143 

St.  Thomas  of  Aquinas,  book  of 138 

Suabia.  abode  of  early  engravers  36 

Surfaces,  varieties  of  in  printing 9 

Sweinheym  and  Pannartz 145 

Temptations  of  the  Devil 86 

Tbomaszoon  Gerrit 118,  119 

Title-page,  first  appearance  of 150 

Tool  of  four  pieces,  mysterious 122 

“ “ not  a press 125 

“ “ not  types  nor  pages  126 

“ “ probably  a mould. . 126 

Torquemada  on  Health  of  Soul 99 

Torresani  Andrew 146 

Trade-marks  of  middle  ages 53 

Trades  early,  secrecy  of 124 

Transferring,  by  Chinese  method 49 

Transferring,  process  of 95 

Treatise  on  Celebration  ol  Mass 133 

“ on  Love 99 

“ on  Necessity  of  Councils 133 

“ on  Reason  and  Conscience 133 

Trial  of  Gutenberg  at  Strasburg 121 

Trial  of  Gutenberg  at  Mentz 130 

Trithemius.  testimony  of * 139 

Two  pages  printed  in  one  form 94 

Tympan  of  hand  press 104.  105 

Type-casting,  as  done  in  1564. 30 

“ as  done  in  1683  29 

“ modern,  by  machine 28 

“ slowness  of  hand-work. . . 29 

Type-founding,  relation  of  Trithemius.  139 

“ “of  Faustus 140 

“ an  art  of  slow  growth 148 

“ in  sand  moulds I 103 

“ as  done  by  Didot 103 

“ as  done  by  Franklin 104 

“ by  novices 109,  148 

“ early  notices  of 133,  136 

Type-making  a secret  art 30 

in  China 50.  51 

Type-metal,  ingredients  of 32,  149 

Type-mould,  the  key  to  the  invention. . . 32 


XI. 


INDEX.  T TO  W. 


Type-mould,  adjustable 125,  126,  149 

“ made  by  goldsmiths 148 

“ of  early  printers 29,  148 

“ of  Garaiuond 125,  126 

“ of  Gutenberg 126 

“ of  sand 103 

Types  of  wood,  Junius’s  description  of.  113 

“ “ as  made  m Japan 26 

Types  of  wood,  experimental 140,  142 

“ “ De  la  Bonle's  theory  of  101 

“ “ limitations  of 26 

“ “ Specklin *s  description  of  142 

“ as  made  by  Conrad  Winters  ...  149 

“ Chinese,  early  forms  of 49 

“ “ modern  “ 51 

“ early,  cast  and  not  cut 102,  140 

“ early  faces  of. 148 

“ early  speculations  about . . . 18 

“ engraved,  impracticable 27,  101 

“ Gothic,  popularity  of 148 

* how  made 148 

“ of  Jenson 145 

“ made  by  one  method  only 26 

“ made  in  sand  moulds 103 

“ must  be  accurate 26 

* rot  made  with  system 148 

“ of  brass,  notices  of 31 

“ of  glass 142 

“ of  Gutenberg 134 

“ of  lead,  as  made  by  Blades 103 

“ Coster  113 

“ of  porcelain 49 

“ of  Schmffer 138 

“ quantity  of  usually  cast 149 

“ smallest  sizes  in  15th  century  - . . 149 

“ unknown  printer 98 

“ variations  of  form  explained 102 

Typography,  advantages  of 12,  13 

“ cheapness  of  method 12 


Typography,  Chinese  method  of 50 

“ claimants  of  invention 14 

“ depends  on  other  aids 24 

“ erroneous  ideas  about 25 

“ is  a science 121 

“ not  fruit  of  engraving ....  125 

“ period  of  its  invention  14 

“ why  it  was  delayed 20 

Typo  theta*,  arms  of 142 

Uneven  spacing  in  early  printing 136 

University  of  Paris 63 

Unknown  printer  of  Netherlands 97 

“ “ period  of 110 

“ “ workmanship  of 109 

Utrecht,  early  printing  of 144 

“ Speculum  traced  to 106 

Valdarfer,  Christopher 146 

Van  der  Linde's  Haarlem  Legend 5 

“ “ exposure  of  fraud 120 

Van  Eyck  Hubert 21 

Veldener  John 97,  144 

Vellum,  how  made 163 

“ early  scarcity  of 65 

“ not  suitable  for  printing ...  .21,  153 

Venice,  early  printing  in 145 

“ famous  for  printing 146 

“ playing  cards  of 41 

“ relations  of  with  China 52 

“ the  school  of  typography 146 

Verard  of  Paris 146 

V indicias  Typographies* 116 

Vocabularium  ex  quo 134 

Von  Bischoviszheim,  testimony  of. 123 

Von  Seckingen,  testimony  of. 123 

Von  Zabern  Barbel,  testimony  of 122 

Weidenbach,  printing  at 144 


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^ijjiam  of  Saliceto,  T reatise  of 99 

Wifcglieling,  testimony  of 124,  125 

Wjnaricky's  book  on  Gutenberg 121 

Wine-flagons  of  Coster 113 

Witnesses  on  trial  at  Strasburg 123 

Wittig  Ivo,  tablet  of 135 

^itty  Speeches  of  Great  Men. 98 

Wonders  of  Rome,  the  block -book  . . .85,  87 

Wood-cuts,  early,  merit  of 33 

“ difficult  to  print  with  types.  96 

“ dissimilarities  of 74,  84 

“ early,  designed  by  artists  . . 80 

“ later,  inferiority  of 152 

“ liability  to  warp 151 

“ mutilations  of 74,  77,  97 

“ neglected  by  early  printers  . 151 

“ not  printed  with  types 94 


w to  z.  xn. 

Wood-types,  impracticability  of 101 

* Enschede’s  remarks  on 102 

“ experiments  with. 101 

Wood  used  by  early  engravers 73 

Xylography,  limitations  of 13,  91 

“ Chinese  method  of 50 

“ first  method  of 108 

* not  applicable  to  books 91 

“ not  Gutenberg's  art 125 

“ not  practised  at  Haarlem. . . 109 

Zainer  Gunther 144 

Zappe  Paul,  the  ambassador 127 

Zarrot  Anthony 146 

Zell  Ulric,  about  theDonatus 89,  107 

“ as  a printer 144 


c 

o 


£ 


Printed  by  Francis  Hart 
63  axd  65  Mcrray-Street, 


& Co., 
New-York. 


GEORGE  BRUCE’S  SON  & CO.,  Type-Founders,  No.  13  Chambers -Street,  NEW-YORK, 


90- 13  33955 


■ 


