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Wu. aaa se Gr Gf (oon 
RY 


OF 


THE MOODS AND TENSES 


OF 


THE GREEK VERB. 


BY 


WILLIAM W. GOODWIN, Pu. D., 


ELIOT PROFESSOR OF GREEK LITERATURE IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY. 


SIXTH EDITION, REVISED. 


BOSTON: 
GINN BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS. 
~ 1875. 


jie ke WE I 





Bintored according to Act of Congress, in the year 1800, by 
WwW. W. GOODWIN, 
tm the Olerk’s Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetés. 


UNiversiTy Press: Weicu, BiceLtow, & Co., 
CAMBRIDGE. 





PREFACE 


TO THE SECOND EDITION. 


In the first edition of the present work, published in 1860, 
I attempted to give a plain and practical statement of the prin- 
ciples which govern the relations of the Greek Moods and 
Tenses. Although many of these principles were established 
beyond dispute, there were others (and these often the most ele- 
mentary) upon which scholars had long held the most opposite 
opinions. Upon many of these latter points I presented new 
views, which seemed to me to explain the phenomena of the 
language more satisfactorily than any that had been advanced. 
The favorable opinion of scholars has confirmed my belief, that 
some such attempt as I have made was demanded by the ris- 
ing standard of classical scholarship in this country, and has 
given me reason to hope that my labor has not been entirely a 
thankless one. 

The progress in grammatical science in this century has 
been made step by step, like that in every other science; and 
so it must long continue to be. He who imagines that every 
important principle of Greek and Latin syntax is as well un- 
derstood and as clearly defined as the rules for addition and 
multiplication in Arithmetic, has not yet begun to learn. It is 
no disparagement of even the highest scholars, therefore, to say 
that they have left much of the most important work to be 
ione by their successors. 

The vague notions so often expressed on the Greek Moods, 
even by scholars of otherwise high attainments, are in strange 
contrast with the accuracy demanded by scientific scholarship 
in other departments. If the study of language is to retain it* 
_ present place (or indeed any prominent place) in the ment 


li PREFACE. 


discipline of youth, it must be conducted on strictly scientific 
principles, and above all with scientific accuracy. On no other 
ground can we defend the course of elementary grammatical 
training, which is the basis of all sound classical scholarship. 
An elementary grammar should be as short as the best scholar 
can make it, but it should be as accurate as a chapter in Geom- 
etry. To those who cannot appreciate the importance of 
accuracy in scholarship, or even distinguish it from pedantry, 
to those who cannot see the superiority of the Greek in this 
respect over Chinese or Choctaw, it is useless to speak; but 
surely no scholar can fail to see that an accurate knowledge of 
the uses of the Greek Verb, with its variety of forms, each ex- 
pressing its peculiar shade of meaning, must be indispensable 
to one who would understand the marvellous power of the 
Greek language to express the nicest distinctions of thought. 
One great cause of the obscurity which has prevailed on this 
subject is the tendency of so many scholars to treat Greek syn- 
tax metaphysically rather than by the light of common sense. 
Since Hermann’s application of Kant’s Categories of Modalsty 
to the Greek Moods, this metaphysical tendency has been con- 
spicuous in German grammatical treatises, and has affected 
many of the grammars used in England and America more 
than is generally supposed. The result of this is seen not 
merely in the discovery of hidden meanings which no Greek 
writer ever dreamed of, but more especially in the invention of 
nice distinctions between similar or even precisely equivalent 
expressions. A new era was introduced by Madvig, who has 
earned the lasting gratitude of scholars by his efforts to restore 
Greek syntax to the dominion of common sense. Madvig is 
fully justified in boasting that he was the first to give full and 
correct statements on such elementary matters as the meaning 
of the Aorist Optative and Infinitive, and the construction of drs 
and @s in oratio obliqua; although Professor Sophocles dis- 
tinctly recognized the same principles in his Grammar, published 
later in the same year with Madvig’s (1847). I can hardly 
express my great indebtedness to Madvig’s Syntax der griechi- 
schen Sprache, and to his Bemerkungen iiber einige Puncte der 
griechischen Wortfiigungslehre (in a supplement to the Phtlolo- 
gus, Vol. II.). The works of this eminent scholar have aided 


PREFACE. iii 


me not only by the material which they have afforded as a 
basis for the present work, but also by the valuable suggestions 
with which they abound. 

Next to Madvig, I must acknowledge my obligations to 
Krtiger’s Griechische Sprachlehre, which has everywhere sup- 
plied me with important details and most excellent examples. 
I have been frequently indebted to the other grammarians, 
who need not be specially mentioned. Biumlein’s Unter- 
suchungen tiber die griechischen Modi reached me after the print- 
ing of the first edition was begun. I have often been indebted 
to his valuable collection of examples, and have derived many 
hints from his special criticisms; I regret that I cannot agree 
with the general principles to which he refers the uses of each 
mood, especially as his criticisms of the prevailing German the- 
ories on this subject are most satisfactory and instructive. I am 
indebted to the personal advice and suggestions of my learned 
colleague, Professor Sophocles, in the preparation of both 
editions, for information which no books could have supplied. 

I must acknowledge the following special obligatiéns. The 
notes on the tenses of the Indicative in Chapter II. are based 
mainly on Krtiger, § 53. The chapters on the Infinitive and 
Participle are derived chiefly from Madvig’s Syntax (Chapters 
V. and VI.), and partly from Kriiger, § 55, § 56. The note 
on the Future Optative after dwes, &o. (§ 26, Note 1) contains 
the substance of Madvig’s Bemerkungen, pp. 27-29; and the 
account of the various constructions that follow verbs of hin- 
drance and prevention (§ 95, 2 and 8) is based on the same 
work, pp. 47-66. The statement of the principles of indirect 
discourse (Chapter IV. Section IV.) was written in nearly its 
present form before Madvig’s Syntax reached me; and I was 
strongly confirmed in the views there expressed, by finding 
that they agreed almost exactly with those of Madvig. I was 
anticipated by him in my statement of the occasional use of the 
Present Optative to represent the Imperfect, and in my quota- 
tion of Drm. in Onet. L 869, 12 to illustrate it. I am entirely 
indebted to him, however, for the statement of the ieportans 
principle explained 1 in § 74, 2. 

It remains to state what new material the present work pro- 
fesses to offer to scholars. The most important and mo* 


iv PREFACE. 


radical mnovation upon the ordinary system will be found in 
the classification of conditional sentences (§ 48), with its devel- 
opment in the rules that follow. I have explained the grounds 
of this classification at some length in the Proceedings of the 
American Academy, Vol. VI. p. 868, and will therefore merely 
allude to them here. The great difficulty (or rather the im- 
possibility) of defining the force of the Subjunctive in protasis 
as distinguished from the Present Indicative, has arisen from 
neglect of the distinction between particular and general suppo- 
sitions. When this is recognized, the distinction between the 
Subjunctive and the Present Indicative is seen to be entirely 
one of time; whereas all the common distinctions - based on 
possibility, certainty, &c. will apply only to select examples, 
which of course are easily found to illustrate them. In tho 
first edition, I could not persuade myself to abandon the old 
doctrines so completely as to exclude the common distinction 
between the Subjunctive and the Optative in protasis, — that 
the former implies a “prospect of decision,” while the latter 
does not. Subsequent experience has convinced me that there 
is no more distinction betweefi éd» rovro wou and ef rovro sotoin 
than between the English tf he shall do this and sf he should 
do this ; and I think every one must see that here there is no 
distinction but that of greater or less vividness of expression. 
The simple fact that both could be expressed by the Latin ss 
hoc faciat is a strong support of this view. 

The principles of conditional sentences being first settled, I 
have attempted to carry out the analogy between these and 
conditional relative sentences more completely. It seems to 
me that it is only by adopting the classification of conditional 
sentences which I have given, that the true nature of the anal- 
ogous relative sentences can be made clear. (See § 60, § 61, 
§ 62.) Upon a right classification of conditional sentences 
depends also the right understanding of the forms used to ex- 
press a wish (§ 82, § 83). 

The frequent use of the Subjunctive with fa, dras, &c., 
after past tenses, instead of the Optative, of which I had never 
seen a satisfactory explanation, is here explained on the prin- 
ciple of oratio obliqua. (See § 44, 2; § 77, 2.) The con- 
struction of the Infinitive with verbs like yp» and ge, forming 


PREFACE. v 


an apodosis, is explained in the present edition on a new prin. 
ciple, which (it is hoped) will remove many of the difficulties 
which the old explanation did not reach. (See § 49, 2, Note 3 
and Remarks.) In the first edition, the usual distinction be- 
tween the constructions that follow od jij was adopted with 
hesitation, including Elmsley’s punctuation, by which the sec- 
ond person of the Future in prohibitions with od pf is made 
interrogative. In this edition both constructions are explained 
more satisfactorily upon the same principle. (See § 89, 1 and 2, 
with Notes and Remarks.) It is hoped that the new statement 
of the force of the Perfect Infinitive; in § 18, 8, (a) and (6) of 
this edition, will meet the difficulties which that tense presents. 
The statement in the former edition was very defective. 

It may seem strange to some that no general definitions of 
the Indicative, Subjunctive, and Optative are attempted in the 
first chapter. I have rather taken warning from the numerous 
unsuccessful attempts that have been made to include all the 
uses of these moods in comprehensive definitions, and have 
preferred merely to illustrate their various uses by simple ex- 
amples at the outset, leaving the explanations to their proper 
place in the book. For one, I am not ashamed to admit that I 
cannot propose a definition comprehensive enough to include 
all the examples in § 1, § 2, or § 3, which shall still be limited 
enough to be called a definttton. 

Besides the special changes already mentioned, the work has 
been subjected to a thorough revision, so that in many parts 
the new edition might claim to be an entirely new work.* 


* Notwithstanding the changes in the second edition, very few alterations 
have been made in numbering the paragraphs or notes. The following are 
the only changes (except a few omissions) which can affect references al- 
ready made to the first edition: — § 18, 8 is subdivided into (a) and (5); § 18, 
8, Rem. takes the place of § 18, 4, Note; § 24, Notes 1 and 2 are rearranged ; 
§ 87, Note 2 is omitted, and N. 8 is changed to N. 2; § 45, N. 2 is subdivided 
into (a) and (6); in § 49, 2, N. 8, the present divisions (c), (d), and (¢) were 
included in (5); § 64, 1 and 2 are rearranged; in § 92, 2, Note 1 is changed to 
Remark; § 109, N. 9 was included in N. 8. 

The following additions have been made in the second edition: — § 49, 2, 
N. 6 (8); § 50, 1, Rem. 2; § 52, 2, Rem.; § 58, N. 4; § 64, Rem. 2; § 665, 8, 
N. 2; § 65, 4; § 69, 5; § 71, Rem. 2; § 89, 2, Rem. 1 and 2; § 92, 2, N. 1; 
§ 95, 8, Rem.; § 108, N. 4 (5); § 112, 1, Rem.; § 112, 2, Rem.; § 113, Rem. 
after N. 10. The following have been materially changed in subject or in 
substance in the second edition: — § 25, 1, N. 5 (5); § 41, N. 4; § 48, Rem.; 
Remarks 1 and 2 after § 49, 2, N. 8; § 82, Rem. 2; § 89, 2, Notes 1 and 2. 


vi PREFAOE. 


Especially, the collection of examples has been revised and 
greatly enlarged, with the object of illustrating every variety 
of each construction from as wide a range of classic authors as 
possible. An index to these examples (more than 2,300 in 
number) is added to this edition. This index includes those 
which are merely cited, as well as those actually quoted, many 
of the former being quite as important as the latter. In the 
new edition, the matter printed in the two larger types has 
-been reduced; and made as concise as was consistent with 
accuracy, while that printed in the smallest type has been 
greatly increased. It should be understood that only the first- 
mentioned portion of the work is intended for use as a gram- 
matical text-book, while the notes and remarks in the smallest 
type are intended only for reference: with this view, the latter 
are often extended toa greater length than would otherwise 
be justifiable. | 

The Dramatists are cited by Dindorf’s lines, except the 
fragments, which follow the numbers in Nauck’s edition ; 
Plato, by the pages of Stephanus; and Demosthenes, by 
Reiske’s pages and lines. In the Index to the Examples, 
nowever, the sections of Bekker’s German editions of Demos- 
thenes have been added in each case, to facilitate reference. 
Other citations will be easily understoad. 


CaMBRIDGE, June, 1865. 





PREFACE 


TO THE FIFTH EDITION. 


Smvce the publication of the second edition of this work in 
1865, several changes of expression and many corrections 
have been made, which it is impossible to enumerate in full. 
In preparing the fourth edition in 1870, and the fifth edition 
in 1873, the work has been carefully revised ; several sections 
and notes have been rewritten, and some notes have been 
added. The only changes which can affect references made to 
the earlier editions (besides those mentioned on page v.) will 
be found in § 10, 1, Remark; § 11, Note 7 ; § 18, 1, Note; 
§ 19, Note 6; § 66, 2, Note 3; § 78, Note; and § 114, 2, 
Note: these have been added since the second edition was 
printed. Changes of expression and additions will be found 
in the Remark before § 12; § 18,1; § 23, 2, Note 3; § 87, 
1; § 45, Note 7 (a); § 69, 1; § 70, 1; § 86, Note 1 (5); 
§ 88, Remark; and § 89, 2, Note 1 and Remark 1; not to 
mention others of less importance. The most important change 
made in the fifth edition will be found in the statement of the 
classification of conditional sentences (§ 48). ‘This has been 
adopted to make clearer the position of the present and past 
“ general suppositions ” which have the subjunctive and opta- 
tive in Greek (§ 51), as opposed to the present and past “ par- 
ticular suppositions ” which have the simple indicative (§ 49, 1). 
This distinction of these two classes in protasis is a striking 
peculiarity of Greek syntax; most languages having a single 
form of expression for both particular and general conditions 
here, as the Greek has in other kinds of conditions. I can- 
not state too distinctly, that the chief peculiarity of my classi- 


PREFACE. 


fication of conditional sentences consists in treating present 
and past general conditions as closely allied to ordinary pres- 
ent and past conditions (being actually united with them in 
one class in most languages, and occasionally even in Greek), 
and as only remotely connected, at least in sense, with the 
externally similar forms of future conditions which have the 
subjunctive and optative. This relation is especially obvious 
when we see that day mo as a general supposition is occa- 
. Sionally represented by e? wocet, whereas day wos in a future 
condition is equivalent to ei wo:joe: in the indicative. I have 
explained this at greater length in the Philologus, Vol. 
XXVIII. pp. 741-745 (Gottingen, 1869), and in a paper 
read before the American Philological Association in July, 
1873. The change in § 48 has made necessary slight changes 
of expression in § 12; § 138, 1; § 20; §21,1; § 49,1; § 51; 
§ 60; § 61, 1; and § 62. An index to the examples which 
have been added in the later editions is given on page 242. 


CaMBRIDGE, September, 1873. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER I. 
GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS. 


PAGE 
§ 1. ris five Moods ° e 1 
§§ 2-4, a pasa Nh Subjun bjunetive, and ive Z . “4, 2 
§§ 5-7. Imperative, Infinitive, Participle, and Verbal i in -réog 2,3 © 


CHAPTER I. 


USE OF THE TENSES. 


§ 8,1. The seven sy a ° © «© © 
2. Primary an ondary enses ° ° ° ° 
§ 9. Relative and absolute Time . -. =. « co - 


Present and Imperfect. 


A. In the Indicative. 


§ 10,1. Present Indicative. . . . «© « 
2. Historic Present e e e e e e @ e 
§ 11. Imperfect e .& e e e e ® e e 


B. Present in the Dependent Moods. 


Rem.— Distinction between Present and Aorist . . §& 
§ 12. Present Subjunctive . oe 9 
§ 18, 1. Present Optative, not in indirect discourse ° - 10 
2. Present Optative i in indirect discourse : — 


OQ & h» 


a.) Representing a Present Indicative . 11 
b.) Representing Pres. Subj. (a asa of doubt) 11 
§ 14. Present Imperative . . : . 12 


§ 15. Present Infinitive :— 
1. In its ordinary use (indefinite in time) - « 6 12 
2. In‘indirect discourse o © © © © 13 
8. As Imperfect Infinitive * e e e e « 15 
§ 16. Present Participle :— 
1. As Present . . . . © © © 16 
(2. AsImperfect . . .« © © © © « I 


Vili CONTENTS. 


Perfect and Pluperfect. 


A. In the Indicative. 


§17,1 Perfect Indicative .  . . © «« «+ 18 
2. Pluperfect Indicative . 18 
N. 2. Compound forms (elpi and ty with Perf, Part.) 18 


B. Perfect tn the Dependent Moods. 


§ 18. Relations of the Perfect tothe Present. . . . 19 
1. Perfect Subjunctive and Optative . . . . 20 
2. P erfect Im rative r) e e e e e - 21 
8. Perfect Infinitive . ‘ . ° ‘ ° « 22, 28 
4. Perfect Participle eo oe) SS we ee 28 


Aorist. 


A. In the Indicative. 


$19. Aorist Indicative , - & 
N. 2. Distinction between Aorist and Imperfect o 8 A 


B. Aorist in the Dependent Moods. 


§ 20. Aorist Subjunctive . o « 26 
N. 1. Aorist Subjunctive as.Future Perfect. . 26, 27 
§ 21, 1. Aorist Optative not in indirect discourse . 6 28 
Aorist Optative in indirect discourse : — 
a Representing an Aorist Indicative o «© « 2 
(b.) Representing an antetaveeure Aor. =a: 
§ 22. Aorist Imperative . . - « 80 
§ 23. Aorist Infinitive :— 
1. Initsordinary use - - .« +6 © © o 80 


° 
e 

t> 
© 


2. In indirect discourse . 7 «6 « 82 
N. 2. After verbs of hoping, promising, &o. - e« 82 
§ 24. Aorist Participle . © 2© ee « 8 


N. 1. With AavOdve, pOdver, &e. ° @ e S 84 
N. 2. With weprecdor, ésretdoy, &e. . e ° ® e 85 


Future. 
§ 25, 1. Future Indicative ° e e e e e 36 
N. 5. Future with force of Imperative ‘ ‘ ° - $87 
| 6. Future denoting intention . . . 87 


. P eriphrastic Future (wi @ ° ® ° ° 88 | 
§ 26. Future 0 tative . : eae: . 

on Ss and pa e e e e e - 89 

§ 27. fe Infinitive ° 41 

N. 1. Distinction between Future and Present or Aorist 41 

N. 2. Future used for Present or Aorist . : . 41, 42 

N. 3. Future after verbs. e hoping, Pome = . « 48 

§ 28. Future Participle _. ‘ - 48 

§ 29. Future Perfect .  . : ‘.  & ° - 43 





CONTENTS. ix 


N. 3. Expressed by Perfect Participle ics goal - 44 


N. 6. In the dependent moods . ~ 44 
Gnomic and Iterative Tenses. 
§ 80,1. Gnomic Aoris‘ and Perfect. 45 


N. 5. Gnomie Aorist in Infinitive and Participle . 46, 47 
N. 6. Gnomic Perfect in Infinitive . ‘ : - 47 
2. Iterative Imperfect and Aorist with dy . . . 47 
Nores. — Iterative Aorist in -cxoy, -oxduny. - 47,48 


Dependence of Moods and Tenses. 


§ 81,1-2. General Rules . : 48 
Distinction between Primary and Secondary "Tenses: — 
§ 82. In the Indicative . - « 49, 50 
§ 33. In the Subjunctive and Imperative © 6« e« « 60 
§ 34. In the Optative . © e« ee « 50-58 
§ 85. In the Infinitive and Participle © 6 «© « « 58, 54 
CHAPTER HL 
THE PARTICLE “AN. 

§ 86 Two usesof dy... 54 
§ 37 1 hy not used with the Present and Perfect Indicative . 55 
ay “Ay with Future Indicative in early Poets . . 455 

N. 1. In Attic Greek (rare) ~ - « 56 

8. “Ay with Secondary Tenses of the Indicative - « 56 

§ 38, 1. A» with the Subjunctive in Protasis, &c - « 56 
2. “Ay with the oly aig in Apodosis (Epic) . . 57 

§ 39. “Ay with the Optative . . 87 


§ 40. wAy not used with the e Imperative © 2©« «© « 87 
§ 41. “Ay with the Infinitive and aaa as - « « 87-61 
1. Present . - © 6© «© «© « 88 
2. P erfect e e e s e e e e @ 59 
8. Aorist e e e e ° e e e ° 59 
4. Future . 7 «© «© « 60 
§ 42,1-4. Position and repetition ofdy . . « 61-64 


CHAPTER IV. 
USE OF THE MOODS. 


SECTION L 


FIvaL AND OssECT CLAUSES AFTER ‘Iva, ‘Os, “Ores, 
“Odpa, AND Mp. 
& 48. Classification e e e e e e 65—67 
N. 2. Negative Partile .  . - «© « «© 69 


x CONTENTS. 


A. Pure Final Clauses. 


§ 44,1. Subjanctive and Optative after iva, ds, dmas, py, &c. 67 
N. 1. Future Indicative after éres, &c. ° ;: - 68 
N. 2 and 3. “Ay in Final Clauses . . . 68-70 


2. Subjunctive after secondary tenses - « 

8. Secondary tenses of the Indicative after va, &c. - 72 

B. Clauses with “Orws and “Ores py after Verbs of Striving, &. 

. $45. Future Indicative, &c. after Gras . - . 7 
N. 2. Homeric construction after bpdtonas, te - 76, 77 

N. 7. Elliptical expressions . ‘ 78, 79 


N. 8 (and foot-note). Dawes’s Canon on ésue, &c. 79, 80 


C. Clauses with Mn after Verbs of Fearing, &c. 


§ 46. ear and Optative after BA o e « « 80 
Future Indicative afterpyn. 2. «© «»« « 82 


N. 2. Elliptical expressions . 88 
N. 5. Present and past tenses of the Indic. after py "88-85 
SECTION IL. 


CoNDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


§ 47,1. Protasis and Apodosisexplained . . . «© 87 
. “Ay or xé in Protasis and Apodosis . . . «. 87 
Pie Note). Negative particles. . . . . 88 

§ 48. cation of Conditional Sentences . . . 88-92 


I. Four Forms of Ordinary Conditional Sentences. 


A. Present and Past Conditions. 


§ 49, 1. Simple Indicative in Protasis and Apodosis - » 92 
N. 3. Future Indicative al ia present intention 93 

2. Secondary tenses of the Indic. (cond. not fulfilled). 98 

N. 2. Omission of dy in Apodosis : 96 

N. 8. Verbs of necessity, &c. without dy, in Apod. 97-100 

N. 6. Homeric Optative for Indicative. . . 101,102 


B. Future Conditions. 


§ 50, 1. Subjunctive with édy in Protasis. . . . . 102 
N. 1. Future Indicative in Protasis. . . . 108 


N. 2. Homeric peculiarities . - 104 
N. 3. Ei for éay with Subjunctive i in Attic (rare) - 105 
2. Optative in both Protasis and Apodosis . ~. . 105 


N. 1. Omission of dyin Apodosis. . . «. . 106 
N. 2. “Ay with Optative in Protasis . . . «107 
II. Present and Past General Suppositions. 


§ 51. Sub = geet and Optative in Protasis . . . 107,108 
8. Indicative after frig - . «.« « « 109 


CONTENTS. xi 


Ellipsis and Substitution in Protasis or Apodosis. 
§ 52,1. Protasis implied in another clause, or expressed in a 


Participle or other word ‘ - «110 
N. 1 and 2. Ellipsis of Verb of the Protasis . 111, 112 
2. Protasis suppressed » «112 


N. Optative with ay like Imperat. or Fut. Ind. - 118 
§ 58. Apodosis expressed in Infinitive or Participle - 118 
OTES.—Ellipsis of the Apodosis © «© « 114-116 


Mixed Constructions. — Irregularities. 
§ 54,1—3, Protasis and Apodosis differing in form . 116-119 
§ 55, 1. Two or more Protases with the same Apodosis . . 119 
2. sy yeas in a dependent construction . . . 119 
€ 56. Ei verbs expressing stil ae aaa &e. . . 120 
§ 57. A¢in Apodosis . e « 121 


SECTION OL 


RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. 


§ 58,1. Relative and Temporal Words . . . . . 121 
2. Definite and Indefinite Antecedent . ; - 121,122 
3. Negative particles . . . . «. © «122 


A. Relative with a Definite Antecedent. 
§ 59. Indicative after Relative with Definite Antecedent . 122 
N.1. Other constructions . . . . +. « 128 
B. Relative with an Indefinite Antecedent. 


§ 60, 1, 2. Conditional Relative explained . ~. . 128-125 
8. “avi in Conditional Relative clauses . . . «. 125 
§ 61. Four forms of Conditional Relative clauses correspond- 


ing to the four forms of ordinary protasis - 125-129 
1. Simple Indicative (like § 49,1) . © «¢ 125 
2. Secondary tenses of the Indicative (ike § 49, 9, 2) - 126 
8. arte (like § 50,1) . . 127 


tative (like § 50, 2) ‘ ° " 198 
§ 62. Conditional Relative clauses with general suppositions : — 

Subjunctive and Optative (ike §51) .  . . 129 

N. 1. Indicative in these sentences (after Te) - 181 

N. 3. Subjunctive i in Homeric similes . - . 182 

§ 63, 1. Relative without dv, with the Subjunctive . . 183 

2, 8, 4. Peculiarities in Cond. Relative clauses - 183-185 

5. Parenthetical Relative clauses (6 rs ror’ éoriv) - 185 


Assimilation in Conditional Relative Clauses. 
§ 64,1. Assimilation after Subjunctive or Optative - « 185 
2. Assimilation after secondary tenses of Indicative . 136 
Relative Clauses expressing a Purpose or Result. 
§ 65,1. Future Indicative after Relatives é s ‘ - 187 


xu CONTENTS 


N. 2. Subjunctive and Optative in Homer © « 188 
N. 5. Relative clauses expressing aresulg . . «140 
2. Future Indicative after éf’¢, éf’ gre. =. =. = 140 
8. Indicative after dore . . - © oo «+ « 140 
4. Causal Relative Sentences . . . . +. 2141 


Temporal Particles signifying Until and Before 
A. “Eos,"Eote,”“Axpt, Méypt, Eiodue,“Odpa, Until. 
§ 66, 1. “Ews, &c. with past tenses of Indicative . . . 142 
2. “Ews dy, &c. with Subj. “Ews, &c. with Optative 142, 148 
8. “Ews, &c. with secondary tenses of Indicative . . 148 
4. “Ews, &c. with Subj. and Opt. after general statements 144 


: B. Upiv, Until, Before that. 
§ 67. Finite Moods and Infinitive after mpiy . . . 144 
1. Indicative, Subjunctive, and Optative after wpiy . 145 
2. Infinitive after rpiv (see § 106) . . «.« +. #«« 145 
N. 3. Iply 7, wpérepov 7, mpdobev Ff . > e« « 146 


SECTION IV. 


InpIRECT DiscouURSE. 


§ 68, 1. Direct and Indirect Quotations distinguished . . 147 
2. Manner of introducing Indirect Quotations . . 147 
8. Indirect Questions . é é ‘ ; ‘ - 147 


General Principles. 


§ 69,1. Principles of Indirect Quotations after ors and és, 
and of Indirect Questions . ‘ ‘ ° - 148 
2. Secondary tenses of the Indicative. . . . 148 
8. Infinitive and Participle . . . .« «- « 148 
4. “Ay in Indirect Discourse . «© « « « 248 
5. Negative particles in Indirect Discourse . . . 149 


Indirect Quotation of Simple Sentences. 


§ 70. Indicative and Optative after ors or as, and in Indirect 
. Questions : — 

1. Indicative after primary tenses . . «© «© © 149 

2. Optative or Indicative after secondary tenses. . 150 

Rem. 1 and 2. Both Moods in the same quotation. 151, 152 

N. 1. (a.) Imperfect and Pluperfect retained . . 152 

iC Present Optative as Imperfect . . . 158 

N. 8. Independent Optative (often with yép) . . 154 

§ 71. Interrogative Subjunctive in Indirect Questions . 154, 155 

§ 72. Indicative or Optative with dy in Indirect Discourse . 156 

§ 73, 1. Infinitive, with or without dy, in Indirect Discourse . 157 

2. Participle, with or without dy, in Indirect Discourse 159 





CONTENTS. xiil 


Indirect Quotation of Compound Sentences. 


g 74, 1. ee of dependent clauses with a Subjunctive, or 
a Present, Perfect, or Future Indicative . » 160 


N. 1. Mixed constructions . - 162 
2. Quotation of dependent clauses with Imperfect, Pla- 
ect, or Aorist Indicative ; - 164 


§ 75. Dependent clauses with secondary tenses of Indicative 165 
§ 76. Dependent clauses with Optative . . . . « 165 


Single Dependent Clauses in Indirect Quotation. 


§ 77, 1. (a.) Clauses depending on an Infinitive after verbe of 
commanding, &c.—(b.) Causal sentences stating a 
cause assigned by eas c.) Clauses after ei or 


éd», in case that. — (d.) tive and temporal 
clauses expressing a AS intention. —(e.) Relative 
sentences con the thought of another .  . 166 


2. Same principle applied to clauses after iva, dwes, &c. 169 


“Ores and “O in Indirect Quotations. 
§ 78, 1. “Ors for ért or ds. 2. Homeric 6 for drs ; . 170 


Note. — ‘OGovvexa and ovvexa for gre : ; ; 171 
§ 79. “Ors before Direct Quotations. . . . «. 171 
SECTION V. 
Causal SENTENCES. 

§ 80. Causal particles . © e© « oe 171 
§ 81, 1. Indicative in Causal sentences. . © o« 17 
2. Optative after secondary papas to exprees & cause 

d by others © «172 
N. 1. Cause expressed by an Apodosis © 6 oe 178 
SECTION VL 


EXPRESSION OF A WISH. 
Rem. — Two classes of Wishes ae. te ‘ - 178 


§ 82. Optative in Wishes. - « 178,174 

§ 83, 1. Secondary tenses of Indicative in Wishes. . 176 

"2. “Qdedoy with the Infinitive . 5 - « 176,177 

Rem. — Greek and Latin expressions compared » (177 
SECTION VII. 


IMPERATIVE AND SuBJUNCTIVE In Commanps, ExxHor- 
ii AND PROHIBITIONS. 
§ 84. Imperative 2 - 178 


§ 85. Fee rson of Subjunctive i in ‘exhortations. . . 179 
§ 86. Pres. Imperat. or Aor. Subj. in prohibitions with yi - 180 


xiv CONTENTS. 


SECTION VIII. 


SuBJUNCTIVE (LIKE Fort. Inp.) IN INDEPENDENT SENTENCES, 
— INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE.—Ov py WITH SuBJUNC- 
TIVE AND Future INDICATIVE. 


§ 87. Independent Subjunctive 1 in Homer . . . . 181 

Note. — With dy, in apodosis . - 182 

§ 88. Interrogative Subjunctive (with or without Bother) - 182 
§ 89. fener ative, ov p 

. With Subj. (rarely ha Ind.), as emphatic Future . 184 

. With Future Tndipative; in prohibitions . . . 185 


CHAPTER V. 


THE INFINITIVE. 


§ 90. Infinitive asa Verbal Noun . . « jc « 188 
§ 91. Infinitive as Subject ° © ee « « « 188 
§ 92. Infinitive as Object: — 
1. Not i mm indirect discourse . e ° e e ° 189 
2. In indirect discourse . © e©« « « ¢« 192 
N. 3. Infinitive after Relatives (by assimilation) . 198 
§ 98, 1 and 2. Infin. after Adjectives and Adverbs . . 198-195 
§ 94. Infinitive (with Article) after Prepositions. . . 197 
§ 95, 1. Infinitive as Genitive or Dative. . © » 197 
2. Two constructions after verbs of hindrance, &. . 198 
N. 1. Negative particles. Double Negative, p4 ov =. 200 
8. Infinitive with rd pq, after sed haat imp ying pre- 


vention, omission, or denial. ° - 201 
§ 96. Infinitive and its adjuncts Lcholaas byro - .« « 202 
§ 97. Infinitive era, @ purpos e « 203 
N. 4. Infin. after Com caus and i, than... 204 

nr result) ; oe =e 205 | 


§ 98, 1. Infinitive after dore 
2. Infin. after Sore (condition or purpose) © 6 «+ 205 

N. 1. ‘Qs for Sore, with Infinitive . .- . « 206 

§ 99. Infinitive after ep’ ¢ or éq’ - 207 
§ 100. Absolute Infinitive (generally with ds or Scov) -  « 207 
N. 1. ‘OALyou (Beis), « almost, litile shortof. . . 208 

N. 2. ‘Exoy eivat, ro vow lia: : ; ‘ «=e « 208 

§ 101. Infinitive used imperatively . © « 208 
§ 102. Infinitive in wishes (like the Optative) »  » 209 
§ 108. Infinitive in laws, treaties, proclamations, &o. - « 209 
§ 104. Infinitive expressing surprise or eee o «  « 209 
§ 105. Infinitive in narration . , . ° - 210 
§ 106. oe after " mpip i 88 210, 211 
OTES. —IIpiy ij, wpdrepor Ff, 1 baOev ,wapos. 211, 212 

Rem. pit te athe peat als . f re © 6 212 


a Og ae ee ge OM re eae ee Se NS eek he ee ty, 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER VI. 


THE PARTICIPLE. - 


§ 107. Three uses of the Participle. . . «. .« 
§ 108, 1. Participle as Adjective. . 2 
2. Participle (as Adjective) used substantively . 


- § 109. Partic. defining the circumstances of an action: — 


1-4. Time, means, manner, cause, oe : P ‘ j 
5-7. Purpose, condition, opposition, &e. .« : ‘ 
8. Attendant circumstances 


Norzs 1-5. Adverbs, &. with Part. of §109 . 218-221 


N. 7. (a.) Partic. in Rel. or Interrog. sentences ° 


» 218 
218 
- 218 


216 
. 217 
218 


221 


(b.) Ti paddy ; Ti raber ; sini alee - 221, 222 


§ 110, 1. Genitive Absolute. .  . -- | t 
2. Accusative Absolute . . 

§ 111. Gen. or Accus. Absol. and ordinary Partic. combined 

§ 112. Participle with verbs (like Infinitive) : — 
1. With th verbs signifying 4o begin, to cease, &c. . 
2. With Siaredéw, KavOave, rvyxdvo, POdve, &e. . ‘ 


222 
« 224 
225 


« 226 
227 


§ 118. Partic. in indirect discourse (after verbs signifying fo eee, 


- to soe to know, &e.) « ° 
1. Participle with Sides (pavepés) alps sr 
N. 6. Participle with ovvoda and ovyy:tyrpdoxe 


- 229 
230 
« 230 


N. 10. ‘Os with these Participles . .. . 281, 282 


‘CHAPTER VIL. : 


VERBAL ADJECTIVES IN -réos. 


| § 114. Two constructions of the Verbal in -réos: — 


1. Personal construction ‘ ‘ A ? * 


2. Impersonal construction . . . « 238, 284 


AppenDix I. . ‘ é P ‘ - Fi ; ‘ 


Aprprenprx Il. . . - *s << , é , ‘ 


InDEX TO EXAMPLES . F ; ; * 5 ‘ 
EnwlLisH InpEx. ‘ : ; ° ; ; ° 
Greex Inpex. . .- =. «© © © e« 


CHAPTER I. 
GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS. 


§ 4. Tue Greek verb has five Moods, the Indicative, 
Subjunctive, Optative, Imperative, and Infinitive. The 
first four, as opposed to the Infinitive, are called finite 
moods. 


§ 2. The Indicative is used in simple, absolute as- 
e U ° ( 
sertions; as ypadet, he writes ; €ypawev, he wrote ; ypayret, 
he will write; yéypagev, he has written. 

The Indicative is used also to express various other 
relations, which the following examples will illus- 
trate :— : 

Ei rovro adnéds ears, xyaipa, Bane is true, I rejoice. El €ypayey, 
iA Oov dy, if he had written, I should have come. Ei rovro wotnoet, 
xadas ee, tf he shall do this, u will be well. "Emipedetrat Onws tovro 
yevnoerat, he takes care that this shall happen. EiOe pe €xretvas, 
@¢ pnmore rouro éroinaa, O that thou hadst killed me, that I might 
never have done this! Ei@e rovro adnOés hv, O that this were true. 
Aéyet ds rovro dAlnbés eariy, he says that this is true. Evrev ort rovro 
apagéet, he said that he would do this. "Epwra ri éypapapey, he 
asks what we wrote. 

These constructions will be explained in ChapterIV. They are 
sufficient to show the impossibility of including all the uses of the 
Indicative in one definition. Any definition which is to include 
these must be comprehensive enough to include even the Imperfect 
and Pluperfect Subjunctive in Latin; for e? éypayev, #AOov dy is 
equivalent to si scripsisset, venissent. It would be equally impossible 
to give a single definition sufficiently precise to be of any use in 
practice, including all the uses of the Subjunctive or Optative. 


§3. The various uses of the Subjunctive — in 
clauses denoting a purpose or object, after fa, un, &c. ; 


in conditional, relative, and temporal sentences; and 
1 A 


2 GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS. [§ 3. 


in certain independent sentences — may be seen by the 
following examples : — 


“Epxerat tva rovro (8 n, he is coming that he may see this. eBeira 
pn Touro yévnrat, he fears lest this may happen. *Edy rovro move 
BovAnras, duvncera, if he shall wish to do this, he will be able. 
“Ore dy rovety FouAnract Suyvnoera, whatever he shall wish to do he will 
be able (to do). ‘Eay rt mouiy BovAnrat, rooro moses, tf he (ever) 
wishes to do anything, he (always) does t. °O rs dy rosety BovAnrat 
wrovet, whatever he wishes (at any time) to do he (always) does. “Oray 
Touro moetv BovAnras, duynoera; when he shall wish to do this, he 
will be able. “Oray roteiv re BovAnrat, moet, whenever he wishes to 
do anything, he (always) does it. “Iwpey, letusgo. Mi Oavpaanre, 
do not wonder. Ov pi rovro yévnrat, this will (surely) not happen. 
Ti e{ra; what shall I say? 


§4. The various uses of the Optative—in clauses 
denoting a purpose or object after fva, un, &c.; in con- 
ditional, relative, and temporal sentences; in indirect 
quotations and questions; and in independent sentences 
(in apodosis with dy, or in expressions of a wish) — 
may be seen by the following examples : — 


*H) Ger twa rovro t8o8, he came that he might see this. "EqoBeiro py 


rouro yevotro, he feared lest this might happen. El rovre mocew 
Bovrotro, 8uvatr dy, tf he should wish to do this, he would be able. 
“O rt rorety BovAotro Suvatr ay, whatever he should wish to do, he 
would be able (to do). Ei rs woeiv BovAotro, rovr éroie, tf he 
(ever) wished to do anything, he (always) did it. °O re aroseiv 
BovXotro éroie, whatever he wished (at any time) to do he (always) 
did. “Ore rovro roiy BovAotro, duvatr dy, whenever he sho 
wish to do this, he would be able. “Ore mosey re BovrAotro, enoie, 
whenever he wished to do anything,he (always) did ut. Eley Gre rovro 
mwotoin, he said that he was doing this. Etmrev ort rovro moino eter, 
he said that he had done this. Eimev ori rovtro woinaot, he said that 
he would do this.’Hporey ri rotoin (rotnoecev or motnoos), they 
asked what he was doing (had done, or would do). 

Avvatr dy rovro rote, he would be able to do this. Eide pr ravra 
wagyotev, O that they may not suffer these things! ’AwdXotro, 
may he perish! M1) rovro yévotro, may this not happen ! 


Note. Fora discussion of the relation of the Optative to the 
Subjunctive, see Appendix. 


§%. The Imperative is used to express a command, 
exhortation, entreaty, or prohibition. 


$6. The Infinitive expresses the simple idea of the 


~ 


§ 9.] USE OF THE TENSES. 8 


verb without restriction of person or number, and may 
be considered as a verbal noun with many attributes of 
@ verb. 


§'7. To the Moods may be added the Participle, 
and the Verbal in -réos or -réoy. Both are verbal ad 
jectives. 


CHAPTER II. 


USE OF THE TENSES. 


§ $8. 1. THERE are seven Tenses, — the Present, Im- 
perfect, Perfect, Pluperfect, Aorist, Future, and Future 
Perfect. The Imperfect and Pluperfect occur only in 
the Indicative; the Futures are wanting in the Sub- 
junctive and Imperative. 


2. These tenses are divided into primary and second- 
ary; the primary tenses being those which refer to pres- 
ent or future time, and the secondary being those which 
refer to past time. 

The primary tenses of the Indicative are the Present, 
Perfect, Future, and Future Perfect. The secondary 
tenses are the Imperfect, Pluperfect, and Aorist. 

Note. This distinction will be more fully explained at the end 
of this chapter, §§ 31-35. 

§9. In speaking of the time denoted by any verb, we must 
distinguish between time which is present, past, or future with 
reference to the time of the speaker or writer (that is, time 
absolutely present, &c.), and time which is present, past, or 
future with reference to the time of some other verb with which 
the verb in question is connected (that is, time relatively pres- 
ent, &c.). Thus, when we say rovro dAnOés gor, this ts true, 
doriy denotes time present with reference to the time of speak- 


4 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 9. 


ing: but when we say éAefe rovro dAnées civat, or Ekefew Gr. rovro 
ddnbés dorw (or ein), he said that this was true (i. e. he said 
“ this 1s true”), we use the Present tense; but this tense here 
denotes time present with reference to the time of the leading 
verb, édefe, or time absolutely past and only relatively present. 
The same distinction is seen between the Future in rsovro 
yernoera, this will happen, and in édefe rovro yernoecOat OF ore 
yerqoeras (yevnooro), he said that this would happen ; where the 
Future in the first case denotes time absolutely future, in the 
other cases time only relatively future, which may even be 
absolutely past. Again, in rovro éyévero, this happened, the 
Aorist is absolutely past; but in @defe rovro yevéoOas, or crefer 
drt rovro éyévero (or yévoiro), he said that this had happened, it 
denotes time past with reference to the time of édefer, which 
makes it doubly past. 

It is to be noticed as a special distinction between the Greek 
and English idioms, that the Greek oftener uses its tenses to 
denote merely relative time. Thus, in the examples given 
above, we translate the Greek Presents eiva: and éori after 
éke€e by our Imperfect was; the Futures yevnoecba: and yevj- 
gerat by would happen ; and the Aorists yevéoda: and éyévero by 
had happened. This principle is especially observed in the 
Indicative, Optative, and Infinitive in indirect quotations; in 
final and object clauses after iva, éxws, &c.; and usually in the 
Participle. 


PRESENT AND IMPERFECT. 
A. nthe Indicative. 


§ 10. 1. The Present Indicative represents an action 
as going on now; as ypago, I write, or I am writing. 
Remark. A single important exception occurs when the Present 


Indicative in indirect discourse denotes time present relatively te 
the leading verb. See above, § 9; and § 70, 2. 


Note 1. As the limits of such an action on either side of 
the present moment are not defined, the Present may express 
a customary or repeated action, or a general truth. E. g. 


§ 10, 1.] PRESENT INDICATIVE. 5 


TrAoioy eis AnAov ’AOnvaio: wr éprovasty, the Athenians send a ship 
to Delos (every year). PLat. Phaed. 58 A. Tixres rot xopos UBpuy, 
Grav xax@ SABos éemyra, satiety begets insolence, whenever prosperity 
Sollows the wicked. THEOGN. 153. "Ev xypavp arog Gives rd rdpBos 
dvOpornow. AEscH. Agam. 857. 

Note 2. The Present denotes merely the continuance of 
an action, without reference to its completion: sometimes, how- 
ever, it is directly implied by the context that the action is not 
to be completed, so that the Present denotes an attempted ac- 
tion. Especially, 380, in the sense J offer, and meib, I try 
to persuade, are used in this sense. E. g. 

Noy & dua r atrixa woddd 81801, he offers many things. Il. IX, 
519. Teidovcs tpas évavria xal rots vouoss nal rp dixaip iva- 


aOa, they are trying to persuade you to vote contrary both to the laws 
and to justice. Isar. de Cleon. Hered. § 26. 


This signification is much more common in the Imperfect. See 
§ 11, N. 2, and the examples. 


Nore 3. The Present is often used with expressions denot- 
ing past time, especially mdAa, in the sense of a Perfect and 
Present combined. E. g. 

Ketvov ixveva mada, I have been tracking him a long time (and 
still continue it). Sopa. Aj. 20. Ov mddat cor A€ yw Ore ravrdv hyus 
evar; i.e. have I not long ago told you, (and do I not still repeat.) 
that I call tt the same thing? Piat. Gorg. 489 C. So WoAvw xpovov 


TOUTO 7 0t. 
So in Latin, Jam dudum loquor. 


Nore 4. The Presents yeo, J am come, and ofxopa, [ am 
gone, are used in the sense of the Perfect. An approach to 
the signification of the Perfect is sometimes found in such 
Presents a8 devyo, in the sense J am banished, ddiocxopa, J am 
captured, oixdw and xparéo, [am victorious, yrrdopa, [am con- 
quered, adixew, I have been unjust (Iam d8exos). So tke and 
ixdyw in Homer, with dd\Avpas and similar verbs and sometimes 
rixrw in the Tragedians. E. g. 

CeusoroxAns 7 xo rapa oé, I, Themistocles,am come to thee. THuc. 
J, 137, Otyeras els dda diay, he is gone to the divine sea. Il. XV, 
223. "IAiov ddtoxopevov, Ilium having been captured. Tuuc. VI, 2. 
So Hpr. I, 85. Ei sdyra ratra éXupalvero rois Gots, €ws avérpepe, 
ri Anpoobéns d8ixet; DEM. Cor. 327, 1. Hipyor dAAupévay eve 
vavoly ¢Bay, I embarked after the towers had been destroyed. Eur. Iph. 
T. 1108. So dvoryopévns 6ipns, Hot. I, 9. “Hde rixres oe, this 
woman is thy mother. Eur. Ion. 1560. 


6 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 10, 2 


Norse 5. The Greek, like other languages, often allows the 
use of the Present of such verbs as J hear, I learn, I say, even 
when their action is strictly finished before the moment at 
which they are used. E. g. 

Oi ZexeXtGra: craaid{ovary, os rvvbavd pe Ga, the Sicilians are at 


discord, as we learn. Tuuc. VI, 16. "Emi adres, ds éyd dxow 
ala @dvopat, péAdopey idvas peyadas. THuc. VI, 20. 

Note 6. The Present «ju, J am going, through all its 
moods, is used like a Future. Its compounds are sometimes 
used in the same sense. (The Poets, especially Homer, some- 
times use eu: as a Present.) E. g. 

Sei dorepos eip iad yaiay, I shall go. Tl. XVII, 338. Blpe wddy 
én éxeiva, I shall recur to that. PLAT. Phaed. 100 B. "AAN’ eloesps, 
gov 8 ov dpovria. ARIST. Nub. 125. °O Pid’, éyd pév des pst, ovas 
cai xeitva puAd£ov. Od. XVII, eet | 

(As Present.) Olos 8 dorjp elo per dorpdot wueris apodyo 
as a star moves, &c. Il. XXII, 317. , 

Note 7. In animated language the Present often refers to 
the future, to express likelihood, intention, or danger. E. g. 

Mévopev éws av Exacrot xara médets AnPOapev; shall we wail? 
Tuuc. VI. 77. Ei 8€ dnow obdros, dadrw, kayo katraBaive, and 
I will take any seat. Dem. F. L. 351, 4. 30 ef 6 épxdpevos,  Erepov 
apoasoxa@pev; art thou he that should come, or do we look for 


another? Matru. Evang. XI, 3. ’AwéAAvpat, I shall perish. 
(See § 17, N. 6.) 


2. The Present is often used in narration for the 
Aorist, to give a more lively statement of a past event. 
This is called the Historic Present. E. g. 

BovAny émirexvarat Oras ph ddcobeter "AOnvaios, he contrives a 
plan to prevent the Athenians from collecting. Hpt. 1, 68. Kereves 
wepyas av8pas: .... amoeréAAovety ovv, cai wepi avrav 6 


Onutoroxris xpvpa wépret. THuc. 1,91. Aapeiov xai Mapvoaridos 
maides yiyvovras ovo. XEN, An. I, 1, 1. 


Note. The Historic Present is not found in Homer. 
$l. The Imperfect represents an action as going 
on in past time; as éypagov, I was writing. 


Note 1. The Imperfect is thus a Present transferred to 
the past, and it retains all the peculiarities of the Present 











$ 11.) IMPERFECT. 7 


which are not inconsistent with the change to past time. Thus 
the Imperfect denotes customary or repeated action, as opposed 
to the Aorist, which denotes the stmple occurrence of an action. 
(See § 19, N. 2.) E. g. 


"Ent Kéxporos 7 *Arrext xara médes @xeiro, cal ob Evy jecap 
Bovrevodpevor, GAN’ airot éxacro: €roAtrevovro Kal ¢Bovdrev- 
ovro. "Exedy 8€ Gncets éBagirevcer, és THY vov méAW ovCay 
Evvqgxetoe wavras. Tuuc. If, 15. (Here the Imperfects refer to 
the state of the country or the customs, the Aorists to single actions; 
€Bavevee, became king, Evvdixice, collected into one state.) 


Notre 2. The Imperfect, like the Present (§ 10, N. 2), 
sometimes denotes attempted action, being in this case strictly 
an Imperfect tense. So especially édi3ouv and érebor. E. g. 


Piktrmos ‘AXdvynoov €8i80v, Philip offered Halonnesus (lit. tried 
to give tt). ArscH. Cor. § 83. “Exaoros €retOev airov troornvas 
Thy apxny, each one tried to persuade him to undertake the command. 
XEN. An. VI, 1,19. Kipa torar’ detpdpevov, xara 8 4 pee IUn\elwva, 
and was about to overpower the son of Peleus. Il. , 827. “Epe- 
oOovro rap ovexdi8dvros Tiy avAny, he tried to hire the yard of one 
who refused to let it. Hor. L 68. Ilduwavres és Tdpdis xpuvody 
@véovro, they wanted to buy gold. Hor. I, 69. ‘EreOuynce ras 
xAavidos, cal avrjy mporehOav avéero, he tried to buy it. Hort. III, 
139. “A érpdaocero ove éyévero, what was attempted did not 
a7 . Tuuc. VI, 74. So mpocerie, she wanted to add. ARIST. 

ub. 63. 


Nore 8. When the Present has the force of the Perfect 
(§ 10, 1, N. 4), the Imperfect has regularly the force of a Plu- 
perfect. (See § 17, N. 3). E.g. 


ee dxAos xara Oéay Frey, an crowd were come to look on. THUuc. 
, 81. ‘Exel @yxeo wi LvAowe, after thou wast gone by ship to 
Pylos. Od. XVI. 34. 


Nore 4. The Imperfect sometimes denotes kelthood, in- 
tention, or danger in past time. (See §10,1,N.7.) E.g. 


"Ered trp WevderOa dmadXvro, when he was on the point of 
ruin through his decett. ANTIPHON. de Caed. Herod. § 37. Kai rdy 


ZOvnaoxe rex, arwrAdpny O éyw, and my children were about to 
die, and I was about to perish. Eur. Herc. F. 538. 


Nore 5. The Imperfect is sometimes found in simple narration, 
where the Aorist would be expected, especially in Homer. The 
aig the verb often makes it indifferent which of the two is 
used. us Saivoy and Aq are used without any perceptible differ- 
ence in Il. I, 487, 439; so Baddero and Badero, II, 43, 45; Ojxey 
and ride, XXIII, 653, 656; ddxe and di8ov, VII, 803, 805; ediwev and 
etre, I, 106, 107; compare also piorvAAoy and dirrncay, I, 465, 466. 


8 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 11. 


Herodotus and Thucydides use édeyov and éxédevoy as Aorists. 
Compare éAeyov, Tuuc. I, 72, with efoy and ere€e, I, 79. 


Note 6. The Imperfect sometimes expresses a fact, which is 
either the result of a previous discussion, or one that is just recog- 
nized as a fact by the speaker or writer, having previously been 
denied, overlooked, or misunderstood. In the latter case, the 
particle dpa is often joined to the verb. E. g. 

*Q sdrot, obx dpa mdyra vonpoves ob8€ dixatoe Foay Dathnov Hyh 
ropes nde pédovres, i. e. they are not, as I once imagined. Od. XU, 
209. Ovx dpa povvov ény épidwv yévos, dAd’ én yatay elat due, there 
ws nol after all merely one race of discords, but there are two on earth. 
Hes. Op. 1. 008’ Av dpa 6 EvAAaBwy pe, this is then the one who 
seized me. Sopu. Phil. 978. Ov od povos dp ab” ero; are 
you not then the only epops (as I thought)? Arist. Av. 280. "Hy+ 
povotky avriorpodos tis yupvactixns, el pepyncat, music then (as we 
proved) corresponds to gymnastics. PLat. Rep. VII, 522 A. Ac 
apbepovpev exetvo, 8 re pev Sixaiw BéATiov eyiyvero, ta bé adike 
am@AXvro, we shall destroy that which (as we proved) becumes better 
by justice and is ruined by injustice. PLAT. Crit. 47 D. *Ap’ ov ré8e 
nv rd d€vdpov, ep’ Grep Hyes qpas; is not this after all the tree to 
which you were bringing us? PLat. Phaedr. 230 A. 

Notre 7. The Greek sometimes uses an idiom like the English 
he was the one who did it for he is the one who did it; as nv 6 rip 
yropny tavtny einayv Ieicavdpos, Tuc. VIII, 68 ; ris qv 6 BonOnoas 
rois Bufavriows xai o@oas avrovs; Dem. Cor. 255, 2. (See Note 6.) 


B. The Present in the Dependent Moods. 


RemMARK. The distinction of time which marks the Present 
and Aorist in the Indicative is retained in the Optative and 
Infinitive of indirect discourse, and usually in the Participles. 

But in all other constructions, this distinction of time dis- 
appears in the dependent moods, and the Present and Aorist 
differ only in this, that the Present denotes a continued or 
repeated action, while the Aorist denotes the simple occurrence 
of an action, the time being determined by the construction. 
In these cases the Present and Aorist are the tenses chiefly 
used ; the Perfect is seldom required (§ 18,1, N.), and the 
Future is exceptional (§ 27, Notes). It must be remembered 
that the Greek distinction between the Present and Aorist in 
the Subjunctive and Optative is one which the Latin could not 
express; the Present, for example, being the only form found 
in the Latin Subjunctive to express a condition which the 
Greek can express by the Present or Aorist Optative, and some- 
times by the Present or Aorist Subjunctive, each with some 


§ 12.] PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE. 9 


peculiar meaning. Thus el rotro rocoin, tf he should do this 
(habitually), eb mownoece, (simply) if he should do this, and 
sometimes édy rovro roy (or wochon), tf he (ever) does this, 
may each be translated by st hoc faciat. 

This distinction, although in general strictly observed, was 
sometimes neglected even by the best authors : we occasionally 
find, for example, the Present Subjunctive where the Aorist 
would have expressed the idea more exactly, and vice versa. 
In other examples the two seem to be used in nearly the same 
sense. (See XEN. Cyr. V, 5,13.) These are to be considered 
merely as exceptions ; when, however, the Aorist is wanting, 
as in eiyi, the Present regularly takes the place of both. 


§ 12. The Present Subjunctive denotes a continued 
or repeated action, the time of which is determined as 
' follows : — 

(a.) In clauses denoting a purpose after iva, Saas, 
&c., or the object of fear after xy, it refers to time fu- 
ture relatively to that of the leading verb. 

(6.) In conditional sentences, — in ordinary protasis 
(§ 50, 1), the Subjunctive refers simply to the future ; 
if the supposition is general (depending on a verb of 
present time which expresses a repeated action or a 
general truth), the Subjunctive is indefinite in its time, 
but is expressed in English by the Present. This ap- 
plies also to all conditional relative and temporal sen- 
tences. 

(e.) In independent sentences (in exhortations, pro- 
hibitions, questions of doubt, &c.) the Subjunctive 
refers to the future. KE. g. 

(a.) Aoxet pot xaraxatoa ras dud£as, iva pa) ta Cevyn nov or pa- 
THY) GANG wopevdopeba ony av rq orparig cupepy, tt seems 
good to me to burn the wagons, that our beasts of burden may not be 
_ our generals, and that we may go on whithersoever tt may be best for 
the army. Xen. An. III, 2, 27. Kat yap Baowreds aipetrat, odx va 


davrod xadGs émepeAnrat, GAN’ ta Kal of EAdpevoe 8’ adrav ed 
wpdrroact. XEN. Mem. III, 2, 3. 


(b.) *Ay 8€ ris dvOiorqrat, metpacdspeba xeipotaba, but if any 
gne shall stand opposed to us, wwe aa ir to subdue him. Xun. An. 
1 * 


10 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 12. 


VII, 8,11. Kay wddepos 7, Ews ay én’ addXov Eyoper orpareverGat, 
gov Te kal rav cay apefdueba, and if there shall be war, so long as we 
shall be able, &. Id. Hell. IV, 1, 88. ’AXX’ 7 av yeyvoornw Bedre- 
ora épa, but I will speak as I shall think best. Tuuc. VI, 9. Ots &» 
BovdAn roncacba didous, ayabdy rs Neye rept avray mpds Tovs ar 
éA\ovras, whomsoever you shall wish, &c. Isoc. Demon. p. 9 C. § 33. 
Amas \dyos, av df Ta mpdypara, paratdy ri paiverat cai xevdy, all 
speech, if (wherever) deeds are wanting, appears vain and useless. DEM. 
Ol. II, 21, 20. Suppayety rovros eBéAovorw dnavres, obs av 6pace 
mapecxevagpevors, all are willing to be allied to those whom they see 
prepared. Id. Phil. I, 42, 1. 
(c.) WecOdpeba mavres: hevywper avy mua Pirny és rarpida 
tay, let us all be persuaded ; let us fly, &c. Il. IL, 139. Ti ga; ri 
boa: what shall I say? what shall I do? Was ovv mepi rovrey 
wotapev; how then shall we act about this? Prat. Phileb. 63 A. 


See other examples under the rules in Chapter IV. 


§ 13. 1. The Present Optative, when it is not in 
indirect discourse, denotes a continued or repeated ac- 
tion, the time of which is determined as follows : — 

(a.) In clauses denoting a purpose after iva, des, 

e oo. ° 
&c., or the object of fear after uw, it refers to time fu- 
ture relatively to that of the leading verb. 

(6.) In conditional sentences, — in ordinary protasis 
(§ 50, 2), the Optative refers to the future (only more 
vaguely than the. Subjunctive) ; if the supposition is 
general (depending on a verb of past time which ex- 
presses a repeated action or general truth), the Optative 
refers to indefinite past time. This applies also to all 
conditional relative and temporal sentences. 

(e.) In independent sentences (that is, in expressions 
of a wish, and in Apodosis with av) the Optative refers 
to the future. E. g. 

(a.) Tovrov éredvper, va ed wpadrros, he desired this in order that 
he might be in prosperity. ’EqoBeiro pi rovro mooie, he feared lest 
they should do this (habitually). Andos nv émOupay dpyew, owas mrElw 
AapBavot, émbvpav 8é riypacGa, iva mreiw xepdaivor’ didros re 
€BovArero elvat rois péysora Suvapevors, iva adixav pi Be8oin sixny. 
Xen. An. Il, 6,21. (Here the Aorist Optative would have re- 
ferred to single acts of receiving, getting gain, and suffering punish- 


ment, while the present refers to a succession of cases, and to a whole 
course of conduct.) 


a a 


§ 13, 2.] PRESENT OPTATIVE. 11 


(8.) ot dy éracvoin pe, ef &EeXavvorpe rovs evepytras, 
for he would not praise me, if I should banish my benefactors. XEN. 
An. VII, 7,11. Eins hopnros ox av, el rpdacotrs xadas, you would 
not be endurable, tf you should be in prosperity (at any time). AESCH. 
Prom. 979. Iles yap dy res, d ye py ermioracro, ravra copes er; 
for how could any one be wise in that which he did not understand * 
(i. e. ef reva pt) éxiorasro.) Xun. Mem. IV, 6, 7. ’AAN ef re py 
Péepotper, arpuvev héperw, but if we neglected to bring anything, he 
always exhorted us to bring it. Eur. Alc. 755. Ovdx aredeimero ére 
avrou, ef py Tt dvayxatov ein, he never left him, unless there was some 
necessity for tt. KEN. Mem. IV, 2, 40. ‘Owdre Evaycpay dp@eyr, 
é€poBodivro, whenever they saw Evagoras, they were afraid c. Evag. 
193 D. § 24. 

(c.) Eiée rovro etn (utinam sit), O that this may be. Eide py 
raura magxotev, may they not suffer these things (habitually). But 
cide pi) wdboaev, may they not suffer (in a single case). See examples 
of Apodosis with dy above, under (0). 

See other examples under the rules in Chapter IV. 

2. In indirect quotations and questions, each tense 
of the Optative denotes the same time, relatively to the 
leading verb, which the tense (of any mood) which it 
represents denoted in the direct discourse. (See § 69, 1.) 

(a.) If therefore the Present Optative represents a 
Present Indicative of the direct discourse, it denotes a 
continued or repeated action, contemporary with that of 
the leading verb (that is, relatively present). HH. g. 

Tlepixdijs mponydpeve, Ore ’Apxidapds of dvos etn, Pericles an- 
nounced that Avckidamus was his friend (i. e. he said £evos poi éorsv). 
Tuuc. Il, 18. *Eyvooay ore xevds 6 PdBos ein, they learned that their 
fear was groundless (i. e. they learned xevds éortv). XEN. An. II, 2, 
21. ‘EnuvOdvero ei oixotro 9 xapa, he asked whether the rea! was 
inhabited (1. e. he asked the question, Is the country inhabited ?). A 
Cyr. IV, 4, 4. 

(6.) But if it represents a Present Subjunctive of the 
direct discourse, it denotes a continued or repeated 
action, which is future with. reference to the leading 
verb. KE. g. 


KAéapxyos éBovAevero, ef répmocéy rwas h mavres Cocev, Clear- 
chus was deliberating whether they should send a few, or should all 
go. Xen. An. I. 10, 5. (The question was, répropéy rivas fj 
wavres lope; shall we send a few, or shall we all go? See § 88.) 


REMARK. Examples of the Present Optativa representing the 


12 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 13, 2. 


Present Indicative or Subjunctive in a dependent clause of the 
direct discourse, to which the same principles apply, may be found 
under § 74, 1. 

Note 1. It will be seen, by a comparison of the examples 
under (a) and (8), that an ambiguity may sometimes arise from 
uncertainty whether the Optative stands for the Present In- 
dicative or for the Present Subjunctive in a question of doubt 
(§ 88). Thus pyvdour 3 rm mocotey might mean they knew not 
what they were doing (the Optative representing ri mocotper ; 
what are we dotng?) or they knew not what to do (the Optative 
representing ri moadpev; what shall we do?). The context 
must decide in each case. See § 71. 

Nore 2. In the few instances in which the Present Optative in 
indirect quotations represents the Imperfect of the direct discourse, 


it of course denotes time past relatively to the leading verb. See 
§ 70, 2, N.1 (0). 


§ 14. The Present Imperative refers to a continued 
or repeated action in future time; as devye, begone ; 
xXatpovra, let them rejoice ; pn vowitere, do not believe. 


§ 15. The Present. Infinitive has three distinct 
uses : — 


1. First, in its ordinary use (either with of without 


the article), whenever it is not in indirect discourse, it 
denotes a continued or repeated action without regard to 
time, unless its time is specially defined by the context. 
E. g. 

"E£eore pevery, it is possible to remain. ’Eféorat rovro sroceiy, it will 
be possible to do this. Aéopat tpav pévery, I beg you to remain. Ti 
To KwAvoy €r aurdv géora Basilery doe Bovrerat, what will there be 
to prevent him from going whither he pleases? Dem. Ol. I, 12, 22. 
*ExéXevoa avrovy rouro moteiy, 1 commanded him to do this. ’EBov- 
Aero codes eivac, he wished to be wise. Acwos éort Ne-yety, he is skilled 
in speaking. "Qpa Badilecy, it is time to be going. Tay mowvouw, 
Gore Sixny py 8e8dvac, they do everything, so as to avoid being 
punished. PLAT. Gorg. 479 C. To pév oty emirepar tows pica rig 
dy padtov elvat, rd 8’ 6 me Set mparrevy dmodaiverOat, rovr eivat 
ovpBovrov, some one may say that finding fault is easy, but that 
showing what ought to be done is the duty of an adviser. Dem. Ol. I, 
18, 27. (Here émiripay, amodaivecba, and mparrewv belong under 
this rule; eZya: in both cases belongs under § 15, 2.) Ov mAeo- 








§ 15, 2.] PRESENT INFINITIVE. 18 


wetias Evexev ravr empatev, GAG TQ Sexaidrepa rovs OnBaiovs tpas 
afcovp, he did this not from love of gain, but because of the Thebans 
making juster demands than you. Dem. Phil. II, 69, 6. ’Ere:yio6n 
S€ '"Araddyrn vygos, Tov pi AyoTds Kaxoupyeiv Thy EdBosay, in order to 
prevent pirates from ravaging Euboea. Tuuc. H, 382. 


Remark. The Infinitive in this its ordinary use has usually no 
more reference to time than any verbal noun, and the distinction of 
tense therefore disappears, the Present differing from the Aorist 
only by expressing a continued or repeated action. An Infinitive 
which tn tself has no reference to time may, however, be referred 
to some particular time, like any other verbal noun, by the verb on 
which it depends, by some particle like Sore or wpiv, or by some 
other word in the sentence. Thus dere denoting a purpose refers 
the Infinitive to the future: the Infinitive without oore expressing 
a purpose is likewise future. After a large class of verbs, as those 
of commanding, advising, desiring, asking, &c., whose signification 
points to the future, the Infinitive necessarily denotes relative future 
time. (For an irregular use of the Future Infinitive after such 
verbs, see § 27, N. 2.) The time denoted by the Infinitive in any 
of these constructions must be carefully distinguished from that 
which it denotes in indirect discourse (§ 15, 2), where its tense is 
fally preserved. 


Note 1. For a discussion of the Infinitive with the article and 
a subject, with reference to its time, see Appendix, I. 


Note 2. Xpdw, dvatpéw, Oeonifw, and other verbs signifying to 
give an oracular response, are sometimes followed by the Present (as 
well as the Aorist) Infinitive, where we nae expect the Future on 
the principle of indirect discourse (§ 15,2, N. 1). These verbs here 
take the ordinary construction of verbs of commanding, advising, and 
warning. E. g. 

Aéyerat 8¢ ’AAxpaious Tov "AndAXw radryny ry yay ypnoas olKxety, 
tt is said that Apollo gave a response to Alcmaeon that he should tn- 
habit this land. Tuuc. If, 102. The Future is sometimes found. 
For the Aorist, see § 23, 1, N. 2. 


2. Secondly, the Present Infinitive in indirect dis- 
course is used to represent a Present Indicative of the 
direct discourse, and therefore denotes a continued or 
repeated action, which is contemporary with that of the 
leading verb, that is, relatively present. HK. g. 


Snot ypadecy, he says that he is writing; épn ypadhecy, he said 
that he was writing (i. e. he said “Iam writing”); once ypadecy, 
he will say that he 1s (then) writing. “Appworety mpopacifera, he 
pretends that he is sick. "Efdpovev dppworety rovrovi, he took his 
oath that this man was sick. Dem. F. L. 379, 15 and 17. Ovx épy 
airds GAN’ ékeivov or parnyety, he said that not he himself, but Nicias, 


14 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 15, 2. 


was general ; i.e. he said, obx é¢yd atrds GAN’ éxeivos orparnyet. 
Tuuc. IV, 28. For the Present Infinitive with ay (not included 
here), see § 41. 


Nore 1. The Infinitive is said to stand in indirect discourse, with 
its tenses thus corresponding to the same tenses of the Indicative, 
only when it depends upon verbs implying thought or the expression 
of thought (verba sentiendi et declarandi), and when also the thought, 
as originally conceived, would have been expressed by some tense 
of the Indicative, which the corresponding tense of the Infinitive 
can represent. Thus verbs of commanding, wishing, and others 
enumerated in § 92, 1, although they may imply thought, yet never 
introduce an indirect quotation in the sense here intended, as an 
Infinitive after them never stands for an Indicative, but is merely 
the ordinary Infinitive used as a verbal noun, without any definite 
time. See § 73, 1, Remark; where the principle is stated in full, 
80 as to include all the tenses and the Infinitive with dy. 


Note 2. Verbs and expressions signifying to hope, to expect, to 
promise, and the like, after which the Future Infinitive stands 
regularly in indirect discourse (as representing a Future Indicative 
of the direct discourse), sometimes take the Present or the Aorist 
Infinitive. E. g. 


‘Qpuoddyes cal’ yds morktrever Oat, you agreed to live according 
to us (the laws). PLaT. Crit. 52 C. BuvéOov modrtreveoGas. Id. 
52 D. Upocayayav eyyunras 7 piv mopever@at, having giving 
securities that he would go. XEN. Cyr. VI, 2, 39. "EAiCe: 8uvaros 
elvas dpyew, he hopes to be able to rule. Puat. Rep. LX, 578 C. 
(But in Hort. I, 30, éawigov efvas oABthraros éretpora, means, he 
asked, trusting that he was, eivat being a regular Present Infinitive of 
a discourse. So I. 22, éAwifav .... elvas xai roy Nedy rerpv- 
ba. 

In these cases the Infinitive seems to be used nearly as in § 15, 
1, without regard to time. The Greek makes no more distinction 
than the English between éArif{es rovro motetv, he hopes to do this, 
and éArifes rovro moujoew, he hopes that he shall do this. Compare 
' apev rovrov aporoynkévat ravra motno ery With ddoxovrés oe @podo- 

cévaa ToAtreved Oat. PLAT. Crit. 51 E and 52 D. The Future, 

omer is the regular form (§ 27, N. 3). For the Aorist, see § 23, 
2, N. 2. 


Norte 8. Even verbs of saying and thinking, — as Ney, when it 
Bignifies to command, and Soxei, it seems good, — may be followed b 
the ordinary Infinitive of § 15, 1, referring to the future. Eloy 18 
very seldom followed by the Infinitive, except when it signifies to 
command. (See § 92, 2, N.1.) The context must distinguish these 
zases from indirect quotations. E. g. 


Tovros €Aeyov wretv, I told them to sail. Dem. F. L. $88, 4. 
‘Tovrovs €deyov wAeiv would mean J said that they were sailing.) 
Eimoyv pndéva waptévas eis Thy axporodsy, having given orders that no 


§ 15, 3.] PRESENT INFINITIVE AS IMPERFECT. 15 


one should pass into the citadel. XEN. Hell. V, 2,29. Aoxet hyiv rovro 
wotetyv, tt pleases us to do this. (But Soxet pot tpas rovro moe 
means if seems to me that you are doing this, by § 15,2.) “Edote 
in the sense it was resolved, introducing a resolution or enactment, is 
followed by the Present or Aorist (not Future) Infinitive. 


8. Thirdly, the Present Infinitive belongs also to the 
Imperfect, and is used in indirect discourse to repre- 
sent an Imperfect Indicative of the direct discourse. 
It here denotes continued or repeated action which is 
past with reference to the leading verb, thus supplying 
the want of an Imperfect Infinitive. E. g. 


Tivas oby evyas trodapBaver’ eSyerOat rdv Didummoy or orev 
dev; what prayers then do you suppose Philip made when he was pour- 
ing the libations? Drm. F. L. 381,10. (Here the temporal clause 
ér’ gorevdey shows the past time denoted by efyecGas.) Lldrep’ oiler Be 
gwhéov Daxéas OnBaiov f Birturrov ipov xparetiv to mokeup; do 
you think that the superiority of the Phocians over the Thebans, or that 
of Philip over you, was the greater in the war (the war being then 
past) ? Dem. F. L. 387, 6. (Here the direct discourse would be 
éxpdrovy and éxpdret.) as yap olecOe ducxepas axovesy Ordvvbi- 
ous, ef ris re A€yot xara Dirimmov kar’ éxeivovs rovs xpdvous, Gr’ 
’"AvOepovvra airois die, x. rT. A.; ... . dpa mpoadsoxay avtrovs 
rotavra meiveaOa (8c. cleo Oe); . . - . Gp olecbe, dre rovs rupdyvous 
€£éBadre, (rovs Gerradols) spoocdoxay ek. r. r.; for how unwillingly 
do you think the Olynthians used to hear tt, sf any one said anything 
against Philip in those times when he was ceding Anthemus to them, 
&c.? Do you think they were expecting to suffer such things? Do 
you think that the Thessalians, when he was expelling the despots, were 
expecting, &c.? Dem. Phil. II, p. 70, 25 to p. 71,12. (The direct 
discourse here was mas .... ffxovoy, el... . Ae you; and mpoceddxey ;) 
Kal yap rovs éxt ray mpoydvev npaey Aéeyorras dxovw rovTm Te ches 
xpiaGat, I hear that they used to follow this custom. Dem. Ol. UI, 
34, 17, Ta peév mpd “EAAnvos ovde elvas 9 emixAnow arn (sc. 
Soxei), in the times before Hellen this name does not appear to have 
even existed. Tuuc. 1, 8. Again, in the same sentence of Thucydi- 
des, mapéxerOat, to have furnished. Mera raitra tpn odas pev 
Secmrvety, rov 8€ Swxpdry odx elorévase rdv ovv ’AydOwva trod- 
Adxis keNevery perareuwacGa tov Zwxparn, — dé ove €av. PLAT. 
Symp. 175 C. (He said, édervotpev, 6 de Z. ovx eloqes’ 6 ovv’A. 
éxéhevev .... €yd 8€ ove elwv.) Suvruxeiv ydp (épn) ’"Arpeotiog mapa 
Diriwrov mopevopévo, eal per avrovd yuvaa cai madapa Badicery, 
for he said that he had met (Aor.) Atrestidas coming from Philip, 
and that there were walking with him, &. Dem. F. L. 439, 3. Tour’ 
€yd gyus Sety ue py AaGewv, I say that this ought not to have escaped 
my notice. Dem. Cor. 291,27. (The direct discourse here ‘vas rovr’ 
Ede cue py AaOew. § 49, 2, N. 8.) 


16 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 15, 3. 


For the Imperfect Participle, see § 16, 2. 


ReMARK 1. This use of the Present of the Infinitive as an Im- 
perfect cannot be too carefully distinguished from its ordinary use 
after past tenses, where we translate it by the Imperfect, as in éAcye 
ro orpareupa payeo bat, he said that the army was tghting. But here 
ixeo Oa refers to time present, relatively to ZAeye ; whereas, if it had 
besa used as an Imperfect, it would have referred to time past 
rela‘ively to €Aeye, a3 in éAeye rd oTpdreupa TH mporepaia paxeobat, 
he said that the army had been fighting on the day before. the 
former case the direct discourse was pdyerat, in the latter it was 
éudyero. Such an Imperfect Infinitive differs from the Aorist in 
the same construction only by expressing a continued or repeated 
action (as in the Indicative): it gives, in fact, the only means of 
representing in the Infinitive what is usually expressed by Néyes ore 
éroiet, he says that he was doing, differing from Aéyee Gre éroincer, he 
says that he did. (For the rare use of the Present Optative to 
represent the Imperfect in the same way, see § 70, 2, N. 1, (6).)° It 
must be observed, that this construction is never used unless the 
context makes it certain that the Infinitive represents an Imper- 
fect and not a Present, so that no ambiguity can arise. See the 
examples. 


REMARK 2. This important distinction between the ordinary 
Present Infinitive referring to the past (when it takes its time 
from a past tense on which it depends), and the same tense used 
as an Imperfect and referring to the past by its own signification, 
seems to be overlooked by those who would call the former also a 
case of Imperfect Infinitive. But in the former case én rovro 
rovety Is translated he said that he was doing this merely to suit 
the English idiom, whereas the Greeks used the Present because 
the time was to be present (relatively to én), the direct discourse 
being rovro roi: in the other case, however, py rovro moveiv 77 
mporepaia, he said that he had been doing this the day before, the Greeks 
used zrocety as a regular Imperfect Grelatively to €pn), the direct 
discourse being rovro éroiovv. So in Latin (Cic. Phil. VII, 19), 
Q. Scaevolam memoria teneo bello Marsico, cum esset summa 
senectute, quotidie facere omnibus conveniendi potestatem sui. So 
(Circ. de Off. I, 30), Q. Maximum accepimus facile celare, tacere, 
dissimulare, insidiart, praeripere hostium consilia. 

The frequency of such constructions and their principle have 
been often overlooked, from the fact that they occur only when the 
context prevents all possible ambiguity. 


16. 1. The Present Participle regularly refers to a 
continued or repeated action, which is contemporary 
with that of the leading verb. KE. g. 


Tovro rotovow vouifovres x. rT. d., they do this because they think, 
&c. ’Emoiovy vopifovres, they were doing it tn the thought, &c. 
"Emoinoay voplf{ovres, they did it because they thought, &. Torre 


§ 16, 2.] PRESENT PARTICIPLE. 17 


govowy vopisovres, they will do it in the thought, &. Tair’ émpdy6n 
K4dvwvos otparnyovvros, these things were done when Conon was 
general. Isoc. Evag. p. 200 C. § 56. (Srparnyouvros is present rela- 
tively to émpay6n.) Kal roatra mpdrrwy ri énvoie; and tn doing 
such things what was he doing? Dem. Phil. III, 114, 20. 


Notse. When the Present Participle is used like an ordinary 
Adjective or Substantive (as in § oe it occasionally refers to 
time absolutely present, even when the leading verb is not present. 
This must always be denoted by an adverb like yi», or by some- 
thing else in the context. E. g. 


Thy viv Bowrlav kakoupéevny oxnoay, they settled in the country 
now called Boeotia. Tuuc. I, 12. ‘O roivvy Bitermos €€& apyis, odme 
AtoreiGous orparnyovvros, ovd€ rév Svrwy év Xeppovnow viv dre- 
oravpéevay, Séppecov nui Aopicxov éAapBave, Phiip then in the begin- 
ning, when Diopeithes was not yet general, and when the soldiers who 
ARE NOW in the Chersonese had not yet been sent out, seized upon 
Serrium and Doriscus. Dem. Phil. Ill, 114, 15. (Here orparn- 
yourros is present to the time of éAduBave, while dyrey is present to 
the time of speaking. ) 


2. The Present Participle is also used as an Imper- 
fect, like the Present Infinitive. With the Participle 
this use is not confined (as it is with the Infinitive) to 
indirect discourse. KE. g. 


Oi cuprpecBevovres xat wapdvres xarapaprupnoovory, those 
who were his colleagues on the embassy and who were present will 
testify. Dem. F. L. 381, 5. (Here the embassy is referred to as a 
well-known event in the past.) aivera: yap 7 viv ‘EAAds xadouper 
ov madas BeBains olxoupéyn, adda peravacraces re ovaat Ta 
mpérepa, kat padias exacros Thy éavrav amodeimovres, 1. e. the 
following things are evident, “EAds od ma\at BeBaiws geeiro, adda 
peravacrdoes foav, kal exaoros rv éavrav anéAerov. Tuvc. I, 2. 
Oi8a rov Soxparny 8esxvuvra trois ~vvovorw éavrov Kady xayabdy 
dvra. Oida 8¢ xdxeivn coppovoivre, are Lwxpares guvjorny. 
Xen. Mem. I, 2,18. (The direct discourse here was édeixvy and 
eracppoveirny. ) 

The principles stated in § 15, 8, with Remarks (cf. § 73, 1) in re- 
se to the Present Infinitive used as an Imperfect apply equally to 

e Participle. 


Remark. The rules for the time of the Infinitive and Participle 
given in this chapter do not inclnde the Infinitive and Participle 
with dy. For these see Chapter III. § 41. 


18 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 17, 1. 


PerRFect AND PLUPERFECT. 
A. tn the Indicative. 


§ 17.1. The Perfect represents an action as already 
finished at the present time ; as yéypada, I have written 
(that is, my writing is now finished). 

2. The Pluperfect represents an action as already 
finished at some specified past time; as é¢yeypadew, I 
had written (that is, my writing was finished at some 
specified past time). 

Nore 1. The consideration that the Perfect, although it implies 
the performance of the action in past time, yet states only that it 
stands completed at the present time, will explain why the Perfect is 


classed with the Present and Future among the primary tenses, that 
is, the tenses of present or future time. 


Notr 2. The Perfect Indicative and the Pluperfect may be 
expressed by the Perfect Participle with the Present or Imperfect 
of epi. Here, however, each part of the compound generally re- 
tains its own signification, so that this form expresses more fully the 
continuance of the result of the action down to the present time (in 
the case of the Perfect), and down to the past time referred to (in 
the case of the Pluperfect). E. g. 

Tlerowunxds €or (or fv), he is (or was) in the condition of having 
done, —he has done (or had done). ’Epod of vépot ob pdvov ameyva- 
kéres efot py adie, GdAa cai rexeXevndres taurny thy Sins 
AapBavery, it 1s the laws which have not only acquitted me of injustice, 
but have commanded me to inflict this punishment. Lys. de Morte 
Erat. p. 95, 4. § 34. Ovpavds yeyovads dori re cai ér éorat, 
heaven has been formed (and stil exists), and will stil continue. 
Pat. Tim. 31 B. 


Remark. The latter part of Note 2 of course does not apply to 
cases where the compound form is the only one in use, as in the 
third person plural of the Perfect and Pluperfect Passive and 
Middle of mute and liquid verbs. 

- On the other hand, the simple form very often implies the con- 
tinuance of the result of the action down to the present time, or 
down to a specified past time; but not so distinctly as the com- 
poe form, and not necessarily. (See the last two examples.) 

- £- 


"Emipers of Oeoi Sv of dvOpwrot Béovrat kareaxevaxagty, the 
Gods have carefully provided what men need. XEN. Mem. IV, 3, 3. 
Tov rownrey tives troGnxas katradeXolinagey, some of the poets have 
left us maxims. Isoc. Nicocl. p. 15 B. § 3. ’Axnxoa pev rotvopa, 


—§ 18] PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT. 19 


mpovevo 8 o¥, I have heard the name, but I do not remember it. 
Doar. Theaet. 144 B. “A oot riyn xéxpnxe, rair ddeirero, For 
a taken back what she has lent you. MENAND. Frag. Incert. 
o, 41. 
Nore 8. The Perfect of many verbs has the signification of 
a Present, which is usually explained by the peculiar meaning 
of these verbs. Thus Ovgcxey, to die, reOvnxévat, to be dead ; 
xadeiv, to call, nexrAijoGat, to be called or named ; ylyverOas, to 
become, yeyovévas, to be; pivnoxew, to remind, pepvaio as, 
to remember ; oi8a (novi), know; &e. 
The Pluperfect of such verbs has the signification of the 
Imperfect ; as of8a, I know, fdew, IT knew. (§ 29, N. 5.) 


Note 4. In Homer and Herodotus the Pluperfect is sometimes 
found in nearly the same sense as the Aorist. 

BeBAnnet yAourdy card defidv. Il. V, 66. (Here two Aorists 
follow, referring to the same time as BeBAnnet.) Taira os érvborro, 
@ppéaro Bonbéeyv, when they heard this, they started to carry aid. 

pT. IX, 61. *AAAox 8¢ yyepsvas Exovres@ppearo ént rd ipdv. Ht 
VIII, 35. 

Nore 5. In epistles, the Perfect and Aorist are sometimes used 
where we oe expect the Present, the writer transferring himself 
to the time of the reader. E. g. 

"Anéoradka oot révde rov Adyov, I send you this speech. Isoc. De- 
_mon. § 2. Mer’ ’ApraBafov, dv cor Een wpa, mpacoe. THUC. I, 129. 

(Here éy éreuwa refers to the man who was to carry the letter.) 
So scripsi in bat: 

Notre 6. The perfect sometimes refers to the future, to denote 
the certainty or likelihood that an action will immediately take 
place, in a sense similar to that of the Present (§ 10, N. 7), but with 
more emphasis, as the change in time is greater. E. g. 

“Dor ef pe rétwv éyxparys alcOncera, Shara, T shall perish at 
once. Sopn. Phil. 75. Kay rovro vuxadpev, wavf qyiy wetroinras. 
AEN. An. I, 8,12. So perii in Latin. 

The Pluperfect can express the same certainty or likelihood 
transferred to the past. 


B. Perfect in the Dependent Moods. 


§ 18. As the Perfect Indicative represents an act as 
finished at the present time, so the Perfect of any of the 
dependent moods represents an act as finished at the 
time (present, past, or future) at which the Present of 
that mood would represent it as going on. 


20 USE OF THE TENSES. f§ 18, 1. 


1. The Perfect Subjunctive and Optative are very 
often expressed in the active, and almost always in 
the passive and middle, by the Perfect Participle with 
® and einy; and can always be resolved into these. 
Their time, therefore, in each case, can be seen by 
applying the principles stated in §§ 12 and 18 to the 
® or env. Where the Present would denote future 
time, the Perfect denotes future-perfect time. E. g. 

Td xpévov yeyerno dat wordy Sedotxa pH riva ANOny byiv memotnKn, 
I fear lest the fact that a long time has passed may (when you come to 
decide the case) prove to have caused in you some forgetfulness. 
Dem. F. L. 342, 10. (Mj) wow would mean lest it may cause, the 
time being the same as before.) Xpi aira [4 reAevrncavra éxarepoy 
mepiever | dxovoat, iva TeA€ws Exdrepos aitay awetAngdy ra opedrd- 
peva, we must hear what awaits each of them after death, that (when we 
have finished) each may have fully received his deserts. PLAT. Rep. X, 
614 A. Tovs pev dAdous, dv Se8axdres Saoty evOuvas, riy aedoylay 
épeo mporevopuevous, I see that other men, even tf they have already given 

eir accounts, —i. e. even if they are (in the state of) persons who 
have given their accounts, — always offer a perpetual reckoning. DEM. 
F. L. 841, 14. *Avdpetdy ye ravv vopifoper, 8s av wemANyyn marépa, 
we always consider one who has beaten his father very manly. ARIST. 
Av. 1350. Nopov Onoew pndevi rav ‘EAAnvav tyas BonOeiv bs av py 
mporepos BeBonOnkas tpi 7, i- €. to axsist no one who shall not pre- 
viously have assisted you. Dem. F. L. 845, 28. (Os dy py apédrepos 
Bon6y would mean who shall not previously assist you. The Aorist 
Bonénon would differ very little from the Perfect. See § 20, N. 2.) 

"Edeccay pi) Avoca Huw épremraxot, they feared lest madness 
might prove to have fallen upon us. XEN. An. V, 7, 26. (Mi éprisroe 
would mean lest wt might fall upon us.) Tlds ovx dy oixrpdérara 
mavrav eyo wetovOas etnv, et epe \Aapaborate elvat Eévov ; how 
should I not have suffered the most pitiable of all things, if they should 
vote me to be an alien? Dem. Eubul. 1312,17. (This could have 
been expressed, with a Ma slight difference in meaning, més od 
2 + +. « merovOas Eoopa, Fut. Perf., day yodiowrra; how shall I 
not have suffered, &c.) Ei driody wemovOas éxdrepos hav etn, 
ov kal auddrepoe Gy rovro memdvOotperv; tf each of us should have 
suffered anything whatsoever, would not both of us have suffered tt? 
Pat. Hipp. M. 301 A. Ov« dy 31d rotrd y’ eiev orn evOds Sedandres, 
this, at least, cannot be the reason why they did not pay tt at once ; 1. @. 
they would not (on inquiry) prove to have not paid i on this account. 
Dem. Onet. I, 867,1. So Sopn. Oed. T. 840. “Endeye doa dyad 
Kupos Ilépoas wemotnrot, he told how many services Cyrus had 
done the Persians. Hpt. III, 75. (Mezorjxos here represents memoinxe 
of the direct discourse.) Odros éXeyov ds mevraxdatot atrois etnaar 
éx rov Ilepads 8e8exacpevor. Lys.in Philocr. p. 182, § 12, 
(Here the direct discourse was revraxdovol elow dedexacpévor.» 


§ 18, 2.] PERFECT SUBJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIVE. 21 


Note. The Perfect Subjunctive in protasis (§ 50, 1) corresponds 
exactly to the Latin Future Perfect Indicative ; but the Greek sel- 
dom uses this cumbrous Perfect, preferring the less precise Aorist 
(§ 20, N. 2). The Perfect Optative, in both protasis and apodosis, 
corresponds to the Latin Perfect Subjunctive, but is seldom used. 

The Perfect Optative can seldom be accurately expressed in 
English. For when we use the English forms would have suffered 
and should have suffered to translate the Perfect Optative, these are 
merely vaguer expressions for will and shall have suffered. (See 
the examples above.) J should have suffered is commonly past in 
English, being equivalent to éra6ov dy; but here it is future, and is 
therefore liable to be misunderstood. There is no more reference 
to past time, however, in the Perfect Optative with dy, than there 
is in the Future Perfect Indicative in such expressions as pdrny épor 
kexdavaerat, I shall have had my whipping for nothing (reterring 
to one received in his boyhood); Arist. Nub. 1436. 


2. The Perfect Imperative may express a command 
that something just done or about to be done shall be 
deciswe and final. It is thus equivalent to the Perfect 
Participle with the Imperative of eizi. E. g. 


Tadra peév 3 rautn eipnaba, let so much have been thus said, i. e 
‘et what has been thus said be sufficient. Puat. Crat. 401 D. But 
dpws 5€ ei pna Ow ors, x. rT. d., still let as much as this (which follows) 
be said (once for all), that, &c. PLaT. Rep. X, 607 C. epi ray 
iSiov Tradrd po mpoetpnada, let this have been said (once for all) 
by way of introduction. Isoc. Paneg. p. 43 D.§ 14. Tatra reraicdw 
re buiy, kal tows ixavas exes, let this be the end of the play, &c. PLat. 
Euthyd. 278 D. Terdy@o fyiv xara Snpoxpariay 6 rovovros avnp, 
let such a man remain where we have placed him, &c. PuaT. Rep. 
VII, 561 BE. "Ametpydoa6w 8y npiv airy 9 rodcreia, let now this be 
a sufficient description of this form of government. Id. 553 A. Méyxpse 
rovde wpic Ow tpav 7 Bpaduris, at this point let the limit of your slug- 
qishness be fixed. Tuvuc. I, 71. 


This use seems to be confined to the third person singular of the 
passive and middle. The third person plural in the same sense 
could be ag Siig by the Perfect Participle with the Imperative of 
eiui, a8 in PLAT. Rep. VI, 502 A: odroe roivy rovro memeropevot 
torey, grant then that these have been persuaded of this, 


Note 1. On this principle the Perfect Imperative is used in 
mathematical language, to imply that something is to be considered 
as proved or assumed once for all, or that lines drawn or points 
fixed are to remain as data for a following demonstration. E. g. 


EiAndOe@ éniris AB ruxdv onpeiov rd BS, cai dy pnade dnd 
ris AI r7 AA ton 7 AE, let any point A be (assumed as) taken in the 
line AB, and AE equal to AA as cut off from AY Evct. I, Pr. 9. 


22 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 18, 2. 


Note 2. The Perfect Imperative of the second person is rare 3 
when it is used, it seems to be a little more emphatic than the Pre- 
sent or Aorist. E. g. 


"He opt rdvde Se8e£o. Il. V, 228. Mi} reddBno Ge. Tuuc. VI, 
17. Mévoy ov Hpiv mora Oedy wmemoingo xal defay ds, only make 
us (immediately and once for all) solemn pledges and give the right 
hand. Xen. Cyr. IV, 2,7. Qéxaveo, stop / not another word ! Drm. 
Timoc. 721, 6. 


Nots 8. In verbs whose Perfect has the force of a Present 
(§ 17, N. 8) the Perfect Imperative is the ordinary form, as pépynao, 
cexAnobw, écrdrw, rebvdrea, torw. The Perfect Imperative active 
seems to have been used only in such verbs. Occasionally we find 
the ig ape form with the Participle and eiyi, as éore £upBe- 
Byxvia. PLAT. Leg. V, 736 B. 


8. (a.) The Perfect Infinitive in indirect discourse 
represents a Perfect Indicative of the direct discourse, 
and therefore denotes an action which is finzshed at the 
time of the leading verb. E. g. 


dno rovro wem pax évat, he says that he has done this ; épy rovro 
wempayévat, he said that he had done this; dnoet rovro we- 
ied Xévat, tre will say that he “ee done ri direct discourse in 
each case being zeémpaya). n Xxpn aur@ rovs OnBaious 
EMEKERN PY ee a hat the Thebans had offered reward for 
his seizure. Dem. F. L. 847, 26. In Arist. Nub. 1277, rpoc- 
kexAnobai pot 8oxeis (according to Mss. Rav. & Ven.), you seem 
to me to be sure to be summoned to court (to be as good as already sum- 
moned), the Infinitive represents a Perfect Indicative referring to 
the future (§ 17, N. 6). SoxexwrAtvaGas ééxe. THvc. Il, 8. 


(6.) In other constructions the Perfect Infinitive 
represents an act as finished at the time at which the 


Present in the same construction would represent it as 
going on (§ 15,1). E. g. 

OD BovdeverGat er dpa, GdrAa BeBovretabac> rhs yap 
emwovons vuxros savta ravta det wem pay Gat, tt is no longer time to 
be deliberating, but (tt ts time) to have Tnished deliberating ; for all 
this must be done (and finished) within the coming night. Puat. Crit, 
46 A. Kal pip rept dy ye mpocerdtare ... . pooner Sigannévar, 
and tt is his duty to have attended (during his absence) to the business 
about which you ger him instructions. Dem. F. L. 342, 28. (This 
refers to an ambassador presenting his accounts on his return.) 
Euvervyxave moAAaxov a riy orevoxwpiay ra peyv Dros ¢pfe- 
BrAnkevat ra 8 avrovs éeuBeBrARaOGat, dvo0 re wept piav... . 
EvynpracGas, tt often befell them to have made an attack on one 
side and (at the same time) to have been attacked themselves on the 


9 18, 4.] PERFECT INFINITIVE. 23 


other, &c. Tuuc. VII, 70. ’Avdyen yap ra pév péytor’ atrav dn 
karaxexypnobas paxpa 8¢ twa wmapadredcipbas, for tt must be 
that the most important subjects have been used up, and that only unim- 
portant ones have been left. Isoc. Pan. p. 55 D. § 74. Ovdn #Oedrov 
epBaivew dua 7rd earawerAnyxOas rH Hoop, they were unwilling to 
embark on account of having been terrified by the defeat. Truc. VII, 
72. Td yap wok\Aa adroA@AcKévas xard roy wédepov THs TpeTEpas 
aperelas dy tis Gein dixaiws, rd 8é ponte wmdAas rovro mewovOdvas 
wepnvévas Té Teva Huy cuppayiay trovray avripporoy, ris wap 
éxeivay evvoias evepyérnp dy éywye Oeinv, for our having lost many 
things during the war any one might justly charge upon our neglect ; 
but our never having suffered this before and the fact that an alliance 
has now appeared to us to make up for these losses I should consider a 
benefaction, &c. Dem. O1.I, 12,3. (Compare yeyerjo8ac in the 
first example under § 18, 1.) “Edé6acay rapoixo8opnoavres, ote 
pyxérs pyte avrot codverGas tm avrav, éxeivous te xal wayramacwy 
adweorepnkévat.... . oas amoretyioa, 1. e. they carried their 
own wall beyond that of the Athenians, so as no longer to be themselves 
tnterfered with by them, and so as to have effectually prevented them, 
&e. Tuuc. VII, 6. "EmepednOn xal trav Nora, dote Tey napdvrwv 
rois avOpomas ayabay pndev pev dvev ris wodews eivar, ra d€ mAciora 
da ravryy yeyevnabat. Isoc. Pan. p. 48 B. § 38. Toavra xal 
rogaiTa KaTecKkevacay Hpiv, Gore pndevi Trav emcyryvopevey pb saepaed 
AekethOac, they made such and sv great acquisitions as to have no 
possibility of su ing them left to any one who should come after 
them. Dem. OL III, 35, 18. Aidopev adrois mpoixa cuyxexddéas, 
we allow them to have cut us up for nothing (i. e. we make no account 
of their having done so). Arist. Nub. 1426. 


Norts. The Perfect Infinitive is sometimes used like the Perfect 

Imperative (§ 18, 2), signifying that the action is to be decisive and 

anent, and sometimes it seems to be merely more emphatic 
than the Present or Aorist Infinitive. E. g. 

Evrrov ri Ovpay nexXreia Oat, they ordered that the door should be 
shut and remain so. XEN. Hell. V, 4, 7. sahara ria ayau Kai 
Stxacrnpi t ScwapioOas wap’ dyiy ore ravavria épol Kai rovras 
erating aA wishing to have it definitely and once fe all settled in 
your minds. Drm. F. L. 410, 28. GeXoveas mpés wudkas wemrw- 
xévat, eager to fall before the gates. AESCH. Sept. 462. “Hdavver 
éxt rots Mévwvos, aor’ exeivous exmemAnXOae nai tTpexew emi Ta 
onda, he marched against the soldiers of Menon, so that they were (once 
Jor all) thoroughly frightened and ran to arms. XEN. An. I, 5, 13. 
(Here éxmenAyny Ga: 1s merely more emphatic than the Present would 
have been.) 


REMARK. The Perfect Infinitive belongs also to the Pluperfect, 
and is occasionally used to represent that tense in indirect discourse. 
This occurs chiefly (perhaps only) when the Infinitive is modified 
by d». See the first example under § 41, 2. 


4. The Perfect Participle in all its uses refers to an 


24° USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 19. 


action as already finished at the time of the leading 
verb. E. g. 


*"Exawvovet rots elpnxdras, they praise those who have spoken. 
"Enyvecay rots elpnxdras, they praised those who had spoken. 
"Enatvégover rovs elpnxdras, they will praise those who have (then) 
spoken. ‘EredecEa oder adnOés anny yeAndra (Aloyivny), I showed 
that Aeschines had announced nothing that was true (i. e. I showed, 
oudey ddyés awnyyeAneyv). Dem. F. L. 896, 30. 


AORIST. 


A. In the Indicative. 


§ 19. The Aorist Indicative expresses the simple 
momentary occurrence of an action in past time; as 
éypawra, I wrote. 


This fundamental idea of simple occurrence remains the 
essential characteristic of the Aorist through all the dependent 
moods, however indefinite they may be in regard to time. 


Notre 1. The Aorist of verbs which denote a state or 
condition generally expresses the entrance tnto that state or 
condition. E. g. 


Baowtevwo, I am king, ¢Bacidevoa, I became king; dpya, I hold 
office, npta, I obtained office ; mdovra, érdovrnaa, I became rich. Th 
GAnOeia cuveixer nal ovdemw drodédowmev’ . . - adAa wapa (ovros 
Tipoxpdrous éxeiv—a ouvgaknaoe, she was his wife in good faith, and 
has not even yet been divorced; ..... but she went to live with him, 
&c. Dem. Onet. I, 8738, 8. 


Nore 2. The Aorist differs from the Imperfect by denoting the 
momentary occurrence of an action or state, while the Imperfect 
denotes a continuance or repetition of the same action or state. 
This is especially obvious in the verbs mentioned in Note 1, as 
€Bacirevov, hpxov, éxAovrouy, I was king, held office, was rich. (See 
especially the last example under N. 1.) The Aorist is therefore 
the tense most common in narration, the Imperfect in description. 
The Aorist may sometimes refer to a series of repetitions; but it 
refers to them collectively, as a single whole, while the Imperfect 
refers to them separately, as individuals. So the Aorist may even 
refer to a continued action, if (as a@ whole) it is viewed as a single 
event in past tune. E. g. 


"Eya 8¢ RABov, eidov, éevixnaoa, I came, I saw, I conquered 
(Veni, vidi, vici). App. Bell. Civ. Il, 91. So éBacireuce d€cxa 


§ 19.] AORIST IN THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 25 


érn may be used to mean he had a reign of ten years (which is now 
viewed as a single past event); whereas ¢Sagiteve 3éxa éry would 
mean he continued to reign ten years. 


Note 8. The distinction between the Imperfect and Aorist was 
sometimes neglected, especially by the older writers. See § 11, 
Note 5. 


Note 4. (a.). The Aorist is sometimes found where we 
should expect the Perfect or the Pluperfect ; the action being 
simply referred to the past, without the more exact specifi- 
cation afforded by the Perfect and Pluperfect. E. g. 


Tay olxeray ovdéva xaréAXtwey, GAX dravra wéempaxeyv. AK- 
SCHIN. Timarch. § 99. ’Erpamoveo és rdy Ildvoppov, bermep avn ya- 
ovro, they turned towards Panormus, whence they had set sail. 
Huc. Il, 92. Kipov 8€ peraméprera: dnd ris apxns fs avréy 
lead éxoinoey, of which he had once made hin satrap. XEN. 
n. I, 1, 2. 


(5.) Especially the Aorist is generally used, even where we 
should expect the Pluperfect, after particles of time like éwel, 
éwerdn, os (when), dre, ews, wpiv, &. KE. g. 

"Eneidy €reXeurnoe Aapeios nat xaréarn Aprafepéns, after Darius 
had died and Artaxerces had become established. Xun. An. I, 1, 8. 
Ov mpdcbev cLeveyxetvy érddpnoay mpds nuas médepoy, amply rovs 
oTparnyols nav ouvyvédaBoy, before they had seized our generals. 
XEN. An. ILI, 2,29. Of 8 dre 87 Aspévos rodvBewbeos evrds txovro, 
when they had entered. Il. 1,432. So in Latin, postquam venit, after 
he had come. 


Note 5. The Aorist is sometimes used in colloquial language 
by the poets (especially the dramatists), when a momentary action, 
which 13 just taking place, is to be expressed as if it had already 
happened. E. g. 

"Emyveo’ épyov xat mpdévotav fy ebov, I must approve your act, &c. 
Sopu. Aj. 536. “Ho@ny dmedais, €yéAaca wWordoxopnias, [ am 
amused by your threats, I cannot help laughing, &c. ARIST. Eq. 696. 

Nore 6. The Aorist sometimes refers vividly to the future, like 
the Present or Perfect (§ 10, N. 7; § 17, N. 6); as drwAdpny ef 
pe Actes, I perish if you leave me, Eur. Alc. 386. 

in questions with ri od expressing surprise that something is 
not already done, and implying an exhortation to do it; as ri ov 
ov 8inynaow; why then do you not tell us the story? Pat. Prot. 
810 A. See also ri ody ovx €xadé€oapev; Prot. 317 D. 


B. Aorist in the Dependent Moods. 


Remark. The Aorist of the dependent moods differs from 
the Present as is explained in the Remark before § 12. 
2 


26 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 20. 


§ 20. The Aorist Subjunctive denotes a single or 
momentary action, the time of which is determined by 
the rules that apply to the time of the Present Subjunc- 
tive, § 12: — 

That i is, in clauses denoting a purpose or objet, after 
iva, pn, &e. .» 1t refers to time future relatively to the 
leading verb; in conditional sentences (including con- 
ditional relative and temporal sentences), — in ordinary 
protasis (§ 50, 1), the Subjunctive refers to the future ; 
in general suppositions after verbs of present time (§ 51), 
it refers to indefinite time represented as present. In 
independent sentences it refers to the future. E. g. 


Addocxa py er ux hg ¢8a ris ocxade ddo0, I fear lest we may forget 
the road home. n. Il, r 25. Atayociras ry yedupay dias, 
os py 8caBare an dwody Onre, he intends to destroy the bridge, 
that you may not pass over but be caught. Id. II, 4, 17. “Hy THY epg yy 
wotnaapeda, perd rons si Say Thy ody oixnoopey, we 
shall make the peace, &c. Isoc. 168 A. § 20. ‘Qs dy eine 
retOcopeba, let us obey as I shall direct. ft IX, 704. *Hy éyyis An 
Oavaros, ovdets BovArAerat Oynoxery, if death comes near (the moment that 
death comes near), no one wants to die. Eur. Alc. 671. “Op péev dy 
i8y dyvara (sc. 5 xuav), xaderaive> dv 8 dv yvdpmoy (sc. may 
dowd(erat, i. 8. whomsoever the dog sees (at any time). LAT. Rep 
376 A. "Avadoytodpeda ra apohoynpéva Hyiv, let us enumerate 
the points which have been conceded by us. Piat. Prot. 332 D. 
Mndev pon b7 s; Sear not (in this case). (But pydéyv PoBow, be not 
timid.) Ti woitnaw; what shall I do (in a single case) ? (But ci 
wow.d; what sh 7 do (generally) ?) Ov pi rovro eimps, you will 
not say this. Ob py yévnrac, tt will not happen. So in the Ho- 
meric ov8é (8opac, nor shall J ever see. 


See other examples under the rules in Chapter IV. 


Note 1. When the Aorist Subjunctive depends on ere- 
div (éxav, éxqv), after that, it is referred by the meaning of the 
particle to a moment of time that precedes the action of the 
leading verb, so that éwedav rovro 18, dAevoouae means after 
I shall have seen this, I will come; and émedav roiro ida, 
drrépyona, after I have seen this, I (always) depcrt. In such 
cases it is to be translated by our Future Perfect, when the 
leading verb is future; and by our Perfect, when the leading 
verb denotes a general truth and is translated by the Present. 
As the Subjunctive in this construction can never depend 


§ 20.] AORIST SUBJUNCTIVE AS FUTURE PERFECT. 27 


upon a verb expressing simply present time, it is obvious that 
it can never refer to time absolutely past: we use the Perfect 
Indicative in translating such Aorists after verbs expressing 
general truths, merely because we use the Present in translate 
ing the leading verb, although that is properly not merely 
present, but general in its time. 

In like manner, after gwc, xpiy, and other particles signify- 
ing until, before that, and even after the relative pronoun 
or éay, the Aorist Subjunctive may be translated by our Future 
Perfect or Perfect, when the context shows that it refers 
to a moment of time preceding that of the leading verb. 
EK. g 

Xp7 de, Gray pev rtOja0Ge rovs wypous, drool rwis eiow Kore, 
éreday 8¢ Onabe, huddrreyv Kal ypycba, while you are enacting 
laws, you must look to see of what kind they are; but after you have 
enacted them, you must guard and use them. Dem. Mid. 525, 11. 
(Here the Present ri@joGe after Grav, while, refers to an action con- 
tinuing through the time of the leading verb; but Ojc6¢e after 
éresddy, after that, refers to time past relatively to the leading verb.) 
Tavra, ewecddy wept rov yévous efrew, tére, dv Bovdnobe dxovew, 
€p@, when I shall have spoken about my birth, then, tf you destre to 
hear, I will speak of these things. Dem. Eubul, 1308, 25. (Here the 
Aorist eiw, though absolutely future, denotes time past with refer- 
ence to pa.) "Emaddy dcampdfapac A Seopa, 7Ew, when I shall 
have accomplished what I desire, I will come. XEN. An. II, 8, 29. 
"Eresdav 8€ kpuyare yi, ap npnuévos imd rhs wodews Aéyer ex’ 
aurois éatvoy réy mpémovra, when they have covered them with earth, 
&c. THuc. I, 34. “Eas dy aa {nras 1rd oxados, rére xpy mpovpous 
eivas® éxeday 3¢ 4 Oadarra bmépayxy, paraos 7 orovdn, as long as 
u remains in safety Ce a: cn the moment that the sea has over- 
whelmed it (Aorist). Dem. Phil. I, 128, 22. “Eos dy éxpadns, 
éy’ éAri8a, until you have learnt fully, have hope. Soru. O. T. 834. 
Mia 8¢ KAim xev) déperas rav adavay, of dv ph ebpeOdory es 
dvaipeowy, and one hier is always carried empty, in honor of the miss- 
tng, whose bodies have not been found. Tuuc. Il, 34. Tis 8cavoetras, 
d dy GAdNos rH dper9 karanpdétwat, rovray icoyoipery; who ever 
thinks of having an equal share in those things which others by their 
valor have acquired? Xen. Cyr. II, 3, 5. Wav’ do’ av ex wodépov 
yeyvopérns elpnyys wpoeOn, ravta rois apeAnoacw arddAvrat, all 
things which are (or have been) abandoned when peace 1s made are 
always lost to those who abandoned them. Dem. F. L. 888, 9. *Hyv & 
dpa xai rou neipg oharaoty, avredmicavres GAXa éemAnpwcay Tip 

iay, if they have been disappointed in anything, they always supply 

e deficiency, &c. Tuuc. I, 70. (See § 80, 1.) Ov xt mavoopat, 
mp dy ge rév cay kupiov ornae réxvov, J will not cease before I 
have (shall have) made you master of your children. Sopu. QO. G 


28 USE OF THE TENSES [§ 20. 


1040. My orevale mply wdOys, do not groan until you have heard. 
Sopu. Phil. 917. 

NoTE 2. The use of the Aorist Subjunctive mentioned in Note 1 
sometimes seems to appross) very near to that of the Perfect Sub- 
Junctive (§ 18, 1); and we often translate both by the same tense 
in-English. But with the Perfect, the idea of an action completed 
at the time referred to is expressed by the tense of the verb, with- 
out aid from any particle or from the context; with the Aorist, the 
idea of relative past time can come only from the particle or the 
context. (See § 18,1, Note.) E. g. 

“Ov pev dv 137 ayvara (6 xiv), yaderaiver> by 8° dy yvepipor 
(i8), dowafera, way pndey génore tx abrod ayabiy rwendvbn, 
whomsoever he sees whom he knows, he fawns upon, even tf he has 
hitherto received no kindness from him. PLat. Rep. I, 8376 A. Com- 
pare this with édy dyaOdv re wd On tard rivos, adorafera, tf he ever 
happens to receive any kindness from any one, he always fawns upon 
him; and éweday dyabov rs waOn, aona Cera, after he has recewed 
any kindness, he always fawns upon him. See examples under 
§ 18, 1. 

§@1. 1. The Aorist Optative, when it is not in in- 

direct discourse, denotes a single or momentary action, 
the time of which is determined by the rules that apply 
to the time of the Present Optative, § 18, 1: — 
, That is, in clauses denoting a purpose or object, after 
iva, Straws, un, &c., it refers to time future relatively to 
the leading verb; in conditional sentences (including 
conditional relative and temporal sentences), — in ordi- 
nary protasis (§ 50, 2), the Optative refers to the future 
(only more vaguely than the Subjunctive); in general 
suppositions after verbs of past time (§ 51), it refers to 
indefinite past time. In independent sentences it refers 
to the future. KE. g. | 

Piturros dv PdBo Fy py expvyot ra mpaypara airdéy, Philip was 
in fear lest the sontral of affairs might escape him. DEM. Cor. 236, 19. 
Ei €X\ Oot, wave av 1801, if he should go, he would see all. Ei €X Gor, 
wav0 dopa, if ever (whenever) he went, he (always) saw all. Ovd? 
el mavres EXO orev Hépoa, wander ye ovxy bmepBadroiped’ dv rovs 
woAepious, not even iy all the Persians should come, should we sur- 
pass the enemy in numbers. XEN. Cyr. Il, 1, 8. “Ore é£w rov dewod 
. yévowvro, cal é£ein mpos GAdous Epyxovras amtévat, woddol aviroy 
aréXeurov, but when they were come out of danger and it was in their 


power (Present) to go to other commanders, (in all such cases) many 
left him. Xun. An. I, 6, 12. “Aveu yap dpxévrav ovdey Gy obre addy 


Si 


§ 21, 2.] AORIST OPTATIVE. | 20 


obre dyabiy y évotro, nothing could be done, &e. Xen. An. III, 1 88. 
Oux oida 6 te dv tts ypnoatro avrois, I do not know what use uny 
one could make of them. XEN. An. IIT, 1, 40. Ei@e ov rosovros dy 
diros ipiv yévoro, may you become a friend to us. XEN. Hell. IV, 
1, 38. My yévocro, may tt not happen. 

See other examples under the rules in Chapter IV. 


Notre. When the Aorist Optative oe upon emesdy or émel, 
after that, it is referred by the meaning of the icle to a moment 
of time precedin that of the leading verb, like the Aorist Sub- 
junctive in § 20, N. 1, so that ered) {80¢, amnpxero means after he 
had seen, he Cre went away. is gives the Aorist in transla- 
tion the force of a Pluperfect. So after dws, until, and in the other 
cases mentioned in § 20, N.1. Eg. 

Ots peév (os evraxros Tlovras, rives re elev npwra, xal ret UOoLTO, 
émjvet, he asked any whom he saw marching in good order, who the 
were ; and after he had ascertained, he praised them. Xun. Cyr. v, 
8, 55. Teprepévopev éxdorore éws dvotxGein 1d Seoparnpov- 
éretdy 8€ dvotx bein, ciogetpey apd rov Loxparn, we toaited each 
morning until the prison was opened (or had been opened); and after 
it was opened, we went tn to Socrates. PLAT. Phaed. 59D. Ovda- 
pdbey adiecay, mpl mapabetev avrois dpicrov, before they had 
placed breakfast before them. XEN. An. IV, 5, 30. 


2. From the general rule for indirect discourse (§ 69, 
1) we derive the following special rules :— 

(a.) First, if the Aorist Optative in indirect discourse 
represents an Aorist Indicative of the direct discourse, 
it denotes a momentary or single action which is past 
with reference to the leading verb. E. g. 

“Eefay ort wep were oas 6 Bacidevs, they said that the king had 
sent them (i. e. oe ereppev npas i ebiteies . KEN. Cyr. II, 
4,7. Tére éyraoGn Gri of BapBapo: rév avOpworov vrondpyacey 
then i econ Enown that the barbarians had sent the man. _ An. 
Il, 4, 22. "ErdApa Aéyeew ws wodda Tdy éuav AdBorey, he dared to 
say that they had taken much of my property. DEM. oe I, 828, 25. 
*Hporev avroyv ei avarAevoecerv, I asked him whether he had set 
sail (i. e. I asked him the question, avénXevoas ;). Dem. Polycl. 1223, 
21. ‘Emetpora riva 1801, he asked whom he had seen (1. e. riva 
elSes, whom did you see?). Hot. I, 31. So I, 116: efpero xdber 
AaBos. 


(6.) But if it represents an Aorist Subjunctive of the 
direct discourse, it denotes a momentary or single action 
which is future with reference to the leading verb. 
E. g. 


80 USE OF THE TENSES. f§ 21, 2. 


Ol "Emdduvos rv Oedv éxnjpovro el wapadoter Kopivbins rip 
wéXwv, they asked whether they should deliver up their city to the Co- 
rinthians (i. e. they asked the question, rapa8apev ry wdhkw; shall 


we deliver up our city?). Tuuc. I, 25. “Eoxérouy dros xad\tior 
évéyxatp’ airdy, I looked to see how I could best endure him (i. e. I 
asked, was évéyxew airdy; how can I endure -him?). Eur. Hipp. 
898. Ateothnrnoe axomay 6 rt amoxpivatro, he continued silent, 
thinking what he should answer (i. e. thinking, ri dnoxpivwpat;)- 
Xxrn. Mem. IV, 2, 10. 


REMARK, Examples of the Aorist Optative representing the 
Aorist Subjunctive in a dependent clause of the direct discourse, to 
which the same principles apply, may be found under § 74,1. The 
Aorist Indicative is, however, generally retained in dependent 
clauses of indirect quotations: see § 74, 2, with N. 1. 

Nore 1. It will be seen by a comparison of the examples 
under (a) and (5), as in § 13, 2, Note 1, that an ambiguity 
may sometimes arise from uncertainty whether the Aorist 
Optative stands for the Aorist Indicative, or for the Aorist 
Subjunctive in a question of doubt. Thus, nydow 6 te rorn- 
gecay might mean, they knew not what they had done (the 
Optative representing ri éroujoapev; what did we do ?), or they 
knew not what they should do (the Optative representing ri 
rononpev; what shall we do?). The context must decide in 
each case; but in most cases the latter construction is intended. 
(For the manner of avoiding a similar ambiguity, see § 74, 2, 
N. 1.) 


§ 22. The Aorist Imperative refers to a momen- 
tary or single action in future time; as etre pot, tell 
me; Sorte por TovTO, give me this. 


§ 23. The Aorist Infinitive has two distinct uses, 
corresponding to the first two uses of the Present In- 
finitive (§ 15): — 

1. First, in its ordinary use (either with or without 
the article), whenever it is not in indirect discourse, 
it denotes a momentary or single action without regard 
to time, unless its time is especially defined by the con- 
text. E. g. 


Tlokeds éors Odvaros dvdorarov yevéa Gar, it is death for a city to 
be laid waste. Lycura. in Leocr. p. 155, 85. § 61. “Qomep ray 


§ 23, 1.] AORIST INFINITIVE. 31 


avdpay rois xadois xayabois alpermrepor dort kados drobavety fh Cap 
aloypées, ovrw xal ray modewr Tais vrepexovoas Avotredeiy (iyourro) 
€& avOporev adavicdnvat paddov fh 8ovrAas 6POijvac yevouevacs, 
as tt is preferable for honorable men to die (Aor.) nobly r than to 
continue living (Pres.) in disgrace, so also they thought that it was 
better (Pres.) for the pre-eminent among states to be (at once) made 
disappear from the earth, than to be (once) seen to have fallen int. 
slavery. Isoc. Paneg. p. 60 C. § 95. Tlepmovow és rv Képxupay 
arpeaBes, Secpevor py odas mepiopay Pbetpopévous, GAA Tovs Te 
qbevyovras EvvardAdéEat chicos xai rov trav BapBapwv mdrenov 
Karadvaoat, asking them not to allow them to be destroyed, but to 
bring about a reconciliation .... and to put an end to the war. THUC. 
I, 24. Té yap yva@vac émornyyny nov AaBeiv eats, to learn is 
to acquire knowledge. PLAT. esate E. myths ro kaTaXr adil 
@vra ravroy iota evyoper, we all try most of all to avoid leavi 
them behind. po Ment 2,8. Ov yap rd ph AaBety ra a4 
ovTa ye ya\erdvy domep Td AaBdvra arepnOivat Avnpdy. XEN. 
Cyr sath 5, 82. Tov weeiy émOupia, the desire of obtaining drink. 
Tuuc. VII, 84. Kedreves airdv €AOetyv, he commands him to go 
*ExéAevcey avrov XA Oeiyv, he commanded him to go. Kedevoes avriv 
€A Get, he will command him to go. Upés rq pndev ex rijs rpeoBelas 
AaBeiv, rovs alypadwrovs édXvcato, hesides receiving nothing from 
the embassy, he ransomed the captives. Dem. F. L. 412, 21. Ei mpd 
rou ros Poxéas adwmodéabat Wnhicacble Bonbeiv, if before the de- 
struction of the Phocians you should vote to go to their assistance. 
Dem. Cor. 236, 20. Tas airias mpotypaya, rod pn rwa (nripcal 
grote €€ Grov TogouTos woAepos Karéorn, that no one may ever ask the 
reason, why, &c. THuc. I, 23. Cf. Dem. Cor. 295, 13; Eur. Orest. 
1529. 


ReMARK. The Remark which follows § 15, 1 applies also to the 
Aorist Infinitive. 


Note 1. For a discussion of the time denoted by the Infinitive 
when it has the article and also a subject, see Appendix, IL 


NOTE 2. Xpdw, avatpéw, Oeoni{o, and other verbs signifying to 
give an oracular response, are sometimes followed by the Aorist (as 
well as"by the Present) Infinitive, which expresses the command, 
advice, or warning given by the oracle. These verbs here simply 
ae the ordinary construction of verbs of commanding and advising. 

- £- 

Xpopévp 8é rq Kvordem avetrey 5 Oeds, ev rH rou Ards TH peyiory 
éopty AN apety rv "A@nvaiwy dxpomoXty, that he thould seize. 
Tuoc. I, 126. But we find dveikevy Ever Gas in pie I, 118. 
"Exéypnto yap root Sraprinrnot, 7 Aaxedaipova dvdcraroy ye- 
sie bat. i La Baowea adda adrovéoOat. Hot. VII, 220. 
"EOdomioe xopicat.... cat eiordeiv. Eur. Iph. Taur. 1014, 
So “Eecwé of .... vovop in’ apyaden Pbicbas.... td 
Tpoeco Sapnvac, the diviner told him that he must either die by 


82 USE OF THE TENSES. | [§ 23, 1. 


disease at home, or perish at the hands of the Trojans. IL 
, 667. So after ee oules PLAT. Rep. III, 415 C. 
For the Present see § 15, 1. N. 2, 


Note 3. The Present of atrids eius, J am the cause, is often used 
with reference to the past, where logically a past tense should be 
used ; as aires dors rovr@ Oaveiv, he is the cause of his death, instead 
of airtos qv rovr@ Oaveiv, he was the cause of his death. This often 
gives an ordinary Aorist Infinitive after this form the appearance 
of a verb of past time, like the Aorist Infinitive in indirect discourse. 
This will be explained in each case by mentally substituting a past 
tense for the present. E. g. 

Alrcot ovv elot cat tpiv roddGy Fon WevoOnvat Kat 37 adixos 
yé twas aroréoOat, they are the cause why you were deceived 
and some even perished (i. e. they caused you to be deceived and 
some even to perish). Lys. de Arist. Bon. 156, 28. § 51. TeOvaow- 
of 8€ (avres airsos Gavety. Sopu. Ant. 1173. “H pot pyrpt pev 
Oavety povn peraireos. Sopu. Trach. 1233. 

For the construction of the Infinitive see § 92, 1, Note 2 (end). 


2. Secondly, the Aorist Infinitive in indirect dis- 
course is used to represent an Aorist Indicative of the 
direct discourse, and therefore denotes a momentary or 
single action, which is past relatively to the leading 
verb. KE. g. 

@yciv rovro moinaatr, he says that he did this (i. e. he says rovro 
éroinga). “Edn rovro motnoas, he said that he had done this (i. e. 
he said rovro eroinca). Synae rovro mornjaat, he will say that he 
did this (i. e. he will say roiro éroinga). ‘O Kipos Aeyerat yevéo Oar 
KapSicew, Cyrus is said to have been the son of Cambyses. XEN. Cyr. 
I, 2, 1. Tladatoraro: Aeyorras ev péper trivi THs yapas KuxAwmres 
oixaoat, they are said to have settled. Tauc. V1, 2. *"Hoav drorrot 
avrois py) mpodupws odiot mépwat a érepyray, they were suspected 
of not having sent them with alacrity what they did send. Tuvc. 
VI, 75, 

Note 1. The principle stated in § 15, 2, N. 1, will decide in 
doubtful cases whether the Infinitive stands in indirect discourse or 
in the construction of § 23, 1. 

Norte 2. Verbs and expressions signifying to hope, to ex- 
pect, to promise, and the like, after which the Infinitive in 
indirect discourse would naturally be in the Future (§ 27, N. 
8), as representing a Future Indicative of the direct discourse, 
sometimes take the Aorist (as well as the Present) Infinitive. 
(See § 15, 2, N. 2.) E.g. 

’EéArero xidos apéo Oat, he was hoping to obtain glory. Tl, XU, 





§ 23, 2.] AORIST INFINITIVE. 83 


407. Wddw gpor’ A adpor obwore fimwev wabeciv. Eur. Here. F. 
746. El ydp xparnoeay rp vavring, 7d ‘Piro fAmiov pgdleos 
xetpdcacGat, they hoped to subdue Rhegium. Tuvc. IV, 24. Ov 
Gy €Anis fv aira Bedtiw yeveo Oar, there would not be even a hope of 
their becoming better. Dem. Phil. I, 40, 18. "Ex pév rod xaxaés wpdr- 
Tew ras modes peraBoArns TUXEtY ext Td BéArioy eixos cori, ex S€é TOU 
sravTdracs yeverOas avaoraroy Kal rey cower ednidov orepnOnvac. 
Lycurg. in Leocr. p. 155, 80. § 60. ee below, éAris éx ty Kaxas 
pata perarecety.) ‘Yrooxopevos ph mpdcbey wmavcacGat, mp 
aurovs maraydiol otxade, having fon hs pa to stop until he had re- 
stored them to their homes. XEN. An. I, 2, 2. ‘Yxéoyero por ovr €v- 
cac@ae. Id. I, 3,20. ’HweiAnoay dwoxretvas dwavrags tous ép 


v7 olxig. XEN. Hell. V, 4, 7. 


Nots 8. In all the cases which belong under Note 2, the lead- 
ing verb by its own signification refers to the future, so that the 
expression is seldom ambiguous: thus trécyero morjoas can never 
mean anything but he promised to do, although the Aorist Infinitive 
appears to represent a Future Indicative of the direct discourse, 
con to § 15, 2, N. 1. The case is different, however, when the 
Aorist Infinitive follows verbs whose signification has no reference 
to the future, like vouifw, otozas, or even dni, and still a ely to 
represent a Future Indicative; e.g. where in ARIST. Nu .1141* 
SixacacGai daci pos is said to mean, they say they wil! bring an 
action against me, while just below, vs. 1180, 6gcew ra mpuraveid paci 
pos means, they say they will deposit the Prytaneia. Stil, unless we 
decide to correct a large number of passages, against the authority 
of the Mss. (which is actually done by many critics, sa eacarn b 
Madvig), we must admit even this anomalous construction; al- 
though it is to be considered strictly exceptional, and is, moreover, 
very rare in comparison with the regular one with the Future or the 
Aorist with ay. ° eo 

@dro yap ricacg Gas adeiras, for he said that he should puntsh the 
offenders. Od. XX, 121. (in Il. II, 28, we have in most Mss. and 
editions @dro yap rice Oat aXeirny, in precisely the same sense. 
Cf. Il. II, 366.) Kal airé ot pe yore: *Ampiny (8c. arrexpivaro) ° 
wapéoerOat yap Kat aurds cal GAdXous d£ecy, and (he answered) 
that Apries should not blame him; for he would not only be present 
himself, but would bring others. Hpt. II, 162. (Notice the strange 
transition from the Aorist (?) to the two Futures.) noly ovdé ry» 
Aws “Epw rédp oxnacay eprotéey oxedetv. AESCH. Sept. 429. 
Oipas yap uy ixerevoas rade, I think of imploring. Eur. Iph. Aul. 
462. (Here Hermann reads ixerevoey, by conjecture.) “Evdpucay 
érOepevos padiws xparynoat, they thought they should gain the victory. 
THuc. Il, 8. Nopifa, iy immets yeroua, dvOparos rrnws yevéer bat. 
XEN. Cyr. IV, 8,15. Totro 8€ olerai of padtora yevéer Oar, ei cot 
avyyévotro, and he thinks that this would be most likely to happen to 
him if he should join himself with you. PLat. Prot. 316 C. (Here 
we should expect yevéoOa: av, to correspond to e ovyyévoiro.) 


a > I — dexdoeoGar here in Cod. Par. 2712, and by correction in 2820. 
8 2. 


84 USE OF THE TENSES. § 23, 2. 


Note 4. Verbs like Ady or elroy, when they signify to com- 
mand, can be followed by the Aorist (as well as the Present) Infini- 
tive in its ordinary sense, referring to the future ; as has been stated 
in §15,2,N.3. E.g. 


72 piror, 78n péy nev eydv ebrows nal dppw prnotnpev és SyAov 
aKxovri eas, now I would command you to join wae in hurling, &c. 
Od. XXII, 262. TWapadovvase rA€ye, he tells us to give her up. 
ARIST. AV. 1679. 


§@4. The Aorist Participle regularly refers to a 
momentary or single action, which is past with refer- 
ence to the time of the leading verb. E. g. 


Tatra wotncavres amedGeiv Bovrovra, having done this, they 
wish to go away. Taira eimdvres annArGor, having said this, they 
went away. Ov sodAol daivovra Evyed Odvres, not many appear 
to have joined in the expedition. Touc.I,10. Botwwrol of && “Apyns 
dvagrayres riy Bowriay denoay, Bocotians who had been driven 
Jrom Arne settled Boeotia. Tuuc. 1,12. ’Agixero 8etpo rd motor, 
yvdvray rav KedadrAnvor, dvrimpdarrovros rovrov, ... » KaTamr\ew, 
the Cephallenians having determined to sail in, although this man op- 
posed tt. Dem. in Zenoth. 886, 1. (Here yrdvrev denotes time past 
relatively to adixero, and dvriumrpdrrovros time present relatively to 
yvovrev, which is its leading verb. See § 16, 1. 


Note 1. When the Aorist Participle is used to contain the 
leading idea of the expression, with Aavédve, to escape the 
notice of, tvyxdve, to happen, and dédve, to get the start of 
(§ 112, 2), it does not denote time past with reference to the 
verb, but coincides with it in time. Thus ¢dabov dreddrres 
means they went away secretly ; odx pOnaav dwedOdvres, NO soon- 
er were they gone ; eruxov eivedOdvres, they came in by chance, or 
they happened to come in. KE. g. 

Oud apa Kipxny €Abdvres éAnOouev, nor did we come without 
Circe’s knowledge. Od. XII, 17. “Edabev [atdriv] &66€vra mdvra 
cal earaddexOévra, everything took fire and was consumed before 
she knew ut. THuc. IV, 133. “Eb6n dpetapevos, he aimed a blow 
first. Tl. XVI, 822. Ov yap @fbn po cupBaca ¥ arvyia, xat 
éxexeipnoay, for no sooner did this misfortune come upon me, than they 
undertook, &c. Dem. Eubul. 1319, 8. Srparid ov rodAy ervxe peéxpe 
"IoOpou wapeAOotaa, an army of no great size had by chance 
marched as far as the Isthmus. Tuuc. VI, 61. “Ervye 8€ xara rovro 
Tov katpov €A Owv, and he hanpened to come just at that nick of time. 
Id. VII, 2. ‘Odjtya mpds ra pédAdovra ruyeiv mpdgtavres (8c. 
nyovvrat), they think they have chanced to accomplish only a litile tn 
comparison with their expectations. Id. I, 70. ; 











§ 24.] AORIST PARTICIPLE. 85 


BovAoipny dy Aabeiv atrdv dreXOady, I shoula dike to get away 
without his knowing tt. Xen. An. I, 3,17. Tovds avOpdnous Anoopey 
éremecovres. Id. VII, 8, 43. EvdaBetoOa wapaxedXevocoGe ad- 
Andros, py wepa rou Séovros copaHrepor yevoucvas Anoere Sia dapéev- 
res, lest, having become wiser than is proper, you shall become cor- 
rupted before you know it. Puat. Gorg. 487 D. (Here yevdpevos is 
an ordinary Aorist, past with reference to the phrase Angere diappGa- 

ivres.) ‘Ommdrepds xe POjow dSpeEadpevos xpoa Kadoy, whichever 
shall Jirst hit, &e. if xxi ‘ 805. aoe os 

The last four examples show that this use of the Participle was 
allowed even when the whole expression referred to the future. 


Note 2. A use of the Aorist Participle similar to that 
noticed in Note 1 is found after meptopdw and épopdew (srepseidor 
and éreidov) to allow, and occasionally after other verbs which 
take the Participle in the sense of the Infinitive (§ 112, 1). 
In this construction the Aorist Participle seems to express 
merely a momentary action, the time being the same that the 
Aorist Infinitive would denote if it were used in its place 
(§ 23, 1). E. g. 


Hpocdexopevos rovs "AOnvaious xaroxvncey mrepudeiy avriy Uy yi] 
tpn Oetoay, avetxer, expecting that they would be unwilling to allow their 
land to be ravaged, &c. Tuouc. I, 18. But in I, 20, we find the 
Aorist Infinitive, 7Am({ev rh» yay otk dy repudeiy ry. 67 vas, refer- 
ring to precisely the same thing. M} aap i peas Sia Gapev- 
ras, do not allow us to be destroyed. Hpt. 1V, 118. Ov pn o° eyo 
creptdyrouas awed Oovra, I will by no means let you go. ARIST. 
Ran. 509. “ErAnoay émideiv . . . . épnuny perv ry wodky yevopervny, 
riv d€ xdpay ropOovupevny, ... + dnavra be rov wéAepoy wepl Thy 
sarpioa Thy avTrav yryvdpevorv. Isoc. Pan. p. 60 D.§96. (Here 
the Aorist Participle denotes the laying waste of the city (as a single 
act), while the Presents denote the continuous ravaging of the coun- 
try, and the gradual coming on of a state of war. This is precisely 
the difference that there would be between the Present and Aorist 
Infinitive in a similar construction. See note on the passage, added 
to Felton’s 3d ed. p. 99.) Sompadévra rAnva, endured to be sold. 
Axrscu. Agam. 1041; and omeipas érda, Sept. 754. 

Instances occur of the Aorist Participle in this sense even with . 
other verbs, denoting that in which the action of the verb consists ; 
as ev y énoinoas avapynoas pe, you did well in reminding me. 
PLAT. Phaed. 60 C. So xaraWndicapevn, Apol. 30 D. 


REMARK. Ifa reference to the past is required in the Participle 
with the verbs mentioned in Notes 1 and 2, the Perfect is used. 
. The Present can of course be used to denote a continued action or 
state. E. g. 


"Ervyxavov dort mapetAngddres thy dpxny, they happer.ed to have 


86 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 24. 


just received their authority. THuo. VI, 96. ’Edv ris nduxnnas re 
xavy trav mod. Dem. Cor. 268, 23. "EAaOopey ypds avrove 
saidwy ovdey Stapépovres. Piat. Crit. 49 B. 


Note 8. In such passages a8 apoddynoay trois "APnvalas reiyn 
Te wepseAovres xai vais wmapadovres hdpoy re rakapevor, 
Tuuc. I, 108, the Aorist Participle is used in its ordinary sense, 
being past with reference to the time of the beginning of the peace 
dos arhich &podcynoay refers. The meaning is, they obtained terms 
of peace, on condition that they should first (i. e. before the peace 
began) tear down their walls, &. (Such passages are Tuuc. I, 101, 
108, 115,117. See Kriiger’s Note on I, 108, and Madvig’s Bemer- 
kungen, p. 46.) 


Note 4. For the use of the Aorist Infinitive and Participle with 
dy, see § 41, 38. For the Aorist Participle with ¢y, as a circumlo- 
cution for the Perfect, as Oavudoas EX, see § 112, N. 7. For the 
rare use of the Aorist Participle with €coyuas as a circumlocution for 
the Future Perfect, see § 29, N. 4, 


FUTURE. 


§ 23. 1. The Future. denotes that an action will 
take place in time to come; as ypayw, I shall write, or 
I shall be writing. 


Note 1. The action of the Future is sometimes continued, 
and sometimes momentary: thus ¢o may mean either J shall 
have, or I shall obtain; dpfw, I shall rule, or I shall obtain 
power. KE. g. 

0 revovrat Gras apfovary, they take trouble to gain power. 
XEN. Rep. Laced. XIV, 5. Acatperéov oirwes ApLovaiv re cat 


apfovrac, we must distinguish between those who are to rule and 
those who are to be ruled. PLAT. Rep. III, 412 B. 


Note 2. The Future is sometimes used in a gnomic sense, to 
cig that something will always happen when an occasion offers. 

. fe | 
"Ap 6 pevywy kal mdAw paynoerat. MENAND. Monost. 45. 

Norse 3. The Future is sometimes used to express what will 
hereafter be proved or recognized as a truth. This is analogous to 
the use of the Imperfect, § 11, N.6. E. g. 


Dirdoohos nuiy ~orat 6 peddov xadds xdyabds Ereabas Hirak, he 
will prove to be a philosopher. PLat. Rep. II, 376 C, See Od. II. 270, 


Notr 4. The Future is sometimes used in asia of doubt, 
where the Subjunctive is more common (§ 88). E. g. 


§ 25, 1.] " FUTURE INDICATIVE. 87 


Ti ira Spapev; pyrép 7 hovedacopev; what can we do? shall 
we kill our tnaher? "Bor. El. 967. toi mis TpéWwerat; whither 
shall one turn? AéfeoOe, §} dwiopev; will you receive him, or shall 
we go away? PLAT. Symp. 212 E. Eir éyo cov peicopar; ARIST. 
Acharn. 312. Ti ody rotnoopey; mérepov eis Thy médww mavras 
rovrous mapabefdpeba; what then shall we do? Are we to receive 
all these into the state? PLAT. Rep. III, 397 D. 


Nore 5. (a.) The second person of the Future may express a 
concession, permission, or obligation, and is often a mild form of 
imperative. E. g. 


IIpés ravra mpafets otov dy OeAns, you may act as you please. 
Sopu. O. C. 956. L[lavras 8€ rotro 8pdaess, but by all means do 
this. Arist. Nub. 1352. So in the common imprecations, drokciode, 
oipwterbe, may you perish, &c. Xeipt 8 od pavoess word. Eur. 
Med. 1320. 


(8.) A few instances occur in which the Future Indicative with 
st) expresses a prohibition, like the Imperative or Subjunctive with 
uy (§ 86). E.g. 

Tavrny, dv pos xpnobe ovpBovrd\w, puddtere rv riot, xal py 
Bovrnoecbe eideva, x. r. r., if you follow my advice, keep this 
faith, and do not wish to know, &c. Dem. Aristoc. 659,15. "Eay d€ 
ev dporvnre, xat vuvi rovro eee mouncere, kai pn depiav avrois 
aSecav Soocere. Lys. Phil. § 138. (In the preceding examples 
purd£ere and momoere belong under a.) Kal raya revyn pyr’ 
aywvapya twés Onaova’ ’Ayawis, 270" 6 Avpedy éuds. SOPH. Aj. 
572. Hevoyv ddixnoers pndémore xaipoy AaBov. MENAN. Mon. 


897. So perhaps pndév ravd épets xara mrédw. AESCH. Sept. 
250. 


These examples are sometimes explained by supposing an ellipsis 
of drs from the common construction drs pH Tovro épeis (8c. 
oxdre). See § 45, N. 7. 


REMARK. The use of the Future stated in Note 5 gives the 
most satisfactory explanation of the Future with ov py in prohibi- 
tions, especially in such expressions as ov pj AaAnoets, GAN’ dxodov- 
Onoes ue, do not prate, but follow me, and ob pq mpogoiceas xeipa, 
pnd dec métdov, do not bring your hand near me, nor touch m 
garments. See § 89, 2, with Notes. , 


Note 6. The Future sometimes denotes a present intention, 
expectation, or necessity that something shall be done, in which 
sense the periphrastic form with péAAw is more common. E. g. 


Té diaépovor rev é£ dvdyxns xaxoradovvray, el ye metvngoves 
kai 8ippnoovet kai prynoovar cal dypumvngovory; i. e. if 
they are to endure hunger and thirst, &c. XEN. Mem. I, 1, 17. 
(Here ef pedAAovet wewvqv xai dupnv, &c. would be more common, as 
in the last example under § 25, 2.) Alpe mAnxrpov, ef paxet, raise 
your spur, if you are going to fight. ARist. Av. 759. The impor 


88 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 25, 1. 


tance of this distinction will be seen when we come to conditional 
sentences. (See § 49, 1, N. 3.) 

A still more emphatic reference to a present intention is found 
in the question ri Aéfers; what dost thou mean to say? often found 
eva a as“Quos, ri AéEecs; § yap éyyvs eori mov; Eur. Elec. 


Notre 7. For the Future Indicative and Infinitive with d», 
see § 87, 2, and § 41,4. For the Future Indicative in protasis, 
see § 50, 1, N. 1; in relative clauses expressing a purpose, &c., see 
§ 65, 1 and 2; with ov pa, see § 89. 


2. A periphrastic Future is formed by #é\\@ and the 
Present or Future (seldom the Aorist) Infinitive. This 
form sometimes denotes mere futurity, and sometimes 
intention, expectation, or necessity. E. g. 


MéAXe rovro mpdarrew (or wpdfey), he is about to do this, or he 
intends to do this. So in Latin, facturus est for facie. MéAXo@ tpas 
Scdakecy, Bev por 7 ScaBory yeyove. PLAT. Apol. 21 B. Aenoes 
Tov Tovovrou Tivos del emordrou, et ad AAet HM wodttreia coCerTOat, 


if the constitution ts to be preserved. PLAT. Rep. III, 412 A. 

Note 1. The Future Infinitive after peAAw forms the only 
regular exception to the general principle of the use of that 
tense. (See § 27, N. 1.) The Future and the Present seem 
to be used indiscriminately. 


Note 2. The Imperfect (seldom the Aorist) of péAdq is 
used to express a past intention or expectation. E. g. 

Kuxdwoy, ove dp évedXes dvdrAniBos dvdpds éraipovs e8pevae ev 
ont yAadhupe, you surely were not intending to eat, &c. Od. IX, 475. 


“EpeAAdyv o Gpa xunoevw eyo, I thought I should start you off. 
Arist. Nub. 1301. See Il. If. 36. 


§ 26. The Future Optative in classic Greek is used 
only in indirect discourse after secondary tenses, to 
represent a Future Indicative of the direct discourse. 
Even here the Future Indicative is very often retained 
in the indirect discourse. (See § 69.) E. g. 


‘Yremav radXa Ort atrds rdxet wmpatot, dyero, having suggested 
as to what remained, that he would himself attend to the affairs there, 
he departed. Tuuc. I, 90. (Here mpdéo: represents mpaf of the 
direct discourse, which might have been expressed by mpd&e: in 
the indirect quotation. See in the same chapter of Thucydides, 
dwoxpwdpevor Gre mépyouvaty, having replied that they would send, 





_ 


§ 26.] FUTURE OPTATIVE. 89 


where mépyosey might have been used.) Et rea devyovra Anpotro, 
vd solboeiiad drs @s wokepip xpnaotro. XEN. Cyr. ik , 1, 8. 
(Here the announcement was ef reva Anwopat, os rodepin xpnoopat.) 
“ErXeyev Ort Erouos efn jyeioOa atrois eis rd AéAta, &vOa moda 
An YWotvro. XEN. An. vit, 1, 83. AlpeOévres ef’ gre Evyypaya 
pdpous, xaf ovorwas modkstrevaotvro, having been chosen for the 
ad fag of making a code of laws, by which they were to govern. XEN. 

ell. II, 8,11. (Here we have an indirect expression of the idea 
of the persons who chose them, of which the direct form is found 
just before (II, 3, 2), 0f¢ rpidxovra dydpas ékdabat, of rovs rrarpious 
popous Evyypaouar, xa’ obs modtrevoovas.) 

Remark. The term indirect discourse here, as elsewhere, must 
be understood to include, not only all cases of ordinary indirect 
ae babe introduced by ére or os or by the Accusative and the 

nfinitive, after verbs of saying and thinking, but also all dependent 
clauses, in any sentence, which indirectly express the thoughts of 
any Spake i than the writer or speaker, or even former tioughts 


of the speaker himself. (See § 68.) 

Note 1. The Future Optative is sometimes used in final 
and object clauses after secondary tenses; but regularly only 
with dns or dros py after verbs of striving, &c., occasionally 
with pf (or grws pn) after verbs of fearing, and very rarely (if 
ever) in pure final clauses. As these clauses express the pur- 
pose or fear of some person, they are in indirect discourse 
according to the Remark above. (See § 44, 2.) 

(a.) The most common case of the Future Optative in sen- 
tences of this class is with des or éxws pn after secondary 
tenses of verbs signifying to strive, to take care, and the like; 
the Future Indicative in this case being the most common 
form in the construction after primary tenses, which here cor- 
responds to the direct discourse. Thus, if any one ever said 
or thought, cxor& dros rotro yevnaeras, J am taking care that 
this shall happen, we can now say, referring to that thought, 
éoxéres Sas tovro yernoowro, he was taking care that this 
should happen, changing the Future Indicative to the Future 

Optative (§ 77). E. g. 
| "Eordres 6 MevexAijs dros ph €ootro drat, GAN’ EgosTo arte 
Sons (Gvrd re ynporpodnaos xal redeutncavra Odor avrdy, 
cai eis tov éetra ypdvov ra vopitdpeva ait@ motnoot. ISAE. de 
Menecl. Hered. § 10 (11). ‘"Epnxavdpeba Gros pydeis... - 
yvaootro, vomovot 8e mdvres, x. rT. A., we were striving that no one 


should know, &c., but that all should think, &. Prat. Tim. 18 C 
(Here the second verb, voysotes, is retained in the Future Indic 


40 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 26. 


tive, while the other, yrdécera, is changed to the Optative.) See 
also PLAT. Tim. 18 EY dev otov Do pnxavacGas, fj rmbeg bs. 
8éfosvro. Pat. Rep. IV, 430 A. (See § 15, 3.) “Emepedeiro 
3¢ Orws pyre dovros pare dworoi more Evowvro. XEN. Cyr. VIII, 1, 
48. Other examples are Puatr. Apol. 36 C; Xen. Cyr. VII, 
1,10, Hell. VU, 5, 3; Isaz. de Philoct. Hered. p. 59, 41. § 385. 


In this construction the Future Indicative is generally retained, 
even after secondary tenses. See § 45. 


(6.) The Future Optative is seldom found with pq or éres 
py after secondary tenses of verbs of fearing, as here the 
Future Indicative is not common after primary tenses. E. g. 


Ov pdvov rept ris Bacavou nai rns Sixns édedoixes, GAAd Kal epi 
TOU ypaupareiov, Srws ui) ved TOU MeveSevou avAANPONGotro. 
Isoc. Trapez. p. 363 B. § 22. (Here the fear was expressed origi- 
nally by drws yi) cvAAnpOncerat.) KaréBade 1d “Hpaxdewray reixos, 
ov ToUTo piesa TIES » - - - WOPEVTOLYTO emt THY ExEivou 
dvvayw. XEN. Hell. Vi. 4,27. "AAAa nal rovs Geos dy edecoas 
i ala py ovx dpbes aird motnooss. PLAT. Euthyphr. 
15 


Here the Present or Aorist Optative, corresponding to the same 
er of the Subjunctive after primary tenses, is generally used. 
ee § 46, 


(c.) In pure Final clauses & 44, 1) it would be difficult to find 
an example of éres with the Future Optative, in which the weight 
of Mss. authority did not favor some other reading. Such is the 
case in XEN. Cyr. V, 4,17, and in Dem. Phaenipp. 1040, 20. Still, 
there can be little doubt of the propriety of such a construction, as 
the Future Indicative with dmws was in use (though rare) after 
primary tenses. (§ 44, 1, N. 1.) 

The single example cited for the use of the simple pa with the 
Future Optative in a pure final clause is Piat. Re TH, 893 E: 
*"Ayapepvey rypiavey, evrehAdpevos viv re dmievas nal avits pi} EdOeiv, 
pn avr@ Té Tre oxnmrpoy Kal ta Tov Oeov oréspara obx émapKécot. 
(Here there is another shana Pty aiid of inferior authority, 
which is adopted by Bekker.) the reading érapxéoos is retained 
it is by most editors), it can be explained only by assuming that 

lato had in his mind as the direct discourse pi ote émapxécet. 
We must remember that Plato is here paraphrasing Homer (Ul. I, 
25-28), and by no means literally. The Honens line is My vu 
To ov Xpaiapy oKhmrpov cat oreppa Oeoio. 

The other final particles, iva and ws, which seem never to take 
the Future Indicative, of course do not allow the Future Optative. 
(See § 44,1, N 1.) 


Nore 2. Many authors, especially Thucydides, show a decided 
preference for the Future Indicative, even where the Future Opta- 
tive might be used. As the tense was restricted to indirect dis- 


§ 27.] FUTURE INFINITIVE. 41 


course, it was a less common form than the Present and Aorist, and 
for that reason often avoided even when it was allowed. 


§ 27. The Future Infinitive denotes an action 
which is future with reference to the leading verb. 
EK. g. 

“Eoeabai nat, he says that he will be ; frerba a he said that he 
would be; érec bas pnce, he will say that he will be. Yoddous ye 


€eaeadac édeyov rous ebeAnoovras, they said that there would be many 
twwho would be willing. XEN. Cyr. III, 2, 26. 


Nore 1. The most common use of the Future Infinitive 
is in indirect discourse, after verbs of saying, thinking, &c., to 
represent a Future Indicative of the direct discourse. (See 
the examples above.) In other constructions, the Present and 
Aorist Infinitive, being indefinite in their time, can always 
refer to the future if the context requires it (§§ 15, 1; 23, 1); 
so that it is seldom necessary to use the Future, unless 
emphasis is particularly required. 

Therefore, after verbs and expressions whose signification 
refers a dependent Infinitive to the future, but which yet do 
not introduce indirect discourse, as verbs of commanding, 
wishing, &c. (§ 15, 2, N. 1), the Present or Aorist Infinitive 
(not the Future) is regularly used. Thus the Greek would 
express they wish to do thts not by BoWAovra rovro woiqoety, 
but by BovAovrat robro woseiy (or wosHoas). See examples 
under §§ 15, 1 and 23, 1. So, when the Infinitive follows 
éore and other particles which refer it to the future, or is used 
to denote a purpose without any particle (§ 97),—-and when 
it is used as a noun with the article, even if it refers to future 
time,— it is generally in the Present or Aorist, unless it is 
intended to make the reference to the future especially em- 
phatic. See examples in Chapter V. 

A single regular exception to this principle is found in the 
Future Infinitive after péddw (§ 25, 2). 


Note 2. On the other hand, when it was desired to make 
the reference to the future especially prominent, the Future 
Infinitive could be used in the cases mentioned in Note 1, 
contrary to the general principle. 

(a.) Thus we sometimes find the Future Infinitive sfter 


42 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 27. 


verbs and expressions signifying to wish, to be unwilling, to 
tntend, to ask, to be able, and the like, where we should expect 
the Present or Aorist. This was particularly a favorite con- 
struction with Thucydides. E. g. 


"E8enOnocay 8€ xai ray Meyapéwy vavoi odas Evpwpowepypecy. 
Tuuc. I, 27. ‘EBotvAovro rporipopnoecOasr. Id. VI, 57. Td 
. oTdpa avrod dcevootvro Ay aesv. Id. VII, 56. "Edidpevos pev ris 
naons apfecv, Bonbew 8¢ dua evmpenas BovdAdpevos rois éavrav 
Evyyeveot xal Evpudyors. Id. VI, 6. (Here Boney follows the rule.) 
Tov rats vavol pr adupety emtxetpnaety, to prevent them from being 
without spirit to attack them in ships. Id. VII, 21. Odr dronwdv- 
cecy Suvarot dvres. Id. III, 28. Et ris els rovro dvaBadXera 017 - 
oety ra 8€ovra, if any one postpones doing his duty as far as thts. 
Dem. Ol. III, 31,1. (The ordinary construction would be ad»aBdA- 
Aeras sroteiy Or wosjoas.) Ore ray mpoyévav peprnoba [det] obre 
Tov eydrvrav avéxecOa, vopov re Onoesy nat ypawpery, x. 7X. 
Dem. F. L. 345, 27. (Here we have 8 Onoew.) Woddov dm 
€yaurdy ye ddsxnoecy nat xar ¢uavrov épety aurés. PLAT. Apol. 
37 B. ta Arist. Nub. 1130 we find, fows BovAnceras xdv éy 
Alyinr@ ruyeiv dv paddoyv fh xpivas xaxas, perhaps he will wish that 
he might (if possible) find himself by some chance in Egypt, rather than 
wish to judge unfairly. (Here rvyei dy is used in nearly the same 
sense as the Future in the second example. In this example and 


some others here given there seems to be an approach to the con- | 


struction of indirect discourse. 

See also Tuuc. IV, 115 and 121; V, 35; VII, 11; VII, 55 and 
74. In several of these es the Mss. vary between the Future 
and Aorist, although the weight of authority is for the Future. See 
Kriiger’s Note on Tuuc. I, 27, where the passages of Thucydides 
are collected. 


(.) In like manner, the Future Infinitive is occasionally 
used for the Present or Aorist, after sore and in the other 
constructions mentioned in Note 1, to make the idea of futurity 
more prominent. E. g. 


IIpoxaderdpevos és déyous “Imniav, Sore fy pndev dpécxov réeyn, 
qwadkw avrovy katagctTnoety és rd Teixos, On condition that he 
would tn that case restore him. Tuuc. Il], 34. Tovds ounpous mape- 
Socav r@ 'Apyeiwv dnuw 8a raira 8tayphnoeaGar, that they might 
put them to death. Tuuc. VI, 61. So revoerba, III, 26. *Edride 
TO ahaves rou KaropOacety emirpépavres, having committed to hope 
what was uncertain in the prospect of success. Tuuc. Il, 42. (Here 
xaropOocew is more explicit than the Present xarop$ovw would be: 
TO ahavés ro xaropfovy would mean simply what was uncertain tn 
regard to success.) Td peév ovvy éferdyberv abrdvy Oappd rai wave 
marevo, I have courage and great confidence as to my convicting him. 
Dem. F. L. 342, 2. (Here most of the ordinary Mss. read éfeAéyxeu.) 


§ 29.] FUTURE PERFECT. 48 


Note 8. The Future Infinitive is the regular form after 
verbs of hoping, expecting, promising, &c., since it stands here 
in indirect discourse (§ 15,2, N.1). E. g. 


Tpwoly 8 Edmero Oupds vyas evimpnoesy xreveety O ipwas 
"Axaous. Il. XV, 701. ‘Yard 7° xyxero nal xarevercey Swodpevas. 
Tl. XII, 868. Waidd re ody wpocddca ro drovoornaesy. HDT. 
I, 42. Kai mpoodoxav xp) Seomdcecy Zyvés twa; AESCH. Prom. 
930. “Hdmev yap pdynv €vecGar. THuc. IV, 71. °Ev édwids 
ey ra teiyn alpnoesy. Na. VII, 46. Tov orparrydv npocdon® ratra 
wpagfecy. XEN. An. III, 1, 14. ’Ex rovrou iwécyero pnyaviyv 
wapefecy. Id. Cyr. VI, 1, 21. 20 yap bwécyov (nrncetr. Brat. 
Rep, IV, 427 E. So d&dporos # pny dEecyv, SOPH. Phil. 594. 

Yet all of these verbs can take the Aorist or Present Infinitive 
without apparent change of meaning. They form an intermediate 
class between verbs which take the Infinitive in indirect discourse 
and those which do not. For examples of the Present and Aorist, 
see § 15, 2, N. 2; and § 23, 2, N. 2. 


§ 28. The Future Participle denotes an action 
which is future with reference to the leading verb. 
EK. g. 

Totro ro.nowy epxera, hrOev or erevoera, he comes, went, or 
will come, for the purpose of doing this. Oi8a atréy rovro wotnoorra, 
I know that he will do this: oi8a rovro satnaawy, I know that I shall 


do this. So j8ev avrav rovro woinoovra, I knew that he would do 
this. 


Norte. For the various uses of the Future Participle, and ex- 
amples, see Chapter VI. 


FuTuRE PERFECT. 


§20. The Future Perfect denotes that an action 
will be already finished at some future time. It is thus 
a Perfect transferred to the future. E. g. 

Kai pe eddy éfedeyéns, ode dxOecOnoopai cot, dAdAd péyoros evep- 
yérns map épol dvayeypayer, you will have been enrolled as the 
greaiest benefactor. PLatT. Gorg. 506 C. *Hy 8€ py yévnrat, parny 


enol kexNavoerat, av 8 eyxavav reOunEecs. Lf shall then have 
had my whipping for nothing, and you will have died. Arist. Nub. 
1435 


Nore 1. The Future Perfect often denotes the contin- 


44 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 29. 


uance of an action, or the permanence of its results, in future 
time. E. g. 
Tys 8uvdpews és didioy rois émvytyvopevos pynn Katadedei- 
erat, the memory of our power will be left to our posterity forever. 
Huc. II, 64. (Compare § 18, 2.) 


Note 2. The Future Perfect sometimes denotes the cer- 
tainty or likelihood that an action will tmmedtately take place, 
which idea is still more vividly expressed by the Perfect (§ 17, 
Note 6). E.g. , 

Ei 3€ mapedOov ets doricoty 8ivairo diddbat, was 56 wapov hdBos 
AeAvcerar, all the dbase fear will be at once dispelled. DEM. 
Symmor. 178, 17. (Here the inferior Mss. have XeAvras, which 
would have the same force, like d\wAa quoted in § 17, N. 6.) 
@pale, cal wempakerac, speak, and tt shall be no sooner said than 
done. ARIST. Plut. 1027. Evé6vs ’Apiaios adeornge:, Sore idos 
Hpi ovdeis AeAeiWeras. KEN. An. if 


Note 8. The Future Perfect can be expressed by the 
Perfect Participle and écopa:. In the active voice this com- 
pound form is the only one in use, except in a few verbs. 
E. g. 

*Av tavr’ eidapev, xal ra Seovra do dpeba dyvwxdres cai Adyor 
paraiov dmnAXAaypevos, we shall have already resolved to do our 


duty and shall have been freed from vain reports. Dem. Phil. I, 54, 
22. (See § 17, N. 2). 
Norte 4. A circumlocution with the Aorist Participle and 
éropa: is sometimes found, especially in the poets. E. g. 
‘ Ov ciomjoas goer; SopuH. O. T. 1146. Aumnbets fre. Soru. O. 
e 816. 


Note 5. (a.) When the Perfect is used in the sense of a Present 
ie 17, N. 8), the Future Perfect is the regular Future of that tense. 
. g- 


tae iba 


KexAnoopat, peuynoopat, ddeornte, I shall be named, I shall re- 
ruember, I shall mi — 


(b.) With many other verbs, the Future Perfect differs very 
slightly, if at all, from an ordinary Future. Thus, rerpdcopac is the 
regular Future Passive of werpdoxw. Still, where there is another 
form, the Future Perfect is generally more emphatic, and may be 
explained by Note 1 or Note 2. 


Notr 6. The Future Perfect of the dependent moods is rare, 
except in the verbs referred to in Note 5. When it occurs, it 
presents no peculiarity, as it bears the same relation to the Indicative 
which the corresponding forms of the Future would bear. E. g. 








§ 30, 1.] GNOMIC AND ITERATIVE TENSES. 45 


Tatra (gyci) mempaferGas dvow fh rpudy npepdy, he says that 


these ae will have been accomplished within two or three days. 
Dem. F. L. 364, 18. (Here the direct discourse was mempd£eras. ) 


REMARK. It must be remembered that, in most cases in which 
the Latin or the English would use a Future Perfect, the Greeks 
use an Aorist or even Perfect Subjunctive. (See § 18, 1, and § 20, 
N. 1, with the examples.) 


GNOMIC AND ITERATIVE TENSES. 


§ 30. 1. The Aorist and sometimes the Perfect In- 
dicative are used in animated language to express 
general truths. These are called the gnomie Aorist and 
the gnomic Perfect, and are usually to be translated by 
our Present. 


These tenses give a more vivid statement of general truths, 
by employing a distinct case or several distinct cases in past 
time to represent (as it were) all possible cases, and implying 
that what has occurred will occur again under similar circum- 
stances. K. g. 


Kdréay’ Spas & +’ depyds avip 6 re woddd dopyas, both alike must 
die. Il. TX, 320. “Oore nat dxipov dvd oBet nat adeirero 
vixny, who terrifies, and snatches away. Il. XVII,177. (See Note 2.) 
Bia 8€ nal peyadavxoy € of bese ev xypévp. Prnp. Pyth. VIII, 20. 
Sopot 8é péeAAovra rpiraioy dvepow €padow, ovd’ trd xéepdae BAABerv. 
Pinp. Nem. VII, 25. Kal 8) idov ris Exrav’ dyvoias tro. AESCH. 
Supp. 499. "AAAd ra roiaira els pév Gwat cai Bpayty xpdvov 
dvréxes, xal oddpa ye FvOncev én tais édniow, dv ruxn, TO 

pévy 8€ Pawparas cai wepi ara carappet. Dem. OL I, 21, 1. 
tSee Note 2.) *Hy dpa... . cpadaor, avrednicavres Da €r d1- 
woayv tiv xpeiay, they supply the deficiency (as often as one occurs). 
uc. I, 70. “Hy 8€ ris rovrey rt mapaBaivy, (npiay avrois émé- 
Oecav, i.e. they impose a penalty upon every one who transgresses. 
XEN. Cyr. I, 2, 2. Actwwav + dnpa avevpdrav éxoipioe orévovra 
srovrov. SOPH. Aj. 674. Mi npépa Toy pep cabeirev invdber, rov 
3 fp’ dv. Eur. Ino. Fr. 424. “Oray 6“Epws éyxparéorepos yevnrat, 
Scahbeipes re word xai H8ixnoey. Prat. Symp. 188 A. “Oray 
ris oowep ovTos loxyvon, } mparn mpopacrs Kat puxpdy mratopa dravra 
dvexairice xat SseAvocev. Dem. Ol. Il, 20, 27. "Emecdav ris 
gap é¢you padn, dav pev Bovdrnra, awodédwxev & eyo mpdrropat 
dpyuptoy, dav Sé pi), eAOdyv eis lepdy pdcas, Saou dv i dkca eivar ra 

Onpara, rocovroy xatéOnxeyv. PLAT. Prot. 328 B. (Here the 

erfect and Aorist are used together, in nearly the same sense, he 
pays.) TodXot did dd£ay nal sroderixqy duvapuy peydda kaka wen dv Oa- 


46 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 30, 1. 


osv, i.e. many always have suffered, and many do suffer. XEN. 
Mem. IV, 2, 35. Td 8€ uy dproddy dvavraywviorp eivoig TETi- 
pynrac. THuc. Il, 45, 


Remark. The gnomic Perfect is not found in Homer. 


Nore 1. The sense, as well as the origin of the construc- 
tion, is often made clearer by the addition of such words as 
wodAdxis, 78n, Or off. Such examples as these form a simple 
transition from the common to the gnomic use of these 
tenses : — 

TloAAd orparéreda fon Exevey tn’ ehacadvay, i. &. many cases 
have already arisen, implying, tt often happens. Tuuc. II, 89. MéaA- 
Lov y' larpds, ty vdaqp di8ous xpdvov, idaar’ Aon paddoy f Tepoy 
xpéa. Eur. Frag. 1057. WodAaats Exar tis ov8é ravayxaia viv avptoy 
ewXouTrno , Gore xarépous tpepey, 1. @. cases have often occurred 
in which such a man become rich the next day, &c. PHitEM. Fr. 
Inc. 29. *Aévpotvres dv8pes ott rpemaoy gornoayv. PLAT. Crit. 
108 C. Oddeis emdovrycey raxéws dixaos dv. MENAND. Col. Fr. 
6. (Kriiger, § 53, 10, A. 2.) 

Nore 2. General truths are more commonly expressed in 
Greek, as in English, by the Present. (See § 10, N. 1.) 
Examples of the Present and Aorist, used in nearly the same 
sense in the same sentence, are given under § 30, 1. The 
gnomic Aorist is, however, commonly distinguished from the 
Present, either by being more vivid, or by referring to an 
action which is (by its own nature) momentary or sudden, 
while the Present (as usual) implies duration. See the second 
and sixth examples under § 30, 1. ; 


Norr 3. An Aorist resembling the gnomic Aorist is very 
common in Homer, in sémtles depending on past tenses, where 
it seems to stand by assimilation to the leading verb. It is 
usually to be translated by the Present. E. g. 


"Hpire 3 as Gre ris Spts fperev, and he fell, as when an oak falls 
(literally, as when an oak once fell). I. XVI, 389. 


Nore 4, It is very doubtful whether the Imperfect was ever 
used in & gnomic sense, so as to be translated by the Present. 


Note 5. An instance of the gnomic Aorist in the Infinitive is 
fcund in SorH. Aj. 1082:— 


“Orov & UBpifewv Spav &, & BovrAerat, wap7, 
Taurny vouice thy méAww xpdvp more 
"E€ ovpiov Spapovcay és Buddy weaety. 


e 
§ 30, 2.] GNOMIC AND ITERATIVE TENSES. 47 


Here seceiy represents érecey in the direct discourse; the sense 
being, believe that that city must at some time fall. (See Schneide- 
win’s note.) So probably in Puat. Phaedr. 232 B: jyoupévp .. . . 


Scadhopas yevouevns xowny adorépas Karagrivar tHy ov ay. 

yo the Aowiat Paruciple soome to be jecenionally: deb ga 
same sense; as in THuc. VI, 16: oi8arovds roovrous é» pév To Kar’ 
avrovs Big Aumnpols Svras, trav Sé Exeira avOpowey wpooroincw 
Evyyevelas riot xai pi) ovcay karadstrdvras, I know that such men, 
although in their own lifetimes they are offensive, yet often leave to some 
who come after them a desire to claim connexion with them, even where 
there is no ground for ut. 


Note 6. The gnomic Perfect is found in the Infinitive in Dem. 
Ol. Tl, 28, 14: ef 8€ rs cddppwr H dixaws,.... tapedabar xar 
év ovderds eivat peper roy raovroy (paciv), suck a man is always thrust 
aside, and is of no account. 


2. The Imperfect and Aorist are sometimes used 

e e ¥ e 
with the particle avy to denote a customary action, 
being equivalent to our phrase in narration, “ he would 
often do this,”’ or “he used to doit.” E. g. 

Acnporav ay atrovs ri A€yotev, I used to ask them (I would ask 
them) what they said. Pat. Apel. 22 B. Ei reves Body wy rovs 

$ emtxparourras, dveOdpanaay dy, whenever any saw their 
Jriends in any way victorious, they would be encouraged (i. e. they were 
encouraged tn all such cases). THuc. VII, 71. Wodddes nrov- 
Tapev ay tt xaxas tuas BovAevodpevous péya mpaypa, we used very 
often to hear you, &c. ARistT. Lysist. 511. Ef ris adr@ mepi rou 
avriveyos pndev Exar cadhes reyeww, emt ray tmcdeow eravnyev av 
mavra Tov Adyor, he always brought the whole discussion back to the 
main point. - Mem. IV, 6,13. ‘Ondre mpocBreWece rivas tay ev 
Tais rdgect, tore pev etrrev av, & avdpes, x. 7. AX... ~~ Tore 8 av ey 
Gadors Ay €XeEev. XEN. Cyr. VII, 1, 10. 

This construction must be carefully distinguished from that with 
dy in ordinary apodosis (§ 49, 2). For the iterative Imperfect 
transferred to the Infinitive, see § 41, N. 3. 

Nore 1. (a.) The Ionic tterative Aorist in -oxoy and 
-oxdunv expresses the repetition of a momentary action; the 
Imperfect with the same endings expresses the repetition of a 
continued action. E. g. 

“AAXovus pev yap matdas epous médas axus "AxtAde’s wépvacy’, ov 
ry éXeoxe. Il. XXIV, 751. “Oxws €rABos & Netdos emi oxrd 
wnxeas, ApSeaKxe Atyurtoy ri evepOe Méepquios. Hort. Il, 13. 


(6.) In Homer, however, the iterative forms are someumes 
used in nearly or quite the same sense as the ordinary forms; 
thus goxe in Homer does not differ from fv». E. g. 


48 USE OF THE TENSES. _ [§ 30, 2. 


Aanp adr’ dubs €oxe xuvomidos, ef mor env ye. Tl. III, 180. “Os of 
wAnoiov [fe, pddiora 8¢ pew Gcdeeoxev. Od. VU, 171. 

Note 2. Herodotus sometimes uses the iterative forms in -oxop 
and -cxdpny with dy, in the construction of § 30,2. (He uses the 
iterative Aorist in only two passages, in both with dv.) E. g. 

Soaréovoa xraleoxe dv cal d8upéocxero. Hot. Ill, 119. "Es 
rovrous Sxws €or 6 SxvAns, rv pev orparijy narareimeane ev Ta 


mpoacreim, autos d€ dxws €AOos és vd Teixos... . AdBeoxe av 
*EAAnvida da Gira. Hoyt. IV, 78. 


DEPENDENCE OF Moops AND TENSES. 


§3i. 1. In dependent sentences, where the con- 
struction allows either a Subjunctive or an Optative, 
the Subjunctive is used if the leading verb is primary, 
and the Optative if it is secondary. (See § 8,2.) E. g. 


IIpdrrovow a dy BovrAavrat, they do whatever they please: but 
éxparrov & BovAowvro, they did whatever they pleased. 


2. In like manner, where the construction allows 
either an Indicative or an Optative, the Indicative 
follows primary, and the Optative follows secondary 
tenses. KE. g. , 

A¢yovow dre rovro BovrAovrat, they say that they wish for this, 
€detay Ore rovro BovAorvro, they said that they wished for this. 

Norte l. To these fundamental rules we find one special 
exception : — 

In indirect discourse of all kinds (including sentences 
denoting a purpose or olject after iva, py, &c.), either an In- 
dicative or a Subjunctive may depend upon a secondary 
tense, in order that the mood and tense actually used by the 
speaker may be retained in the indirect discourse. (See § 69.) 
E. g. 

Elmev dre BovrXeratc, for etrev ort BovArotro, he said that he 
wished (i. e. he said BovAopa). "EqoBetro py rovro yéynras, for 
eoBeiro py rovro yévotro, he feared lest tt should happen (i. e. he 
thought, poBodpat ph) yévnrac). (See § 44, 2.) 


Note. 2. An only apparent exception to these rules occurs 
when either an apodosis with dy, or a verb expressing a wish, stands 
in a dependent sentence. In both these cases the form which would 


§ 32. | DEYENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES. 49 


have been required in the apodosis or in the wish, if it had been 
independent, is retained without regard to the leading verb. It 
will Be obvious from the principles of such sentences (Chapter IV), 
that a change of mood would in most cases change the whole 
nature of the apodosis or wish. E. g. 

"Ey® ovx oi8 Sras dy tis cahecrepoy éemideitecev, I do not 
know how any one could show this more clearly. Dem. Aph. I, 828, 
23. Act yap éxelv@ rovro €y TH yroun mapacTioa, ws tpeis ex THs 
Gpedeias ravrns .... lows av 6punoatre. Dem. Phil. I, 44, 25, 
Ei & tpeis dAdo rs yoooerGe, & py yévotro, riva olecbe avtTHy Wuyny 
efew; Dem. Aph. IT, 842, 14. 

The learner needs only to be warned not to attempt to apply the 
rules § 31, 1, 2 to such cases as these. See § 44, 1, . 8 (5). 


Note 3. A few other unimportant exceptions will be noticed 
as they occur. See, for example, § 44, 2, Note 2. 


REMARK. It is therefore of the highest importance to ascertain 
which tenses (in all the moods) are to be considered primary, and 
which secondary; that is, which are to be followed, in dependent 
sentences, by the Indicative or Subjunctive, and which by the 
Optative, where the rules of § 31 are applied. The general prin- 
ciple, stated in § 8, 2, applies chiefly to the Indicative, and even 
there not without some important modifications. 

§ 32. 1. In the Indicative the general rule holds, that the 
Present, Perfect, Future, and Future Perfect are primary 
tenses, and the Imperfect, Pluperfect, and Aorist are secondary 
tenses. 


2. But the historical Present is a secondary tense, as it 
refers to the past; and the gnomic Aorist is a primary tense, 
as it refers to the present. 

See the first example under § 10, 2, where an historical 
Present is followed by the Optative; and the sixth, seventh, 
and eighth examples under § 30, 1, where gnomic Aorists are 
followed by the Subjunctive. 


3. (a.) The Imperfect Indicative in protasis or apodosis 
denoting the non-fulfilment of a condition (§ 49, 2), when it 
refers to present time, is a primary tense. E. g. 

"“Eypadov dy nrixa bpas eb moinoe, ef ev dew, I would tell you 
in my letter how great services I would render you, if I knew, &c. 
Dem. F. L. 853, 24. Tldvwy ay époBovpny, py aropnawce Adyop. 
Piat. Symp. 193 E. “EqoBotpny dv opddpa r€yev, py ddEa, 
x. 7. X., 1 should be very much afraid to speak, lest I should seem, &c. 
PLaT. Theaet. 143 E. Tair’ dy fdn Aé yew erexelpour, w’ el dnre. 
Dem. Aristocr. 623, 11. 

3 D 


50 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 82. 


(6.) On the other hand, the Aorist Indicative in the same 
sense in protasis and apodosis, and also the Imperfect when it 
refers to the past, are secondary tenses. E. g. 


"ANAG kal rovs Oeovs Gv ESetcas mapaxivduvevery, pi) ovK dpbas avrd 
rotnoots- PLAT. Euthyph. 15 D. ’AAQX’ ob8é pera woAAGy papri- 
pov dmodidovs elk ris iy éwiorevev, & ef ris yiyvosro dcapopa, 
xopicacGa, patios wap tyiw Sivnrat:. Dem. Onet. I, 869, 18. 
(Here the Subjunetive duvnras will be explained by § 44, 2, but the 
Optative shows that the leading verb is secondary.)* 


§ 33. All the tenses of the Subjunctive and Imperative 
are primary, as they refer to present or future time. E. g. 


"“EweoO’ omy a tis Hyjrac, follow whithersoever any one leads 
the way. Tuuc. Il, 11. 


§ 34. As the Optative refers sometimes to the future and 
sometimes to the past, it exerts upon a dependent verb some- 
times the force of a primary, and sometimes that of a secondary 
tense. 

When it refers to the past, as in general suppositions after 
«i and relatives, depending on past tenses (§§ 51 and 62), it is 
of course secondary, like any other form which refers to past 
time. 

When it refers to the future, it is properly to be considered 
primary. In many cases, however, a double construction is 
allowed: on the principle of assimilation the Greeks preferred 
the Optative to the Subjunctive in certain clauses depending 


* It is difficult to determine the question whether the secondary tenses 
of the Indicative in this construction (§ 32, 3) are primary or secondary in 
their effect on the dependent verb, as sentences of nearly every class de- 
pending upon them take by assimilation a secondary tense of the Indica- 
tive. (So in most final clauses, § 44, 3; in protasis after ei, § 49,2; and 
after relatives, § 64.) There remain only indirect quotations, and the few 
cases of final clauses that do not take the Indicative by assimilation ; but 
both of these have the peculiarity of allowing the Indicative and Subjunc- 
tive, when the writer pleases, to stand as they were in the direct discourse, 
instead of being changed to the Optative. Madvig (Bemerkungen, p. 20) 
classes them all as primary forms, considering the two examples of the 
Optative after the Aorist, quoted above, § 82, 3 (5), as exceptions. But 
these cannot be accounted for on the supposition that both Aorist and 
Imperfect are primary: they are, however, perfectly regular, if we con- 
sider the present forms primary and the past forms secondary (as in other 
cases); while the other examples in which the Indicative or Subjunctive 
Satta the past forms may all be explained on the principle of § 31, 

ote 1. 





§ 34.] DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES. 51 


on an Optative, the dependent verb referring to the future like 
the leading verb, und differing little from a Subjunctive in 
such a position. This assimilation takes place regularly in 
protasis and conditional relative clauses depending on an 
Optative; but seldom. in final and object-clauses after iva, dxas, 
py, &c., and very rarely in indirect quotations or questions. 

The three classes of sentences which may depend on an 
Optative referring to the future are treated separately : — 

1. (a.) In protasis and in conditional relative sentences 
depending upon an Optative which refers to the future, the 
Optative is regularly used to express a future condition, rather 
than the Subjunctive. E. g. 


Eins gopyrés oink dy, el wmpaaaotrs Kadds, you would be unendur- 
able, if you should ever prosper. AESCH. Prom. 979. ’Avdpi d€ «° 
ov« eifete peyas TeAapdmos Alas, ds Oynrdés 1’ etn cat édoe Anunrepos 
dxrnv. Il. XIII, 321. Was yap dy ns, d ye py éwicrairo, ravra 
copes etn ; for how should any one be wise wn those things which he did 
not understand? Xen. Mem. IV, 6,7. Aéotro dy avrov pévew, gore 
ov dwéX Gots. KEN. Cyr. V, 3,13. Ei droOvnoxos pév wavra, dca 
Tov (nv peradrdBos, ewedy 3€ dwobdvos, peyor ev ToOUT@...- 
dp’ ov roAX?) dvayen reAevrevra wdvra rebvdvas; PLAT. Phaed. 72 C. 
‘Qs amd\orro Kal Gos, 6 ris rotatrd ye péfor, may any other man 
likewise perish, who shall do such things. Od. 1,47. TeOvainy, dre pos 
pnxére ravta pédos, may I die, when I (shall) no longer care for 
these! Mimn. Fr. I, 2. (Here orav pnxere peAy might be used with- 
out change of meaning. But dre peXes, found in the passage as 
quoted by Plutarch, would refer to the present in classic Greek.) 


(6.) On the other hand, the dependent verb is sometimes in 
the Subjunctive (or Future Indicative with ¢), on the ground 
that it follows a tense of future time. This happens especially 
after the Optative with dy used in its sense approaching that of 
the Future Indicative (§ 52,2, N; §54,1,6.) E.g. 

“Hy ovvy pdOns pos rovrov, ove dy drodoiny, if then you should 
(shall) learn this for me, I would not pay, &c. Arist. Nub. 116. “Hy 
ge dpéAwpat, xaxior arodoipny. Id. Ran. 586. "Eyo 3€ ravrny 
pev thy elpnyny, €ws dy eis "Abnvaiov Acinnrat, ovderor ay oup- 
BovAevoayu monoacba ry wove, I would never advise the city to make 
this peace, as long as a single Athenian shall be left. Dem. F. L. 345, 
14, (Here éws deiworro would be the common form.) “Qomep ay 
ipav exagros aicyuvbein rv rdw Armeiy Hy Gv TaXOR ev TO worene, 
as each one of you-would be ashamed to leave the post at which he might 
be placed in war. ArscHin. Cor. § 7. (Here fv raxGein would be 
the more common expression.) Tay drowordtwy ay ei, « raira 
durnbeis wy mpadées Dem. Ol. I, 16, 25. Many such examples may 
be explained equally well by § 54, 1 (a). 


52 USE OF THE TENSES. [§ 34, 1. 


Notr. It will be understood that no assimilation to the Optative 
can take place when the protasis (after el or a relative) consists of a 
present or past tense of the indicative, as in this case a change to 
the Optative would involve a change of time. See § 64, Rem 2. 


2. In final and object clauses after tva, éxos, py, &c., the 
Subjunctive (or Future Indicative) is generally used when the 
leading verb is an Optative referring to the future; the 
Optative, however, sometimes occurs. The preference for the 
Subjunctive here can be explained on the general principle 
(§ 31, Note 1, and § 44, 2). E.g. 


(Subj.) 'Oxvoiny ay eis ra wAoia épBaivew, py raradvan: poBot- 
pny 8 av ro yyepdue execOat, pty nuas dydyy Gey ovx otov re Eras 
efedOeiv. XEN. An. 1, 3,17. Olopas Gy tuas peya cynca 1d orpa- 
revpa, el emipeAnbeinre Gras avri ray arodwAcTor os TaxLoTAa OTpatn- 
yo cat Aoxayol dyrixaragradaory. XEN. An. II], 1, 38. 

(Opt.) Hepguny av pi} rpdcm ipéey elvat, iva, ef wov xapds ein, 
éxchaveinv. XEN. Cyr. I, 4,17. ‘H gvdacy yedola ris gh aek 
yotro, et ovye emipedoio Oras ewber re elo phépotro. ; 
Oecon. , 89. Other examples of the Optative are AESCH. 
Eumen. 298 (€6o1, Gras yevorro) ; SOPH. Aj. 1221 (dres mpocei- 
wotpev) ; SopH. Phil. 325; Eur. Hec. 839; Xen. Cyr. I, 6, 22. 


Note. In relative sentences expressing a purpose the Future 
Indicative is regularly retained, even after past tenses of the Indica- 
tive, For exceptional cases of the Optative in this construction, 
depending on the Optative with dy, see § 65, 1, Notes 1 and 3. 


3. In indirect quotations and questions, depending upon an 
Optative which refers to the future, the Indicative is the only 
form regularly used to represent an Indicative of the direct 
discourse. But in indirect questions the Optative is sometimes 
found representing a dulttative Subjunctive of the direct 
question (§ 88). E. g. 


O08 Gy els dvretrot ds OV CUphEeper TH wéAe. DEM. Megal. 202, 
24. El oup viv droderx Gein tiva xpi iyyeioOat, . . . . odK av dadre of 
mode ptot €AOarev Bovreveo Oat Hpas Seor. XEN. An. III, 2, 36. 

Our dv exo eEeAOav & re ypg@o avrg, if you should withdravo, 
you would not know what to do with yourself. PLAT. Crit. 45 B. Ove 
av €xows 6 rt x py oato cavTq, GAN’ cyyigdns dy cal yaop@o ovK Exwr 
& ttc etrors. Id. Gorg. 486 B. The direct questions here were re 

dpa ;—ri xpnowpat;—rieirw; The Subjunctive can always 
be retained in this construction, even after past tenses. See § 71. 


Notre. In Dem. Megal. 208, 12, we find a case of the Optative in 
an indirect quotation : Ov yap éxeivd y dy ctrrotpev, os dvrakdafacbas 


Bovroipe™ dyrimddous Aaxedatpovious dyri OnBaiwy There are 


§ 35, 2.] DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES. 58 


no other readings; and it is doubtful whether we must consider it as 
an exceptional case of assimilation (we could not say this, that we 
wished, &c.), or emend it, either by reading BovAdueGa (as proposed 
by Madvig, Bemerk. i 21), or by inserting av, which may easily have 
been omitted in the Mss. before either dvradAdEucGas or dyrurddovs. 
In Puart. Rep. VII, 515 D, we find in the best Mss. Ti av ofec avrav 
ciety, ef tis air Aéyor Gre rére pev wpa PAvapias, viv 8é opOdrepa 
BA €arot, what do you think he would say, uf any one should tel him 
that all that time he had been seeing foolish phantoms, but that now he 
sees more correctly? Some Mss. read Bdérec. 


_ In I. V, 85, Tudei8q» oe Gy yvoins worépoos perein, the Opta- 
tive in the indirect question represents péreoriy, but ov« ay yvolns 


here refers to the past, meaning you would not have known. (See 
§ 49, 2, N. 6.) | 


§ 33. 1. The Present, Perfect, and the Futures in the 
Infinitive and Participle regularly denote time which is merely 
relative to that of the leading verb of the sentence. They are 


therefore primary when that is primary, and secondary when 
that is secondary. E. g. 


BovAeras Aéyerw ri rovrd darcy, he wishes to tell what this is. 
*EBovAero Adyew ri rovro ein, he wished to tell what this was. Snow 
dGxnxoevaa ti dori, he says he has heard what it is. “Edn dxnxoevas 
ri ein, he said he had heard what tu was. noi mroiuncew 6 re by 
BovrnaGe, he says he will do whatever you shall wish. “Edn srotn- 
gew Ott BovrAorg Oe, he said he would do whatever you should te 8 

Mévovow BovAdpevos eidévas ri dors. “Epevoy BovdAdpevor eldevat 
ri ein. Médvovow aenodres tri €oriv. “Epevoy axnxoores ri etn. 
Mévovery dxovodpevos ti éorev. “Epevoy axovodpevot ti ein. 


Note. When the Present Infinitive and Participle represent 


the Imperfect (without dy) they are secondary without regard to 
the leading verb. E. g. 


Ids yap olecOe Svaxepas dxovecy, ef tis rt X€yot; how unroill- 
ingly do you think they heard it, when any one said anything? See 
this and the other examples under § 15, 3, and § 78, 2. 

2. When the Aorist Infinitive tn ttself does not refer to any 
definite time, it takes its time from the leading verb (like the 
Present), and may be either primary or secondary. But when 
it refers to time absolutely past, it is always a secondary tense. 
E. g. 


BovAeras yvavat ri rovréd orev, he wishes to learn what this ts. 
"EBovAero yvavat ti rovro ein, he wished to learn what this was. 
(§ 23, 1.) . 

But Gyol yvava ri robro etn, he says that he learned what tha 


54 THE PARTICLE ‘AN. [§ 35, 2. 


was (§ 28, 2). “Edn yveva: ri rovro ef, he said that he had learned 
what this was. (Tvera: has the force of a primary tense in the first 
example, that of a secondary tense in the others.) 

8. The Aorist Participle refers to time past relatively to the 
leading verb. It is therefore secondary when the leading 
verb is past or present and the Participle refers to time 
absolutely past; but it may be primary when the leading verb 
is future, if the Participle refers to time absolutely future. 
E. g. 

“lore nas €XOdvras wa rovro (Borner, you know that we came 
that we might see this. “Yareeumay rddda Gre avuros raxei wpafkor, 
Sxero. THuc. I, 90. Ty pdoreys rumréadw mAnyas tad xypuxos éy 
ayope, knputavros dy dvexa péeAXet rumtecOas. PLAT. . XI, 
917 E. Wydwv deicas pi Senbein...rpépe. ARisT. Vesp. 109. 

4. The tenses of the Infinitive and Participle with d» are 
followed, in dependent clauses, by those constructions that 
would have followed the finite moods which they represent, in 
the same position. See § 41, § 32, 8, and § 34. 


CHAPTER III. 


THE PARTICLE “AN. 


§36. The adverb av (Epic x¢, Doric xd) has two 
uses, which must be carefully distinguished. 


1. In one use, it denotes that the action of the verb 
to which it is joined is dependent upon some condition, 
expressed or implied. This is its force with the 
secondary tenses of the Indicative, and with thie 
Optative, Infinitive, and Participle: with these it 
forms an apodosis, and belongs strictly to the verd. 

2. In its other use, it is joined regularly to ¢, ¢f, and 
to all relatives and temporal particles, (and occasionally 
to the final particles os, dws, and 6fpa,) when these 





§ 37, 2.] THE PARTICLE “AN. 55 


words are followed by the Suljunctive. Here it seems 
to belong entirely to the relative or particle, with which 
it often coalesces, as in éav, drav, émeidav. 


RReEMARK 1. The rules, § 86, 1, 2, include only the constructions 
which are in good use in Attic Greek. For the 4 ic use of dy with 
the Subjunctive in apodosis, see § 38, 2; for dy with the Future In- 
dicative, see § 37, 2. 


REMARK 2. There is no word or expression in English which can 
be used to translate dy. In its first use (§ 36, 1) we express it b 
the mood of the verb which we use; as SovAorro dy, he would wish. 
In its second use, with the Subjunctive, it has no force that can be 
made perceptible in English. Its peculiar use can be understood 
only by a study of the various constructions in which it occurs. 
‘These are enumerated below, with references (when it is necessary) 
to the more full explanation of each in Chapter IV. 


§ 37. 1. The Present and Perfect Indicative are 
never used with a». 


When this seems to occur, there is always a mixture of construc- 
tions. Thus in Puat. Leg. IV, 712 E, éyw 8€ otra viv eLaiduns ay 
é€patnbeis Svrws, Srep elroy, on €x w eimeiv, dv was used with a view 
to ovx dv elroy or some such construction, for which ov« éxw eimeiv 
was substituted: the meaning is, if J should suddenly be asked, I 
could not say, &. So in PLAT. Men. 72 C, cv ei roddai... eioiv, 
ev yé rt ei80s rairéy maou éxovct, i.e. even if they are many, stitl 
(it would seem to follow that) they all have, &c. Examples like the 
last are very common in Aristotle, who seems to use xév ei almost 
like xai ei, without regard to the mood of the leading verb. 

REMARK. Constructions like those mentioned in § 42, 2, Note, 
must not be referred to this head. For ov« dw pot Soxet eivat is 
never tz would not seem to me to be; but always, wt does not seem to 
me that it would be; dy belonging to elvas. 


2. The Future Indicative is often used with av or 
xé by the early poets, especially Homer. The addition 
of ay makes the Future more contingent than that 
tense naturally is, giving it a force approaching that of 
the Optative with av in apodosis (§ 389). HE. g. 

"AAN 10, éyd 8€ xé ros Xapirwy piay dmdorepdwyv dace, drviepevas 
cai ony xexAnoOar dxarw. Ii. xiv, 267. Kai xé ris 53 épées 
Tpdav tmepnvopedvray, perhaps some one will thus speak. I. TV, 176. 
‘O 8€ kev KEexoAwCETAaL, Ov Kev ixwpat, and he will perhaps be angry 


to whom I come. Tl. 1,139. Eid’ aye, rods av éyav émowopas* of 
8¢ wibéoOwy. Tl. TX, 167. ap eporye xal Gros, of xé pe repay 


56 THE PARTICLE “AN. [§ 37, 2. 


wovgt, i. e. who will honor me when occasion offers. Il.1,174. Ei 
& ’Odvceds €or wat ixorr’ és warpida yaiay, ald xe civ @ radi Bias 
droricerat avdpav. Od. XVII, 539. (In this passage the Future 
with xé is used nearly in the sense of the Optative, corresponding to 
the Optatives in the Protasis. *Amorioera: may also be Aorist Sub- 
junctive, by § 38, 2.) Maéay d¢ ris av épet. Pinp. Nem. VII, 68. 
oO <u érs onov Syopat alyua. uR. Elect. 484. (So the 
Ss. 


Norte 1. The use of ay with the Future Indicative in Attic Greek 
is absolutely denied by many critics, and the number of the ex- 
amples cited in support of it have becn greatly diminished by the 
more careful revision of the texts of the Attic writers. Still several 
passages remain, even in the best prose, where we must either 
emend the text against the authority of the Mss., or admit the con- 
struction as a rare exception to the general rule. E. g. 

Atyumrious 8¢€.... ovx dpod woia Suvdpes oupudyy xpnodpevos 

GAdov Gy koAdoea be ris vow ovv enol odons. XEN. An. II, 5, 13. 
Amo yxuptodpevos S€ capes Gv [xaraornoere | avrois and Tov toou 
Upiy padroyv mpochepecGa. THuc. I, 140. (Here most editors read 
xatagmnoaire, on the authority of inferior Mss.) “Edn ovv rév 
€pwrapevoy eimeiv, ovx Hxet, Pavat, ovd av FEE Sevpo, nor will he be 
likely to come hither. Prat. Rep. X, 615 D: (Here the only other 
reading is £0, which is of course corrupt.) “Edy... . Aéyow 
mpos tpas ws, et Stadevgoipny, ion Gv tpav of vies... . mavres 
mavranact StapOapynoovrat. Id. Apol. 29 C. 


The construction is perhaps less suspicious in the dramatic chorus, 
which belongs to lyric Haat See the last example under § 37, 2. 
See § 41, 4, on the Future Infinitive and Participle with ap. 


Note 2. The form xe is much more common with the Future in 
Homer than the form dy. : 


8. The most common use of av with the Indicative 
is with the secondary tenses, generally the Imperfect 
and Aorist, in apodosis. It here denotes that the condi- 
tion upon which the action of the verb depends 28 not or 
was-not fulfilled. See § 49, 2. 


Note. The Imperfect and Aorist are sometimes used with 
dy in an iterative sense; which construction must not be con- 
founded with that just mentioned. See § 30, 2. 


§38. 1. In Attic Greek the Subjunctive is used 
with ay only in the cases mentioned in § 36, 2; never 
in independent sentences. See § 47, 2, § 50,1, § 51, 











§ 41.] THE PARTICLE AN. 57 


and § 60, 8. For the occasional use of ay in final 
clauses, see § 44, 1, Note 2. 


2. In Epic poetry, when the Subjunctive is used 
nearly in the sense of the Future Indicative (§ 87), 
it sometimes takes «é or av. The combination forms an 
apodosis, with a protasis expressed or understood, and 
is nearly or quite equivalent to the Future Indicative 
with av. E. g. 

Ei 8¢€ xe pn Sdhwow, eyd 8€ xev avris EX wpas, and if they do not 
give her up, I will take her myself. I. I, 187. (Cf. I. I, 324.) 

See § 50, 1, Note 2 (a). 

Note. This Epic use of xé or dy with the Subjunctive must 
not be confounded with the ordinary construction of § 38, 1. 
In the latter the d is closely connected with the particle or 
relative, while in the former it is joined with the verb, as it is 
with the Indicative or Optative. It in fact bears more resem- 
blance to the ordinary Optative with d» in apodosis in Attic 
Greek, than to any other Attic construction. 


$39. The Optative with av always forms an apo- 
dosis, to which a protasis must be either expressed or 
implied. It denotes what would happen, if the con- 
dition (expressed or implied) upon which the action 
of the verb depends should ever be fulfilled. See § 50, 
2, and § 52, 2. 

Remark. Such constructions as are explained in § 44, 1, N. 8, 


a, and § 74, 1, N. 2, are no exception to this rule, as there dy does 
not belong to the verb. 


Note. The Future Optative is not used with dy. See § 26. 


§ 40. The Imperative is never used with av. 


Note. All passages formerly cited for dy with the Imperative 
are now emended on Mss. authority, or otherwise satisfactorily ex- 
plained. See Passow, or Liddell and Scott, s, v. A». 

§41. The Infinitive and Participle can be used 
with av in all cases in which a finite verb, if it stood in 
their place, would be accompanied with av, This com- 

3% 


58 THE PARTICLE “AN. [§ 41, 1. 


bination always forms an apodosis (except in its itera- 
tive sense, Note 3): it can never form a protasis, as the 
finite verb never has av joined to ttself in protasis. (See 
§ 36, 2.) 

Each tense of the Infinitive and Participle with av 
forms the same kind of apodosis which the correspond 
tng tense of the Indicative or Optative would form in its 
place. The context must decide whether the Indicative 
or the Optative is represented in each case. 


1. The Present Infinitive and Participle (which represent 
also the Imperfect, by § 15, 8, and § 16, 2), when they are 
used with dv, may be equivalent either to the Imperfect Indica- 
- tive with dy or to the Present Optative with dy. They can 
represent no other form, as no other form of the Present is 
used with dy in apodosis in the finite moods. E. g. 


ow avrots édevbepovs Gy eivac, el rovro éxpafkay, he says that 
they would (now) be free, if they had done this (eiva: dv representing 
joay dy, § 87, 3). now avrovs édevOepous dv elyat, ei rovro 
mpagfeay, he says that they would (hereafter) be free, if they should do 
this (elvas dv representing efjcay dv, § 89). Oteode yap rév narépa 
oux Gy hudarrecy cal riy rysqy AapBavery trav ~vdwy; do you 
think he would not have taken care and have received the pay? 
Drm. Timoth. 1194, 20. (Here the direct discourse would be 
épidrarrey Gy xai éAduBavev.) Olpat yap &v ove dyxapioras pot 
éxeey, for I think it would not be a thankless labor ; i. e. ovx av Exor. 

EN. An. II, 8,18. Maprupip éxpavro, py av Evorparevery, e 
pn te ndixouy ois émyjecay, that they would not join in expeditions, unless 
those against whom they were marching had wronged them. THuc. 
If, 11. (Here {vorparevetw dy represents vveorpdrevov dy.) 

Oda avrovs édevOepous &v Svras, ei rovro émpatay, I know they 
would (now) be free, if they had done this. Oi8a avrots éAevOépous 
ay dyras, ei rovro mpageav, I know they would (hereafter) be free, 
if they should do this. (In the former dyras dy represents joay dy, 
in the latter eigcay dv.) Tay AapBavdvrov dixny dvyres Gv dixaiws 
(i. @. Ryev av), whereas we should justly be among those who inflict 
punishment. Dem. Eubul. 1300, 8. “Omep écye py) . . . . THY Iedo- 
rovyncov mopbeiy, aduvvdtoy av Syray (upav) emPBonbeiv, when you 
would have heen unable to bring aid (sc. if he had done u). Tuc. I, 
73. IOAN av Exwy Erep’ eiwew wept avris wapadelna, although I 
might be able (if I should wish) to say many other things about it, I 
omit them. Drm. Cor. 318, 4. "Amd sravrés Gy Pe pay dAdyou Scxaiou 
pnxavnya moiroy (i. e bs iy hépos), thou who wouldst derive, &c 
Sopa. O. C. 761. 





§ 41, 3.) THE PARTICLE “AN. 59 


2. The Perfect Infinitive and Participle (which represent 
also the Pluperfect, by § 18, 3, Rem.), when they are used 
with dy, may be equivalent either to the Pluperfect Indicative 
with d» or to the Perfect Optative with d. E. g. 


E? pa ras dperds vmép avrav éxeivas ol Mapabam xat ZaXapine mas 
pécxovro, .... mavra ravi tnd rev BapBdpov &v darwxévar 
(sc. dnoeew av ris), tf those at Marathon and Salamis had not ex- 

hibited those deeds of valor in their behalf, any one would say that all 
these would have been captured by the barbarians. Dem. F. L. 441, 
21. Here éadwxévat dy represents éadoxegay ay, Plup. Ind.) "AAQ’ 


ovx Gy iyoupas avrovs Bixny agiav 8edwxévat, et axpoardpevos 


avrav xarayndpicaobe, but I do not believe they would (then) have 
suffered pe dae punishment, if you after hearing them should con- 
demn them. Ls. XXYVII,§9. (Here the protasis in the Optative 
shows that Se8wxévas dy represents Sedmxdres Gy elev (§ 18, 1); but 
if the protasis had been ei careWndicacde, if you had condemned them, 
Sedaxevas dv would have represented é8edaxecay ay, they would have 
suffered.) See also, in § 8 of the same oration, ov« Gy dmodwAévas 
2 «+. GAAa Sedoxévar. "“Avdparodabdeas av dixaiws xexrARoOase 
iyyetro. XEN. Mem. I, 1,16. (Here xexAjcOae ay represents xexAn- 
pevos ay elev.) 

These constructions are of course rare, as the forms of the finite 
moods here represented themselves seldom occur. 


8. The Aorist Infinitive and Participle with d» may be 
equivalent either to the Aorist Indicative with d or to the 
Aorist Optative with dy. KE. g. 


Ovx dy iryeio®? airdy nay dwt8papetyv; do you not believe that (if 
this had been 80) he would even have run thither? i. e. ove Gy éme- 
dpapev; Dem. Aph. I, 831,10. “Avev 8€ ceropod obx av por Sorel rd 
roovro EupBynvate yeverba (ovx dv EvpBynvac representing ovx ar 
EvvéBn), but unless there had been an earthquake, u does not seem to 
me that such a thing could have by any chance happened. Tuvc. Il, 
89. Tovs "AOnvaious FAmiev tows dv emeEenOety nai ry yy ove 
Gv mepicdety rpnOnva (1. e. tows Gv ére€edOorey nal ovx dy srepii- 
Sorev). Id. HI, 20. Ovd’ Gv xparajoas avrovs ths yns Hyovpat (1. e- 
xpatrnoeay av). Id. VI, 37. 

"AAAG padios Gy dpe Gels, ef xai perpiws Ts rourwy éroince, mpoei- 
Aero amobaveiv, whereas he might easily have been acquitted, &c. XEN. 
Mem. IV, 4, 4. Kat ef danxé6nobe domep jpeis, ev toper py av 
jocov tpas Aumnpols yevopéevous rois bud os, Kal dvayxa- 
oOévras ay i dpyew,x.7.d. (i. 6. odx dy éyeverOe, cat nvayxacOnre 
dy), if you had become odious as we have, we are sure that you would 
have been no less oppressive to your allies, and that you would have 
been forced, &c. Tuuc. I, 76. ‘Opay rd mapareixiopa dtAovy by, ral 

i émuxparnoeé Tig... . padlas Gy aird AnPbéy (i. ©. padius as 
surd Anpbein), seeing that it would easily be taken, &c. Id. VII, 42 


60 THE PARTICLE “AN. [§ 41, 3. 


Otre dvra obre Gv yevdpeva Aoyorotovar, they relate things which 
= not real, and which never could happen (i. e. ove Gy yévoiro). Id. 
, 38. 


4. The Future Infinitive and Participle with d» would be 
equivalent to the Homeric construction of d» with the Future 
Indicative (§ 37, 2). As, however, dy is not found in Homer 
with either the Future Infinitive or the Future Participle 
(see below, Note 2), this construction rests chiefly on the 
authority of passages in Attic writers, and is subject to the 
same doubt and suspicion as that of the Future Indicative 
with dy in those writers. (See § 87, 2, Note 1.) In the 
following passages it is still retained in the best editions, with 
strong support from Mss. 

Nopifovres, ef ravrny mporny AdBaev, padios av odiot rddda 
mpocxwapnoecy. THUC. IL, 80. (Here the direct discourse 
would regularly have been either in the Fut. Ind. without dy, or in 
the Aor. Opt. with dy.) The same may be said of Tuvc. V, 82, 
vonifov peytoroy Gv odas OpeAnoeryv. (Here one Ms. reads by 
correction @peAjoa.) See also THuc. VI, 66; VIII, 25 and 71. 
SxodAq wo nec deip av eEnuxovy eye, I declared that I should be 
very slow to come hither again. Sopu. Ant. 390. “Adiere 4 py agiere, 
@s €4ov oUK Gy motnoovTos GAAa, ovd ei péAAw woAAdKIS TeOvavat. 
Plat. Apol. 30 C. Tovs ériovy Gv exeivee mosnoovras avypykdtes €. 
ris wokews EceoOe. Dem. F. L. 450, 27. (Here Cod. A. reads 
rowjoavras. ) 


Note 1. As the Future Optative is never used with dy (§ 89, 
Note), this can never be represented by the Future Infinitive or 
Participle with av. 


Note 2. The Participle with ay or xé is not found in Homer or 
Pindar. The Infinitive with dy occurs in these poets very seldom, 
and only in indirect discourse. E. g. 


Kai 8 Gy rois GAAaow én mapapvbnocagbat. Il. IX, 684. 
(The direct discourse is given in the words of Achilles in vs. 417, 
cai 3 ay...» . mapapvOnoaipny.) 


Note 3. The Infinitive with dy sometimes represents an tlerative 
Imperfect or Aorist Indicative with av (§ 30, 2). This must be 
carefully distinguished from an apodosis. KE. g. 


"Axovm Aaxedapovious rére éuBaddvras ay cal Kaxooavras Thy yopay 
dvaxywpeiy én oixov madw, I hear that the Lacedaemonians at that 
time, after invading and ravaging the country, used to return home 
again. Dem. Phil. III, 123, 16. (Here dvaywpeiv ay represents 
dveyepouy dy in its iterative sense, they used to return.) 











§ 42, 2.] THE PARTICLE “AN. 61 


Norse 4. The Infinitive with dy commonly stands in indirect 
discourse after a verb of saying or thinking, as in most of the ex- 
amples given above. Occasionally, however, it is found in other 
constructions, where the simple Present or Aorist Infinitive is regu- 
larly used. E. g. 


Ta 8€ evrds ovrws éexalero, dare Fdiora Gv és Vdwp Wuypov ope 
avrous pimrecy, 80 that they would most gladly have thrown themselves 
tnio cold water. THuc. II, 49. (“Gore pirrev would be the ordi- 
nary expression here: with dy it represents an Imperfect Indicative, 
€pptrrov dv.) "Exeivous ameorepnxévat, ef Kat xparoiev, pi ay ers oas 
amoretxioat, to have deprived them of the power of ever again walling 
them in, even if they should be victorious. Id. VII, 6. See § 27, N. 2 
(a), for an example of BovVAoua: and the Infinitive with av. We 
have given examples of verbs of hoping, &c. with the Present, 
Aorist, and Future Infinitive; they sometimes take the Infinitive 
with dy, as a slight change from the Future; as in Tuuc. VII, 61: 
Td THs TUxns Kav pel Hpav edAmicavres orijvat. (See § 27, N. 3.) 
EAzif@ is found also with os and the Future Optative in Tuuc. 
VI, 30; and with as and the Aorist Optative with dy in V, 9. 


Notre 5. The Participle with dy can never represent a protasis, 
because there is no form of protasis in the finite moods in which dy 
is joined with the verb itself. For ue of apparent violations 
of this principle, incorrectly explained by Matthiae and others as 
cases of the Participle with dy in protasis, see § 42, 8, Note 1. 

§ AZ. 1. When & is used with the Subjunctive, if it does 
not coalesce with the relative or particle into one word (as in 
édy, drav), it is separated from it only by such words as. péy, 8¢, 
ré, yap, &c. See examples under § 62. 


2. When d@» stands in apodosis with any verbal form, it may 
be either placed near the verb, or attached to some more em- 
phatic word in the sentence. : 

Particularly, it is very often placed directly after inter- 
rogatives, negatives, adverbs of time, place, &c., and other 
words which especially affect the sense of the sentence. E. g. 

"AAAG ris 8) Oemy Oepareia ein av 4 Sovdrns; PLat. Euthyph. 18 
D. "AAN’ opaes rd xedddaov abrav padios ay etras. Id. 14 A. Ove 
av 87 rdv8’ dvdpa ne s épicato perehOdy, Tudeidny, ds viv ye dv xai Aud 
watpt paxotro. Il. ¥ 456. [los ay rév aipvdwrarov, €xOpdv aAnpa, 
rovs re Sicodpyas od€ooas Bacwijs, réAos Oavorps xadrés. SOPH. A). 


389. Tdyior’ ay re médw of roovros érépovs meicavres amroAeoetay. 
Tuvuc. I, 63. 


Norte. For the sake of emphasis, dy is often separited 
from its verb by such words as ofopat, Soxéw, Gypi, of8a, &e. In 


62 THE PARTICLE “AN. [§ 42, 2. 


such cases care must be taken to connect the ad with the verb 
to which it really belongs. E. g. 


Kal viv ndéws av por 8ox® xotvornaas, and now I think I 
should gladly take part (ay belonging to xowevyoa). XEN. Cyr. 
VII, 7, 25. Ov8 &pv ipeis off dre dwavoacbe wodepovvres, nor 
would you (I am sure) have ceased fighting. Dem. Phil. Il, 72, 
25. Ti ovv Gv, épny, etn 6 “Epos; PLat. Symp. 202 D. This is 
especially irregular in the expression ovx oida Gy el, or ovx &y oda 
ei, followed by an Optative to which the da» belongs; as oi« oid’ a» 
ei meioape, I do not know whether I could persuade him (sc. if I 
should try). Eur. Med. 941. The more regular form would be 
oux oida ei weigatus dv. See Elmsley ad loc. (vs. 911). 


8. “Ay is sometimes used twice, or even three times, with 
the same verb. This may be done in a long sentence, to make 
the conditional force felt through the whole, especially when 
the connection is broken by intermediate clauses. It may also 
be done in order to emphasize particular words with which it 
is joined, and to make them prominent as being affected by the 
contingency. E. g. 

“OQor Av, el cbévos AdBoun, SnAdoatp’ Ay ol’ adbrois dpova. 
Sopn. El. 333. Ovx« ay jyeio® atrov nav ércdpapetv. DEM. 
Aph. I, 831, 10. Odr av A&Advres ad&is dvOadroiev dv. AESCH. 

. 8340. “Addous y' Gy ovy oidpeba ra Huérepa AaBdvras SetEar ay 

tora ef re perpiafopev. Tuuc. I, 76. (See § 42, 2, N.) Odr 
Gy xeXevoap , o'r’ Ay, ef OéAots ere mpdooey, enor y av ndéws Spens 
pera. Sopu. Ant. 69. Aéyw xa& exacrov Soxeiv av pos rdv avrov 
Gv8pa nap’ nav emit mreior Gv edn xai pera xapirav padwor ay 
etrparédos 7d o@pa ily Ge mapéxeoOa:. Tuuc. I, 41. (Here 
ay is used three times, belonging to mapexerOat.) ‘“Ypav 3¢ épnpos 
dv ovx Gy ixavds oipat eivas obr’ Gy didov apednca obr dy éxOpiv 
ade~acGa. XEN. An. I, 3, 6. (Here dy is used three times, be- 
longing to eivat.) : 

Nore 1. This principle, taken in connection with that 
stated in § 42, 2, by showing that dy can be joined to any 
word in the sentence which it is important to emphasize, as 
well as to its own verb, and even to both, explains many 
cases in which d and a Participle appear to form a protasis. 
(See § 41, Note 5.) If a Participle takes the place of a 
protasis, it is of course one of the most important words in 
the sentence, and one to which the particle dy is especially 
sikely to be attached. The dv, however, does not qualify 
such a Participle, any more than it does a negative or in- 


§ 42, 4.] 1HE PARTICLE “AN. 63 


terrogative with which it is connected for the same purpose; 
but it always belongs to the principal verb of the apodosis. 
E. g. 

Nopioare rd re pavAoy xal rd pécov cal rb wavy axpiBés Gv Evy- 
xprOéy padior fe igyvecy, believe that these, if they a Se 
united, would be especially strong. Tuuc. VI, 18. (Here fvyxpabéy 
alone (not with dy) is equivalent to ei Evyxpadein (§ 52, 1), and the 
ay is placed before it merely to emphasize it, as containing the pro- 
tasis to the verb icyvew, to which this dy, as well as the other, 
belongs.) "Aydvas ay ris pot Soxei, én, & mdtep, mpoetTar 
éxaoras xal GOA\a mporiOets pMcor ay worety ev aoxeicba, tf 
seems to me, said he, father, that if any one should proclaim contests, 
&c., he would cause, &c. XEN. Cyr. I, 6, 18. (Here the protasis 
implied in the Participles is merely emphasized by dy, which be- 
longs to moteiv.) Aéyovros Gy twos miarevoat olecbe; (i. e. ef 
ris heyev, éxiotevoay dy;) do you think they would have believed 
it, if any one had told them? Dem. Phil. I, 71,4. (Here too the 
ay stands near A€yovros only to point it out as the protasis, to which 
its own verb morevoa is the apodosis.) 

In these cases, the protasis expressed by the Participle is affected 
by the dy, only as the ordinary protasis with ¢ is atfected in the 
example from Sopa. El. 333, quoted above, under § 42, 3. 


Nore 2. “Ay is sometimes used elliptically without a verb, 
when one can be supplied from the context. E. g. 

Oi oixérat péeyxovow* GAN ovK Gy apd rov (sc. Eppeyxor), the slaves 
are snoring; but they wouldn't have done so once. AntstT. Nub. 5. 
‘Os ot? dy doray travd ay éetsroupi ? ovr Gy réxvoise Trois épois, 
atépyov gums. Sopu. O. C. 1528. mds yap dy (sc. ein); how 
could it? sas ovx ay; and similar phrases; especially domep dy ef 
(also written as one word, .oovepayei), in which the ay belongs to 
the verb that is understood after ei; as. poBovpevos @orep ay ef 
wais, fearing like a child (i. e. hoBotpevos aorep Gv époBnby ei mais 
fv). Puat. Gorg. 479 A. (See § 53, N. 3.) 

In like manner dy may be used with ei in protasis, or with a con- 
ditional relative, the verb being understood; as in XEN. An. I, 3, 
6: ws éuov ov idvros Gay Gy cal ipeis, ovrw Ty yoouny Exere. 
(That is, dry Gy xat dpeis inte.) 

Nore 3. Repetition of xé is rare; yet it sometimes occurs. £. g. 

Té xe par’ f ney Cueve cal Eoovpevds rep ddot0, 
“H xé pe reOvquiay ss peyapoow édecrevr. Od. IV, 788. 

On the other hand, Homer sometimes joins dy and x«é in the same 
sentence for emphasis. E. g. 

Kaprepat, ds od’ dv xev “Apns avdcatro peredOor, 
Otre «’ A@nvain Aaogados. Tl. XI, 1 
4, When an apedosis consists of several co-ordinate clauses 


64 THE PARTICLE “AN. [§ 42, 4. 


with the same mood, da» is generally used only in the first, and 
understood in the others; unless it is repeated for emphasis, or 
for some other special reason. E. g. 


OU Ay épe, qvixa Sedpo dromdeiv eBovdrduny, karexdrAvey, ode 
roaira Aéyesw ToUT@ mpocérarrey, ef by quod tpeis euddrAdrer 
éfcevae. Dem. F. L. 857, 8. (Here dy is understood with mpooé- 
rarrev.) Ourw 8€ Spay ody ay didgopoy rov érépov moot, GAN 
émi ravrov auddrepo Cocev. PLAT. Rep. II, 360 C. Ovxoty ray, ef 
mpos avTd rd has avayxd{or avrév BArerew, dAryety re dv ra Supara 
cat dhevyecy dnroorpepdpevoy (0% ); Id. VU, 515 E. (This ex- 
ample illustrates also the principle of § 42, 8, xdy belonging to the 
Infinitives.) See also Xen. An. II, 5,14. Wavra gpes db Pidermos, 
MOAAG A€yovros éuov Kat OpvAovvros det, Td pev mparov ws Gy els Kosvov 
yvouny aropawvopévov, pera ravta 8 as adyvoouvras di8daxovros, redev- 
ravros 3€ as Gy mpos mempaxdras atrovs cal dvoowwrdrous avOparous 
ovdev trooreAAopevov. Dem. F. L. 390, 5. (The first dy belongs to 
dmrecharyopuny iroplied, as I should have declared it, if I had been speaking 
lo inform my colleagues ; in the following clause the same tense (€8i8a- 
exov) is implied, and dy is not repeated; in the third clause, on 
the contrary, an Optative is implied, os dy Aéyouu, and therefore 
the dy again appears.) In Pxart. Rep. III, 398 A, we find dy used 
with two co-ordinate Optatives, understood with a third, and 
repeated again with a fourth to avoid confusion with a dependent. 
Optative. “Ay may be understood with an Optative even in a 
separate sentence, if the construction is continued from a sentence 
in which dy is used with the Optative; as in PLat. Rep. I, 352 
E:—"Eo@ drm Gv addp tdors Hf dPOadrpois; Ov Byjra. Ti 8€; 
dxovoats dAA@ fj doiv; So with amparra, Id. IV, 439 B. 

Nore. The Adverb rdya, in the sense of perhaps, is often 
joined with dy, in which case the phrase rdy’ dy is nearly 
equivalent to tows. This, however, cannot be used unless the 
a would form an apodosis with the verb of the sentence, if the 
rdxa were not joined with it. Thus ray’ dv yévorro means 2t 
might perhaps happen. So ray’ dy éyévero means t¢ would per- 
haps have happened ; but it can never (like tows ¢yévero) mean 
perhaps it happened. 


§ 43.) FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. 65 


CHAPTER IV. 
USE OF THE MOODS, 


Tis chapter includes all those constructions which 
require any other form of the finite verb than the 
simple Indicative expressing an absolute assertion (§ 2). 
The Infinitive and Participle are included here only so 
far as they are used in indirect discourse, or in Protasis 
and Apodosis. 


These constructions are divided into the following 
classes:— 


I. Final and Object Clauses after wa, ws, dias, 

Oppa, and 147. 

If. Conditional Sentences. 

lit. Relative and Temporal sentences. 

IV. Indirect Discourse, including Indirect Quota- 
tions and Questions. 

V. Causal Sentences. 

VI. Expressions of a Wish. 

VI. Imperative and Subjunctive in Commands, 
Exhortations, and Prohibitions. 

VIII. Subjunctive (like the Future Indicative) in 
Independent Sentences. — Interrogative Sub- 
junctive.— Ov yy with the Subjunctive or 
Future Indicative. 


SECTION I. 


FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES AFTER “Iva, ‘Os, “Orrws, “Odpa, 
AND M7. 


§43. The clauses which depend upon the so- 
called final particles, iva, ws, Sirws, ddoa, that, in 
E 


66 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. [$ 48. 


order that, and 7, lest, that not, may be divided into 
three classes : — 


A. Pure final clauses, in which the end, purpose, 
or motive of the action of any verb may be expressed, 
after any one of the final particles; as epxetas iva 
TOUTO Bn he is coming that he may see this ; amr epxe- 
Tat pn TovTo iby, he is departing that he may not see 
this. 


B. Object clauses with OTMs OF ores pn after verbs 
of striving, &e. ; ; as oKores ores yevnoeras, see that it 
happens ; oxoTres STrws pn yernoerat, see that tt does 
not happen. These clauses express the direct object of 
the verb of striving, &c., so that they may stand in 
apposition to an object accusative like Tovro ; as oxo7es 
TouTo Gres un oe OWeras, see to this, viz., that he does 
not see you. They also imply the end or purpose of the 
action of the leading verb, and to this extent they par- 
take of the nature of final clauses. 


C. Object clauses with un after verbs of fearing, 
&c.; as poPovpat by yevqrat, I fear lest it may happen ; 
doBotpar pn tovro éyevero, I fear lest this happened. 
These express simply the object of fear, without even 
implying any purpose to prevent that object from being 
realized. Thus if we say PoBovpat tovTo, wn KaKas 
apato, I fear this, lest Imay fall into misfortune, the 
clause with #7 merely explains Tovro, the direct object 


of doBoduas. 


Remark. Although the object clauses of the class B par- 
take slightly of the nature of final clauses, so that they some- 
times allow the same construction (the Subjunctive for the 
Future Indicative, § 45), still the distinction between these 
two classes is very strongly marked. An object clause, as we 
have seen, can stand in apposition to a preceding rotre; 
whereas a final clause could stand in apposition to rovrov 


§ 44, 1.] PURE FINAL CLAUSES. 67 


Evexa, a8 Epyeras TovTou évexa, iva nuiy BonOnon, he comes for this 
purpose, viz., that he may assist us. The two can be combined 
in one sentence ; a8 omovddle Onws wAOUTH GEL, wa Trois hidovs 
ev sown, he t8.eager to be rich, that he may benefit his friends. 

Care must be taken not to mistake the nature of an object 
clause, when its subject is attracted by the leading verb; as 
oxeneiy thy wok Srws codjcera for oxomeiy Straws 9 mods cabyH 
aeras, to see that the city ts saved. 


Note 1. “O¢pa is found only in Epic and Lyric po- 
etry. 

Note 2. The regular negative adverb after ta, ds, gras, 
and é¢pa is py; but after pi, lest, ob is used. E. g. 


*Amepxerat, va pi) rovro 137, he is departing that he may not see 
this. SoBeiras ft) OU Touro yérnrat, he ts afraid lest this may not 
happen. This use of od as the negative after py seems to have no 
Other object than to avoid repetition of uy. Where, however, the 
sentence is so long that this repetition would not be noticed, we find 
py Yepeated ; as in Xen. Mem. I, 2, 7: COavpale 8 iris. 2.» o- 
Boiro yy 6 yevdpevos caddis xayabis TO 1a péyota evepyernoayrs 
pt} THY peylotny xapty efor. 


A. Pure Final Clauses. 


$44. 1. In pure final clauses the Subjunctive is 
regularly used, if the leading verb is primary; and the 
Optative, if the leading verb is secondary. E. g. 


Nuv 3 épyeo eri deixvov, a Evydywpey “Apna. Il. IT, 381. od 
& S3e pvnoripes Sroxplvovrm, wy dys avrés oo Oupo, eid8aa8 dé 
wavres Ayaoi. Od. Il, 111. ire re dra card’, opyit n WA€ov; 
Sop. O. R. 864. Kai yap Baoreds aipeira, ovx tva éavrod xados 
éwspeAnrat, GAN Wa cal of Adpeves Be avrdy ev mparracse. 
XEN. Mem. III, 2, 8. Aoxet pot xataxatvom ras dpdfas, wva pi) Ta 
(evyn nov orparnyy- Xen. An. II, 2,27. “Qpvv6’, iv’ adavaroor 
. dws hépor nde Bporoiow. Od. V, 2. idos eBovrcero eivut rois 

peytora Suvapevas, va adscov pr Scdoin dicnv. XEN. An. II, 6, 

21. 


BovAny 8 ’Apyeios Urodnrdéped’, 7 tis Gunoet, ds ph wdvres SLov- 
rat ddvocapévoco reoio. Il, VIII, 36. Aravoeiras ray yepupay Adoa, 
ds py ScaBnre, GAr’ év péom dwmoAngdOnre. XEN. An. Il, 4, 17. 
Ildpve 3° Etpurov, os Avyéay darpiow picbdv mpdoacotro. PIND. 
Ol. XI (X), 34. Tovrov évexa pitoy gero dseicba, as ouvepyous 
¢yor. XEN. An. I, 9, 21. 


68 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. [§ 44, 1 


Tov d€ penoripes Aoxaaory, ores ard piroy SAnrac €& "IWaxns. 
Od. XIV, 181. MéGes rd0° dyyos viv, Gres r6 may padns. Sopu. 
El. 1205. Eis xatpov res, ons THs Sixns dxovons. XEN. C 
TIT, 1, 8. Wapaxadeis tarpods, cmos pr dmoOdvy. XEN. Mem. i, 
10, 2. Olnat d€ ravra yiyveo Oat, oux énws rove aurous Xopous K pi- 
vaosy of moditat, avd érws Tous avrous avAnras €matvacty, ovd" 
Gras Tos avrovs moutas aipavrat, ovd’ iva rois avrois i joovrac, 
GAN’ iva rois vopots meiOwvrat. XEN. Mem. IV, 4,16. "Ev xeipeo- 
ow €Onxev, Grws ért mya Puyorps. Od. XIV, 812. "EmpeoBevovro 
éyxAnpata movovpevot, onws odiow Gre peyiorn mpdacis ein Tov 
modepew. THuc. I, 126. 

_Kedady KaTavevoouat, spa wemolOns. Tl. I, 524. “Opceo 37 
vov, feive, modwd tpev pa oe Téepyo. Od. VI, 255. a 
Depoepdvas €dbeé, égp' Sei" viov elms. Pinp. OL XIV, 
Aurap ¢poi yépas aurix’ érotudoar’, ‘Shpa BH) olos "Apyetav dyépeoros 
€ wo. IL J, 118. “Qs 6 bev évOa Karéoxer emeryopevos rep ddoi0, Sp” 
érapov Odmros kat ént KTépea krepioesev. OT IIT, 284. 

"AAG oF pev viv admis drdorixe, py TE yon on“ Hon’ enol é xe Tavta 
pedjoera, dpa reXeggo. TT, 522. Ov Sir’ avroy dfes Bevpo, Bi 
Ts dvaprdaon; SopH. Aj. 986. Avocredet daca ev rp mapovrt, py 
rat rovroy TroAé pov wpoobdpe 6a. XEN. Cyr. Il, 4, 12, Aéyerat 
elrrety Ore dmsévat BovAaro, py 6 warnp Tt GxOoro xai 4 wddis pép- 


_ pouro. XEN. Cyr. I, 4, 25. 


Note 1. The Future Indicative sometimes (though rarely) 
takes the place of the Subjunctive in pure final clauses, after 
éros and éppa (Gras py, Sppa py) ;— never after iva or os, and 
very seldom after the simple py. (My with the Future is 
commonly found only after verbs of the next two classes; 
§§ 45, 46.) Here, as well as after verbs of striving and of 
fearing, the Future differs from the Subjunctive only by being 
a more vivid form of statement. KE. g. 


Aiet 8€ padaxoior cai ai ipvdiowe Adyotos Gedyet, 6 ores "1Odens émrer7- 
veras. Od. I, 56. Oude d:’ év GAo rpéhovra: fj 9 Oros paxovvras 
trép Tov ‘rpehévrey. XEN. Cyr. If, 1, 21. Xpy dvaBiBdlerw ext roy 
tpoxby Tous avaypaevras, Orws pn mpdrepoy vE Eorat rp wvdecdat 
Tous avdpas dwavras. ANDOG. de yster. I, p. 6, 38. § 43. “Ex” 
avrovs Tous mpordyous cov TpeYoua, Srws Td mpaeroyv TIS Tpayodias 
HEpos apotioroy Baca vid. ARIsT. Ran. 1120. In Nub. 1466, dros 
arokeis peredOoy (not per’ epov €X6") is to be explained by § 45, N. 
7. Qdpovvov d¢ of Frop évi ppeciy, éppa rat “Extop eloerat. 
XVI, 242, So Od. IV, 163. “Qor’ eixds nuas wi) Boaduve ort, Hy 
cai Tes OWeras ynpav ‘tows kareiny. ARIST. Eccles. 495. So py 
rexo\ooerat, Il. 301. This construction is very rare in Attic 
prose. 


Nore 2. The Particle dy (xé) is sometimes joined with 


§ 44,1.) PURE FINAL CLAUSES. 69 


@s, dros, and dpa, before the Subjunctive in final clauses; 
especially with os and dpa in Homer. The dy here is always 
joined to the particle, and (as in protasis) it adds nothing to 
the sense which can be made perceptible in English. E. g. 


TleiBeo, OS Av pos tinny peydAnv cai kidos Apnac, obey, that thou 
mayest gain for me great honor and glory. Vl. XVI, 84. (Here és 
av dpna: seems to be merely a weaker form of expression than és 
dpnat would have been.) ‘AAA’ 16, wy p’ épéOcle, wadrepos Os Ke 
venat, that thou mayest go the more safely. Il. 1, 32. AAD’ otros prev 
viv col du’ évera, Sppa xev evdy cow evi peydpoow. Od. ILI, 
359. TTpocdedueba . . . . oupmépyar ny, os dy my eféXLoper 
«x ths xopns. Hot. I, 36. ’AXX’ éedowpev, Pidror, exndrov avrov, os 
dy eis Urvov wean. Soru. Phil. 825. Tovri AaSav pou rd oxcddetov 
Umepexe dvwbev, ws Gv py p’ Spacey of Oeoi. ARisT. Av. 1508. 
Kai dare avirév rotovrov eivat, bts av haivnrac ws xdddoros kal 
dpros. PLat. Symp. 199 A. “Ay yé reas imomrevy édAevOepa 

povnpara €xovras pi emirpéwew ait@ apyew, (moAdcpous xivel) Sas 

y ToUToUs pera mpopdcews dmoAAvn, that he may destroy them. 
Prat. Rep. VIII, 567 A. ‘Os &y pdOns, dvyrdxovoov. XEN, An. 
IT, 5,16. See also An. VII, 4, 2; Axscu. Prom. 10 (os dy), 824 
(Gros dv), Eumen. 573 (dros dy). 


NotE 8. (a.) Homer and Herodotus sometimes use dy or xé in 
final clauses with the same ake before the Optative, with no 
apparent effect upon the verb. E. g. 


Kai pay paxpérepov xai maccova Onxev idecba, os Kev Datknxeros 
diros mavrecot yévotro. Od. VIII, 20. "Evvijpap 8 és reiyos tea 
sdov’ ve 8° dpa Zebs ouvexés, Spa xe Oagoov ddrjimdoa reiyea Dein. 

1. XII, 25. Sd 8€ pe mpoies és warépa, Shp’ dv érXoipny dap1. 
Od. “XXIV, 334, Ardpvxa eneeee), Sxos &y rd otpardredov 
iSpupevoy xara vorov AdBot. Hpt. I, 75. Tatra 8é wept éwurov 
éocuvue rove eivexev, nas Gy py dpéovres of Gundcxes AUTeociaro 
kat €mtBovrevotev, GAXr’ érepoids ogi SoKéot elvas py Opewor, in 
order that his campanions might not be offended by seeing him and plot 
against him, but that he might appear to them to be of another nature by 
their not seeing him. Id. 1,99. - 


(b.) Apart from this use, however, the Optative can be regularly 
joined with dy in any final clause, if it forms an apodosis with the 
verb, to which there 1s a protasis expressed or distinctly understood. 
Such Optative with dy can follow primary as well as secondary 
tenses. (§ 31,N.2.) E. g. 

"HyeloOw spynOpoio, ds xév tis hain yduov Eupevat éexrds dxovwr, 
let him lead oF the dance, so that ee who ‘ahould hear without 
would say there was a marriage. Od. XXIII, 134. ‘Qs 8 a» 
qiora ratra daivotro, airés ris avrg Tatra mapacxevacet, lit, but 
each one must acquire these things for himself, to cause that they would 
appear most agreeable (if any one should experience them). Xun. Cyr. 


70 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. [§ 44, 1 


VII, 5, 81. “E8mxe ypyyara “Avradxida, Garws Av, wAnpwobevros 
vauTixov Und Aaxedatpoviey, of "AGnvatos paAdAov rhs eipyyns mpoc- 
Séosvro. XEN. Hell. IV, 8, 16. (Here rAnpwbevros vaurixou, tf 
the navy should be manned, stands as a protasis to the Optative 
mpoodéowro av.) 

Such sentences as Dem. Phil. II, 66, 15, &s 8é k@AvVoatr dy 
€xeivoy mparrew Tavta, mayvredas apyos €xere, but as to any measures 
by which you could prevent him from doing these things, you are wholly 
tnaciive, are not final clauses, but relative sentences with an ante- 
cedent implied. See § 65, 1, N. 4. 

REMARK. M7, lest, can be followed by a verb with dy» only in a 
regular apodosis after verbs of fearing, &. (See § 46, N.3.) “Iva 
is never used with dy, except when it means where.: A single case 
of wa with «é in a final clause occurs, Od. XII, 156:—’AAA’ épéw 
pev éyav, iva eiddres F ne Odvywpev, F Kev dArevdpevos Odvaroy xai 
kipa Puyopev. But here the xé belongs not to wa, but to the 
Subjunctives: see § 87, Note. 


Norse 4. A purpose can be expressed by a relative and the 
Future Indicative (§ 65, 1), or by the Future Participle (§ 109, 5). 
For the use of dore to express a purpose, see § 98, 2. 


2. As all final clauses express the purpose or motive 
of some person, they admit of the double construction of 
indirect discourse (§ 77, 2); so that, instead of the Op- 
tative after secondary tenses, we can have the mood and 
tense which the person himself might have used when he 
conceived the purpose in his own mind. That is, we 
can say either 7\Gev iva tSor, he came that he might see 
(by § 44, 1) ; or 7AGev iva id, because the person himself 
would have said épyopat iva ido, I come that I may see. 

Hence the Subjunctive in final clauses after second- 
ary tenses is nearly as common as the more regular 
Optative. KE. g. 


"EmexAdoavro 8 drebpov avOpwros, va pot Kai Eocopevore 
dowdn. Od. VIII, 579. Kat émirndés oe ik Fyespov, Wa as qdora 
Ocayns- PLaTt. Crit. 43 B. Whroia raréxavoev iva py Kipos 
d:aBn. XEN. An. I, 4,18. ’AyAdy 8 av ros dn’ dddarpav Aor, 
h mply énnev, pp’ eb ytyvaokys npev Gedy dé Kai dvdpa. Il. V, 
127, ‘Aptoreds EvveBovdAevey exrevoat, Gros emt mA€ov dO airos 
dvrioxn. Tuuc. I, 65. *HAboy mpecBevodpevor, Sras py odior rd 
"Arrexdy (vaurixdv) mpocyevdpevoy eurddcov yéevnrat. Tuuc. I, 31. 
"Exopovv &x trav olki@y, Gras pi) KaTa das mpocoPepwrras kal 
opicw éx rov icov yiyvwrrat, GAX’.... yooous dat. THUC, 





y 44, 2.] SUBJUNCTIVE AFTER SECONDARY TENSES. 71 


II, 8. Tatras a rwdrin8 of vdpoe cuvizyayov dpas, ovy iva xupias 
rots ddixovot mornre. Dem. F. L. 341,12. Kai wepi rovreav éurn- 
oOny, iva py rabra wdOnre. Dem. OL IL, 30,10. (Here the pur 


pose was conceived in the form, ia py ratra waddwory.) 

Remark. This principle applies equally well to the clauses 
which follow domes and éxws py after verbs of striving (§ 45), and 
pn after verbs of fearing, &c. (§ 46). 

This is a favorite construction with certain authors, as Thucy- 
dides; who also, on the same principle, prefer the Indicative to the 
Optative in ordinary indirect quotations after secondary tenses. 
See § 70, 2, Remark 2.* 

Nore 1. This use of the Subjunctive instead of the Op- 
tative makes the language more vivid, by introducing as nearly 
as possible the exact words or thoughts of the person whose 
purpose is thus stated. 

As the two forms are equally correct (the only difference 
being that just stated), we find them both in the same sen- 
tence, as we find the Indicative and Optative interchanged in 
indirect quotations. (See § 70, 2, Remark 1.) E. g. 

‘Efaxogious Aoyddas éféxpivay, Omws tov re ’Emtmodav eingar 
gvraxes, cai fy és Dro re Sey, raxd fuvecrares wmapayiyverrat, 
they selected them, that they might be guards of Epipolae, and that they 
might be on hand if they should be needed for anything else. Tuuc. 
VI, 96. Tapavicxoy 8€ hpucrovs, Srws acady ra cnpeta Tots moAepions 
7 kai py BonOotev, they raised sire-signals at the same time, in order 
that the enemy’s signals might be unintelligible to them, and that they 
(the enemy) might not bring aid. Tuoc. III, 22. 

The ordinary interpretation of the latter and similar passages, 
proposed by Arnold, viz. “ that the Subjunctive mood indicates the 
tmmediate, and the Optative the remote consequence of the action 
contained in the principal verbs, the second being a consequence of 
the first,” manifestly cannot apply to the first example. 


NoTE 2. {a.) The use of the Optative for the Subjunctive in 
final clauses after primary tenses is, on the other hand, very rare, 
and is to be viewed as a mere irregularity of construction. It oc- 
curs chiefly in Homer. E. g. 

"“AEw rid’ "IOdens, wa por Bioroy wodtw dA doe. Od. XVII, 250. 
So Il. I, 344, dames payéowro. 


* Madvig remarks (Bemerkungen, p. 12) that he finds in the first two 
books of Thucydides no example of the Optative after Orws or 47 depend- 
ing on a secondary tense of a verb of striving or fearing; although he 
cites fifteen examples of the Subjunctive from the same books. In pure 
final clauses after secondary tenses, the usage in Thucydides is nearly 
equally divided between the Subjunctive and the Optative. Xenophon, 
on the other hand, generally follows the rule, § 44, 1. 


72 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. [§ 44, 2. 


(6.) Sometimes the Optative is used because the leading verb 
implies a reference to the past as well as the present. E. g. 

Tovroy Zye: rév rpdrov 6 vdpos, tva pndé revoOqvat pnd efararr 
Onva yévour’ émt rp Snup. Dem. Androt. 596, 17. (Here éye 
implies also the past existence of the law; the idea being, the law 
was made as t ts, so that tt might not be possible, &c.) 


3. The secondary tenses of the Jndicatwe are used in 
final clauses after éva, sometimes after @s or Sas, to 
denote that the end or object is dependent upon some 
unfulfilled condition, and therefore 73 not or was not 
attained. This construction is peculiar to Attic Greek.’ 


These tenses of the Indicative have here the same difference 
in meaning as in conditional sentences (§ 49, 2), the Imperfect 
referring to present time or to continued or repeated action in 
past time, the Aorist and Pluperfect to past time. Thus iva 
rovro €xparrev means tn order that he might be doing this (but 
he ts not doing it), or that he might have been doing this (but he 
was not) ; tva rovro érpatev means that he might have done this 
(but he did not) ; tva rovro émempdyes means that he might have 
done this (but he has not). E. g. 


Ovx av doydunv, x.t.d., tv’ hf rupdds re Kal cAvov pndéy, in that 
case I should not have forborne (to destroy my hearing), so that I 
Should be both blind and devoid of hearing (implying that really he is 
not so). Sopu. O. T. 1387. ei, a TO pl) Ta Mpaypar avOparots 
Exew hovyy, tv” hoav pndev of Sevot Adyot, Alas! alas! that the 
facts have no voice for men, so that words of eloquence might be as 
nothing. Eur. Hippol. Frag. 442. ’Eypiv eloxadécavras waptupas 


U 


mo\dovs mapacnunvacba KeXevoat ras SiaOnxas, tv’, €f re éylyvero 
apqioBnrnoipoy, by eis ra ypdppara ravr émavedOetvy. Dem. Aph. 
II, 837,11. (This implies that they did not have the will thus 
sealed, so that it is not now possible to refer to it in case of dispute.) 
"Expy abrovs (nreiv, iva admnAAdypeda rovrov tov Snpaywyod, 
they ought to have made an investigation, in order that we might have 
been already freed from this demagogue (but we have not been freed 
‘rom him). Drixarcn. in Demosth. p. 91, 24. "E{nrncev ay pe rov 
maida, iv et py mapedidouy pndev Sixarov Aéyew €8dxovy. Dem. Aph. 
III, 849, 24. Ti p’ od AaBav Exrewas evOls, Os ESecEa pyrore 
€naurov avOparoaocy ever 7 yeyws; that I might never have shown as 
I have done. Sopu. O. T. 1391. Ei ydp p tad yy fev, os pyre 
Oeds pyre tis GAdos roicd’ éyeyn Ges, would that he had sent me 
under the earth, so that neither any God nor any one else should have 
rejoiced at these things (as they have done). ArscH. Prom. 152. (If 
we read éreynOec, we must translate, might be rejoicing, as they 


§ 45.] SECONDARY TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE. 7 


are.) Ti nr’... . om eppey’ dcuaurny riod dwd wérpas, Ses 
Toy ndvrev movay am@nAAdyny; tohy did I not throw myself from this 
rock, that I might have been freed from all my tous ? Id. 747. 


Remark. This construction is especially common when a final 

clause depends either upon an apodosis which contains a secondary 
tense of the Indicative (§ 49, 2) implying the non-fulfilment of the 
condition, as is the case in examples 1, 3, 4, and 5, above, or upon 
a verb expressing an unfulfilled wish, as in examples 2 and 7. In 
these cases the Indicative seems to be used by a sort of assimila- 
tion. ? 
Nore 1. The particle dy is very rarely joined with the second- 
ary tenses of the Indicative in final clauses. When it is used, it 
denotes that the sentence is an apodosis Qs well as a final clause), 
with a protasis expressed or understood. E. g. 


Zavri édet Bonbeiv, Gras Gri Scxacdraros dy xai dawraros €{n re 
(ey xal reXevrnoas aripwpnros dy xaxdy dyaprnparwy éyiyvero, 
1. @. that he might be exempt from punishment after death (as he would 
be, if he had so lived). Puat. Leg. XII, 959 B. 


Note 2. The Indicative can never be used in this construction, 
unless it is distinctly implied that the result is not (or was not) 
attained, that is, unless the final clause refers either to the present 
or to the past Sa in the examples given above) : if it refers to the 
future, it must be expressed in the ordinary way by the Subjunctive 
or Optative, even although it depends on one of the class of verbs 
mentioned above (Remark). Both constructions may occur in the 
same sentence. E. g. 

Obs (ray véwv rots ayafovs) nueis dy 8 eeu €y axpowoNet, 
tva pydets avrois 8:éPOecpewv, Grr ewedy adixowro els rh» Hr 
kiay, xpnowo yiyvotvro tais médeow, we should have kept them 
(in that case) wn the Acropolis, that no one might corrupt them (as 
they are now corrupted), and that when (in the future) they should 
become of age they might become useful to their states. PLat. Men. 89 
B. Tar’ dv 73n Ae yew mpds tyas emexeipovy, iv’ eidnre, x7-A., L 
should (if that were so) be now undertaking to say this to you, that you 
might (hereafter) know, &c. Dem. Aristocr. 623, 11. See also the 
examples under § 32, 3 (0.). 


B. Object Clauses with “Ores and “Oras py after Verbs of 
Striving, §c. 


§ 45. After verbs signifying to strive, to take care, to 
effect, and the like, the Future Indicative is regularly 
used with ores and dws uy, if the leading verb is 
primary. The Subjunctive also occurs, but much less 
frequently than the Future. 

4 


74 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. [§ 45 


If the leading verb is secondary, the Future Optative 
may be used, to correspond to the Future Indicative 
after primary tenses; but generally the Future Indica- 
tive is employed here also, on the principle of § 44, 2. 
The other tenses of the Optative are sometimes used, to 
correspond to the same tenses of the Subjunctive after 
primary tenses; or the Subjunctive itself may be em- 
ployed (§ 44,2). HE. g. 


"Emtpedetras Sos (or dros py) yernoerat Or yernrat, he takes care 
that i may (or may not) happen. ‘Enepedeiro Oras yernoerat, yevn- 
gotro, or yévotro, he took care that it should happen. 

(Fut.) “Gowep rév wompéva det emipedcicOas Snas ogal re €cov- 
rac ai oles xai rd émirniea ELovgiv, ovrw Kat roy oTparnyoy emt- 
pereiobas dei das cpa re ol orparioras ~oovrac xal ra émerpdeca 
€fovge, nal, od évexa orparevovra, rovro €arat. XEN. Mem. III, 
2,1. Kaddév rd rapacxevalew Gras as BeXriora ~govrat tev wods- 
tév ai yuyal. PLat. Gorg. 503 A. Mixpay mpovoiay Exe doxet Seas 
6 vdpos xupios forat cal pore ovyxyvOnoeras pyr’ avd pera- 
mocnOnaeras; Dem. Aristocr. 640,10. Karas 8¢ dnpaywyaoes, 
iv oxonjs Oras of BeArioros pev ras risas €£ovasy, of 8° Aros 
pnder adixnoovras. Isoc. Nicocl. p. 18 A. § 16. “Opa dxws py 
arootnaovras. Hor. Il, 36. Sol perro dcws ph oe SWeras.: 
Hot. I, 9. pdvrig’ dros pndev dvdkiov ris tysys ravrs wmpatecs. 
Isoc. Nicocl. p. 22 B. § 37. Ti pddtor’ év dracr Sveomoddacras rois 
vopos; Gras pi) yevnoovrac of wept adAndrovs devo. DEM. Lept. 
505, 9. Aci etAaBeioOa, pddrora pev Gras py dyyevnoeador, by 
8€ éyyernaOov, Gras Grit tdxtoTA dieecunreg eer. Prat. Rep. 
VI, 564 C. (For the force of the Future Perfect, see § 29, N. 1.) 

(Subj.) “AAAov rou émmednoe, Gros dre BeArioros moNiras~ 
@pev; Prat. Gorg. 515 B. OapaonevaterOa: draws aviv beg dyave- 
(apmeda. XEN. Cyr. I, 5,14. Od ydp drws mAciovos dfs yévynrat 
émipedeirat, Gd’ Gros airis Sts mAciora Gpaia caprocerat. 
ark and Fut. combined.) Xen. Symp. VIII, 25. 

(Fut. Opt.) “E¢n trd woddjs émipedrcias Srws as €Adyiora per 
GWotro, edaxiora 8 dxovcotro, éAdyioru 8 Epotro. XEN. 
OQecon, VII, 5. (Here the construction her a primary tense would 
be, drws Gera .... dxovoera: .... Epnra.) “Ewepedciro dros 
jin Gourol more Exowwro. XEN. Cyr. VIII, 1, 43. See the other ex- 

— of the Future Optative under § 26, Note 1 (a). 

(Fut. Ind. after Secondary Tenses.) “Empagaoy dias ris Bonfea 
née. Tuuc. III, 4. Upodupnbévros évis éxdagrov onus i vais 1 po- 
efe.. Tuuc. VI, 31. EvraBeiobas mapexedeverGe dAAnAots, Gros pi) 
Anoere duapbapevres. PLAT. Gorg. 487 D. Ov3 Stas dpO mrev- 
gerat mpoeidero, add xa’ avrov Srws éni rois éyOpois Eora 
rapecxevacev. Dem. F. L. 419, 28. 

(Pres. or Aor. Opt.) ‘EmepéXero airéy, drws det dvdpanosa $1a- 


§ 45.) “Onws AFTER VERBS OF STRIVING. 7 


TeAotey. KEN. as VIM, 1, 44. . ’Awexpivaro, ort airg pédos 
Omws Kaho@s € Xo. AEN. An. I, 8, 18. “EpepeAnxes 8¢ abrois ores 6 
inmaypérns e(dein ods dor wéumew. XEN. Hell. III, 3, 9. 

(Subj. after Secondary Tenses.) “Expaccey Gras wédepos yévn- 
rat. Lauc. I, 57. “Enpaccoy bros dmogrngwaty Abnvaioy thy 
wévuw. Id. I, 70. ’Qvetva: map airady Gres py amiwpev ex Maxe- 
Sosias, he bribed them to effect that we should not leave Macedonia. 
Dem. Cor. 236,12. (Subj. after Historic Present.) 


It will thus be seen that the Future Indicative is the most 
common construction in these sentences, after both primary and 
secondary tenses; the Future Optative, which is theoretically 
the regular form after secondary tenses, being rarely used, for 
the reason stated in § 26, Note 2. 


For the distinction between these object clauses and final 
clauses, see § 43, Remark. 


REMARK. “Osage (like és) is originally a relative adverb, mean- 
ing as. See Tuuc. VII, 67, otras, res Sivaryra, as they can. 
Then it is used in indirect ete in the sense of dr@ rpémq, how, 
tn what way, and is followed by the Future Indicative; as cxomeiv 
dros i adus cwOnoerar, to see how the city shall be saved. So 
rois wovnpois, Orws py Sdacovas dixny, Oddy Beixvvar, he shows them 

can avoid suffering punishment (drm rpér@ pi) 8acover). 
Dem. Timoc. 788, 20. (See below, Note 2.) Then, by a slight 
modification in sense, it may denote also the object to which the 
striving, &c., is directed; so that oxoreiy (or oxoreivy rovro) crus 7} 
rods owOnoeras may mean to see (to this, viz.) that the city shall be 
saved. Here, however, the Subjunctive is sometimes allowed, as 
the in ive force of dros is lost sight of, and its force as a 
final particle, meaning in order that, begins to appear. E. g. 

Sxdree Grws py eapvos Eves A viv réyes, see that you do not 
deny what you now say. PLat. Euthyd. 283 C. xemréov éori» 
Sras €Adyiora péy rpavpara AdBwpey, os eAdyiora 8€ copara 
avipav aroBdXwpeyv, we must see that we receive as few wounds as 
possible, and that we lose as few men’s lives as possible. XEN. An. IV, 
6, 10.# 

From this it becomes established as a final particle, and denotes 


the purpose in ordinary final clauses. From the original force of 
drws as a relative, used in indirect questions in the sense of how, we 


* Compare Dem. Megal. 207, 5, axomeiv €£ Srov rpdrov py yern- 
covrac (Piros), to. see in what way they can be prevented from becoming 
friends; and Tuvc. I, 65, érpacoev Omg dedXia Tis yevnoerat, he 
was effecting that, &.; quoted by Madvig, Syntaz, p. 125, whose views in 
the main are given in the text, above. See also Tuuc. IV, 128, & 
cev rep tpdng taxiora ros pew EvpBynoerac ros dé dwa)Aage 
Tat. 


76 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. [§ 45 


must explain its occasional use in indirect quotations in the sense 
of os or or: (§ 78). See also § 65, 1, Rem. 


Nore 1. “Omas in this construction sometimes (though rarely) 
takes the particle d» when it is followed by the Subjunctive ; never, 
when it is followed by the Future Indicative. Its use is the same 
as in ordinary final clauses (§ 44, 1, N. 2). 

When dy is used with the Optative after a verb of striving, it 
denotes an ordinary ls as in § 44, 1, N.8 (6), and Gras is 
simply interrogative. E. g. 

"H dou édiépevos Sixdcovow 4 rovrou, Sras Gv exacroe pyr 
i Lasky raAXérpia pyre Tov airay or épwvrat; PLAT. Rep. IV, 433 

- "Eay 8 éA6y, pnxavnréov, Oras Ay Bcaduyn xai ph 8@ Bixny 6 
éxOpés. Id. Gorg. 481 A. MadAov fh} mpdcGev clones aitovs éras 4 
nai yovrés re ocxcade addixwvras. XEN. An. VI, 1, 17. (Here 
émipeAcca or some such word is understood as the subject of eioqes.) 
Zxond, Gras dv os pgora Bidyorey, hues 3 ay padtora dv evppac- 
voipeOa Oecpevos avrous, I try to see how they might (if they should 
choose) live the easiest lives, &c. Xen. Symp. VIL 2. So émpedrr- 
Onvas Omas Av yévaro, Id. Cyr. I, 6, 7. 

Nore 2. (a.) The Homeric construction which most re- 
sembles that of § 45 is found after such verbs as ¢pdfopa:, 
Bovrevo, Aevoow, OF pepynpife, to consider, and meipaw, to try. 
Here éros or és is used with the Subjunctive (sometimes with 
xé) after primary tenses, and with the Optative after secondary 


tenses. E. g. 

Avrol 8¢ (opel Oras dy dpora yévnrac, let us ourselves 
consider ao the very best ‘tags maybe done. Od. XIII, 865. pa- 
(opeO (imperf.) ‘Apyeiocow Grams by’ Gpora yévosro. Od. 
129. @palecda draws xe pyornpas xreivns. Od. I. 295. Hepi- 
dpalopeOa wavres vdcrov, Sras EXOnaey, 1. €. how he may come. 
Od. I, 76. @pdocera Ss ne vénrac, émet wodupnxavds éorw. Od, 
[, 205. “Apa xpéoce kal dricow Aevooe, Sms by’ dpora yévnras, © 
i. e. he l to see how, &c. IL. Ill, 110. Mepunpilev Saas dro- 
Aolaro macas vnes. Od. IX, 554. Mepunpile xara ppéva &s Ayidja 
répnon (or rynoer), i. e. how he might honor Achilles. I. fr, 3. 
BovAevoy Omws by’ dpora yévorro. Od. IX. 420. Telpa Sas cep 
87 ony warpi’a yatay Tenas, i. e. try to find means by which you 
may go, &c. Od. IV. 545. Tewpg ds xe Tpwes imepdiados ad- 
A@vras. Tl. XXI, 459. 

In some of these examples draws or as seems to be used as an in- 
terrogative, meaning how, the Subjunctive of the direct question 
being the common Homeric form explained in § 87. (For the Sub 
junctive with xé, see § 87, Note.) But in other examples, especially 
those with setpdw, there is a nearer approach to the construction of 
§ 45. The two following examples will further illustrate the 
Homeric usage : — 48 ydp pot Oupds émécovras, Spp’ éhaptve 


§ 45.] “Ores AFTER VERBS OF STRIVING. q7 


Tpwecow, Il. VI, 861; dpalécbw pn ris of dpeivwr oeio paynrat, 
Ul. V, 411. See also Od. VI. 113. 
(b.) In Homer ézos takes the Future Indicative chiefly when it 
is used merely as an indirect interrogative, with no reference to a 
purpose, as in Il. II, 252, ov8€ ri ww cada idpev Onws Earat rade 
€pya, we do not yet even know certainly how these things are to be; or 
in Od. XIII, 376, ppalev éras penornpow avadect xeipas ednoers, 
consider how you wil lay hands on the shameless suitors. It may take 
the Future (as well as other tenses) when it is used as a simple rela- 
tive; asin Il. I, 136, dws avrdgiov Egras, as shall be an equivalent. 
See Remark, above.) Occasionally also we find the Future after 
Gnas in final clauses (§ 44, 1, N. 1). 


Note 3. As many verbs of this class imply caution, they 
may be followed by the simple py (without draws), like verbs 
of caution and fearing (§ 46). See especially ép@ and oxoné. 
Here, as elsewhere, p# takes the Subjunctive more frequently 
than the Future Indicative. E. g. 

Zrowmet Oy pt) rovras aurév efairnonras xa ckarayeAdog. 
Dem. Mid. 563, 26. "Opa ody py rt cal viv €pydonrat. PLAT. 
Symp. 213 D. “Opa pi roddav éxdory nev xepov Senoer. 

EN, ‘e IV, 1, 18. Sxdret, py wos mpdvor 7 rou Geod gudAaxréa. 
Soran. O. C. 1180. “Opa od, i viv pév ris edyepis wmapys- SOPH. 

(See the corresponding use of dws jy, instead of pn, after ver 
of fearing, &c.,§ 46, Note 2. It is often difficult to draw the line 
between the two constructions of § 45 and § 46.) 


Note 4. ‘Qs is sometimes, note rarely, used instead of dws 
after verbs of striving. Here the Subjunctive is more common than 
the Future Indicative. E. g. 


"Emtpedouvras os xn ovrws. XEN. Oecon. XX, 8. ‘Os 3€ xados 
éfeu ra tyérepa, euot pernoe. XEN. Cyr. III, 2,13. "EmepednOn os 
TVYOLEY Tavtoy rev kadov. Id. VII, 8,17. Srevdovres ws Zevs pyror 
a pa pee deay. AEsCH. Prom. 203. Occasionally we find the Sub- 
junctive with dy: 1d dca dy yr@ dyad civas empedciobas os 
mpaxOj’..-- OU hépes xaprov, ny un rts empednras ws dy 
ravtra wepaivynras. <r Hipparch. 2. (See above, N. 1.) 

Note 5. Some verbs which are regularly followed by an 
Infinitive of the object occasionally take an object clause with 
dns (rarely with other particles), in nearly or quite the same 
sense : — 

(a.) Verbs of exhorting, entreating, and commanding are 
sometimes followed by éxes, and those of forbidding by onus 
py, after the analogy of verbs of striving. E. g. 


78 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. f§ 45 


AlocerGa, 8¢ pu avris was éa ely, and implore him 
thyself to speak the truth. Od. Til, 19. (Compare the aie con- 
struction, ovdé ce Aicoouas pévecy, Il. I, 174.) Alooero 8 aie 
“Hoacroy xdvroepyiy Swws Adoerev “Apna, he implored him to 
liberate Ares. Od. VIII, 344. Keivg rt’ éuqv dyyeidar’ évrodqy, 
Srws tov maida Seigec. Sopp. Aj. 567. Araxedevorraa Saas 
Tib@pHoeerat mavras Tous rowovTous. PLAT. Rep. VIII, 549 E. So 
rapayyehiee Grr@s py foovras, Id. Ill, 415 B. “Epocye amnys- 
peves Omws pi TovTo amoxpsvoipny. (Fut. Opt.) fa. {339 A. 
"Arreipnpévov alto Or ws pndey épet dy izyetra, when he is forbidden 
to say a word of what he believes. fa. I, 337 See Sopa. Trach. 604. 

In Od. XVII, 362, we find Srpuver &s Av wupva card pynoripas 
dyeipos, where the dy is used with the particle as in the examples 
under § 44, 1, N. 8 (a). 

(b.) “Iva is used in the same sense in a single passage of the 
Odyssey, III, 8327: — AicceoOa: 8€ pu airds iva ynpepres eviowrn, 
and implore him yourself to speak the truth. 

This use of iva is not found in Attic Greek, but it reappears in 
the later language. E. g. 

*EvroAny yy Sides Upiv, tva dyaware GAAnAovs, a new com- 
mandment Tgice sat you: that ye love one another. Jon. Evang. 
XIII, 84. So é8enOnv iva éxBddAdkwow, Luc. IX, 40. So in Latin, 
rogat ut liceat. 

(c.) A case of os and the Subjunctive (instead of an object In- 
finitive) after a verb implying a promise is found in Il. I, 558 : — 

HO dim xaravevoas ernrupoy, as ’AysAna repnoys, GAXé€ans Be 
roAeas én ynvoly ’Axaay, that you promised by your nod to konor 
Achilles, &c. 

Note 6. (a.) On the other hand, some verbs which regularly 
take drws are occasionally found with an Infinitive of the object, 
sometimes with the article. (See § 46, N. 8.) E.g. 

’Ael riva drepédovro chav airay év rais dpyais eivat, they always 
took care that one of their own number should be in the offices (where 
we should expect das ris éorat or coro). Tauc. VI, 54. vd’ 
érepednOny rov diacxaddv pol twa yeverOat Trav émorapévey. 
Xen. Mem. IV, 2,4. So the Infinitive with ré, Mem. IV, 8, 1. 

(5.) Verbs of this class can be followed by an indirect question 
introduced by «i, whether. E. g. 

Ei fuprovnces nai Evvepydoe oxdret, see whether thou wilt assist 
me, &c. Sop. Ant. 41. (Bee § 46, Note 6, c.) 

Note 7. (a.) Both draws and dros py are sometimes used 
elliptically with the Future Indicative in exhortations and pro- 
hibitions, depending on some Imperative like oxére:, take care, 
understood. “Oras pf allows also the Subjunctive. E. g. 


“Orws dvip Eves (sc. oxcres), prove thyself aman. “Oras pot, 


§ 45.] “Oxnwe AFTER VERBS OF STRIVING. 79 


@ dvOporre, ph Epets dre ore rd Shdexa dis Ef, see that you do not 
tell me that twice siz are twelve. Puat. Rep. I, 887 A. “Oras odp 
reabe dvdpes dftor rhs eXevbepias (sc. axomeire), prove yourselves men 
worthy of freedom. XEN. An. f, 7,3. “Omws ye, dy rt rovray yiyy- 
rat, Tourous ématvécerOe nal repnoere cai orehavacere, 
€ué dé pn: Kal pévros xdy rt ray evavtiwv, bmw@s Tovras opyteta be. 
Dem. F. L. 355, 17. “Owws roivuy mept rov rodénovu pndev épeisy 
see therefore that you say nothing about the war. Id. 870,22. “Ons 
ye py €Eararnoyn jpas. Piart. Prot. 318 C. (See § 46, N. 4.) 


(b.) We occasionally find the Future Indicative with sq in an 
independent sentence, expressing a prohibition. This may be ex- 
plained by supposing an ellipsis of drws from the construction just 
mentioned (Gras py rovro épeis becoming pi rovro édpeis); but it 
seems more “rey to consider it as an independent construction. 
See § 25, 1, N. 5 (6), and the examples. 


ReMARK. The construction of Note 7 (a) is confined almost 
exclusively to the second person of the verb; yet the first and third 
persons are sometimes found. E. g. 

Kai das, Sowep épwrdar mpobipos, ora nat woteiy €OeX7- 
covagtv. Dem. Chers. 99, 14. “Ors 8¢ rd cipBoroy AaBdvres 
€mevra wAnoloy kabeSovupeda. ARIST. Eccles. 297, 


Note 8. When an Aorist Subjunctive active or middle was to 
be used with dra or draws wi after a verb of striving, the second 
Aorist was preferred to the frst, if both forms were in use. This 
arose from the great similarity in form between these first Aorists 
and the Puture Indicative (as BovAeton and Bovrevoe, Bovrevonrat 
and BovAXevcera): this made it natural for a writer, if he intended 
to use the Subjunctive at all, to avoid those forms of it which were 
nearly identical with the more regular Future Indicative. This of 
course did not apply to the first Aorist Subjunctive passive, which 
has no resemblance to the Future Indicative. The same remark 
applies to the Subjunctive after ob pj, in the constraction described 
in § 89. In both constructions the Subjunctive differs from the 
Future only by being a less vivid form of expression.* 





* The ~— rule, first laid down by Dawes (Misc. Crit. pp. 222 and 
228), which declared the first Aorist Subjunctive active and middle a sole- 
cism after Gres py and ov #7, was extended by others so as to include 
dros (without #7), and the Greek authors were emended to conform to it. 
As this rule has no other foundation than the accidental circumstance 
mentioned in Note 8, it naturally fails in many cases, in some of which 
even emendation is impossible. Thus in the example, ceAevovat mpoota- 
revoa Onws exwrevan } OTpartid, XEN. An. V, 6, 22, demrAevay 
cannot he a mistake for éxmAevoe, as the Attic Future is ée\evoopas 
or éxmAevcovpas. So in Sopx. Phil. 381, od wy wor és rijv TKipor 
é€xmXNevons, nO emendation is possible. See also Prat. Rep. X, 609 
B, ov pi) dwoXé og, where the Future would be arodei. The rule of 


80 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. [§ 46. 


C. Object Clauses with py after Verbs of Fearing, Se. 


§ 46. After verbs and phrases which express or 
imply fear, caution, or danger, 4, lest or that, is used 
with the Subjunctive if the leading verb is primary, and 
with the Optative if the leading verb is secondary. By 
the principle of § 44, 2, the Subjunctive can also follow 
secondary tenses, in order that the mood in which the 
object of the fear originally occurred to the mind may 
be retained. 

Mn (like the Latin ne) denotes fear that something 
may happen which is not desired; gn ov (ut = ne non) 
denotes fear that something may not happen which 1s 
desired. KE. g. 


SoBovpas py yevnras (vereor ne accidat), I fear that i may hap- 
pen: hoBovpat py ov yéewnra: (vereor uf accidat), J fear that u may 
not happen. Niv 8 aivas dei8ocxa xara ppeva py oe mapetry. ILI, 
555. Acido py Onpecow erwp cal xippa yévwpac. Od. V, 473, 
Ov PoBy py o° “Apyos Somep dp’ droxreivas 6€A7. Eur. Or. 770. 
Tloiov €6vos ov Bonet poBovpevoy pn re wdOn; XEN. Cyr. I, 6, 10. 
Ppovrife pi) kpariorov 7 pos ovyav. XEN. Mem. IV, 2,39. ‘vdAar- 
topevos pi) SdEn parOdvew re. Id. IV, 2,8. A€docxa pa) ovd? Gorov 7 
drayopevew. Prat. Rep. Il, 368 B. Ta wep) ris Wuyys wodAny 


Dawes is now generally abandoned; but most editors still hold to it (at 
least in practice) so far as to exclude the prohibited forms with dos 
when it follows verbs of striving, &c., and with ov 4y. Even here, how- 
ever, the rule is maintained only by changing many passages against 
Mss. authority. Thus in Dem. Ol. I, p. 9, 17, all Mss. except one read 
nwapacxevacacba ores évOevde BonOnanre, xai py waOnTe ravrop, 
while nearly all editions have BonOnoere. In the Third Philippic of 
Demosthenes two similar examples occur: p. 128, 25, dmws pndeis 
dvarpéeer, rovro oxomeioOat, where all Mss. have dvatpéwy, which 
Schaefer emended to dvarpéyer; and p. 125, 10, dras pw} SovAevoou- 
oty mparrovres, where the weight of Mss. authority decidedly favors 
dovrAevtwow. For ov pn, see § 89, 2, Rem. 2. 

Whatever view is taken of these last examples, there certainly seems to 
be no reason for extending the rule of Dawes to dws in pure final clauses, 
as in these the Future is used only hy exception (§ 44,1, N.1). There 
is no objection, therefore, to such sentences as these: — dy €vexa emira- 
Onvat, omws GmoAavowpey Kai Onws yevopeda, Xen. Cyr. VII, 
5, 82; and éxxAnciav Evynyayov, Gras Wropyngw cat pepWopat, 
Tuuc. IL 60. So with drws dptororotnowyras, Tuve. VII, 39. 
In elliptical prohibitions with Grws py (§ 45, N. 7) the Subjunctive seems 
to be allowed from the analogy of ordinary prohibitions (§ 86). 





§ 46.] My) AFTER VERBS OF FEARING. — 81 


Gmoriav maptxet trois dvOphwas, pi) éreday draddayj rou odparos 
ovdapov ére Pana Koay eral re xai Beekhvaeac. Puat. 
Phaed. 70 A. Ovdxoty viv xai rovro xivduvos, pw) Ad Bwoe mpoordras 
airay rwas royray, there is danger of this, that they may take, &c. 
Xen. An. VII, 7, 31. Kivdurds dors, py peraBdrovrat xa yé- 
yorrTat pera Toy wodepiov. Isoc. Plataic. p. 308 E. § 38. "Oxne pn 
pot 6 Avoias ranevis Gavyj. PLat. Phaedr. 257C. EvAaBow dé py 
pavjgs xaxds yeyos. Sovu. Trach. 1129. Ovdd» dewoi écovra BY 
BonOéwot ravry. Hot. VI, 235. ‘Yaorrevopev xat ipas pi ov 
xowot droBire. THuc. III, 58. Aloyuvdpevos pi) hoprixas oKo- 
wapev. PLat. Theaet. 183 E. 

Acicas pn ras ol Epvoaiaro vexpdoy ’Ayaoi. Il. V, 298. -“Afero 
yap py Nucti 607 dwobvpia fpd8or. Il. » 261. "Eyo ydp jpn» 
exnenArrypéevn POBy, py por Td KddAdos GAyos €fevpost wore. SOPH. 
Trach. 25. “Edesray of “EAAnves ph) mpoadyorey mpos ro Képas xal 
avrovs xaraxéwWetay. XEN. An. I, 10, 9. Ovxére émeridevro, 
Scdorxdres py amorpnOeinaayv. Id. IIT, 4, 29. “Edeoay pi AUTTa 
tis Somep xvow nw éumenraxos. Id. V, 7, 26. ‘Yrorrevoas pa 
Ty Ovyarépa Né yor, Fpero, having suspected that he might mention his 
daughter. Xen. Cyr. v7. 2,9. *“HOvpnodp rives, evvoovpevos ph ra 
émtrndeca ovx €y orev Srdbey AapBdvoaer. KEN. An. IIT, 5, 3. Ovdeis 
yap xivduvos éddxes eivat, py tis dyw mopevopévav Ex Tou dmober éri- 
onosro. Id. IV, 1, 6. 

Oi Sonaées ras vnvovs ove éBovrAovro madéey, Setpaivovres py 
épnépov ydvavras. Hort. I, 165. Te yap dedcévas py Adyois Fo~ 
gous Oot, ToApnpas mpos ra Epya €xapouv. THUC. Ill, 83. Lepiders 
yevépevos py emimrevowacy al vjes. THuc. III, 80. “Edeca py 
Tpotay aOpoicy nal Evvori ddw. Eur. Hec. 1188. Of Gedpevos 
é€poBovvro pn ms way. Sen. Symp. II, 11. Andros jy saoww 
(Kipos) Gre trepepoBetro pn ol 6 wdwros dwoOayy. XEN. Cyr. I, 
4,2 


, 2. 

It will be seen by the examples that the construction with py is 
very often used when the leading verb only wplies the fear, cau- 
tion, or danger, as after twonrevo and dxv@. On this principle we 
must explain passages like Il. X, 100; ovd€ rs W8per, wy mos Kai did 
vuRTa pevorwnowos paxeoOa, where the idea is we of no security 
against their deciding to fight during the night, — implying we fear lest 
they may. 

REMARK. These clauses with pj, when they follow verbs of 
caution like dvAdrropas, evAaBovpat, &c., partake of the nature of 
final clauses to the same extent with the construction of § 45, since 
they imply the end or purpose of the caution. (See § 43, Remark.) 
On the other hand, when they follow go8oupa: and other verbs 
expressing fear or danger, no pu is expressed or implied, hut 
there is merely an apprehension that something will happen, or, in 
some cases, that something is now taking place or has already 
happened. We should hence expect that these verbs would follow 
the analogy of verbs of thinking, &c., and take either the Indicative 
with és or the Infinitive, to denote the object of the fear. (This 

( ¥ 


82 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. [§ 46. 


actually happens in a few cases; a8 ov  eaiaty ot é\accbcesOat, 
Tauc. V, 105; py ae Gs aropnoes, . Cyr. V, 2,12. See 
below, Note 6.) "s ill, verbs of fearing, when the object of the 
fear is future, as it commonly is, are closely connected in sense 
with those like qvAdrropa:; as they imply at least a desire 
(though not a purpose) to prevent the result. The Greeks 
generally apply to both the same construction, and as they say 
uAdrropa: pi) yérnras, they say also doBotpa ph} yerqrat. hen 
the object of the fear is already past or actually present, so that no 
desire of preventing a result can be implied, verbs of fearing are still 
followed by py as before; but now all analogy to final clauses dis- 
appears, and the dependent verb is put in the proper tense of the 
Indicative, as in ordinary object clauses after éri and ws. (See be- 
low, Note 5.) 


Norr 1. Sometimes, though seldom, py takes the Future 
Indicative after verbs of fearing, &c. E. g. 

HoBovpas 32, py reas H8ovas ydovais eUpnaopey evayrias. PLAT. 
Phil. 13 A. @oBepdv nal adadrepdy, pi) odadels xeigopas. PLAT. 
ger V, 451 A. 

he Future seems to differ from the Subjunctive in these cases, 
as in final clauses, only by expressing the result more vividly and 
marking its futurity more strongly. Thus goBovpas py evpoper 
would not differ from piace pi) ed}pnoopey quoted above, ex- 
cept in the manner of expression; just as édy r. evpepev would 
iffer ftom ef pi) etpnooper. (See § 44,1, N. 1.) For the rare use 
of O° Future Optative after verbs of fearing, &c., see § 26, Note 
1 (0). 

Nore 2. Verbs denoting fear and caution are sometimes 
followed by énas py, with the Future Indicative or the Sub- 
junctive after primary tenses and the Optative after secondary 
tenses, like verbs of striving, &c. Many verbs (like dpé and 
axon) belong equally well to both classes (§§ 45, 46). It 
will be noticed, that ézws yy here is exactly equivalent to py, 
so that PoSoipar draws pl) yeryoeras (or yévyra:) means I fear — 
that tt will happen (not, J fear that it will not happen). (See 
Note 6,a.) E. g. 

Tov Saipovos d8orx’ draws pi) revéouas xaxosaipovos. ARIST. Eq. 
112. EvAaSovpevos Oras pi) ofynoopa. PLat. Phaed. 91 C. Ad: 
dona Oras ae avayxn yévnra, J fear that there may be a necessity. 
Dem. Phil. Il, 130, 14. Od goBei, Gras pi avdowoy mpaypa 
ruyxavys mparrey; Piat. Euthypbr. 4 E. vAdrrov, dras pi eis 
rouvayriov €hOys. KEN. Mem. III, 6, 16. ‘H8éws dv (Opéyrarus rip 
dvdpa), ef pt) hoBoinny Grws py én’ avrdéy pe rparoro. XEN. Mer: 

9, 2. 


Note 38. The particle d is never used with py and the Sub. 


§ 46.] My AFTER VERBS OF FEARING. 83 


junctive. It is sometimes joined with an opens depending upon 
py after verbs of fearing, in which case it always forms an apodosis 
with the Optative. Such an Optative with dy can of course follow 
lar as well as secondary tenses, by § 31, Note 2. (See § 44, 1, 

. 8, Rem.) E. g. 

Aédsouxa ya amped réyors Ay rdv wdboy roy é€ éuov, I fear that 
you might te ce lela d have an opportunity). Sopn. Trach. 631. 
(Cf. Philoct. 498.) Odre mpoadoxia ovdeula hy pn ay sore of srohep08 
émimdtevcetay. THUC. fT. 93. ’Exeivo évvod pi} Alay &y rayv 
cadppovicbeiny, lest (in that case) I should be very soon brought to 
my senses. XEN. An. VI, 1, 28. 


Note 4. M7 with the Subjunctive, and dxws py with the 
Future Indicative (seldom the Subjunctive), are sometimes 
used elliptically, depending upon some verb of fear or caution 
understood. (See § 45, N. 7,a.) This expresses an appre- 
hension or anxiety, sometimes a mere suspicion. It is espe- 
cially common in Plato. E. g. 

"ANAG pt) ov Tour’ 9 xaXerdy, Odvaroy gvyeiv, but (I fear) lest this 
may not be the difficult thing, to avoid death. PLat. Apol. 39 A. My 
Gypoixdrepoy 77 Td GArnOes elrrety, C Sear) lest it may be too rude to 

eak the truth. PLat. Gorg. 462 E. AAG pi odx ovras yn, GAN’ 
dvayxaiov 7 el8éra ridecOas roy TiOépevov ra dvépara. PLAT. Crat. 436 
B. Otpoe rddas, 6 Zevs dros py p’ pera. Arist. Av. 1494. 
(This example belongs equally well under § 45, N. 7, a.) “Oras 
ouy pi) droXet paortyoupevos. XEN. Cyr. I, 8,18. "AAX’ dros pt 
év rois (wypadnpacw 7G rovro, rd py dpOes dcavepery, emt 8e rois dvdpacww 
od, GAN’ dvayxatoy 7) det dpbds. AT. Crat. 480 E. 

In Xen. Mem. IV, 2, 12, 3 ov», py, ov 80vapae eyo ra ris 
Sixasocurns éExynoacba, (I fear) that I am not able to explain, &c., 
the Present Indicative belongs under Note 5 (a.) 


Note 5. Verbs of fearing may refer to objects of fear 
which are past or immediately present ; so that no desire or 
even possibility of preventing the result can be implied. (See 
Rem. before Note 1.) Here, therefore, all analogy to final 
clauses disappears, and py is followed by the present and past 
tenses of the Indicative, as Gr: or és would be in indirect 
quotations. The following cases occur :— 


(a.) My with the Present Indicative expresses a fear that 
something ts now going on. E. g. 

“Opépev pty Nixias oferas re déyesy, let us be cautious lest Nicias 
is unking that he says something. Prat. Lach. 196 C. (Here tho 
Subjunctive otra: would have meant lest Nicias may think, refer 
ring to the future.) Aédosa pi) wAnyor Sées. ARisT. Nub. 493 


B4 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. [§ 46. 


@ofeiabe, ps) Svoxorerepdy rt vow Sidxetpar f ev re mpdcber 
Bip, you are eee lest Iam now in a more peevish state of wind, &e. 
(where the Subjunctive wonld have referred to the future, lest / 
may be). Puat. Phaed. 84 E. "Enicxes, os dy mpovfepevvyow oriBov, 
pn ris moktréy dv rpi8e phayrdleras, xapot per €XOy addros ws 
dovrp ydyos. Eur. Phoen. 92. (Here pi davraferac means lest any 
one ts now to be seen; and py EAOy, lest any report may come here- 
after.) “Ava, ¢yoi rot, py ++ xal Oendaroy roipyov 160’, 5 Evyvoa 
Bovdeves mddas. Sopp. Ant. 278. (The idea is, my mind has long 
been anxious, lest this is the work of the Gods, éoriy being understood 
after un.*) “Opa pi) éxetvoy eoXvesr. PLAT. Charm. 163 A. ’AAX’ 
elacpecOa, pn ts kai Kardoyxeroy xpuvpy xadumres xapdia Oupoupem, 
Scpous mapacreiyovres. SopnH. Ant. 1253. (The idea is, we shall 
learn the result of our anxiety lest she is concealing, &c.t) 


(6.) My with the Perfect Indicative expresses a fear lest 
something has already happened. The difference between 
this and the Perfect Subjunctive is often very slight, the 
latter expressing rather a fear that something may hereafter 
prove to have happened. (See examples, § 18,1.) E. g. 

Nov 3¢ hoBovpeba, pi) dudorépwy dua Huapraxaper, but now we 
Sear lest ke have missed both at once. Tuuc. III, 58. (‘The Perfect 
Subjunctive here would strictly have meant lest it may hereafter 
prove that we have missed.) Adoxa ph ANcAnOapev [viv elpnvny] 
énl wohdg dyovres, I fear that we have been unconsciously enjoying a 
peace borrowed at high interest. Dem. F. L. 872, 1. oBodpuas pa 
Adyas rigl Weuddow evrervynxapey. PxLart. Lys. 218 D. 





* That this is the correct explanation of the passage, Sopu. Ant. 278, 
and that we need not emend it with Nauck, so as to read rodpyov réd° 7, 
£vvvoca BovAeves madat, is evident from the Scholion on the passage : 
‘H ovvvoia pos Bovdeveras ai olerat uy cal Oenrtardy dors Td mpaypa- 
So perhaps we should read p) €Aavves in Dem. Phil. II, 124, 25. 

t In this passage, if anywhere, it would seem necessary to admit the 
interrogative force usually ascribed to 47, which would make it equivalent to 
ei ov, whether not. But here, as in the other passages quoted, it is plain 
that the dependent clause after un expresses the object of an apprehension. 
To establish a purely tnterrogative force in js), it would seem necessary to 
find examples in which py not only follows a verb like ol8a, but also is 
followed by a clause in which no object of apprehension is contained 
(Such a sentence would be eladpecGa pr of piros (aor, we shall learn 
whether our friends are not living; but no such example can be found, ar 
least in any classic writer. The Greeks would have said elodpecOa ef ov 
(oot or dl (aow.) The use of el, whether, after verbs of fearing (Note 6, 
c), usually adduced as an argument to prove the interrogative force of pm 
rather seems to show that, when the Greeks wished to introduce an indi- 
rect question after verbs of fearing, they had recourse to ei, as in other 
cases. 





§ 46.] My WITH THE INDICATIVE. 85 


(c.) MM can be used with the Imperfect or the Aorist In- 
dicative, to express fear lest something happened in past time. 
This can be expressed only in this way, as the Subjunctive 
and Optative would refer to (relatively) future time. E. g. 

Acide py 8) srdvra beh vnpeprea eiwev, I fear that all that the 
Goddess said was true. Od. V, 800. "AXX’ cpa ph mailov ZrAeyer, 
but be very careful lest he was speaking in jest. PLatT. Theaet. 145 B. 
(This implies a fear that he was speaking in jest.) 

Nore 6. (a.) As verbs of fearing, &c., imply thought, 
they sometimes take the construction of ordinary indirect dis- 
course. Here os (and even éxws), that, may be used to intro- 
duce the object of the fear, thus taking the place of py in the 
common construction. (“Ors seems to be used only in the case 
mentioned in Note 7.) E. g. 

"Avdpds pn hoSov as dropyaess akiov, do not fear that you will 
be at a loss. XEN. Cyr. V, 2,12. (Here the direct discourse would 
be awopnow, I shall be at a loss.) My deionre @s ody ndews Kabev- 
3noere, do not fear that you will not sleep sweetly. Id. VI, 2, 80. 
(Here pi ody would be the ordinary expression.) My rpéons, dros 
ce Tis Gmoomaces Pig, lest any one shall tear you away by force. 
Eor. Heracl. 248. M1 poBed pyre cue, Ss veo metpwpevos Aé- yo 
Adyov révde, pyre yuvaixa ry épny, py ri ros €€ airys yévnras 
BraBos, do not fear either that Iam saying this to try you (ws dey), 
or lest any harm shall come (py yévnras). Hot. 1,9. (Here the two 
constructions after goSev make the principle especially clear.) 

In all these cases pr or dras yy would have been more regular, 
and exactly equivalent to &s and érws here. (See Note 2.) 


(5.) We also find the Future Infinitive after verbs of 
fearing, standing in indirect discourse to represent a Future 
Indicative of the direct discourse. (See § 73, 1, Rem.) 
E. g. 

OU doBovpeba dAaocaacerbat, we are not afraid that we shall 


be. defeated. THuc. V, 105. (Here pq with the Subjunctive or the 
Future Indicative would have been more regular.) 


(c.) Verbs of fearing may also be followed by an indirect 
question introduced by el, whether, or by some other inter- 
rogative particle. “Omwas used interrogatively in such sentences 
is not to be confounded with dros in its use explained above 
(a) Eg | 

Ov dé8oixa ef Diderros (7, GAN’ el ris wédews réOvnne 1d Tors 
Gdixotvras puceiy cal ripwpeicba, I have no fear (on the quesiton) 


86 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. [§ 46. 


whether Philip is alive; but I have fear (about this), whether the cus- 
tom of the city to hate and punish evil-doers is extinct. Dem. F. L. 
434, 6. dBos ef por (Sacy obs ym Oddo. Eur. Heracl. 791. dé- 

od got véous Few Aéyous, HbBw pev ef ris Seoworav ala Oncerac, 
through fear whether any one will perceive it (where py alcOnoerat or 
atcOnra, might have been used, meaning lest any one shall perceive 
it). Eur. Androm. 61. oSotvras dwos woré srpoBnoeras y Tov 
dvdpés Suvauis- XEN. Hell. VI, 1,14. (The direct question would 
be sot rpoBnoera;) Tih» Gedy F dwas Aabw dddoixa, [ am in fear 
(about the question) how I shall escape the Goddess. Eur. Iph. T. 
995. (The direct question was was Adbw; § 88.) 


Nore 7. Verbs of fearing may be followed by 6r, because, and 
an ordinary causal sentence with the Indicative (§ 81). E. g. 


Ove Gécov did rovro poBeiobat rovs rrodeplous, Gre wodAol rvy- 

dyovotpy Svres, to fear them, because they happen to be many. 

oc. Archid. p. 128 C. § 60. GoBovpévns rips pytpds, Ste rd 
Xepiov émvvOdvero vooaddes elva. Isoc. Aegin. p. 388 D. § 22. 
Ors 8€ rod\d@v dpyouvg;e, py PoSyOyre, GAAG woAd paddAoy did rovTo 
Oappetre, do not be afraid because they rule many, &c. XEN. Hell. 
III, 5, 10. (My dpxovow goBeicOa would mean to fear lest they 
rule.) oBovpevos ro xderOat xai rd répverOa, drs dAryewdy, fearing 
them, on the ground that they are painful. Puat. Gorg. 479 A. (But 
for the analogy of the preceding examples, we might be inclined to 
translate this fearing that they are painful, like px) ddyewdv.) "Edpo- 
Beiro, rs dpOnoecOa Epedrre ta Bacirera olkodopetv dpydpevos, he 
was afraid, because he was about to be seen beginning to build the 
palace. Xen. Cyr. III, 1, 1. 


Nore 8. (a.) Verbs of fearing may be followed by an Infinitive 
(without pn), which is sometimes preceded by the article. Such an 
ae denotes the direct object of the fear, as in English, J fear 
to go. . ge 

DoBodpas ody SceX€ey yey oe, py ororaBns, x.7.r., I am afraid to 
refute you, lest you iy wucheck ra Prat. Gorg. 457 E. WGlere 
both constructions ag 2 SoBnoeras adixeiv, he will be afraid to 
do wrong. Xen. Cyr. VIII, 7, 15. (But goSnoeras pi adixq, he 
will fear that he may do wrong.) Wedpica "Epwiv reXéoas ris 
xardpas, I shudder at the idea of the Fury fulfilling the curses. AESCH. 
Sept. 720. (But in 790, rpém pi) reXéoy means I tremble lest she 
may fulfil them.) See also Xen. An. I, 8,17. Td droOvickesy 
ovdels hoBeirar, rd 8é adixety hoBeira. Prat. Gorg. 522 i. 

See § 92, 1, Remark 2, and Note 8. 


(6.) Verbs of caution may be followed by an Infinitive (with or 
without yn), which is sometimes preceded by the article; the In- 
finitive having the same meaning as a clause with uy and the Sub- 
junctive or Optative. E. g. 


Ilas ovx adfwv airéy ye puddgacGat rootroy yevéoOar; why 


“7 
Soe nS 





§ 47, 2.] CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 87 


ought he not to guard against becoming such a man himself? XEN. 
Mem. I, 5,3. (Here yevéoOas is equivalent to py yévyra.) vAar- 
rduevos TO AvHnaai twa, taking care to offend no one. Dem. Cor. 
313, 6. Svrdccew pydeva wepaoveda. THuc. VII, 17. @vaAarré- 


pevov xal mpoopopevoy pi) kaTatayuvat ravrny. [DEM.] Aristog. I 
778, 1. (For bee £95, 2,N.1.) In Tuouc. ir a 5, an 
the Infinitive with Scre after duAdoce. 


(c.) Kiv8uves dort, the principal expression denoting danger which 
takes py and a finite verb, is quite as regularly followed by the 
Infinitive (without pn). E. g. 


Ov opixpos kivduvos torw é€£ararnOijvat, there ts no litle da 
of their being deceived. Puat. Crat. 486 8B. ee 
Kuduveva is regularly followed by the Infinitive, by § 92, 1. 


Remark. All the Infinitives referred to in Note 8 belong regu- 
larly under the rule, § 92,1. For the article before such Infinitives, 
see § 92, 1, Note 8. 


SECTION II. 
CoNDITIONAL SENTENCES. 


§47. 1. In conditional sentences the clause con- 
taining the condition is called the protasis, and that 
containing the conclusion is called the apodosis. The 
protasis is regularly introduced by the particle e, #, 
negatively € 27. 

Norte. Alis the Doric form for «el. It is sometimes used 
also in Epic poetry, but only when «é immediately follows. 


2. The adverb av (Epic xé or xév, Doric xa) is regu- 
larly joined with e& in the protasis, when the verb is in 
the Subjunctive (§ 50, 1); e& with dy (d) forming the 
compound éay, av (a), or 4. See § 38,1.) The simple 
e+ is used in the protasis with the Indicative and the 
Optative. 

The same adverb av is regularly used in the apodosis 
with the Optative (§ 50, 2), and also with the secondary 


88 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 47, 2. 


tenses of the Indicative in the construction explained in 
§ 49,2. (See § 37, 3, and § 39.) | 


3. The negative particle of the protasis is regularly 
un, that of the apodosis is ov. 


Note. When the last rule is violated, and ov is found in a 
protasis, it is always closely connected with a particular word 
(generally the verb), with which it forms a single negative 
expression ; so that its negative force does not (like that of yj} 
affect the protasis as a whole. E. g. 

Lavras dnwov (ovres Zye), Edy re od xal “Avpvros od hire dy re 

nre, if you deny it, as well as if you admit ut. Pxiat. Apol. 25 B. 
ere eay py pre would mean unless you admit tu.) El pev od 
woXAol foay, cal’ exacrov dy wept rovrwy novere, tf there were only 
a few, &. Lys. Agorat. p. 185; § 62. Cf. p. 187; § 76. (Here 
ov woAAol are used together in the sense of ddiyos.) Tarde per ovder 
ivov éoriv, elye ah’ nyay ye ray ev peow ovdeis odérore dp£e- 
rat, there ts no fairness tn this, if (it ts the plan, that) no one is ever 
to begin with us. XEN. Cyr. I, 2, 8. 

The following example makes the difference between ov and pun 
particularly clear, ov affecting merely the verb, and yy affecting 
the whole (including the ov): e pp) Ipdtevoy ody bredétarvro, 
éoabnoay dy, if tt had not been that they did not receive Proxenus, they 
would have been saved. Dem. F. L. 364, 11. 


When several clauses, introduced by pé» and 8, depend 
upon a stngle el which precedes them all, od is used even more 
frequently than py; as such clauses have their own construc- 
tion independently of the e’, which merely introduces each of 
them as a whole, not affecting the construction of particular 
words. E. g. 

Acivdy dv ein, ef ol pev exeivar Eippayos emi Sovdeig ri abrav de- 


povres oUK anepovow, nueis 8 eri r@ avrot cwlerOat ovr Bi se 8aravi- 
copev, tf would be a hard thing, if (2 ts a fact that) their allies will not 


refuse, &c., while we will not contribute. Tuuc. I, 121. Elr’ ovk 
aigypoy, & Td pév ’Apyeiwy wAnjOos ove eoBynOn riy Aaxedatpovioy 
apxny, vpeis Sé€ BapBapoy PoBnoerGe ; is it not then dis eful, if (it 
ts true, that) the Argive people did not fear, &. Dem. Rhod. 197, 9. 


Classification of Conditional Sentences. 


§48. The supposition contained in a protasis may 
be either particular or general. A particular supposi- 


§ 48. ] CLASSIFICATION OF CONDITIONS. 89 


tion refers to a definite act or a definite series of acts. 
A general supposition refers to any one of a class of 
acts, which may occur (or may have occurred) on any 
one of a series of possible occasions, — if having the 
force of if ever or whenever. 


The following examples contain particular suppositions : — 

If he ts (now) able to do this, he ts doing it, el rovro moeiv 
duvara, rast. If he was able to do this, he did tt, et rovro sos- 
civ edivaro, émoie. If he (shall) be able to do this, he will do it, 
ay rovro moeiv Svvnra, wounoe. If he should be able to do this, 
he would do it, ei rovro rroseiv Suvatro, mooin dy. 


The following contain general suppositions : — 

If he ts (ever) able to do this, he (always) does tt, éav rovro 
mosey Surya, woe. Lf any one (ever) wishes to go, tt 1s (always) 
permitted, édv ris BovAnrtas léva, teorw. If he was (ever) able to 
- do this, he (always) did it, ef rovro rrorety Svvarro, éroie. If any 
one (ever) wished to go, tt was (always) permitted, i ris Bov- 
Aorro leva, éfqv. Lf any one shall (ever) wish to go, tt will (al- 
ways) be permitted, édv ris i€vas BovAnra, det éféora. If any 
one should (ever) wish to go, it would (always) be permitted, ef 
rss lévas BovXorro, aet dv é£ein. 

Although this distinction can logically apply to all suppositions 
(prerents past, and future), yet the Greek distinguishes the two 
classes in construction only in present and past conditions, even 
here excepting those which imply non-fulfilment of the condition. 
Therefore all the classes under I., except A. 1, include both partic- 
ular and general suppositions. 

I. Excluding from A. 1 the past and present general sup- 
positions, which have a peculiar construction, we have four 
Jorms of ordinary conditional sentences : — 

A. If the protasis refers to the present or the past, the 
question as to the fulfilment of the condition which it ex- 
presses has been already decided (in point of fact) either 
affirmatively or negatively ; the speaker, however, either may 
or may not wish to imply by his form of statement Aow that 
question has been decided. He will, therefore, state such a 
condition in one of two ways: — 


90 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 48. 


1. If he refers to a present or past condition, expressing no 
opinion as to its fulfilment, he may say tf he ts doing this, e 
rovro mpdoce, —tf he was doing tt, el Expaccer, —tf he did it, 
ei &rpager, —tf he has done tt, el wémpayer, — tf he had already 
done it, el éwenpdxes. The apodosis, expressing the result of 
the fulfilment of such a condition, may refer to the present, the 
past, or the future. Thus we may say, 

Ei mpdvoe. rovro, ads eyei, if he is doing this, it is well. 

El spdoce: rovro, nudpryxev, if he is doing this, he has erred. 

Ei spdoces rovro, cards eet, és he is doing this, it will be well. 
_ Ei tnpage rovro, cards txee (elev, Erxev, or eer), ifhe did this, it 
ts (was or will be) well; and so with the other tenses in the protasis. 
(See § 49, 1.) 

So in Latin, Si hoe facit, bene est; Si hoc fecit, bene erit. 


2. If, on the other hand, he refers to a present or past con- 
dition, wishing to imply that it ts not or was not fulfilled, he 
may say tf he were now doing this, el rovro éxpaccey ; or tf he 
had done this (although he did not do tt), e& éxpagev. The 
apodosis here denotes what would be or would have been tho 
result, if the false supposition in the protasis were a valid one. 
The apodosts here contains the adverb dy, which distinguishes 
it from those forms of apodosis belonging under 1 in which past 
tenses are used. ‘Thus we may say, 

El @rpacce rovro, xadas dy elyev, if he were (now) doing this, 
would be well. Ei éxpacce rovro, xadas dy elyev may mean if he 
had been doing this, tt would have been well. 

Ei rpafe rovro, xaros dv foyev (or dy elyev), if he had done this, 
tt would have been well (or it would now be well). On the other 
hand, ef @xpafe rovro, xada@s éoxev (without dy) would mean if he 
did this, it was well. (See § 49, 2.) 

In Latin: Si hoe faceret, bene esset ; Si hoc fecisset, bene fuisset. 

ReMARK 1. The Greek has thus a special form (A, 2) implying 


that a condition ts not or was not fulfilied, and another (A, 1) im- 
, plying nothing whatever as to its fulfilment. There is no special. 


orm implying that the condition ts or was fulfilled, — a force often 
erroneously assigned to the form A, 1. If this is to be expressed at 
all, it must be done by the context, not by the form of the verb. 


B. If the protasis refers to the future, the question as to 
the fulfilment of the condition is, of course, at present unde- 
cided, and a speaker may state such a condition in either of 
two ways (B, 1 and 2), which differ more in the form of state- 
ment than in their meaning :— 





§ 48.] CLASSIFICATION OF CONDITIONS. 91 


1. He may say tf he shall do this, diy spdooy rovro (or, 
still more vividly, e rpdfes rovro), making a distinct supposi- 
tion of a future case. The natural apodosis to such a protasis 
expresses what will be the result, if the condition shall be ful- 
filled. We may therefore say, 

"Eav mpdooy rovro, radrds é€et, tf he do this, tt will be well; or ef 
mpage rouro, xades eet, tf he shall do this, tt will be well. (See § 50, 
1.) In Latin: Si hoc faciet (more frequently si hoc fecerit), bene 
erit; rarely si hoc faciat, bene erit. 

2. He may also say, tf he should do this, ei xpdoaos rovro, 
still supposing a case in the future, but less distinctly and vividly 
than before. The natural apodosis to such a protasis is a simi- 
lar indefinite expression, t¢ would be. We can therefore say, 

Ei mpdooos rovro, xatas dy eyo, tf he should do this, i would be 
well. (See § 50, 2.» In Latin: & hoc faciat, bene sit. 

Remark 2. The two forms of protasis which the Greek ex- 
presses by the Subjunctive (day mpacon re) and the Optative (el 
mpacoo tovro) have only one equivalent form in Latin; s hoc 
faciat meaning tf he shall do this (eav rovro mpdcoz), a8 well as tf he 
should do this («i rovro mpdoga). (See § 50, 2, Rem. 6.) But in 
the former sense the Latin commonly employs the Future Indica- 
tive, st hoc faciet Cathay orga to ei rovro mpage, tf he shall do 
this), or the Future Perfect, si hoc fecerit, leaving the form si hoc 
faciat to represent the Greek ¢ rovro mpacaos, tf he should do this. 

II. In general suppositions the two following classes are 
distinguished in construction from the corresponding particular 
suppositions (I. A, 1). 

A. First, when the apodosis contains a verb of present 
time, expressing a customary or repeated action or a general 
truth, and the protasis refers to indefinite time represented in 
English as present. We may then say, 

"Edy rig rovro mpagon, xadas exe, tf any one (ever) does this, tt ts 
in all such cases) well. “Edy rovro mosey duvnrat, mocet, tf he is 
ever) able to this, he (in all such cases) does tt. "Eay tis rovrov nip, 

axobvnoxes, tf any one (ever) drinks of this, he dies. 

B. Secondly, when the apodosis expresses a customary or 
repeated action or a general truth in past time, and the pro- 
tasis refers to indefinite past time. We may then say, 

Ei ris rovre mpdocot, xadds eixev, if any one (ever) did this, tt was 
in all such cases) well. Ei rovro woteiv Sivairo, emote, tf he was 
ever) able to do this, he (always) did it. Ei ris rovrov riot, awé 

oxey, if any one (ever) drank of this, he died. 


92 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 48. 


REMARK 1. General suppositions referring to the future (see 
. 89), as well as those referring to the present or past with non- 
ulfilment of the condition implied, not being distinguished by their 
form from particular suppositions, are included under the rules of 
§ 49, 2 and § 50, 1 and 2. ; 
Remark 2. Although the Latin occasionally agrees with the 
Greek in the construction of general conditional sentences, — using 
si faciat and si faceret like éay mpaooy and ei mpacoos above, — it 
commonly agrees with the English in not distinguishing this class 
from I, A, 1. 


I. Four Forms of Ordinary Conditional Sentences. 
A. Present and Past Condttrons. 


§ 49. 1. (Particular Suppositions.) When the 
protasis in a particular supposition simply states a 
present or a past condition, implying nothing as to the 
truth of the supposition, the verb is in one of the present 
or past tenses of the Indicative, after e&. Any tense of 
the Indicative may be used in the apodosis, to express 
the result of the fulfilment of the condition. E. g. 

El éSpdvrqce, xal forpawer, if it thundered, it also lightened. (This 
does not imply. that the speaker has any knowledge or opinion on 
the question whether it actually thundered.) Ei 8 ovrw rovro 
€aoriv, duot wéAXee hidoy eivu. Il. I, 564. See 1,178. Ei rére 
xovpos €a, viv adré pe ynpas omadfec. Il. IV, 321. Ei Geoi me 
Spaccy aloypdry, ovx ciciv Geol. Eur. Beller. Fr. 294. Ei éyo 
aidpoy dyvo@, xal epavrov émaAdAnopa’ GAAa yap ovdserepa ote 
rourwy, tf I dv not know Phaedrus, I have forgotten myself; but 
neither of these is the case. PLAT. Phaedr. 228 A. (See § 48, I, A, 
Rem. 1.) El pév CAoxAnmids) beov Rv, ovx Rv aloypoxepdns, ef & 
alo-ypoxepdis, ovx fv Beov. PLAT. Rep. II, 408 C. Ei pndev rovroy 
newoinxas, ri poBnoy; 


Note 1. The Imperative, the Subjunctive in exhortations 
or prohibitions, or the Optative in wishes, may stand in the 
apodosis. KE. g. 

"AAN’ ef Boxe’ cat, oretyxe, if thou art resolved, go. Soru. Ant. 
98. (Here dav doxq would refer to the future, while ef Soxet is 
strictly present in its time. Cf. Antig. 76.) "AAX’ ei Soxei, rr éw- 
pev, dppacde rays. Sopu. Phil. 526. “AAX’ ef rov mraydr ye 
Geoi nai épiwes elaiv, *Avrivooy mpd ydapoto rédos Oavdroo Kiyely. 
Od. XVII, 475. °AAN’ ef 80Ke€t cor ravd’, dai tis apBuAus Avo 
raxos, but if this pleases you, let some one quickly loose the shoes, &c. 


§ 49, 2.] PRESENT AND PAST CONDITIONS. 938 


ArscH. Agam. 944. Kaxor’ drodoipny, XavOiay cf pi) pire. 
Arist. Ran. 579. In the last three examples the Optative ex- 
presses a wish (§ 82), and must not be confounded with the Opta- 
tive with dy in apodosis (§ 50, 2). 

- Remark. A protasis of this class may also be followed by an 
apodosis in the Optative with dy, as el rovr’ dAnOés éorw, nddos Av 
amrérXOospe, if this ts true, I should be glad to depart. But such an 
apodosis always implies a protasis with an Optative, which is inde- 
pendent of the one expressed ; so that these examples belong under 
the mixed constructions of § 54. See § 54, 1 (a). 


Note 2. Under this head belong all cases of particular supposi- 

tions referring to the present or the rast in which the non-fulfiiment 

of the condition is not implied. We must-be careful not to include 

in this clags the general suppositions explained in § 51; which require 

a Subjunctive or Optative in the protasis, although we commonly 
te them in English by the simple Indicative. 


Nors 8. The condition may still be present, even when 
the Future Indicative stands in the protasis, if that tense ex- 
presses merely a present intention or necessity that something 
shall happen hereafter; as when e? rovro wojoes means if he ts 
(now) about to do this, and not (as it does in an ordinary 
future condition) tf he shall do this. E. g. 


Alpe sAnerpoy, ef payxet, raise your spur, if you are going to fight. 
Arist. Av. 761. (Ei payet in protasis commonly means i/" you shall 
fight, being equivalent to édy pdyy.) Of els ri» Baoirexhy réxvny 
wadevépevas . . . . Ti dtaddpovar rév é€& avayxns xaxonabovrrav, et 
ye wetvnoovaes cai divpnoovas nal piyooovas kai dypumyn- 
govgsxal radda wdvra poxOnaoovacy éxdvres; how do they differ, 
&e., of they are to suffer hunger, thirst, &c. (i. e. if it ts necessary that 
they should suffer)? Xen. Mem. II, 1,17. °H viv éya pév ove avnp, 
avrn 8 ap, el ravr’ dvarel rpde xeioceras xpatn, tf this is to pass 
unpunished. Sopu. Ant. 484. So ei mddepos Sapa, Il, I, 61; and 
el &aBAnOnoopa, Eur. Hec. 863. 

This use of the Future must be carefully distinguished from that 
found in future conditions, where it is equivalent to the Subjunctive. 
(§ 50, 1, Note 1). The periphrastic form of the Future with péddw 
and the Infinitive (§ 25, 2) is more common in this construction. 
Here the tense of péAAw (as in ef péAAover rovro roreiy for ef rovre 
soijoovey) shows that the condition is really present and not future. 
So with the Latin periphrastic Future, si hoc facturus est. 


2. In sentences containing present or past conditions, 
when it is implied that the condition of the protasis ¢s 
not or was not fulfilled, and when the apodosis expresses 


94 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. L§ 49, 2. 


what would be (Cor would have been) the result if that 
condition were (or had been) fulfilled, the secondary 
tenses of the Indicative are used in both protasis and 
apodosis. The apodosis regularly contains the adverb 
ay 


The Imperfect here refers to present time or to a con 
tinued or repeated action in past time, the Aorist to an 
action simply occurring in past time, and the (rare) 
Pluperfect to an action completed in past or present 
time. E. g. 


El rovro éwpacce, xadas &v elyev, if he were (now) doing this, 
tt would be (implying that he i not doing it). This may also 
mean tf he had been doi this, it would have been well (implying that 
he was not doing it). e context must decide, in each case, to 
which time the Imperfect refers. Ei rovro ?émpafe, xaras ay 
éaxer, if he had done this, it would have been well (implying that he 
did not do it.) Ei rovro éwempayet, cards dy cixev, ¥ he had 
finished doing this (now, or at any past time), it would be well (imply- 
ing either he has not, or he had not finished tt). 

Tavra oux dy ¢3uvavro mosety, el pi wal dcairy perpia ey pavro, 
they would not be able to do this, if they did not lead an abstemious 
life. XEn. Cyr. I, 2,16. odd dy Oavpaorérepov Ry, el ripavro, 
tt would be much more wonderful, if they were honored. Puat. Rep. VI, 
489 B. Ovy otra & ay spobvpos emt rdv wdAepov Spas wapexdAour, 
«i pr) tiv elpnyny €d pwy aloxpay evopemp, I should not exhort you, did 
I not see las I do), &c. Isoc. Archid. p. 184 A. § 87. <Aéyouas 
mavra 9 fxes* nai ros el py ervyxXavey avrois émornun evovca, ovK 
ay olol r’ Hay rovro roncerw, they tell everything as tt is: and yet if 
knowledge did not chance to be in them, they could not do this. PLaT. 
Phaed. 78 A. EU icf or: ef re euov éxndov, ovdends dy ovrw pe 
amoorepey €huAarrov ws afimparos Kai Tins, if you cared for me 
at all, you would take care, &c. Xen. Cyr. V, 5, 84. El pa) drAnoros 
TE €as xpnparwv Kal aicxpoxepdys, ovx av vexpov Onxas dvéegyes. 
Hor. I, 187. (This implies drArcros «i, thou art insatiable, and 
avégyes, thou didst open.) 

Ox dv vmnowy expdres, ef pn re eal vavrixdy elyev, he would not 
have been master of the islands, uf he had not had also some naval force 
(implying vaurixdy eiyev and vyoww expdres, he had a navy, and he 
was master of the islands). THuc. 1, 9. (Tatra) ovx dv mpoédXeyey, 
ei pp emiorevey ddnbevoew, he would not have declared these things 
(referring to several), had he not been confident that he should speak 
the truth, XEN. Mem. I, 1,5. Ei Raoav dvdpes ayabol, as ov djs, 
ovx dy mere ratra macy ov, tf they had been good men, as you say, 
they would never have suffered these things (referring to several vases). 
Puat. Gorg. 516 E. 


§ 49, 2.] SECONDARY TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE. 95 


Kai wi x ért wrdovas Avuxioy xrdve dStos Odvoceis, ef pt) dp 
vonoe peyas xopvOaiodtos “Exrep, i.e. Ulysses would have killed still 
more, had not Hector perceived him. Il. V. 679. Kai vv xev fia wavra 
xaréPOcro cal peve dvipav, el pn ris pe Oeay GLopuparo xai p 
é«adaocev. Od. ty, 863. Kal tcos dy dd ratr’ dwédavoy, ef ps) 
9 apyy da tayéovy careAXvbn. Puat. Apol 82 D. Ti gor’ dy 
€éwabov tx atirav, ei wreilm ypdvoy dwmerpowevOny; .... eb 
dradleghy le pew évaveros, && erm 8¢ wmpocemerpowevOny in’ 
auréy, ov8 dy ca puxpa ravra nap a’rév amédaBov. Dem. Aph. I, 
833, 12-19. Eé roivuy 6 Sikermos rére ravrny fo xe Thy yreuns, 
ovdey ay by wert wenoinney Ex pateyv, ovdé rocavrny éxrncaro 
divayw. Dum. Phil. I, 41, 18. (See below, Re b; and § 42, 
4. ; 

Ei py tpeis FAOere, emopevdpeda dy ext Baciwréa, if you had 
not pas Pe should now) be i our way to the King. ae and Im- 
perf.) Xen. An. Il, 1,4. El ydp éx rov mapeAndvOdros ypdvov ra 
Scovra obras GuveBovrAevcay, ovder dy ipas viv 8e BovrdAcverOus, 
if they had given the necessary advice in time past, there would now be 
no need of your deliberating. Dem. Phil. I, 40, 9. Tovro  awe- 
xpiva, ixavas dy fin wapa cod rv dovéryta €pepadnkn, if you had 
answered this, I should have already learned, &c. (implying GAN’ ov 
wepanxa, but now I have not learned). Piat. Euthyph. 14 C. 
Aowrdy 3 dy hv nyiy ers wept ris médews ScadexOnvas ths nuerépas, ef 
pi) wporépa rev GANov rip clpiny émerroinro. (This implies dAAa ry 
elpnyny mporépa wenxoinrat.) soc. Phil. p. 938 C.§ 56. Toy adicn- 
parey dy éudpynro rey avrov, el rs mepi cuod yéypadev. DEN. 
Cor. 251, 28. 

Different tenses can of course be used in the protasis and apodosis, 
if the sense requires it. See lally the example quoted above 
from Dem. Phil. I, p. 40, 9, and the preceding one. 

This construction is the exact equivalent of the Latin Imperfect 
and Pluperfect Subjunctive in protasis and apodosis. With regard 
to the tenses, the Latin Imperfect Subjunctive represents the Greek 
Imperfect Indicative referring to present time; while the Latin 
Pluperfect Subjunctive represents the Greek Aorist and Pluperfect 
Indicative, and also the Imperfect referring to past time. 


REMARK. (a.) It will be seen by the examples, that this 
construction usually implies, not merely that the condition of 
the protasis is not (or was not) fulfilled, but also that the 
action of the apodosis does not (or did not) take place: thus, 
ei rovro xpatev, éra6n dy, tf he had done this, he would have 
been saved, implies not merely that he did not do thts, but also 
that he was not saved. The denial of the apodosis is not, how- 
ever, inferred as a necessary consequence from the denial of the 
protasis, which would often be an illogical inference; for (in 
the example above) the person might have been saved in some 


96 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 49, 2. 


other way, even if he did not do the thing referred to. Indeed, 
where it is not implied that the action of the apodosis depends 
as a result upon that of the protasis as its condition, the action 
of the apodosis is not denied: this happens when the protasis 
expresses a concession, introduced by kai ei, even if, although, 
or ov8 el, not even tf; a8 xal el rovro éxpater, éraOn dv, even tf he 
had done this, he would have been saved, where it may be 
implied that he was saved. 


(6.) In this form of conditional sentence, therefore, the verb 
of the protasis always (and the verb of the apodosis generally) 
implies its opposite ; the Imperfect always implying a Present 
or Imperfect, the Aorist an Aorist, and the Pluperfect usually 
a Perfect or Pluperfect. Thus ¢e érpaoce, when it means tf he 
were doting, implies GAN’ ov spacoa, but really he ts not doing ; 
when it means tf he had been doing, it implies aAX’ oix éxpacce, 
. but really he was not doing: et pi expater, if he had not done, 
implies GAN’ éxpager, but really he did do: et éwemoujxes rovro, tf 
he had already done this, implies either ddd’ od weroinxev, but 
really he has not done it, or dA’ ovx éxerroujxe, but really he had 
not done +t, according to the context. This principle will 
show which tense of the Indicative is to be used in any given 
case, in writing Greek. | 

The Aorist, however, is very often used here, as elsewhere, 
where the Pluperfect would express the time intended more 
exactly (§ 19, N. 4); as in the sentence above quoted, ovdér 
dv dv vurl wemoinxey Expafev, where the Perfect weroinxey shows 
that the Pluperfect might have been used for éxpafev. 


Note 1. In Homer, the Imperfect in this construction 
refers to past time, and is to be translated by our Pluperfect. 
E. g. 

“Evéa xe X € L dun : t pt) dp’ o£0 vino 
warTnp sug I Gcey ei; then. ers ord ae bee kee, i v IL, 
130. El yap éym rade ne’ evi hpect sevxarXinynow, ovx dv bwelepvye 
Srvyus vdaros aia peeOpa, if I had known, &c. Id. 366. 

Note 2. Sometimes dv is omitted in the apodosis, although 
the non-fulfilment of the condition is still implied. This merely 
gives a more emphatic expression, as when we say t¢ had been 
for it would have been. The dy can be omitted only when the 


9 49, 2.] APODOSIS WITHOUT “AN. 97 


context shows conclusively that the construction is not that of 
§ 49,1. Eg. 

Nal pa Ala goyuvdpny perros, ef dd wodepiov ye Svros éfyna- 

Hie yes, by Zeus, I were indeed ashamed, ft had 2 been decal 

EN. An. VII, 6, 21. Kaddv hy avre, ef ox eyervndn 6 dv 

ra éxeivos, tf had been good for that man, if he had not been born. 
MatruH. Evang. XXVI, 24. 

Compare Vere. Aen. XI, 115: Aequius huic Turnum fverat se 
opponere morti, it had been more just, &c., where fuisset would have 
been the regular form. 


Nore 8. (a.) An apodosis without dy, but implying the 
non-fulfilment of a condition, is often formed by an Infinitive 
depending on the Imperfect of a verb denoting necessity, obli- 
gation, propriety, possthility, or the like. This combination 
merely expresses in other words what might have been ex- 
pressed by the verb of the Infinitive in a past tense of the 
Indicative with dy. Thus ée: ce rovroy gircivy means you ought 
to love him (or ought to have loved him), — implying, but you do 
not love him (or dtd not love him),—and is equivalent to 
rouroy dy épidas, ef ra Séovra éwoieas, you would love him (or 
would have loved him), tf you dtd (or had done) what you 
ought. So eixds #v oe rovro wojoa means you would properly 
have done this (but you did not), being equivalent to eixéras 
rour dy éroinaas. 

This construction occurs chiefly after the impersonal Imper- 
fects xpqv or expyy, edet, efqv, eviv, mpoonxey, eixds fy, fpporrey 
(decebat), Rv or txnpxer (1¢ was possible), and i» with nouns and 
adjectives expressing necessity, propriety, &c. So when jy is 
used with the verbal in -réov (equivalent to #e with the Infini- 
tive). When the Present Infinitive is used, the construction 
refers to present time or to continued or repeated action in past 
time; when the Aorist Infinitive is used, it refers to a single or 
momentary action in past time. E. g. 


Ei én’ jweéas pouvous éarparn\dree é Ilépons, Xpny avroy wdvroy 
Tay awv Grrexdpevoy ourw i¢vas ént riy nyerépny’ cai dy ésnAov 
waot ws ent Sevdas édavver, if the Persian were making his expedition 
against us alone, he ought, letting alone all others, to be marching 
directly into our country; and then he would show that he uxas march- 
ing against Scythians. Hpt. 1V, 118. Here xpiv ieva means he 
would be marching inio our country (like ffrev dv), tf he were doing what 
would be expected aid such circumstances, — implying that this 


98 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 49, 2. 


condition is not fulfilled. (See below, Rem. 1.) "Expijy pew ove 
nai 8ixatoy Ry rovs rov oréhavoy oiopevous Sety AaBeiv atrovs afious 
é€mcdecxvuvac rovrov, pi eye xaxds Adyetv: émedn 3é rovro waper- 
Tes exeivo rotovcty, K.T.A., 1. @. those who think they ought to receive the 
crown would (if they did what is right and just) be showing that they 
deserve it themselves, and not be abusing me; but since now they have 
cs ageing the former and do the latter, &. Dem. Cor. Trier. 1228. 
28. tm’ dddvros ros ele reXeurncew pe, ypiy bn ve woseeww 
ra Bria de 3¢ bn’ alypns, tf he had said hat f sa to be killed by 
a tooth, then you would have to do as you now do. Hot.I, 39. (See 
below, Rem. 1.) “Ede pév rovs A€yovras dravras pyre mpds €xOpa» 
mwotetaGas Adyoy pndeva pyre mpds xdptv, 1. e. the speakers ought not 
to say a twoord out of regard either to enmity or to favor (and yet they 
do so). Dem. Chers. 90, 1. Ildérepoy aurny dx pny ev ry OerraAay 
cai Aodéway rages cuvyxaraxraodat Sirinme thy rav ‘EAAnvoyv 
Gpxnv; i. &. ought she to have helped Philip acquire his dominion over 
e Greeks (sc. as she would have done by your policy)? Dem. Cor. 
246,1. "Epeé ef yey dv dAdas rioly nuepas noixnod rt rovray ihorny 
dvra, idiq xal dicny r pow iKey ait@ Bi Sdvar, i. e. he would properly 
have given satisfaction by a private suit (as if he had said mpoonxdévras 
idia dienv a» é8i80v). Dem. Mid. 525, 3. Ka} roAXois 8d£a, ds ofos 
r dv oe oalecy ef fOedov avarioxew ypnyara, apeAnoas, i. e. tohere- 
as I might have saved you, if I had been willing to spend money, &c 
Puat. Crit. 44 C. Ov yap éviy pi wapaxpovebévray ipay petvae 
Piiinry, for Philip cod not have remained, unless you had been 
deceived (implying he did remain). Dem. F. L. 379, 2. (See § 52, 
1) Kal padtora eixds Ry tyas tr poopac Gat avra xai pr) padaxas, 
Gomep viv, Evppayety. Tuc. VI, 78. (The orator adds, adr 
oUP upeis viv yd ma 006" of ZAdos em) ravra Spunode.) Ei pew roivus 
aioxpdy rt Eueddov épydceaOat, Odvarov avr auroU mpoatperéoy Hy 
(i. e. wpoatpetobas ede). XEN. Mem. II, 7, 10. So in Latin: Quem 
patris loco, si ulla in te pietas esset, colere debebas. Cic. Phil. Il, 38. 


(5.) The Aorist and Imperfect of épeda (cférAdr\gw) are 
sometimes used with the Infinitive like ypjv, ge, &c.; as in Il. 
I, 353, repyy wép pos SheARev OAdpmios éyyvarlEas Leds iyiBpe- 
pens? vow 8 ovde pe rurOdy ericev, i. e. Zeus ought to have secured 
me honor; but now he has not honored me even a kittle. From 
this comes the common use of this form in expressions of a 
wish; as dere Kipos (jv, would that Cyrus were living (lit. 
Cyrus ought to be kving). ‘This is an apodosis, implying as a 
protasis ¢f tt were possible, or something similar. See § 83, 2. 

(c.) Similar to this is the occasional use of éSovAdpny (with- 
out dy) to express what some one wishes were now true (but 
which ts not true). E. g. 

"EBovAdmny pev ovv cai rv BovAny xal ras éxxArAnolas opOes 


§ 49, 2.] APODOSIS WITHOUT “AN. 99 


ScosxetaOas nal rovs vdpous icxverv, would that both the Senate 
and the assemblies were rightly managed, and that the laws were in 
force (implying the opposite of dpéds dcomxeiobas and icyvayr). 
This is analogous to Spedrev eivar, would that it were, and ee. eivas, 
tt ought io be (but is not). AESCHIN. Cor.§ 2. "EBovAdépny pep 
oun épilercy évOade, would that I were not contending here (as I am). 
ARIsT. Ran. 866. See below, Rem. 2. 


(d.) Kuvdvvevo is used with the Infinitive, as a periphrasis 
for the verb of the Infinitive with &. E. g. 


‘H wokts txcvduvevce saca Stadbapryvas, ef dvepos dxeye 
vero, the city was in danger of being utierly destroyed, if a wind had 
arisen. Tuuc. Ill, 74. El pa eLehvyoper eis ma hee éxevduver- 
pA ap ocuien Ce had at ere ae prvi were in 

anger 0 ishing (or there was danger that we 8 perish 
AESCHIN. ecr. § 138, (If the asain: had been that there wo 
have been danger, we should have had éxivduvevoapev dy.) 


(e.) The Imperfect of péArw 1s sometimes used to express 
a past intention or likelihood which was not realized. E. g. 

M éAXA ep pev wore oixos 08° ddvewds xat dpipoy €ppevas? viv 3 éré- 
pos €Bddovro Geol, this house was destined to be rich and faultless ; but now 
the Gods have willed it otherwise. Od. 1, 282. °AAAG rad pev wou péd- 
Aev dyaooverbat Geds ards, but even a God might have grudged us 
this (lit. was likely to grudge us this), if we had obtained t. Od. IV, 
181. So épqv in Od. IV, 171: Kai pu Chnv Addvra Pirdjnoepev 
e£oxov dAdXwy *Apyeiav, el vow treip Gra voorov edaxev (Zevs), i. @. 
I intended to love him (had Zeus allowed us to return). See Dem. 
F. L. 391,11: ob ovorparevoew €pedAXoy, they would not have joined 
him. Soin Latin: Hoc facturi erant, nisi venisset, they were wntend- 
tiny to do this (and would have done tt), had he not come. 


REMARK 1. It will be seen that in the construction of Note 3 a 
protasis is implied with the apodosis; ée. oe rovroy durjoa being 
strictly equivalent to rovroy dy épidnoas ef ra ddovra énoingas, you 
would have loved him, if you had done what you ought, or simply you 
should have loved him. (See § 52, 1.) This form therefore com- 
monly stands as an apodosis with no other protasis expressed; and 
even if another is added (as in the first example undcr a), the im- 
plied protasis always remains the prominent one. Especially, this 
implied protasis expresses the condition, the non-fulfilment of which 
prevents the action of the apodosis from taking place. The whole 
expression xpiv Touro woteivy, &c. thus becomes the apodosis to the 
acs protasis, if one is added. In the third example under a 
(Hot. I, 89), the real apodosis may be you would then do from 
necessity what you now do (implying that now you do not do ut from 
necessity); or we may perhaps explain ypyy better by Note 2. 

In this construction the Infinitive course madified by the lead- 
ing verb, as shown above) contains the main idea of the apodosis. 


100 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 49, 2. 


When the main idea is contained in the verb of necessity, &c., s0 
that the non-fulfilment of the condition of the protasis affects this 
rather than the infinitive, we have ypjy dy, tet av, mpoonkey dy, &c., 
forming an ordinary apodosis (§ 49, 2). Thus « ra d€ovra obra 
ouveBovAevaay, ovdey Ay tpas viv €8e4 BovreverOa, if these men haa 
given the necessary advice, there would now be no need of your deliber. 
ating, implies but now there ts need of your deliberating. Occasion- 
ally both constructions can be used to express essentially the same 
apodosis: thus in Lys. in Erat. § 32, we find, y piv 8¢ ce, cirep Ho Ga 
xpnords, ros peAAXovow ddixws arobaveicba pnvuTiy yever Oat, if 
ou had been an honest man, you ought to have become an tnformer in 
behalf of those who were about to suffer death unjusily (implying but 
you did not do so, ovx éyévov pnyurns) ; but in § 48, referring to the 
same thing, the orator says, eirep hv amp ayabds, éx pny Av mparov 
pev px) wapavdpws apyev, €recra ty BovAn pnvurny yever Oat, KT. Ay 
tf he had been a Pa man, tt would have been his duty, &e. (implying 
ovx éxpnv). The latter construction, however, is very rare where 
the ihe would be admissible. 
The distinction between éde: ve rovrov hirciv and ee dv oe rovrov 
directv would be expressed in Latin by te oportebat hunc amare and 
te oporteret hunc amare. 


REMARK 2. The greatest difficulty in understanding the forms 
explained in Note 8 is caused by the defect in the English verb 
ought, which makes it impossible to translate them accurately. 
Thus we translate ov« es ve rovro roinoas (or woretv), non Oportuit 
te hoc facere, you ought not to have done this, expressing the past 
time by the tense of the Infinitive, which we should express by the 
past tense of ought if there were one. (You oughted not to do this 
would represent the Greek and Latin idiom. The vulgar ex- 
pression you had n’t ought comes very near it.) 

A further trouble appears when such phrases as ovx édet ve trovro 
woey refer to beget time, meaning you ought not to be doing this 
(as you are). e Imperfect here refers to present time, as it does 
in the ordinary construction of § 49,2. The Latin has the same 
idiom, non oportebat te hoc facere. But in English, owing to the 
defect in the verb ought, we are obliged to use the simple present; 
so that we cannot distinguish in translation between ee: ce dudreiv, 
oportebat te amare, and de oe dideiv, oportet te amare, — both be- 
ing expressed by you ought to love, although the former implies but 
you do not love, while the latter implies no condition. 

It needs perhaps to be added, that the tenses of the infinitive here 
express no time of themselves, but are used in the ordinary con- 
structions of § 15, 1, and § 23, 1. The equivalent Latin forms 
(facere representing both sotety and sroijoas) will make this clear. 


REMARK 8. It must not be understood that the Imperfects éypiyv 
€3e:, &c. with the Infinitive are always used in the construction of 
Note 8. Thus ge dé pévew, in Dem. F. L. 879, 14, means simply 
but he was obliged to remain (and did remain). 


$49, 2.} SECONDARY TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE. 101 


Nore 4. (a.) In Il. XXII, 526 xé is used with a secondary 
tense of the Indicative in protasis, apparently adding nothing to the 
sense. (See § 50, 2. N. 2, d.) 


Ei 8€ x’ ér: spordpao yévero dpdspos dpdorépaow, 
T@ xéy puv wapéXace 008’ dudnporoy €Onxer. 


(6.) When dy stands in the protasis with a secondary tense of the 
Indicative in Attic Greek, the expression is so obviously an apodosis 
at the same time, as to present no difficulty. “A» can never coa- 
lesce with ei to form dd» in these sentences, as it always belongs to 
the verb. E. g. 


Ei roivvy rovro loyupéy fv dy roure rexunpcov, xapol yerto Ou rexpn- 
prov, x.r.X., if then this would have been a strong proo, for him (sc. had 
he had it to bring forward), so let tt be also a proof for me, &c. Dem. 
Timoth. 1201, 19. (This sentence properly belongs to the class of 
§ 49, 1; for the protasis really is if i is true that this would have been 
a proof, to which the apodosis in the Imperative corresponds.) In 
Dem. Cor. 260, 2, cat ris obx ay dméxrewe pe dixaias, ef re Tay Urap- 
Xovrov TH wes Kadav Adyo pdvoy aracxuvew ewmexeipna’ dv;— 
if we retain the final dy» (which is strongly supported by Mss. autho- 
rity), we must translate ef éweyelpno’ dv if u is true that I would 
(under any circumstances) have undertaken, &c., and not simply if I 
had undertaken (ei énexyeipnoa). See § 50, 2, Note 2, a; and § 
63, 2. 


Nore 5. In some cases the Aorist is found in the apodosis refer- 
ring to present time, after a protasis in the Imperfect; it always 
denotes, however, a momentary or sudden occurrence, or some other 
idea which the Imperfect would not express so well. E. g. 


Ei pev ovv ob pe nporas ts tov viv ), elrov dy, x.7.X., if then 
you were asking me any one of the questions before us, I should (at 
once) say, &c. Puat. Euthypb. 12 D. Ei éweOvpets raurns (ris 
gopias), kai éyo oe érvyxavoy dvepwrav, x.T.r., Ti dy por dme- 
xkpive; tf you desired this kind of wisdom, and I happened to be asking 

ou, §c., what should you reply? [PLtat.] Theag. 128 B. See also 
T. Prot. 8318 A; Gorg. 447 D; Symp. 199 D. 


Nore 6. (a.) Ina very few in Homer we find the O 
tative with xé in the apodosis referring to the past, where we should 
expect a secondary tense of the Indicative. E. g 


Kai wy nev épO’ drdrorro dvak avdpar Aiveias, el py dp of0 vdnoe 
Awds bvyarnp *Adpodirn, Aeneas would have perished, had not A phrodue 
gnewa Coed him. Il. V, 811. Kaiwerev ev Bet hotre Apis 

os mroképoo, ef pt) "HepiBoia ‘Eppa dényyetdev. Il. V, 888. (In 
both these cases dradero would be the regular form, in Homeric as 
well as in Attic Greek.) So Il. XVII, 70, 6a xe Hépor is used 
for gvOa x’ epepev, he would have carried. So Il. V, 85, Tudeidnv 3’ 
ovx dy yvoins morépoos perein, you would not have known to which 
army he belonged: for the dependent Optative, see § 34, 3, Note. 


102 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 49, 2 


(6.) The Imperfect Indicative is not used in Homer in the con- 
struction of § 49, 2 referring to present time. (See Note ve Ina 
few cases where the Attic Greek would use that form, we find the 
present Optative in Homer. E-. g. 


El pev ris rév Svetpov "Ayatav GAdos Eviawe, Pevdds xev haiper, 
cai voodiloiveda paddop, i. e. tf any other one had told ut, we 
should call it a falsehood, and should rather turn away from tt. Il. UH, 
80. In I. II, 274, we find the Optative in both protasis and 
apodosis, where the Attic Greek would use the Imperfect Indica- 
tive: ef viv érl DAqp dOrAevotper, Fr av éyd ra mpera AaBav 
ndioinvde hepoipny, i. e. if we were now contending in honor of 
another (than Patroclus), I should take the first prize and bear tt to my 
tent. The present Optative in Homer is used also in its regular 
sense, referring to the Future see § 50, 2.) The constructions 
included in this note seem to be a relic of an ancient use of the 
i pro in conditional sentences like that of the secondary tenses 
of the Latin Subjunctive. (See Appendix L) For the similar 
Homeric use of the Present Optative in expressions of a wish, see 
§ 82, Rem. 2. 


B. Future Conditions. 


$30. 1. When a supposed future case is stated dis- 

tinctly and vividly (as in English, 7 J shall go), the 

° ° ° ° A ~ 
protasis takes the Suljunctive with éav, av (a), or 9» 
(Epic e xe or aé xe). 

The apodosis denotes what will be the result, if the 
condition of the Protasis shall be fulfilled. It therefore 
takes the Future Indicative, or some other future form, 
like the Imperative. E. g. 

"Edy rt AdBa, dSoo@ cor, tf I (shall) receive anything, I will give it to 
you. ‘Edy rs AdBps, dds por, tf you receive anything, give tt to me. Ei dé 
kev ds Epps xai ro welOavras ‘Ayaol, yooon tre’ ds O iryeudvov 
xaxds Os Te wv daay, but if you shall do thus and the Achaeans obey 
you, you will then learn both which of the leaders and which of the 
soldiers is bad. Il. II, has (For ef xe see § 47, 2.) Al «° airop 
yyde wnpepréa ravr’ evérovra, frow puy xAaivdy Te xiTOa Te, etyara 
xaXd. Gd. XVII, 549. So al xe Soo, Il. I, 128. (See § 47, 1, 
Note.) Ei pév xev Mevédaow ’Adé£avdpos xaramré yy, atris énel 
“EXémy €xéro@ xal xrnpara mavra, jpets 8 ev vpnecot vem peba mor 
rondpooww: el dé x’ "AdeEavdpov xreivn Eavbds Mevédaos, Todas ered 
“Ed¢dvny xal xripata nave’ dmrosoivar. Il. Il, 281. Here éyéra, 
yeopeOa (Subj. in exhortation), and dso8otdva: (Infin. for Impera- 
tive) are in the apodosis. AZ xa ryvos €A7 Kepacy rpdyov, atya ry 
Aawg-. THeoc. I, 4. *Ay 8 ris dvOsorgjrat, otv ipiy wespa- 


§ 50, 1.] SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE. 108 


odpeba xepovcba, tf any one shall stand opposed to us, we will try 
to overcome him. Xen. An. VII, 8,11. “Avy py viv €BéXA@pev exet 
wodepew aur, évOad tows avayxac Ona dpeba rovro roseiv, if we 
shall not now be willing to fight him there, we shall perhaps be forced to 
do so here. Dem. Phil. I, 54, 20. Here vi» refers to time immedi- 
ately following the present: if Dem. had meant tf we are not now 
willing, he would have said e? py viv €béXopev (§ 49, 1). “Hy 
yap ravra xahas éptowdpeba, duevoy Bovrevaedpeba nai repi Trav 
@DrAov. Isoc. Pac. p. 162 D.§ 18. *Hy d€ rhy elpnyny wotnoopeda, 
cai ro.ovrous npas avrovs mapaoywpeyv, pera TOAANS dodadeias THY 
wodw oixnaopev. Ib. p. 168 A. § 20, Edy ody ins viv, wore Eoet 
oixoc; XEN. Cyr. V, 8, 27. Kat yp& airois, day 8én Ti, and use 
them, tf there shall be any need. ii V, 4, 30. *Hy pév awdrepov 
aipnobe, pyxers yxetre Sevpo avev Strav, ef codpoveire’ fv Se 
eionyns Soxnre SeicOa, dvev Grrov yrere’ ws 8€ Karaos Ee ra 
dperepa, hy hilos yévnaGe, euot perAnoes. Ib. Ill, 2, 13. ’Eay 
yap ti ve hav® xaxdv rewoinxos, 6poAXoy@ adixeiy’ édy pévros pndey 
Paivwopas xaxdy mewoinnos unde Bovdnbeis, ov xat ov ad dporoyn- 
owess pndev in’ euod adixeicda ; Ib. V, 5,13. (Here dpodoye must 
be understood as referring to the future, like dpoAdoyjoes. § 10, 1, 
N. 7.) "Edy pi) i} of Prdoodor Bagirevowcry f of Bacvits dido- 
Todynocwoty, ove €gre xakov mavAra rais méAcawy, unless either the 
philesophers shall become kings or the kings philosophers, there is no 
escape from troubles for states. PLAT. Rep. ¥. 473 D. Aidwo’ éxady 
xreivety éavror, hy rade a Aéywr. SopH. Phil. 1342. "Eady 
py jp BeBonOnkdres docv, ov Set nas avrois Bonbew, if they 
shall not have assisted us, there is no need of our assisting them. “Hy 
ge rov AoTov Tor adéeAwpat xpovov, xaxior’ dwodoipny, i. e 


may I perish, if I ever take you again. Arist. Ran. 586. (See §34, 1.) 


REMARK 1. It will be seen that the apodosis in this construction 
may take any form of the verb that refers to the /uture,—the 
Future Indicative, the Imperative, the Subjunctive in exhortations 
and prohibitions, the Infinitive in any future sense, or the Optative 
in wishes, It may also contain a Present Indicative including a 
reference to the future (lke ypy or de) or a Present merely used 
emphatically for the Future, like dyzoAoye above quoted from XEN. 
Cyr. V, 5. 18, or ravAd dors from PLAT. Rep. 473 D. 


ReMARK 2. The English (especially the colloquial language) 
seldom expresses the important distinction between this form of 
protasis and that of § 49, 1. Thus modern usage allows us to use 
the inexact expression if he wishes, not merely for ef BovAeras (if he 
now wishes), but alse for ay BovAnra: (if he shall wish). The sense, 
however, generally makes the distinction clear. 


Note 1. The Future Indicative with ef is very often used 
in the protasis in the same sense as the Subjunctive with éa», 
sometimes alternating with it in the same sentence. This is 


104 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 50, 1. 


merely a more vivid form of expression than the Subjunctive, 


both corresponding to the English tf J shall do this, &c. E. g. 

Ei yap "AywAAevs olos ext Tpwecos payetrasr, ovd€ pivevl efovei 
oaea Tahelua. if Achilles shall Sight, &e. I. XX, 26. Ei 8€ at y’ 
és mékepov wadHoeat, } TE Oo diw pryncew morepdy ye, Kai Et y’ Ere- 
pods wvOna. Il. V, 350. Ei dé wpds rovrocos Ext reXeurHoes Tov 
Biov ed, ovros éxetvos Tov ov (nreis SABtos kexAnoGas dkds eors. HT. 
J, 32, (See Rem. 1.) El py eadéfess yAéooay, éoras cot xaxd. 
Eur. Aeg. Frag. 5. El dé py rodr emcdeiftes, was xp tavrn TH 
mpoxAnoes spooexety Las Tov vouw; Dem. Aph. I. 829, 28. Ei 8° ipeis 
Gdko rs yvdoerOe, & ph yevorro, riva olerbe abriy Wuyny ef; 
Dem. Aph. II, 842, 15. (Referring to the same thing, p. 834, 24, 
Demosthenes had said dy yap droguyy pe otros, 8 py yevoro, THP 
énwBeXiav dpAjow.) “Hy €OéX\apev dwobvnoxew imep ray dexaiwy, 
evdoxipnoopev’ el S€ PoBnaodpeda rovs xewdvvous, eis rodAds Tapa- 
xas karagrnoopey das avrovs. Isoc. Archid. p. 188 A. § 107. 

This use of the Future must not be confounded with its less com- 
mon use in present conditions, § 49, 1, N. 3, where it is not equiva- 
lent to the Subjunctive. 


Note 2. In the Homeric language the following peculiari- 
ties appear in this construction : — 

(a.) The Subjunctive with xe is sometimes used in the 
apodosts instead of the Future Indicative, thus making the 
apodosis correspond in form to the protasis. E. g. 


Ei 8¢ xe px) Sdnow, éyd 8€ nev avtros EXapas, and if he do not 
her up, I will take her myself. Il. I, 324. (Compare I, 137.) 


gives a form of sentence analogous to that in which the 
oe is used in both protasis and apodosis. See § 87, Note. 
(For the use of 8€ in apodosis, see below, § 57.) 

(5.) “Hy is the only contraction of «ef dy found in Homer. 
The most common Homeric form is, however, «ef xe (sometimes 
el 8¢ xe). El dy is rarely found, as Il. ITI, 288. 


(c.) Et xe or af xe is sometimes found even with the Futu 
Indicative in Homer. KE. g. : 

Al nev dvev éudbey .. . . Tlov weghidyoeras, od &erAnoe 
exrépoat, tore rovro. Il, XV, 213. 

For xé (and even dy) with the Future in apodosis, see § 87, 2. 

(d.) The simple ef (without dy or xe) is often used with the 
Subjunctive in Homer, apparently in the same sense as ef xe or 
the Attic édy. E. g. 

Eid av ms paings Gedy evi olvom wévre, TrAnoopat ev oTnbecow 
dxev radarevOea Gupdv. Od. V, 221. Ovdé wédwde Epyouas, ef py 
wou vi wepidbpwy Lnveddreca eXOépev Orpuynaey. Od. XIV, 872. 








/ 


§ 50, 2.]  OPTATIVE IN PROTASIS AND APODOSIS. 105 


Nore 8. (a.) The Homeric use of the simple e? with the 
Subjunctive continues in lyric poetry, and is found in the 
chorus of the Attic drama, and even in some passages of the 
ordinary dialogue. E. g. 


El yap Odvys nal re\evrnoas adyjs. Sorx. Aj. 496. Avorddawa 
rap’ éyd, et cov crepn 66. Sopw. O. C. 1442. El py o’ éxddye 
éx tnode ths yas, ovdérore Bidoopas. ARIST. Eq. 698. Ef ris od 
wacyey Noyor éoddv dxovay. Prnp. Isth. IV, 16. 


(5.) In Attic prose, this construction is extremely rare, and its 
existence is denied by many high authorities; if we follow the Mss., 
however, we must admit it in a few passages, as Tuc. VI, 21: Ov 
vaurixns otparias pdeov Bet, dAAa xai we(dv wodvy Evymrctv, Dros re 
cal ei Everday al rdres hoBnbcioa. (Here only a few of the 
worst Mss. read #y for el.) 


Norte 4. For the change from the Subjunctive to the Optative 
after secondary tenses in indirect discourse, see § 74, 1. 


2. When a supposed future case is stated less dis- 
tinctly and vividly than it would be stated by the Sub- 
junctive (as in English, 7 I should go), the protasis 
takes the Optative with «i. : 

The apodosis here denotes what would be the result if 
the condition of the protasis should be fulfilled, and 
takes the Optative with av. BE. g. 

EZ @\6o, wavr’ av Wor, tf he should go, he would see all. Eto 


ovros €Oédos Girréeww xn dorrd re Guug, TH Kew tis xeivov ye Kal 
éxreAdGotro yaporo, if she should be willing thus to love you, &c 
Od. Ill, 223. "Hxev ynOnoat Upiauos Lpicpod re raises, GAdos 
re Tpaes péya xev kexapoiaro Oupa, ci opaw rade wavra wvGoiaro 
papvapevouy. Il. I, 255. (See § 47,2.) "AAA ef pol rs widoco, ro 
ney wodv xépdioy efn. Il. VII, 28. Eins gopyris otk av, ef rpag- 
gots cates. AESCH. Prom. 979. Ei &€ ris rovs xparovyras rov 
wAnOous ex aperny wporpé peter, auorepous dy dvngece. Is0c. 
ad Nicocl. p. 16 C. § 8. Et ris rav cos cuvdvrav erapdein mocece 
d ov rvyxaves etAoyar, mas ovx Av adOXthraros fn; Isoc. Busir. p. 
280 C. § 47. Ovdé yap &v Midoxos pe 6 Baowed’s Eratvoin, el 
cEeXavvocpe rovs evepyéras. Ken. An. VII, 7,11. El ph duvardy 
tr’ abrév etn ocwOnva, droxreivaip ay é y. Dem. Enubul. 
1820, 25. Oud ef wavres EXAorev Mepoas, wAnGer ye ory brepBa- 
Aoiped’ Av rods awodguiovs. XEN. Cyr. II, 1, 8 Ov wodAy A» 
ddoyia ein, el PoBoitro roy Gavarov 6 rowvros; PLAT. Phaed. 68 

Oixos 8 airés, ef Pboyyyv AdBot, cadpéorar’ dv Ad Lecer. 
Axrscu. Ag. 37. Las ovy ov« &v olerpdrara mdvrev éya wmemovdas 

5* 


106 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 1§ 50, 2. 


etny, ef cue Yndicatyro «va Lévov; how then should I not have 
suffered (lit. be in the condition of having suffered) the most pitiable of 
all things, if they should vote me a foreigner? Dem. Eubul. 1312, 17. 
(See § 18, 1, and examples of the Perfect Optative there quoted.) 


REMARK. (a.) This form of the conditional sentence must be 
especially distinguished from that of § 49, 2; the more so, as we often 
translate both ei) dy and jy dy by the same English expression, # 
would be; although the latter implies that the supposition of the 
protasis is a false one, while the former implies no opinion of the 
speaker as to the truth of the supposition. 


(6.) On the other hand, the distinction beween this form and that 
of § 50, 1 is less marked, and it is often of slight importance which 
of the two is used in a particular case. Thus it is often nearly in- 
different in English whether we say if we shall go (or if we go), t 
will be well, or if we should go, it would be well ; in Greek, the former 
is ay €AOwpev, xadas eer, and the latter is ef €AOowev, cadres dy 
éxo. (See § 48, I, B, Rem. 2.) In writing Greek, this distinction 
can generally be made, by first observing the form of the apodosis 
in English ; if that is expressed by would, it should be translated by 
the Greek Optative with dy; if it is expressed by will, it should be 
translated by the Future Indicative. (Other forms of the apodosis, 
as the Imperative, will present no difficulty.) The form to be used 
in the protasis will then appear from the rules for pe aurea of 
Moods (§ 82 and § 84); the Optative will require another Optative 
with ei in the dependent protasis (i. e. the form of § 50, 2, ei ZA Bor- 
peev, xadas dy €yot); while the future Indicative or any other 
primary form will require a Subjunctive with éay, or a Future Indi- 
cative with ei (i. e. the form of § 50,1, day €XPwper, cards ees, 
or ef dAevocpeda, xadros ee). 

In indirect discourse we often find an Optative in protasis, which 
merely represents the same tense of the Subjunctive or Indicative 
in the direct discourse. See § 69,1; § 74,1; and § 77. 


Note 1. Cases of the omission of dy in an apodosis of this class 
are rare; they occur chiefly in Homer, less frequently in the Attic 
poets (even then chiefly in questions, and after such expressions as 
ovx éo6’ Grws), and seldom or never in Attic prose where the text 
is beyond suspicion on other grounds. E. g. 

‘O 8€ yepuddiov AdBe yer—pi Tvdeidns, peya Epyoy, & ov 8v0 y’ dvdpe 
pe Bote ; ioMah two oan ould not ft (yf he should try). I. V, 
303. (See § 52, 2.) Téav, Zev, duvacw ris avdpav tmepBacia xara- 
gxyot; Sops. Ant. 605. “AAX’ tréproApov avdpds dpovnpua ris 
Aeyos; AEscH. Choeph. 594. “Eor’ ody Omws “AAxnotis és yipas 
podos; Eur. Alc. 52. Ovx tof dros A€Eacpe ra Wevdy xadd. 
ArscH. Ag. 620. Ovx éorw drm peifova poipay veiparp’ ® ooi. 
Axscu. Prom. 292. Ids ody rd3, as efmos tts, eEnudpraves ; i. @ 
as one might say. Eur. Andr. 929. "OQomep eimos tis rémos, as one 
would say rowos.(?) AnistT. Av. 180. 


§ 51.] “AN IN PROTASIS. 107 


Note 2. (a.) The adverb dy is sometimes used with the Opta- 
tive in the protasis, but only when the protasis is itself at the same 
time an apodosis, with aacther protasis expressed or implied. This 
is, of course, no exception to the [ais rule (§ 89); and it is to be 
noticed that the dy in this case a belongs strictly to the verb, 
and never joins the e to form éayv. E. g. 


Ovros wavredas, ovd’ ef pi) wotnoatr’ Av rovro, evxarapporytdéy 
éorsv, it ts not wholly to be despised, even if you would not do this (if 
an opportunity should occur). Dem. Phil. I, 44, 80. Kal éyo, eiwep 
DA ro avOporov wevOoipny dv, xai col weiPopat, tf I would trust 
any ee man (if he should give me his word), I trust you. PLAT. 
Prot. 829 B. Et ye pndé Sovrdoy dxparn Sefaiped’ dv, wae ovx 
G£ov abrov ye pudafacba rowvrov yeveoba; if we would not take 
even a slave who was intemperate (sc. 4 one should be offered), &c. 
AEN. Mem. I, 5, 3. (Such conditional sentences as the three pre- 
ceding belong properly under § 49, 1. Compare the last example 
under § 54, Rem.) See § 49, 2, N. 4, b. 

So occasionally in Homer; as Il. V, 2738, ef rovrw xe Ad Botperv, 
Gpoipeba xe Kréos erOddv, if we could (in any case) obtain these, we 
should gain great glory; and Il. I, 60, Ei rev Oavardy ye piryouper, if 
we would escape death (where e? @avarov iyousey would mean if we 
should ever escape death). 


(6.) Commonly, however, when ef xe occursin Homer, xé belo 
to the ei, and no force of an 7 pir is perceptible. Here, as in 
final clauses (§ 44, 1, N. 3, a), the xé adds nothing to the sense that 
can be expressed in English. E. g. 

Tas dv éya Séocps per’ adavaros Oeoiow, ei Kev “Apns ofxotro 
xpéos Kat Seopdy advéas. Od. VIII, 352. Taw xev ros xapicaro 
maTip amepeios drowa, ef xev ene (woy memvdotr ent mvow 
’"Axyaay. Il. VI, 49. 

But if the xé is separated from the «i (except by per, de, ré, ydp, 
&c.), or if the sense shows clearly that it belongs to the verb, it is 
the sign of an apodosis, as in the Homeric examples under (a). 
See § 49, 2, N. 4, a. 


Nore 8. It follows from § 26, that the Future Optative cannot 
be used in protasis or apodosis, except in indirect discourse to rep- 
resent a Future Indicative of the direct discourse. 


Notes 4. For a rare Homeric use of the Optative for the Imper- 
fect or Aorist Indicative, see § 49, 2, N. 6. 


II. Present and Past General Suppositions. 


§ 51. A present or past supposition is said to be 
general, when the protasis refers indefinitely to any one 
of a series or class of acts, and not to a definite act or 


108 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 51. 


a definite series of acts. The apodosis must express a 
customary or repeated action or a general truth. 7 

Here the protasis takes the Subjunctive with cap 
after primary tenses, and the Optative with « after 
secondary tenses. The apodosis may take the Present 
or Imperfect Indicative, or any other form which im- 
plies repetition. E. g. : 

“Hy wore dacpds ixyntat, oot rd yépas woAD peifoy (sc. éoriv), if 
ever a division comes, your prize ts always much greater. Il. I, 166. 
*Hy éyyts 2X Oy Odvaros, oddels BovrAcras Gvnoxe, if (or when) death 
comes near, no one is (ever) willing to die. Eur. Alc. 671. “Asas 
Adyos, dy dx Ta wmpdypara, parady rs aivera xai xevdv, all speech, 
if deeds are wanting, appears mere emptiness and vanity. Dem. OL 
IT, 21, 20. Asaredet picady, ovx qv ris Tt avrdv ddiKG, GAN’ Edy Tie 
Urontrevan BeArriova éavrov elva:, he continues to hate, not if any 
one wrongs him, but if he ever suspects that any one is better than. him- 
self. XEN. Cyr. V, 4, 35. EvAaBou ras dsaBodas, dv Wevdeis docy, 
rhe of slanders, even when they are false. Isoc. Demon. p. 5 

.§ 17. 

El 8 riwas OopyBoupevous aloOotro, rd airtoy rovrov oxoray 
xaracBevvuvas TH Tapaxny éemetpato, whenever he sawo any making a 
disturbance, he always tried, &. XEN. Cyr. V, 8, 55. Ovx dredei- 
mero rt avrov, ef pn Tt dvaykaiov ein, he never left him, unless there 
was some necessity for it. - Mem. IV, 2,40. Elrisdvreinos, 
evOds reOvnxe, if any one refused, he was immediately put to death. 
Tuoc. VIII, 66. "Hy rots pév dpOarpois émimovpnya rhs xedvos, et TIS 
pédav re fxov wpd ray cpGadpay mopevotro, tay 3€ wodew Ef Tis 
kevotro. XEN. An. IV. 5,13. ’AAX’ ef rs ph PEporpey, Srpuver 
dépev. Eur. Alc. 755. "Emecdi) 8¢ ef8ov adrdy rax:ora, ovdAAaBérres 
ayovow dyrixpus ds dwoxrevouvres, ovmep kai ros dAXous ameodarroy, 
Aporny f xaxovpyoy cvAAGBorey, 1. & where they had been 
in the habit of killing any others whom they took. Lys. Agor. p.: 
137, § 78. 

The Qptative in these examples, referring to past time, must 
be especially distinguished from the Optative in ordinary protasis 
(§ 50, 2), referring to the future. Ei and édy in this construction are 
almost. equivalent to Gre or dray (which are the more common ex- 
pressions), and the protasis has precisely the same construction as 
the relative sentences of § 62. 

The Present and Aorist Subjunctive and Optative here do not 
differ except as explained in Remark before § 12. 


Remark. The gnomic Aorist, and the other gnome and 
tterative tenses of § 30, can be used in the apodosis of these 
general propositions. The gnomic Aorist, as usual, is con- 
sidered a primary tense (§ 32, 2). ‘E. g. 





§ 51.] GENERAL SUPPOSITIONS 109 


*Hy ohadacev, avredricavres Dra exrnpwvay rh xpelar, 
tf they fatl, they always supply the deficiency, &c. Tuvc.1, 70. *H» 
d€ ris rovrov rs wapaBaivn, Cypiay avrois éewmebecay, they 
(always) tmpose a penalty upon every one who transgresses. XEN. 

yr. I, 2, 2. EC rues (80céw wy rovs oderépouvs émxparourras, 
dveOdpaonoay dv, whenever any saw ther friends in any way 
victorious, they would be encouraged (i. e. they were encouraged in all 
such cases). Truc. VII, 71. (See § 30, 2, and Xen. Mem. IV, 6, 
13, there quoted.) 


Notr 1. The Optative in this construction is not found in 
Homer, although it 1s very common in the equivalent relative sen- 
tences (§ 62). 


Note 2. Here, as in ordinary protasis, the poets sometimes use 
the “ore ei with the Subjunctive instead of ¢ay. (See § 50, 1, N. 
8.) E.g. 


Elsrep yap re ydAov ye xai aurnpap caranéeyn, 
"AAAG ye xal perdmiabev Exes xdrov, dpa reAéooy. Il. I, 81. 
Ei de puyn peey xnpa TaynAeyeos Gaydrao, 

Nixnoas 8’ aixpis dyAady evyos €A7, 
Ildyres puy ripaor duas vos 7d€ madacol, 

ToAAG 8¢ reprva wabayv Epyeras cis ’Aidnv. Tyr. XII, 35, 
"AAN’ dvdpa, net rus 7 copds, rd pavOavew 
IIdAN’ aicxpdy ovdey xal rd 1} reivery dyay. Sopu. Ant. 710. 


Norse 8. The Indicative is sometimes found in the place 
of the Subjunctive or Optative in a general protasis of this 
kind. Here the speaker merely refers to one of the many 
cases in which the event may occur, as if it were the only 
case, — that is, he states the supposition as if it were particular, 
and not general. E. g. 


Ei ris 800 ff nal mréous ris Hyepas AoyiCeras, paras cori, if 
any one counts upon two or even more days, he is a fool. Sopa. Trach. 
944. "EXevOépws roAtrevopey, ov 3: dpyns rov médas, ei xa H8ovny Te 
34, €xovres, i. @. not (having a habit of) being angry with our neigh- 
bor, if he acts in any case as he pleases. Tuuc. Il, 37. (Here the 
Indicative 8p¢ is used as if some particular act of some one neighbor, 
and not any act of any neighbor, were in the speaker’s mind.) Ki 
ris Ts emnpora, amexpivorto, tf any one asked anything, they replied (to 
all such). THuc. VII, 10. "Epices ovx ef ris xaxas mdoyov npive- 
TO, GAN’ « Tis evEepyeroUpevos adydpioros daivorro. XEN. A 
XI, 8. (Here, without any apparent Bb the writer cuaares 
from the Indicative to the Optative.) See § 62, N. 1. 

This use of the Indicative is exceptional in Greek, but it is the 
regular construction in Latin and English. See § 48, II. Rem. 2. 


110 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 52, 1. 


Ellipsis and Substitution in Protasis or Apodosis. 


§ 63. 1. Very often the protasis is not expressed 
in its regular form with ¢ or éav, but is either implied 
in something that precedes or follows, or expressed in 
a participle, a preposition with its case, an adverb like 
ovrws, or some other part of the sentence. 

When a participle takes the place of a protasis, it is 
always in the same ¢ense in which the finite verb which 
it represents would itself have stood after ¢& or eav, in 
the Indicative, Subjunctive, or Optative. (See § 109, 
6.) The Present participle stands for both Present and 
Imperfect, and the Perfect for both Perfect and Pluper- 
fect. (See § 16,2; § 18,3, Rem.) E. g. 


Obre écGiovas mrAciw 9 dvvavra: hepew, Biappayeier yap dy° obr 
auguévvuvras wrciw 4 Svvavras rept foiee is es yap by, they do 
not eat more than they can bear, for (if they should) they would burst, 
&e. Xen. Cyr. VIII, 2, 21. Aurot dv éropevOnoay 7g of roe’ ra 
& brolvyia ovx Rv Gry 4h ravry éxBivas, they would have gone them- 
selves cae the others went; but the animals could not go otherwise 
Aa as they did. Xen. An. IV, 2,10. Sof yap dv AwByoato, 

, 282, 

Tovro srowvvres «3 mpdtovow (i. ©. eay roca); tf they shall do 
this (habitually), they will prosper. Todro momoavres ed mpatovow 
(i. e. day woinoawasy), if they shall (once) do this, they will prosper. 
Tovro rotovvres 0 Ay mparroey (i. e. ef rototey), if they should do 
this (habitually), they would prosper. Tovro wotnoavres ev dv mpdrrovey 
(i. @&. ef mosnoacer), if they should (once) do this, they would prosper. 
Tovro rovotvres ev dv éxparroy (i. e. ef €rotouy), if they were doing 
this (or tf they had been doing this), they would be in prosperity. Tovro 
moinoavres ev Av émparroy (i. ©. ef érroinagay), tf they had done this, 
they would be in prosperity. 

_ Has bira dixns odans 6 Zeis ovn arddodev roy rarép’ avrov Snoas; 
1. @. how ts tt that Zeus has not been destroyed, tf Justice exists? ARIST. 
Nub. 904. (Here dixns ofons represents ef dicen doriv.) "AN elodpe- 
Ga dSdpous mapacreixovres (1. 6. édv wapacrelyoperv), bul we 
shall know, if we shali enter the house. Sopu. Ant. 1255. 30 8€ ceAvav 
elves taxa (i. 6. éay Avg), but you will soon know, tf you listen. 
Arist. Av. 1875. So uy paddy, unless I learn, for day py pdbe, 
Nub. 792. Kai new rovr’ €béAouu Ards ye 8e3dvros dpécOa, and 
this I should like to obtain, if Zeus sould only give it. Od. I, 390. 
(Here Avs Siddvros = e? Zevs Bi8oin.) Toadrd rav yovaki cvvvaior 
éxors (i. €. ef curvaiors), such things would you suffer, if you should 





§ 52, 1.] ELLIPSIS OR SUBSTITUTION IN PROTASIS. 1 


live with women. Axscu. Sept. 195. O03 dy crompoaus ryy drny 
6 p@» oreixovgay dorois (i. e. ef dp@ys). SopH. Ant. 185. *A@nvaley 
d€ 1d avrd rovTo wmabdvrey, dinraciav dy rv Svvapw elxaferOas 
(ota), but if the Athenians should ever suffer this (waddvrov= el 
maOoev), I think tt would be inferred that their power was twice as 
great. uc. I, 10. (Here nothing but the context shows that 
naOdyvrwy does not represent ei éradoy, if they had ever suffered.) 
Mappap 8 ay alrnoavros fhxdvy coe pepwy dy aprov, and if you ever 
asked for something to eat, I used to come bringing you bread. ARIST. 
Nub. 1888. (Here airjoavros represents «i airngeas in a general 
supposition, § 51. For fjxov dy see § 30, 2, and § 42,8.) ply 
yevérba nriomnoey dv tis deovoas (i. @. ef feovcev), before it hap- 
pened, any one would have disbelieved such a thing, if he had heard tt. 
Tuvuc. VII, 28. Ov yap dv peraneiOew ipas é(nres ph rovavrne 
otans ris trapyovons trodnyews, for he would not be seeking to 
change your minds, if such were not the prevailing opinion (i. e. ef pi) 
rovautn fv). Dem. Cor. 304, 1. My xarnyopycavros Ailcyivoy 
pydev efw rns ypapis ovd’ dv éyd Adyor ovdeva érrocovpny Erepov ti. e. 
ei pa) xarnydpnoev). Ib. 236, 28. Ta aira dy empake xat sporty 
Aaxodaa (i. e. el mpwrn eraxev), tt (the soul) would have done the 
same, even if it had been the first to draw the lot. PLat. Rep. X, 620 D. 
So Txuc. VII, 18, 1. : 

To pev mr’ exeiv@ modrAdnts dv dcedvOnoay, if it had depended on 
him, they often would have been disbanded. Isoc. Pan. p. 70 B. § 142. 
Asd ye tds avrovs madat dy arodoXecre, if tt had depended on your- 
selves, you would long ago have been ruined. Dem. Cor. 242,10. (So 
xa@’ vas.) Tada yap av Evenda ye Pyndroparav ededaxer dixny, 
for, if decrees were of any avail, he would long ago have suffered 
punishment. Dem. Ol. III,.82, 16. (Here the protasis is implied in 
évexa Wopiopdrav.) Ovre@ yap ovxére tev Aotmod mdcxomey dy 
xax@s, for in that case we should no longer suffer. Dem. Phil. I, 44, 
12. So os ovre@ mepryevdpevos dv, XEN. An. I, 1, 10. Ovd’ a» 
Sixaiws és raxdy mécomi re. Sopu. Ant. 240. 

In these cases the form of the apodosis will generally show what 
form of protasis is implied. When the apodosis is itself expressed 
by an Infinitive or a oa (§ 53), asin Tuuc. I, 10, the form of 
the protasis is shown only by the general sense of the passage. 


Remark. The Future participle is not used in protasis to rep- 
resent the Future Indicative, as it would denote time future rela- 
tively to the time of the apodosis (§ 28), which the Future Indica- 
tive in protasis does not do. The Present and Aorist participles, 
representing the Present and Aorist Subjunctive, express future 
conditions, thus making the Future participle py arial 6 The 
Aorist participle in protasis can always represent an Aorist Subjunc- 
tive in the sense explained § 20, N. 1. 


Note 1. An ellipsis of the verb of the protasis takes place 
in the Homeric e 8 dye, for ef 8¢ Bovde, dye, and in such ex- 
pressions as el yi) 8:4 rovro, had tt not been for this. E. g. 


112 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. {§ 52, 1. 


Ei 8 dye, ros xehadj xaravevooua. Il. 1, 524. El 8 ye yyy, 
reipnoat, a hres cai olde, bul if you wish, come now, try it. IL. I, 
302. Kat ef py da roy mpurany, evérrecey dy, and, had it not been for 
the Prytanis, he tcould have been thrown in. Pat. Gorg. 516 E. 
(Compare &d ye ipas, Dem. Cor. 242, 10, quoted § 52,1.) Ov yap 
@s el py dia Aaxedatpovious, ov8" as ei pn Lpdtevov ovy twedefavro, 
od” &s ef py os ‘“Hynourmoy, 008 es ei pn dia 7d wal rd, eodOnoay ay 
of Daxeis, ovy ovrw rére ampyyedrer, for he did not then report that, if 
tt had not been for the Lacedaemonians, —or if they had not refused 
to receive Prozenus,—or tf tt had not been for Hegesippus,——or tf it 
had not been for this and that,— the Phocians would have been saved. 
Dem. F. L. 364, 12. So ef ua xpepaoas, had I not done tt by hanging 
up, &c. Arist. Nub. 229. in alternatives: see Note 2. (Cf. 
§ 53, Note 1.) : 


Nore 2. In alternatives, et 8é uy, otherwise, regularly intro- 
duces the latter clause, even when the former clause is negative. 
Ei 3¢ py is much more common than édav d¢ pH, even when ¢a» 
péy with the Subjunctive precedes. E. g. 

Ilpés ravra pi) rumr’’ ef 8€ wi), cavrdy or aircdoes, therefore do 
not beat me; but tf you do, you will have yourself to blame for u. 
Arist. Nub. 1433. Wddepow ovx elov moceiv’ ef 8€ pa, Kal avrol 
avayxacOncer Gas 3 Sader irous rotetcOar obs ob BovrAovra, they said 
that otherwise (el d¢ pn) they should be obliged, &c. Tuuc. I, 28. 
Eizoy (Uavoavig) rou xnpuxos pi) AcimecOar> el 3é wi), wdAEpOY alte 
Zrapridras mpoayopevey, they ordered him not to be of behind by the 
herald: and tf he should be (el 3¢ xn), (they told him) that the Spartans 
declared war against him. Id. I, 131. "Eay pév re fyiv Soca Acyew 
adnbés, Evvo, poate’ ef dé yy, mavTi Ady@ dyriteivere. PLAT. 
Phaed. 91 C. Soin Dem. Phil. I, p. 129, 14, ed» pev welonre,... 
ef O€ jar), x.T.X. 


2. The protasis is often altogether suppressed, leaving 
only an Optative with dv or an Indicative with av as an 
apodosis. Here some indefinite or general protasis is 
always implied; as if he pleased, if he could, if an 
opportunity should offer, uf it were necessary, if tt were 
true, tf we should consider, if what is natural should 
happen, &c. HE. g. . 

sh | ? U o 9 4 
might (if he pleased) find foul Wi Ohat hee hean’ head. ooo. Arcos 
p- 146 E.§ 36. To odx &v Baowjas ava ardp éxwv dyopevots, 
therefore you should not take kings upon your tongue and talk (i. e 


you would not, tf you should do as you ought). Il. Il, 250. Totro ofr 
Ay otros €xou Adyew of tpeis weraobeinre, neither would he be 





§ 53.] SUPPRESSION OF THE PROTASIS. 113 


able to say this (if he should try), nor would you believe it. Dem. 
. Andr. 598, 20. ‘Hdéws 3 ay éywy’ époipny Aewrivny, but I would 
gladly ask Leptines (if an opportunity should offer). Id. Lept. 496, 8. 
Aektarw as of Gerradol viv ovx Av edevOepar yévotvro dopevor, let 
him show that they would not now gladly become free (if they could). 
Id. OL I, 20, 18. Bacirera oixodopeiv Fpyero, os Av ixavd dropaye- 
aba ein, 80 that tt might be strong enough to fight from (if it should be 
necessary). XEN. Cyr. III, 1, 1. 

Ov yap Rv bd rudy ewoseire, for there was nothing that you could 
have done (if you had tried). Dem. Cor. 240, 15. Tlolaw & av ipywv 
ij) wove 7 ivdvvev améarnoay; and from what acts, §c., would they 
have shrunk (i. e. tf they had been required) ? Isoc. Pan. p. 57 C. 
§ 83. IloAAod yap Gy fy dfta, for they would be worth much (if that 
were shred Prat. Rep. II, 874 D. So Bovdoipny dy (velim), / 
could wish (in a certain future case) ; éBovAdpyy ay (vellem), J should 
now wish (on a certain condition, not fulfilled). 

Notsz. The Optative with d», used in this way, often has 
the force of a mild command or exhortation, and sometimes 
a sense approaching that of the Future Indicative. E. g. 

Aeyois av, you may speak (lit. you could speak, if you should desire 
tt), implying ef BovAow. Sd per xopilors dy ceavrdy 7 OédXes, you 
may take yourself off whither you please. Sopu. Antig. 444. (This 
is merely a milder expression than xdu:fe.) KAvots dy Fdn, SoiBe 
mpoorarnpe, i. ©. hear now. Id. El. 687. Xwpois dv eiow. Id. 
Phil, 674. So Antig. 1339. Wot ovv, épnyv éyo, rparoiped’ dp 
éra; in what other direction then, said I, shall we turn (lit. should we 
turn, if we should wish)? Piat. Euthyd. 290 A. Ov« dy pedeizny 
rov Opdvou, I will not give up the throne. Arist. Ran. 830. 


ReMARK. In such examples as Hpr. I, 2, ‘EAAnvey rds hace 
éprdoa Evponnvy: elnoav 8 ay otros Kpyres, there is no excep- 
tional use of the Optative with a» referring to the past; but the 
meaning is these would prove to be Cretans (if we should examine the 
case). So abras 8¢ ovx dv woddat einoay, these would not prove (on 
investigation) to have been many. Tuuc. I, 9. 


§ $3. The apodosis may be expressed by an Infini- 
tive or Participle, where the construction of the sentence 
‘requires it; each tense of the Infinitive or Participle 
representing its own tenses of the Indicative or Optative. 
(The Present includes also the Imperfect, and the Per- 
fect also the Pluperfect.) 

If a finite verb in the apodosis would have taken av, 
that particle is joined with the Infinitive or Participle. 
The Present Infinitive or Participle with av represents 


A 


114 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 53. 


eithor an Imperfect Indicative with av, or a Present 
Optative with av; the Perfect, either a Pluperfect Indic- 
ative or a Perfect Optative; and the Aorist, either an 
Aorist Indicative or an Aorist Optative. (See § 41.) 
The context must decide in each case, whether an In- 
finitive or Participle with ay represents the Indicative 
or the Optative. E. g. 

“Hyotpa, ef rovro motetre, mavra xadas éxery, I believe that, if you 
are doing this, all is well. ‘Hyotpa:, day rovro moijre, mavra Kah@s 
eEecy, I believe that, if you (shall) do this, all will be well. ‘Hyovpas,: 
ei rovro movotre, wavra cadas Ay ~xecy, J believe that, if you should 
do this, all would be well. ‘Hyovpa, ef rovro érownoare, rdyra xahos 
dy éxyeuv, I believe that, tf you had done this, all would (now) be well. 
Oida tpas, dy rovto wore, eb wpafovras, 1 know that, if you do 
this, you will prosper. Zxép ray paddies dwoxrivuvrey kal adva- 
Biacxopévay y ap, ef oloi re Roay, considerations for those who 
readily put men to death, and who would bring them to life again too, tf 
they could. Puat. Crit. 48 C. CAvaBiwooxopevwv dv = aveBthoxovro 
dy.) See the examples of each tense of the Infinitive and Participle 
with dy, under § 41 and § 73. 

las yap oterbe 8ucxepas dxovecy ’Orvvbious, ef ris re Adyot Kata 
@idirmov car’ éxeivous rovs ypdvous; how unwillingly do you think 
they heard it, if any one said anything against Philip in those times? 
Dem. Phil. II, 70, 25. (Here dxovew represents the Imperfect 
fxovoy, § 15, 8.) For an example of the Perfect Infinitive with dy», 
representing the Pluperfect, see § 41, 2. 


Note 1. The apodosis is sometimes omitted for effect, 
when some such expression as ¢¢ ts well can be supplied, or 
some other apodosis at once occurs to the reader. E. g. 

"AAN’ ef pév Sdaover yépas peydbupos "Axatol, dpvayres xara Oupor, 
Sras avragwv gora,—ei dé xe py Sdwow, eye bé Kev adrds ELapan. 
ll. I. 185. (Here we must understand ev ee, it will be well, or 
something similar, after gorau.) Ei wep yap x é0é@\gow ’OAvpmos 
do re ys €€ E8eav orupedigas’ —o6 yap woAd déprards éore. Il. 
I, 580. (Here we must understand he can do t after the protasis. 
The following ydp refers to this suppressed apodosis.) Ei péy eyo, 
ipas ixavne B:8doxw otovs Bet mpds dAAnAous eivas *>— el dé jaz}, Kai mapa 
TOY mpoyeyernuevav pavOdvere. XEN. Cyr. VIII, 7, 23, Compare 
AxEscH. Prom. 835. 7 

Nore 2. Very often the apodosis is not directly expressed 
by the verb on which the protasis depends, but is merely tm- 
plied in the context. Here the form of the protasis is deter- 
mined hy the implied apodosis. In such sentences ei or éd 


§ 53.] ELLIPSIS OR SUBSTITUTION IN APODOSIS. 115 


may generally be translated by supposing that, or tn case that. 


E. g. 

Todvexa viv ra oa youval’ Ixdvopat, at x €6é€X7 0 Oa Kelvou Avypdy 
dAeOpov éemoreiv, therefore Iam now come to your knees, in case you 
shall be willing to tell me of his sad death (1. e. that you ae, fe me, in 
case you shall be willing). Od. III, 92. See Od. I, 94. (Here ixdyvo- 
pat does not contain the apodosis to af x ¢6éAno6a, which is rather 
implied in what follows.) Téyv viv pew pyenoaca mapé(eo Kai AaBe 

wor, at kev wos €OéAQaLy emi Tpwerow apnéa, grasp his knees, 
wn case he shall be willing to assist the Trojans (i. e. that you may cauxe 
him to assist them, tf he shall be willing). Il. 1, 408. So af xév ras 
BovAera: (often explained as an indirect question), Il. I, 66. Ovxovy 
€rt €ANeimeras 1d hy weicopey tpas as xpy nas adeivar; ts not 
this then still left to us, — in case we shall persuade you that you must 
let us go (sc. to have you do this)? i. e. to have you let us go, if we 
shall persuade you that you must? Piat. Rep. I, 327 C. “Axovaoy xal 
€pov, éay co. ravta Sony, hear me also, in case the same shall please 
you, i, e. that then you may assent to it. Ib. IL 358 B. “Ere nai vor 
Gpas wowvrvrat, et Tes emexnpuKeverar époas, even to this day 
they invoke curses, if there ts any one who sends heralds to the Persians. 
Isoc. Pan. p. 73 D. § 157. ‘Ixéras mpis o¢ Seip’ ddiypeba, 7 ria 
rdw ppdgeras Hpi evepor, woe are come hither as suppliants to you, 
in case you should tell us of some fleecy city (implying thinking that we 
might go and live in such a city, if you should tell us of one). ARIST. 
Av. 120. Of 8 @xreipov, ci dXoaosvro, and others pitied them, 
in case they should be captured (i. e. thinking what they would suffer 
if they should be captured). KEN. An. I, 4,7. Ipds ray wodw, et 
éwtBonOotev, €xdpovy, they marched towards the city, in case they 
(the citizens) should rush out (i. e. that they might meet them, tf they 
should rush oul). THuc. VI, 100. Ov8 #v rov rodcpou wépas od" 
dradday) Dring, ef pi) OnBaious xai Gerradots exOpois mosnoece 
Tj wove, 1. e. Philip saw that he could neither end nor escape the war, 
unless he should make the Thebans and Thessalians hostile to the city. 
Dem. Cor. 276, 1. See Sopn. O. C.1770; Prat. Rep. IV, 434 A. 

In the examples from Homer and Plato the protasis belongs under 
§ 50, 1, the implied apodosis referring to the future; in the example 
from Isocrates the protasis belongs under § 49, 1; in that from 
Aristophanes, under § 50, 2, the implied apodosis being in the 
Optative with dy or some equivalent form; whilein the next three 
the protasis has been changed (on the principle of indirect discourse) 
from ef dAwcorras, dav émiBonOaorw, and éay py Toinow of the direct 
discourse, on account of the past tense of the leading verb. Fora 
further explanation of this construction, and other examples, see 
§ 77,1. c. See also § 71, N. 1, and the examples, which are to be 
explained on the principle of this note. 


Nore 8. Sometimes the adverb ay stands alone to represent the 
apodosis, when the verb to which it belongs can be y supplied 
from the context. In like.manner ei alone may represent the prov 


116 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 53. 


tasis. The expression Scwep dy ef (sometimes written as one word, 
worepavel, quasi) includes both cases. See § 42, 3, N. 2, with the 
examples. 

“Qorep with the participle (§ 109, N. 9) generally belongs to an 
apodosis understood. So in such expressions as éamep ef Acyots, as 
(tt would be) if you should say. 

Note 4. When mdi» e/ is used for ef py, unless, there is an 
ellipsis of an apodosis after wAnv. E. g. 

Ovdse ra dvdpara oldy re abray eidévat, AY Ef Tis Kopw@dtorods 
ruyxdaver dp, tt is not possible to know even their names, except (i ts 
possible) in case one happens to be a comedian. Pat. Apol. 18 C. 

ReMaRK. Expressions of a wish like ef yap yévaro, O that it 
might be, and ei yap éyevero, O that tt had been, are protases with the 
apodosis suppressed. See Rem. at the end of Sect. VL 


Mixed Constructions. — Irregularities in Protasis or 
Apodosis. 


§ 54. The regular forms of protasis and apodosis ex- 
plained above (§§ 49, 50, 51) include by far the greater num- 
ber of the examples found in the classic authors. Many cases 
remain, however, in which the protasis and apodosis do not 
belong to the same form. These admit of various explana- 
tions : — 

1. (a2.) When an Indicative in the protasis (in either of the 
constructions of § 49, 1 or 2) is followed by an Optative with 
d in the apodosis, the latter properly belongs to an tmplied 
protasis in the Optative (on the principle of § 52, 2). Thus, in 
the sentence el raita ovrws Zyet, ovx dy dixaiws xodd{orro, tf this 
ts so, he would not justly be punished, xord{auro dy belongs to a 
protasis in the Optative, if justice should be done, implied in 
dinaiwos; while the protasis ef.... Ze belongs as a condition 
to the expressed apodosis «wth its implied protasis. The sense 
therefore is, if this ts so, (the result ts that) he would not be 
punished tf justice should be done. The same principle applies 
to a primary tense of the Indicative in protasis, followed by a 
secondary tense with dv in apodosis. 

This is sometimes the meaning, when a Subjunctive or 
Future Indicative (§ 50, 1) is in the protasis, with an Optative 
with d» in the apodosis. (See the last two examples.) E. g. 


§ 54, 1.] MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS. 117 


Ei 8€ ris dOasdrev ye car’ ovpavov eld\nrAovOas, ovK Ay Eywye 
Oeoiow émovpavincs paxoipny, but tf thou art one of the immortals 
come from heaven, I would not fight against the Gods of heaven. I. 
VI, 128. (Here the principal protasis to paxolpny dy is implied, if I 
should have my choice.) ToAAn yap dy etSaipovia ein rept rovs véous, 
ei eis pév pdvos aitrovs Siadbcipes, of 8 ddAdkas OPerAovory, for 
there would (naturally) be great happiness, &c. Puat. Apol. 25 B. 
"Qor’ ef pot cai péeows Hyovpevot paddoy érépwv mpoceivat aura modepeiy 
é€weioOnre, ove Gy eixdtas vuv rov ye adixeiy aitiav hepoipny, tf 
you were persuaded to make war by thinking, &§c., J should not now 
justly be charged with injustice. Tuuc. II, 60. (Here a protasis 
to epoizny dv is implied in elxdrws.) El yap otros cpbas awéorn- 
cay, tpets Ay ov ypedy dpyotre, for if these had a right to secede, 
tt would follow that your dominion is unjust. Id. III, 40. Ei viv ye 
Suvoruyovper, mas tavavri dv mparrovres ot coloiped” av; if 
now we are unfortunate, how should we not be safe if we should do the 
opposite? Arist. Ran. 1449. (Here mpdrrovres el mparrowpey is 
the principal protasis to which the optative refers.) Ei rour ére- 
x*tpovy Ayer, ove €oF Goris ove Ay eixdras Emitepnoecé pos, tf 

were undertaking to say this (§ 49, 2), every one would censure me 
with reason (1. e. ei ra eixéra mouncesev). Dem. Cor. 296, 24. (Here 
many Mss., and Dion. Hal. p. 1054, read éxeripnoe, the ordinary 
apodosis.) Ei pndéva ray dadov innevey eiacayv, ovx dy dials 
dpyifote Ge avros. Lys. Alcib. I, § 8. 

Kairot rore tov “Ymrepeidnv, elrep aAnOy pou viv xarryopet, padXoy 
dy eixdras 9 révd E8iwxeyv, and yet, if he ts now making true charges 
against me, he would then have prosecuted Hypereides with much more 
reason than this man. Drm. Cor. 302, 24. (Here éSiwxev dy refers 
chiefly to the implied protasis, if he had done what was more reason- 
able.) Such examples seldom occur. 

Oude yap dy modal yepupa Gov, Exotpev &v Gros puydvres 
nuets o@OGpev. XEN. An. II, 4, 19. ere the implied protasis is 
tf we should wish to escape.) See An. V, 1, 9. 

Ppovpioy el moinoovrar, ris pev ys BXamrorey dy rt pépos, 
ov pevros ixavdy ye orate xwdvew nuas, x.Td., if they shall build a 
fort, they might (under favorable circumstances) injure some part of 
our land ; but tt will not be sufficient to prevent us, &c. Tuuc. I, 142. 


(.) A Subjunctive or Future Indicative in the protasis 
sometimes depends on an Optative with d» in the apodosis, 
when no other protasis can readily be supplied. This expresses 
the protasis more vividly than the regular Optative. (See 
§ 50, 2, Rem. 8, and § 34,1, 6.) It must be remembered also 
that the Optative with a is sometimes merely a softened ex- 
pression for the Future Indicative (§ 52, Note). E. g. 


"Edy rovro moinow, xadras dv éxor, if I do this, tt would be well. 
(Herc the irregularity is the same in English asin Greek: the regu- 


— 


118 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 54, 1. 


lar form in both would be either é4» rovro rotnow, cards Efex, tf I do 
this, tt will be well; or ef rovro mommoayu, Karas dy exo, if I should do 
this, tt would be well.) Kal otras dv dewdrara navrov wadorey, et 
otros épownpo: car’ éxeivay ray dvpay Trois Tpuikovra yevyoovrat. 
Lys. Agor. p. 189, 6. § 94. (Here we should expect ei yévowro.) 
Tay dromorarov pévr’ dv eln, ei, a viv dvouy OpAtcKavey Guws éxAa- 
dei, ravra Sumbeis yp) wpdé&er. Dem. Ol. I, 16, 25. “Hv ovy pddns 
pos roy Adixov rovroy Adyoy, ove Av dmo8oiny ovd av dBordyv ovderi, 
if you shall learn this for me, I will not (or I would not) pay even an 
obol to any one. ARIST. Nub. 116. (This and many other examples 
might be explained equally well on either principle, a or b.) 

2. (a.) An Optative in the protasis sometimes depends 
upon a primary tense of the Indicative or an Imperative in the 
apodosis. This arises from the slight distinction between the 
Subjunctive and Optative in protasis, as édy éyy and e ¢you, for 
which the Latin has but one form, st habeat. (Seo § 48, I, B, 
Rem. 2.) In fact, the irregularity in e rovro yévotro, wavra 
cates €£es, is precisely the same as in the English tf this should 
happen, all will be well, where the more regular apodosis would 
be all would be well, as in Greek, wdvra cahds a» fx. E. g. 

"AAN’ ef ris pos dvip du Emotro kal dos, paddov Gadsapy cal 
Gapoudearepov fora. Il. X, 222. El OéAocpey oxomeiy ras gues 
ras tav avOporey, evpnooper, x.t-A. Isoc. ad Nicocl. p. 23 D. 
§45. Eins rade rapaBaivos, évay)s €orw. AESCHIN. Cor. § 110. 
In such cases the Optative is a less animated form of expression than 
the regular Subjunctive. 

(5.) The Optative sometimes stands in the protasis, when 
the apodosis contains a primary tense of a verb denoting 
necessity, obligation, propriety, possibility, &c., with an Infinitive, 
the two forming an expression that is nearly equivalent in 
sense to an Optative with d@& E. g. 

El ydp einaay duo rwes evavrios vdpot, ox ducorepas Eye Syrov 
Vndicacbast, for if there should be two laws opposed to each other, 
you could not surely vote for both. Dem. Timocr. 711, 8. (See § 63, 
4, b.) This is analogous to the use of the Imperfect of the same 
verbs, explained in § 49, 2, Note 3. There, for example, eva» airg 
éAbeiv, he could have gone, is nearly equivalent to #AGev dy, and here 
éveotw ait@ dOeiv, he could go, is nearly equivalent to €A6os dy. 


8. A few irregular constructions remain, which can be ex- 
plained only as cases of anacoluthon, in which the speaker 
adapts his apodosis to a form of protasis different from that 
which he has actually used. E. g. 


§ 55, 2.] MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS. 119 


"Eyd per Av, el Zyoups, ds rdyiora Grra €rototpny nace Lép- 
re Xan. Cyr. 1, 9. (Here érocovpny dy is used as if ef elyoy, 
if I were able, had preceded. We should expect motoiuny dy, which 
is found in one Ms.) Ei pév yap els yuvaixa cwdppovecrépay fidos 
peOeiper, dvoxrehs dy fv pévos. Eur. Orest. 1182. (Here we 
should expect ein.) 


Remark. The same apodosis, in either the Indicative or Opta- 
tive, may take one protasis in the Indicative referring to present or 
past time, and another in the Optative referring to a supposed fulure 
case. E. g. 

"Eyd ovy dewa ay elny eipyacpevos, el, Gre pev pe of dpyovres érar- 
rov, rére pevy Exevoy, Tov S€ Geov rarrovros, Nirotpe thy Tage, I 
should therefore (prove to) have behaved outrageously, if when the state 
authorities stationed me I stood my ground, but tf now when God sta- 
tions me I should desert my post. Puat. Apol. 28 E. (Here the 
combination of the two acts is the future condition on which the 
apodosis depends.) "Emevyopas mwaot rovrois, « dAnOn mpds tpas 
etrotpe cat elroy xal rér eds év TO One, evrvyiay vvas, 
i. e. if I should speak the truth and did speak it then, &c. Dem. Cor. 
274, 28. El dé pyr gore pyre Fy pnt ay eine Exou pndels pndere 
nat THuEpoY, Ti Toy GUpBovroy éxypHy worewv; but if neither 1s nor 
as (ony such thing), and if no man yet even at this day could possibly 
tell of any, what ought the statesman to have done ctor was not 
done)? Ib. 291, 28. (See § 50, 2, N. 2, and § 49, 2, N. 8.) 


§ 53. 1. Two or more protases, not co-ordinate, may be- 
long to one apodosis. E. g. 

Kal yap a» otrés rs ran, rayéws dpeis repov Ditiwwoy woncere, 
dvrep ovrw mpocéxnre ros mpzypacs roy vouv. DEM. Phil. I, 43, 
12. ELS. Fpev véor dis xal al alg el res €Enpaprave, durdov 
Biov Aaxdvres eEwpOovpeF dv. Eur. Suppl. 1084. Ef ris ce avé- 
potro rovro, ri ore oxnpa; el a’ro elwes Ore oT, Adrns, ef vos 
elwey dwep eye, elxes Onmov dy ors oxjpa rt. PLAT. Men. 74 B. 

2. It sometimes happens, that the apodosis is itself in a 
dependent sentence (as in a final clause), which determines its 
mood without reference to the preceding rules. In this case, 
if the leading verb is in a secondary tense, so that the apodosis 
takea the Optative, the protasis also takes the Optative by the 
general rule (§ 81, 1), even if it would otherwise have the 
Subjunctive. E. g. 

Tatra 8 etrev, iy el péev cal vov mpoadonnoatpe abrdv épeir, 
Grodoyoupevos mepi avray SsarpiBorpe, el 8¢ mapaArirotpe, viv 
avrés elrot, and he said this, in order that, if on the one hand | 


should still expect him to tell it, I should waste time about t in my de- 
fence; but if on the other hand I should omit it. he might now tell u 


120 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. [§ 55, 2 


himself. Dem. Aph. I, 830, 8. (If a primary tense stood for etrev, we 
should have, e. g. ravra Aeyes, &’ day pev mpoacdoKxnae@ avroy éperv, 
S:arpiBa, édy 8€ raparing, viv einn-) 


Remark. For the forms assumed by such sentences when con- 
stracted on the principle of indirect discourse, see § 77, 1. 


§ 66. After many verbs expressing wonder, delight, 
vontentment, indignation, disappointment, and similar 
ideas, a protasis with «¢ may be used where a causal 
sentence would seem more natural. Such verbs are 
especially Qavpatw, aicxvvopat, ayarae, and ayava- 
xrew. Ki. g. 


Cavpala 8 éywye ef pndeis ipadv pyr’ evOvpeiras pyr opyiferat, 
épav, x.r.d., J wonder that no one of you is either concerned or angry, 
when he sees, &c. (lit. if no one is either concerned or angry, I wonder). 
Dem. Phil. I, 52,17. (See Rem. below.) ‘AAA’ éxetvo Oavpdiw, ef 
Aaxedatpoviois pév srore dvrnpare, vuvi 3° dxveire efcevar kai peAdere 
eioepery, but I wonder at this, that you once opposed the Lacedaemo- 
nians, but now are unwilling, &c. Id. OL II, 25, 2. (The literal 
meaning is, tf (it is true that) you once opposed, &§c., then I wonder.) 
Ovx ayang ef py Sixnv wxev, add’ ei py Kai ypvo@ orepare ore- 

veOnoerat ayavaxret, he is not content tf he was not punished ; but 
tf he ts not also to be crowned with a golden crown, he ts indignant. 
AESCHIN. Cor. § 147. (Here the former protasis belongs under 
§ 49, 1, and the latter under § 49, 1, N. 3.) 

Kal &s dAnOds dyavaxrd, ef obract A vod pi) olds r eipi elmeiv, 
I am indignant that (or if) I am not able, &c. Prat. Lach. 194 A. 
Ov 87 Gavpacrdy dori, ef orpatevépevos xai wovav éxeivos avrés 
Upav pedAdvray xat Couevev xal rwuvOavopevey mrepryiyverat, tt ts 
no wonder that he BM is advantage of you, &o.. Dem. Ol. IL, 24, 23. 
Mnde pevros rovro petov Sdénre Exew, ei of Kupetos rpdcber cov nyiv 
raredpevos vuv apearnxacy, 1. e. do not be discontented, if (or that) the 
Cyraeans have now withdrawn. XEN. An. III, 2, 17. 

These verbs may also be followed by dr: and a causal sentence, 
asin Pat. Theaet. 142 A, €Oavpafov ors ovy olds 1’ 9 etpetv. The 
construction with ei gives a milder or more Tite form of expression, 
putting the object of the wonder, &c. into the form of a supposition, 
instead of stating it as a fact, as we should do in English. The forms 
of protasis quoted above belong under § 49, 1. For the form some- 
times assumed by these sentences on the principle of indirect dis 
course, see § 77, 1, ¢. 


Remark. This construction must not be mistaken for that in 

which ¢ is used in the sense of whether, to introduce an indirect 

uestion; as, érudero ei ov mrapeins, he asked whether you were present 
or this see § 68, 3, and § 70. 


§ 98, 2.] Aé IN APODOSIS. 121 


§ 57. The apodosis is sometimes introduced by the con- 
junction &, as if the apodosis formed a sentence co-ordinate 
with the protasis, instead of being (as it is) the leading sen- 
tence. This is especially common in Homer and Herodotus, 
and rare in Attic prose. It occurs when the apodosis is to be 
emphatically opposed to the protasis. Instead of 8¢ we some- 
times find dAAd or airdp. E. g. 

Ei 8€ xe pn Sdwow, éyd 3€ Kev airds Ehapat, but if they do not give 
it up, then I will take it myself. Tl. I, 187. Adda is found in IL. I, 
82, quoted § 51, N. 2. Ei mep ydpr dddot ye ig hae a pas qavres 
muow ex ’Apyeiwv, coi 8 ov déos gor’ drokeoGa. IL. , 245. El 
8€ Oavévrav mep KaraAnOovr’ «ivy 'Aidao, atrap éye cat xeiOs pidov 
pepyncop éraipov. IL XXII, 889. El ipiv éors rovro py duvardy 
woinoa, vpees SE Ere Kal vuw ex Tov peoou Huw eCeabe. Hot. VILL, 
22. "AAN’ ef pnde rovro BovrAe: dwoxpivacba, ov dé rovvrevbev reye- 
XEN. Cyr. V, 5, 21. 

This 3¢ in apodosis cannot be expressed in English; as our ad- 
verbs then, yet, still, &c., necessarily fail to give the force of the Greek 
dé, which is always a conjunction. 


REMARK. Aé¢ may be used in the same way to introduce the 
rae upon which a relative clause depends. See Remark be- 
ore § 65. 


SECTION III. 
RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. 


§58. 1. Relative sentences may be introduced not 
only by relative pronouns and pronominal adjectives, 
but also by relative adverbs of time, place, or manner. 
They include therefore all temporal clauses, except 
those introduced by 7péiv and other particles meaning 
wntil, which are treated separately (§ 66 and § 67). 


2. Relative sentences may be divided into two 
classes : — 

First, those in which the antecedent of the relative is 
definite ; that is, in which the relative pronouns refer to 
definite persons or things, and the relative adverbs to 
definite points of time, place, &c. 

6 


122  ° RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 58, 2. 


Secondly, those in which the antecedent is indefinite , 
that is, in which no such definite persons, things, times, 
or places are referred to. 

Both the definite and the indefinite antecedent may 
be either expressed or understood. E. g. 


(Definite Antecedents). Tatra d éxyw dpGs, you see these things 
which I have; or & éyw dpgs. “Ore éBovdrero fAOev, (once) wien he 
wished, he came. 

spavennie Antecedents.) Wdvra d &y BovrAwvra: efovor, they 
will have everything which they may want; or & dy BovAwrra ELovorw, 
they will have whatever they may want. “Ore BovAc:ro fpyero, when- 
ever he wished, he came. 


8. When the antecedent is indefinite, the negative 
particle of the relative clause is “7; when the ante- 
cedent is definite, ov is regularly used, unless the general 
construction requires #7, as in prohibitions, wishes, &c. 
(See § 59, Note 1.) 


A. Relative with a Definite Antecedent. 


§ 59. When the relative refers to a definite ante- 
cedent, expressed or understood, it has no effect upon 
the mood of the following verb; and it therefore takes 
the Indicative, unless the general sense of the passage 
requires some other construction. KE. g. 


Aéyw & ol8a. Adyw & feovoa. AéEw A dxnxoa. “EXefav A frov- 
cav. Ildvra \éyes A yevnoeras. Updoocovow ad BovrAovrae (or as 
Bovrovra), they are doing what they please. (On the other hand, 
npdoocovow & av BovrAwyras (or as ay BovAwvra,) they always do 
whatever they please; the antecedent being indefinite.) Aéyw & ove 
dyvoa, I am saying that of which I am not tgnorant. 

"AAN’ Gre 8n p éx roto Svwdexdrn yéver’ nos, xal rére 89 mpds 
Odupmov toav Oeot aiey édvres. Il. 1,498. Tis of 6 yapos 87r’, ev 
@ BeBneapev. Sopu. O. C. 52. “Ews éort xatpos, avriddBeode 
Tay mpaypdroy, 1. &. now, while there ts an opportunity, &c. Dem. Ol. 
I,15,6. (Ifthe exhortation had been general, he might have said 
‘ws av 4 xaipés, (on all occasions) so long as there is an opportunity, 
§ 62.) ‘O d€ dvaBas, Ews pév Baca Hv, emt rod tmrou yey’ émel b€ 
adgara fv, xaradivy tov trmov éonevde wey. XEN. An. III, 4, 49, 
So ll. 1, 198, ws Sppawe. Oirep 8€ cal rav awoBawdvrwv 7d meov 
rs airias €£opeyv, otra nat xa’ yovyiav rt altay mpoidwpey, we 


§ 60, 1.] DEFINITE ANTECEDENT. 123 


who are to bear the greater part of the blame, &c. Tutc. 1,83. “Oder 
& ovv pgora padnoerGe wepi aitav, cvredbey tyas xal éyo mperoy 
wetpacouas Siddaocev, DEM. ‘A h. I, 814,4. (Here dvrevey refers to 
@ particular point, at which he intends to begin.) Compare the 
first example under Note 1. °H 87 Aoiya épy, dre p’ €xySodornaat 
€pnoets “Hon, dr’ dv p épéebnow dverdeins énéecor, surely there will 
be sad work, when you shall impel me, &c. Il. I, 518. (Here ére refers 
to some time conceived as definite by the speaker; whereas Gr’ ay 
epebnow, whenever she shall provoke me, is indefinite, and belongs 
under § 61, 8.) Nvé & éoras Gre 3) orvyepds yapos avyriBornoes 
ovAopens €udbev, rhs Te Zevs OABov awnupa. dd. XVIII, 272. 

Note 1. When the sense requires it, these clauses admit 
all the constructions allowed in independent sentences. E. g. 

“Ap£opas 8” evrevOer dbev xai dpeis paor dy pdborre ayo tdxsor’ 
&v 8:8dEacpe. Dem. Aph. TIL, 346, 15. (Here ‘he relative 
clause contains an apodosis with dy, with a oka ei dp£ainy im- 
plied. This must not be confounded with the use of the Optative 
without dy, in the other class of relative sentences. See § 61, 4.) 
Noy 8¢ rovro ovx éroincer, év @ rov Sjpov éripnaoey ay, but he did 
not do this, in which he would have honored the people (if he had done 
tt). Id. Mid. 536, 25. Els caddv iptv “Avutos ode wapexabelero, 9 
perasapev ris (yrnovews. Puat. Men. 89 E. (Subjunctive in 
an exhortation.) Odxouy d£iov rois rav xarnydpav Adyos morevoat 
paddov if rois Epyos nai rp xpovg, dv ipets capecraroy édeyxov Tov 
GAnOovs vopicare. Lys. de Bon. Arist. p 157,§ 61. (Here the 
Imperative vouioare is used in a sort of exclamation after év, where 
ordinarily 3¢% vopioa: would be used.) “Ap yap dnopiyy pe ovros, & 
BH yévosro, thy érwBediay oprAncw. DEM. Aph. , 834, 25. 
(Optative in a wish.) “Eooerat huap ot av sor oh@Ay “Vuos ipn, 
a day will come when sacred Ilium will fall. IL. VI, 448. (Here 
OA@Ay dy is used like a Future Indicative, § 87, Note; and the ante- 
cedent of dre is definite. If dg» belonged to dre, the clause would be 
a protasis, meaning when Ilium shall fall, a day will come.) 


Note 2. The relative may be used to express a purpose (§ 65, 1), 
or in a causal sense (§ 65, 4). The antecedent may then be either 
definite or indefinite. 


B. Relative with an Indefinite Antecedent. 


§ 60. 1. When the relative refers to an indefinite 
antecedent, expressed or understood, the action of its 
verb is not stated absolutely as a definite fact, but con- 
ditionally as a supposed case; and such a relative sen- 
tence has many of the essential qualities of a conditional 
sentence. 





124 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 60, 1. 


Thus, when we say 4 voulle ravra Acyet, he 18 saying what he 
(actually) thinks, or & évdpile raira ddeyev, he was saying what he 
thought, the actions of vouifes and évdusfe are stated as actual 
facts, occurring at definite times; but when we say 4 dy» vopity 
(raira) Aéyes, he (always) says whatever he thinks, or & vopiCos 
(ravra) édeyer, he (always) said whatever he happened to be think- 
ing, vouify and voui{os do not state any such definite facts, but 
rather what some one may think (or may have thought) on any 
occasion on which he is (or was) in the habit of speaking. So, 
when we say 4 vopifes raira defer, he will say what he (now) 
thinks, vopi{e: denotes a fact; but when we say 4 dy vopifn r<Efes, 
he will say whatever he happens to be (then) thinking, vopicn 
denotes merely a case supposed in the future. Again, — to 
take the case in which the distinction is most liable to be 
overlooked, —— when we say 4 ov« olga ox ofopa: eldévar, what 
I do not know, Ido not think that I know, oi« oid8a, as before, 
denotes a simple fact, and its object, 4, has a definite antece- 
dent ; but when Socrates says 4 ps) oida ob8€ ofopa: ei3évac, the 
meaning is tf there are any things which I do not know, Ido 
not even think that I know them. In sentences like this, unless 
a negative is used (47 being the sign of an indefinite, od of a 
definite antecedent), it is often difficult to decide whether the 
antecedent is definite or indefinite: thus 4 oida ofopa e¢idévas 
may mean either what I (actually) know, I think that I know, 
or if there ts anything which I know, I think that I know it. 


The analogy of these indefinite relative clauses to conditional 
sentences will be seen at once. The following examples will 
make this clearer: — 


“O re Bovrerat d6cw, I will give him whatever he (now) wishes. 
Ei rt BovrAera, dH0m, if he wishes anything, I will give it. (§ 49, 1.) 

“O tt €Bovrero educa dy, I should have given him whatever he had 
wished. “O rt pi édyévero ovr dy elroy, I should not have told what 
had not happened. Ei rt €Bovdero, edaxa av, if he had wished any 
‘hing, I should have given it, Et ri pa) éyevero, ovdx dv elroy, if any 
thing had not happened, I should not have told it. (§ 49, 2.) 

"O rs dy BovAnrat, 8b00, I will give him whatever he shall wish. 
eh oe dace, if he shall wish anything, I will give it. 

v1. 

“O mt BovXrotro Boinv dv, I should give him whatever he might 
wish. Et re BovAoro, Soinv ay, if he should wish anything, I shoulu 
give u. (§ 50, 2.) 


§ 61,1.) CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES. 125 


“O re dv BovAnrac didope, I os) give him whatever he wishes. 
"O rs BovAotro edidouy, I always gave him whatever he wished. “Eav 
ri BovAnrat, didaps, tf he ever wishes anything, I (always) give tt. 
Ei ri BovAotro, edidour, tf he ever wished anything, I (always) gave it. 
(§ 51.) 

2. The relative with an indefinite antecedent may 
therefore be called the conditional relative, and the 
clause in which it stands may be called the protasis 

° ° 3 3 
(like clauses with ¢ or éav), and the antecedent clause 
may be called the apodosis. 


3. The particle av (Epic «é) is regularly joined with 
all relative words, when they are followed by the Sub- 
junctive. The particle here (as always in protasis) is 
joined to the relative, never to the verb. (See § 38, 1, 
and § 47, 2.) 


Note. With Gre, dwére, éwei, and éreidn, dy coalesces, forming 
Gray, énéray, éxav or éxnv (Ionic éwedy), and éxeddy. In Homer, 
where xé is generally used for dv, we have Gre xe, &c. (like ef xe), 
slit in Attic we have dray, &c. "Emjv, however, occurs often in 

omer. 


REMARK. The classification of common conditional sentences, 
ven in § 48, applies equally to conditional relative sentences. 
he distinction between those containing general suppositions 
(§ 62) and the corresponding forms containing particular supposi- 
tions (§ 61, 1) is especially important. 


§61. We have four forms of the conditional rela- 
tive sentence which correspond to the four forms of 
ordinary protasis (§ 49, 1, 2, and § 50, 1, 2): — 

1. When the relative clause refers to a definite act 
in the present or the past, and no opinion of the speaker 
is implied as to the truth of the supposition, the verb 
is put in one of the present or past tenses of the In- 
dicative. (§ 49, 1.) 

The antecedent clause can have any form allowed in 
an apodosis (§ 49,1, Note 1). E.g. 


“A pi) ol8a, ob8€ olopas eidevas (like ef teva py ofda). PLAT. Apol. 


126 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 61, 1. 


21D. (See above, § 60,1.) Xppoder d rs BotrAovras, let them 
deal with me as they please (1. e. ei rs BowAovrat). ARist. Nub. 439. 
"Eniorapat dpav O a Bei pe, cody dpav A py mpémwes, I know how to 
see anything which I ought to see, and not to see anything which I ought 
not. Eur. Ino. Fr. 417. (°A det is nearly equivalent to ef reva dei, 
and & pi) mpére to ef ria pH mpénet.) Tous mAeiorous &vOarep execov 
éxdorous €Gawav* obs Se py EVptaKoOY, Kevoradioy aurois éxoincay, 
i.e. they raised a cenotaph or any of them whom they did not find 
(like ef rivas py evpioxov). KEN. An. VI, 4,9. Ti ydp; doris dara- 
wnpos Oy pH avrdoxns €ariv, GAA’ det rav wAnoioy Seiras, nat Aap- 
Bavey py Sivaract arodBdvat, pi) AapBdvwr 8é rdov py Siddvra proet, 
ov doxet gos kat otros xaderss gidos elva; (i. e. supposing a case, ef 
TIS... + pt) auTapens éoriv, «.7.A.). Id. Mem. Il, 6, 2. So gres 
pndapod Evppayet, THuc. I, 85. “A ms ph mpoceddéxyoer, 
ovdé dudd~acba éyywpet, there is no opportunity to guard against 
tohat we did not expect (like ef r.va x} mpooeddxnoé ris). ANTIPHON. 
p- 181, 86.§ 19. Eis ra wAota rovs re agdevovvras éveBiBacay Kar 
TOY OKevdy Ooa pH avaynn hy exew (like ef rea rev oxevov py avaynyn 
hv éxew), i.e. any of tt which they did not need. XEN. An. V, 3, 1. 
"AvOparous duehOeipev (9 OdAacoa) Scot py Edvvavro Ponva mpos 
Ta peréwpa avadpapovres, i. 2. if any were unable to escape soon enough 
to the high land, so many the sea destroyed. Tuuc. III, 89. Oils pew 
aipeots yeyévnrat rddda ebruyovat, woAAH dvota worepjoa: €f 8 
dvayxaioy hy, x.t.A., for any who have had the choice given them, while 
they are prosperous in other respects, tt is great folly tv go to war (i. e. 
€t riow alpeots yeyevnrat). ue. II, 61. Lavres iopev XaBpia» 
ovre runtovra ov dpwafovra rdv aorépavoy 006’ ddws mpocidvO Gros 
py) mpoognKey atta, nor going anywhere at all where it was not law- 
Jul for him (i. e. ef roe py mpoojxev). Dem. Mid. 535,15. és ody of 
GyaOot rots dyadois didos évovrat, of pyre andvres moGetvot adAndocs 
pire mapovres xpeiavy avrav €xovce; (i.e. ef py... Exovor). PLAT. 

rs. 215 B. Nexgn 8 ore waow ipiv péeAXres ouvoicey (i. e. ef rs 

AAs), may any plan prevail which will benefit you ull. Dem. Phil. 
, 55,7. So Sopu. Ant. 375, &s rad’ épdec. 


Notr. Care must be taken here (as in conditional sentences, 

§ 49, 1, Note 2), not to include under this class the general suppo- 

sitions of § 62, which require the ae or Optative. On the 

other hand, the examples falling under § 62, Note 1, in which the 

Indicative is allowed, might properly be placed here, as they state a 

eneral supposition for emphasis as if it were a particular one (§ 51, 
ote 8). also § 61, 3, Note. 


2. When a relative clause, referring to the present or 
the past, implies that the condition which it expresses 
as not or was not fulfilled (like a protasis of the form 
§ 49, 2), its verb is put in a secondary tense of the In 
dicative. 


§ 61,3.] CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES. 127 


The antecedent clause also contains a secondary tense 
of the Indicative, implying the non-fulfilment of a con- 
dition, which may be in an apodosis with av or a pro- 
tasis (§ 49, 2), or in an expression of a wish (§ 83). 
E. g. 

*A pn €BovrAero Bovvat, ovn dv ESmxev, he would not have given 
what he had not wished to give (i. e. ef rwa ph €Bovrero Sovvat, ove dv 
Edwxev). Odre yap dy avrot emexetpotpey mparrev A py Hriorda- 
peda, obre rois addors érerperopev, Sv Fpyopev, dAdo rt wparrew ff 
4 vs mparrovres dpbas €peAXovw mpdtew* rovro 3 hy dy, ov émorn- 
pyy elyov, for (tf that were so) we should not be undertaking (as we 
are) to do things which we did not understand, nor should we permit 
any others whom we were ruling to do anything else than what they 
were likely to do properly; and this would be whatever they had knowl- 
edge of. Prat. Charm. 171 E. (Here 4 py nmordpeba=el rea 
pn nmordpeba, tf there were any things which we did not know,—. dv 
{pxopev = el rivwy Fpyopev, — 6 re Epeddov = el re EpeAdov, — and ob 
emornpny eixov = et Tivos elyov. It is implied that none of the cases 
here supposed ever actually arose, as the whole passage refers to an 
unfulfilled condition expressed in the preceding sentence.) Ei de 
oixos elyov éxacrot ras dixas, rovrous dy ama@dAvoay olrwes Pidos pdadi- 
ora iaoav ’APnvaiav r@ Syup, if each had their trials at home, they 
would ruin any who were especially friendly, &c. XEN. Rep. Athen. 
1,16. (Here ofrwes foav, = ei reves Hoay, forms a second protasis to 
the apodosis adm@AAvoay dv. See § 55, 1.) 

Ei £évos érvyyxavoy oy, Evveysryvooxere Syrrov ay pot, el év exeivy tH 
avy re xai rp rpér@ edeyou ev olonep EreOpappny, if I happened 
to be a foreigner, you soonild surely pardon me, if I were (now) address- 
tng you tn doth the language and the manner in which I had been 
brought up. Piat. Apol.17 D. ‘Os 87 éywy’ Spedov paxapds wi rev 
€upevat vids avépos, dy xrearecoty €ois emt ynpas ererpey, O that I 
were the son of some fortunate man, whom old age had found upon his 
own estale (i. e. tf old age had found any such man, would that I had 
been his son). Od. I, 217. 

So when the relative sentence depends on an indicative in a final 
clause (§ 44, 8); as in Dem. Arist. 685, 15: ravra ye dqrov mpoonxe 
ypaat, iva Srp wore robpyov ér pax On, rovrp ra éx TeV vopay UTnpxeE 
Oixaa, he ought to have written tt wn this way, in order that any one by 
whom the deed had been done might have his rights according to the 
laws. (This implieg that the law was not so written, so that the 
case supposed in ér@ émpax6n never arose.) 


REMARK. All examples of this form fall equally well under the 
general rule for assimilation, § 64, 2. 


3. When the relative clause refers distinctly and viv- 
tdly to the future (like a protasis of the form § 50, 1), 


128 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 61, 3. 


and the verb of the antecedent clause also refers to 
the future, the relative is joined with ay (or «é) and 
followed by the Subjunctive. E. g. 


Tdwv qv « €béXwpes Hidnv wonoop’ deocrw (like ef xé reva €0€- 
Aw), whomsoever of these I may wish I shall make my wife. Il. IX, 
897. "Ex ydp ’Opécrao ticows éxceras ’Arpeidao, drxcr dy nBnoy Te 
nai hs ipeiperas ains, i. e. vengeance will come from Orestes, when 
he shall grow up, &c. (like édy wore nBnoy)- Od. 1,40. Tore 3 aire 
a noerat, omwore xev puy Oupds evi ornbecow dvayn Kai deds Span. 

- IX, 702. "AAX’ dye8’, ws dy éyay ei, weOopucOa wavres, let us 
obey as [ may direct, 1. e. tf I give any direction (éay wos eisrw), let us 
obey it. Il. If, 139. ‘Hyeis avr’ dAdyous re didas xai vyma réxva 
Gopev ev vnecory, emny wrodiebpoy EXLoper, when we shall have taken 
the city. Tl. IV. 238. So evr’ ay wisrwow, IL I, 242. Ovxod», cra» 
3) py oOevea, wenavcoua, therefore, when I shall have no more 
strength, I will cease. Sopu. Ant. 91. Taira, émecdav repi rou yévous 
einw, épo, I will speak of this, when I shall have spoken about my 
birth. Dem. Eubul. 1303, 25. (See § 20, Note 1.) ‘Eneday 8:a- 
xpdtwmpat & deoua, nfo. XEN. An. II, 3, 29. Tiva otecbe abrny 
Wuxny Lew, Grav Eve 18 n trav watpgdov aweorepnucvoy; what feelings 
do you think she will have, when (or tf at any tume) she shall see me, 
&c.? Dem. Aph. II, 842, 16. Tovraw d3€ ’A@nvaious gypi Sei elvac 
wevraxocious, €& is dy Tivos Div nrrxias Kadas exe Boxy, from whatever 
age ut shall seem good to you to take them (i. e. if from any particular 
age, &c.) Id. Phil. I, 45, 27. Téa» mpayparey rovs BovAevopevous 
(7yeto Oar bei); iva & dy éxeivots 8o0xn ravra mparryrat, in order that 
whatever shall seem good to them shall be done. Ib. 51, 19. O8 poe 

SBov péAabpoy eAnis éumarety, ews av aldn wup ef’ éorias euns Aly 
sal long he shall kindle fire, &c. Anscu. ped 1485. a 


Nots. The Future Indicative is rarely, if ever, used in condi- | 


tional relative clauses, as in common protasis (§ 50, 1, Note 1), in 
the place of the Subjunctive ; as it would generally be ambiguous, 
appearing as if the antecedent were definite. “Oot BovAngorras, 

Huc. I, 22, is perhaps to be explained in this way. See XEN. 
Cyr. I, 5,18. In such examples as ¢ pn tis ards mapdorat, un- 
less he was to be present himself, the Future is used as it is in the 
form of protasis explained § 49, 1, N. 3. 


4. When the relative clause refers to the future less 
distinctly and vividly (like a protasis of the form § 50, 
2), and the antecedent clause contains an Optative re- 
ferring to the future, the relative is followed by the 
Optative (without av). 

The Optative in the antecedent clause may be in an 








§ 62.] GENERAL SUPPOSITIONS. 129- 


apodosis with av or a protasis (§ 50, 2), in an expres- 
sion of a wish (§ 82), or in a final clause. E. g. 


MdAa xev Opacuxdpdios ein, ds rére yn Onoeser l8av mévoyv otd 
dxaxotro (i. e. ef ris ynOnoee, pada xev Opacuxdpdios ein), any one 
who should then rejoice would be stout-hearted. Il. , 348 
So IL VI, 329 and 521; XIV, 247: Arist. Nub. 1250. Ovd«x dy ot» 
Opéfas advdpa, doris €OeXoe re cal Bvvatro cov amepixew rovs 
éntxetpouvras addixety oe; would you not support any man who shoula 
be both willing and able, &c.? Xen. Mem. II, 9,2. Tear eevee dy 
énoére BovrAotro, when he is hungry, he would eat whenever he might 
wish (like ef more BovAotro). Ib. II, 1, 18. So Mem. I, 5, 4; I, 7, 
3; IV, 2, 20. Ids ovy av eideins wept rovrou rov mpdyparos, ob mav- 
rdnacw admepos eins; how then could you know about that thing of 
which you had no experience at all? Prat. Men. 92 C. Ap dy 
qyoto ravra od eivat, d oor eFein nal drodécba nai dovvat nat Ovcas 
Grm BovrAoto Oeav; Id. Euthyd. 302 A. Ti dv radeiv (8vvaro), & 
py xal id abrot wa6o4; what could he suffer, unless he should suffer 
tt also from himself? (i. @, ei pi) wdOo1). PLAT. Lys. 214 E. *O d¢ 
un ayam@n, ovd av didrot (i. e. ef re pat) Ayar@n, odd’ av didoi rovro). 

. 215 B. “Oow 8€ mpecBurepos yiyvosro, paddoy dei domd{orro 
dv (xpypara), the older he should grow, the more he would always cling 
fo u (i. @. ef re mpeaBurepos yiyvoro, réo@ paddov aonmd{aro ay). 
Puat. Rep. VIII, 549 B. So Il, 412 D; VIII, 557 B. dncoper 
pndérore pndew dy peifov nde eXarroy yevérbat, €ws ioov etn avrd 
daur@, so long as it should remain equal to tuself. Piat. Theaet. 
155 A. So Bovdotpny xe,... @ py ety, Od. XI, 489. 

Ei 8€ BovAoro Trav ditov ra + a Orit éwére amodnpoins 
émperciobas raw cay, ri dy rowoins; XEN. Mem. II, 3,12. Eixdras 
dy xai mapa Gedy mpaxrixwrepos ein, Sots pr Gwdre év amdposs ein Tére 
roXakevot, GAd’ dre ra dptora mpadrros rére paddiora tay Gedy 
pepyero. Id. Cyr. I, 6, 8. ‘Qs dwdXotro Kai dAXos, 6 rts rovaird 
ye Beton, O that any other man or likewise perish who should do 
the like (i. e. ef ris rotatra pé{or). Od. I, 47. “Eyiywwoxe deity rovs 
imnpéras rovro doxeiv, ds mavra vopiCoey mpemew avtois mparrew doa 
6 dpywy mpogrdrros. XEN. Cyr. Il, I, 31. 


ReMARK. All these examples fall also under the general rule for 
assimilation, § 64, 1. 


§ 62. <A conditional relative sentence (like a pro- 
tasis, § 51) may express a general supposition. This 
happens when the verb of the antecedent clause denotes 
a customary or repeated action or a general truth, while 
the relative clause refers indefinitely to any one of a 
series or class of acts, and not to a definite act or a 
definite series of acts. 


130 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 62. 


Here the Subjunctive with 4s av, orav, d&ec. is used 
after primary tenses, and the Optative (without av) 
after secondary tenses. E. g. 

"ExOpds ydp pot xetvos ducs *Aidao wvAnow, os yx Erepov pev rEVON 
évi Goeolr, do 3¢ ela ye that man (le any wan) t hated by me 
like the very gates of Hees, who conceals one thing in his mind and 
speaks another. Il. 1X, 812. Nepecowpai ye pév ovdev xdaiew ds xe 
Odvyoe Bporey cal rérpor dviowy, I am never at all indignant at 
weeping for any mortal who may die, &c. Od. IV, 195. Kai yap oup- 
paxety rovros €GéXovow Aravres, obs dv dpaos waperxevacpevous, for 
all men are (aloays) willing to be allies to those whom they see prepare. 
Dem. Phil. I, 42,1. Kaisep rév dvOparrev, ev G pev dv rodkepaear, 
Tov napdvra (aoXepov) det peycorov Kpwwdvrev, although men always 
consider the present war the greatest, so long as they are engaged in it. 
Tuc. I, 21. Wopevovrai re yap al dyedat 9 dy atras evOvvaccy of 
youeis, vepovrai re ywpia ep droia dy avras €taocy, aw€xovrai te 
dy dy attas ameipywor’ Kai Trois xaprois éHot rovs voueas xpnoOat 
ovrws oras dy aitot BovAwvras’® dvOpwwa Se én’ ovdevas paddov 
ouvioravrat He rovrous obs dy aicOwyrat dpxew avray éntxyetpour- 
ras. XEN. Cyr. I, 1, 2.° Nopifw mpoordrov épyow eivat otov dei, ds 
&yv dpav rovs didous éLamarapévous py) emirpery, 1. e. such as one ought 
always to be, who, &e. Id. Hell. Il, 8, 51. Karagppdévnos 8€ (eyyi- 
yverat), ds av xal yooun meorevy rev évavriov mpoexey, & nuiy virap- 

e. Tuuc. If, 62. (Here the d refers to all that precedes, as a 
Nefinite antecedent.) 

Ov pév yap petCov kr€os dvépos, Spa x’ Egaoty, HG Te wocaiy Te 
pé&yg xat xepoiv. Od. VIII, 147. (“Odpa «’ Egow, so long as he 
lives.) (@eovs) maparpwnac’ avOpwro: Aroodpevar, Gre Kév Tis UTE p- 
Bny cat duaprn. Il. IX, 500. “Hysov ydp tr’ dperns amoaivwras 
evpvora Zels avépos, evr’ dy puy xara Sovdcoy Huap €Agqaeyv. Od. 
XVII, 322. direee 8€ ews mpoonpaiver, evr dy peAAn peydra xaxa 
i} wore f Cbver Evecba. Hot. V1, 27. evyovos ydp ros xoi Opaceis, 
Otay méAas On row “Atdny eloopaae rov Biov. SorpH. Ant. 580. 
"Hvix’ dy 8 otxoe yévovras, Spdow ovx avacxera. ARIST. Pac. 
1179. "Emeddy 8€ 9 éxqopa 9, Adpvaxas dyovow dyafa. THuc. 
Il, 34. "Emecdav 8€ epipwoe yj, ap npnpevos ind rhs médeos, 
ds av youn te Song ph akuveros eivat, Eyes én’ avTots Ematvov Tov 
mperovra. Ibid. “Ews dy ca(nrat rd oxados, rore xp7 mpoOvuous 
eivat’ éemecdav d€ n Oddarra Uméepoxy, paras 4 onovdn. DEM. 
Phil. HI, 128, 22. So gor’ dy 8eicworv, XEN. Mem. ITI, 5, 6. 

Ob tiva yap Tieoxov emtyOoviwy avOparrev, ov Kaxdv ovde pev exOAov, 
& ris opeas eioadixotro, i. e. they were never in the habit of honor- 
ing any one who came to them. Od. XXII, 414. Kat obs pev 7806 
evrdxtos Kal ovwny idvras, mpoveAauvwy atrois Tives Te elev NpoTa, Kai 
éret wu Ootro enjvet. KEN. Cyr. V, 3.55. (Here npora and ényqve 
denote the habit of Cyrus.) Kat rots per A@nvaiuis nigero rd vaurixds 
amo rns Sarayns hy exevvon Evp pe pocrev, avroi de, ométe dToaTALEY, 
Gmapacxevot Kal dretpoe és tov moAcpov xabioravro, and the Athenian 








62. ] CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES. _ 13] 


navy continued to increase from the money which these contributed, and 
they, whenever they revolted, always found themselves unprepared and 
inexperienced for war. Tuuc. I, 99. 

"Eat Moiptos Baciéos, dxws €XOoe 6 worapds em’ dxrd mnxeas, 
Gpdcoxe Atyunrov riv Evepbe Mépduos, i. e. whenever the river rose. 

DT. II, 18. Tév d€ xouv rdv expopedpevor, dnws yivotro we, és 
roy Tiypw é£epdpeoy, 1. e. they carried it away every night. Id. Il, 
150. Oi 8€ (Kapes), dxws Mivws Séotro, éAnpovv of ras vas. Id. 
I, 171. "Ewedy 8€ dvocy Gein, elojeiey mapa riv Swxpdrn, i. e. 
each morning, when the prison was opened, &c. PuaT. Phaed. 59 D. 
"Ore £@ rov Sewou y€voLvTO, WOAAOL avrdv amédetTroy, Many (always) 
left him, when they were out of danger. Xen. An. I, 6,12. (if 
éyévovro had been used, the whole sentence would refer to a particu- 
lar case in which many left him.) 


Remarx. The gnomic Aorist, and the other gnomic and 
sterative tenses of § 30, can be used in the antecedent clause of 
these general propositions. ‘The gnomic Aorist, as usual, is a 
primary tense. (See § 82,2.) E. g. 

"Os xe Oeois €mimeiOnrat, pada rv ExAvoy aitov, whoever obeys 
the Gods, to him they are ready to listen. I. I, 218. “Orav ris Somep 
obros laxvon, 7 mporn mpopaots dmavra dvexairsioe xat bcéAv- 
oev. Dem. Ol. II, 20, 27. ‘Omdre mpocBréeé rivas ray dv rais 
rageat, elmev dv, & dvdpes, x.7.X., i.e. he used to say, &c. XEN. 
Cyr. VII, 1, 10. (See § 30, 2.) Odr’ Madore aarore mpds xdpuw 
eiAdpny Aéyerv, 6 re dy ph eal ovvoicew wenecopevos &, J have never on 
other occasions preferred to say anything in order to please, unless I 
have been convinced that it would also be for your advantage. Dum. 
Phil. I, 54, 27. (Here eiAdpyy is used in a sense approaching that 
of the ae Aorist, so as to be followed by a Subjunctive. See 
§ 80, 1, N. 1.) 


Note 1. The Indicative is sometimes used instead of the 
Subjunctive and Optative in relative sentences of this class. 
(See § 51, N. 3.) Here the speaker refers to one of the cases 
in which the event in question is liable to occur, as if it were 
the only case, instead of referring indefinitely to all possible 
cases alike (as when the Subjunctive or Optative is used). 
This use of the Indicative occurs especially after the indefinite 
relative dors; as the idea of indefiniteness, which is usually 
expressed by the Subjunctive or Optative, is here sufficiently 
expressed by the relative itself. E. g. 

"Ex Opes ya xetvos dpas Aldao muAjow 
Ed Salt rs at etx Ceatthia Ba¢ : se. Od. XIV, 156 
vompare this with the first cxample (Il. LX, 312) under § 62. 


182 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 62 


*"Epol yap Gomis wacay evOuvey méduy 
M)) ray dpiorwy dmreras: SovAevparop, 
"AAN’ €x PdBou rov yAdocay éyxdeloas fx et, 
Kaxioros elvat viv re xai madas Soxei 
Kal peifov’ doris avri ris avrov mdrpas 
Girov vopifer, rovroy ov8apov A¢yw. Sopu. Ant. 178. 
(Here we might have had ds ay. . . . pa) daryrat, GAN’... . Exy, and 
és dy vouitn, without any essential difference in meaning.) 
Oirives wpds ras Evupcopds ywoun per fecora Avwrovyrac, epyp Oé 
phos dvréxouvgey, ovrot cal médewr al ldiardy xpariorol etow. 
Huc. II, 64. So in the same chapter, doris AapBaver. “EOarroy 
Toy avrov rpémov dmrdcous éweAdpBavev % otparid, they con- 
tinued to bury in the same way as many as the army took up. XEN. 
An. VI, 5,6. (Here ér:AapBdvoe might have been used.) “Oars 
& ddixveiro rav napa Bacitéws mpds airdy, wavras dmewépsero. 
Ib. I, 1, 5. “Omav 8€ yiAds omdnos rdvv ein, airs 8° €8dvaro mapa- 
oxevacagba, dcameprev éxéheve Tors idous immas éuBddAAew rovrov. 
Ib. I, 9, 27. (In the last two examples there is some M&S. authority 
for the more regular ddixvoiro and dvvaro.) See also An. I, 9, 138. 


All these examples fall under the first class of conditional relative | 


sentences, § 61,1. Soin common protasis, § 51, N. 3. 


Note 2. The Greek generally uses the Indicative in relative 
clauses depending on general negative sentences, where in Latin a 
Subjunctive is more common. E. g. 

lap’ épuoi d¢ ovdels prcbopopei, doris py ixavdés éorey toa rrovely €poi, 
i. @. no one who is not able (no one tisless he is able), nemo qui non 
possit. XEN. Hell. VI, 1.5. These sentences are regular protases, 
and belong under the rule of § 61,1. (See Note 1.) 


Norte 3. (a.) In Homer, similes and comparisons are often 
expressed by the Subjunctive after ds, Ss re, as Gre, os os 
(seldom, &s dy, &c.), where we should expect the Present In- 
dicative, which sometimes occurs. Besides the singular use of 
the Subjunctive in these expressions, the omission of dy or aé is 
especially to be noticed. (See § 68,1.) E. g. 

“Os 8€ yun) crainoe pidroy réow dudurecodoa, 
“Os re éijs mpoobev mods Aagy Te WET HT LY, 
*Qs Odvacds dAcecwdy Un’ dppior Sdxpvoy eiBepr, 
Ulysses wept as a wife weeps, &. Od. VIII, 523-531. 
“Os 8 dr’ orwpwis Bopens hopénasy axdvOas 
*Ap mediov, muxiwai d€ mpds dAAnAnjow éxovras, 
“Os ryv dp wédayos dvepor pépov eva xai évba. Od. V, 828. 
‘Os 8 br’ dv dorpanry moots “Hons nuxdpoto, ... . 
“Qs univ’ ev ornOecow dveorevdyi( ’Ayapéuver. Jl. X, 5-9. 
Of 3, ds r’ dunrnpes évavrion dGAAnAotow Sypor CLavvocty, Ot 


§ 63, 2.] CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES. 133 


Tpaes xad ’Ayatot éx dAAnAoos Gopdyres 8gouv. Il. XI, 67-71. See 
Il. XU, 167-172. 

(b.) In many cases the Subjunctive or the Present Indica- 
tive is followed by the gnomic Aorist in the same simile, the 
Aorist being merely a more vivid form of expression than the 
others. (See § 30, 1, Notes 2 and 3.) E. g. 


‘Os & Gre xarvis lay eis ovpavdy cipiy Uxnras 

“Acreos aidopevoro, Oeay d€ € pis dvpxev, 

laos 8 €8n xe wédvov, woddotor Be xnde eiKer, 

*Os "AyiArevs Tpweoos wévoy kai nde e6nxev. Tl. XXTI, 522, 


‘O & ev xovinas yapal mécen atyerpos és, 
"H par’ év eiaperg édXeos peyddow weduxy 
Aein, arap ré of 6(o8 éw' axporary Te~vaciv: 
Thy pey O dpparomryds avnp aldwve adh 
"Eférap’, dppa irvv nappy mepixadres dippy * 
“H pév t dlopevn xetrat worapoto wap dyGas ° 
- Totoy dp’ Avbepidnv Ztpoeiorov éfevapieer 
Alas Siwoyens. I. IV, 482. 


§ GZ. 1. (a.) In Homer, the relatives (like el) often take 
the Subjunctive without dy or «é, the sense being apparently the 
same as when dy is used. (§ 50,1, N. 2.) E.g. 


“Orne pad’ od Syvaids, 8s GOavdroe paxnras. Ll. V, 407. 
*AvOpomous éopg, xal rivvrac ds tis Gpapry. Od. XII, 214. 
Zevs 8 avrds vépes SABov "OdAvpmos avOparacr, 

"EcOdois nde xaxoiow, Onws &GeAnaoev, Exaorp. Od. VI, 188. 

Ov py coi sore icov fxm yépas, éwmér’ ’Ayatol 

Tpowy éxrépawa’ evvadpevov mroriebpov. Il. I, 148. 

Ov peév yap rroré dno xaxdv weivecOa onicoe, 

“Odp dperiv wapéx aot Oeot xa yoUvar’ 6papy, 
so long as the Gods shall supply valor, &c. od. < Vin, 132. 

(6.) The same omission of dy is not uncommon in the Attic 
poets; and even in prose a few exceptional cases occur, if we 
follow the Mss. (§ 50,1, N. 3). E. g. 

Tépovra 8 dpbouv praupor, &s vos wméog. Sopu. O. C. 395. Tap 
3¢ anpovey padtora Avrovo’ at pavaa’ avOaiperor. Id. O. T. 12381. 
Toics yap pire dorea unre reixyea ff exriopeva, .... Kas oun av cinoas 
otros duayo; Hprt. IV, 46. (See § 63, 4, ae "Emtyapoyv by nyiy 
od pev Bpayeis dpx@os pi wodXois xpnoGas, it being our national halnt 
not to use many words where few supice: Tuc. IV, 17. (Yet the 
sentence continues, mAciog: 8¢ ev & Ay» xatpos 9, x.T-A.) See §66,4, N. 


2. The adverb dy is sometimes used with the Optative or 
Indicative in conditional relative clauses, when the relative 


134 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 63, 2. 


clause is itself an apodosis, with a protasis expressed or im- 
plied. In Homer «e with the Optative sometimes occurs where 
there is no apodosis, as in common protasis. (See § 50, 2, 
N. 2,a,6.) E. g. 


"EL Sy dv ris od Adyar BcaBdAXos, ex rovrwr airois weiverOas 
(épn), he said that they would form their opinion upon any slanders 
which any good speaker might (if he pleased) chance to utter. Tuuc. 
VII, 48. But in Od. Il, 54, Ss ne.... d0in d x’ €O€Xo1t, that he 
might give her to any one he pleased, § x’ é6édo. does not differ from 
the ordinary @ éGeAos == ef tem ebedor. In Dem. Phil. I, 41, 8, ofoy 
dy Bothour be ¢ is merely a conjectural emendation for olov dy Bov- 
AnoOe, which is a example illustrating § 62. “Ovrw a» 
tpeis els ravrny riy rakiy xareorncare, otros Trav tawr alris fy dy 
xaxay Sowvmep kai ovros, any one soever whom you might have ap- 
pointed (if you had chosen) to this post would have been the cause of - 
as great calamities as this man has been. Dem. F. L. 850, 8. (With- 
out the dy after dvrwa, this would have been a regular example 
under § 61, 2, dyriva xareorjoare being equivalent to ef rwa dAAow 
xarearyoare, if you had appointed any one else (which you did not do). 
With the dy, it is itself an apodosis with a suppressed protasis; un- 
less we can suppose that the d» was used, like «é in the Homeric ex- 
ample, without affecting the sense. See § 49, 2, N. 4.) 


3. A conditional relative clause, like a common protasis, 
may depend upon an Infinitive or Participle (with or without 
dv), or upon a final clause. See the last three examples under 
§ 61,8. (Compare § 53; § 55, 2.) 


4. The conditional relative clause may have a form different 
from that of its apodosis. This happens under the same cir- 
cumstances as in common protasis. (See § 54.) 


(a.) An Indicative or Subjunctive in the relative clause may de- 
pend upon an Optative with dy in the apodosis, either when the 
expressed Speen belongs to an implied protasis (§ 54, 1, a), or 
when the Optative with dy is considered a primary tense, from its 
resemblance in sense to the Future Indicative (54, 1, b). See also 
§ 34,1,6. E.g. 

Ovxody cal rd tyiaivery kat rd vocetv, Stray ayabod riwos airta yi- 
yvntat, ayaba dy ein, 1. &. when they prove to be the causes of any ; 
they would be good things (if we should accept your doctrine). N. 
Mem. IV, 2. 82. So Mem. II, 2, 3; and Prat. Rep. Il, 379 B. 
"Ey 82 ravrny pév ryv elpnyny, €ws dy els "AOnvaiay Neimnrac, ovde- 
mor dy iy paserndetes roncacba tH wéde, I would never advise the 
city to e this pedce, so long as a single Athenian shall be left. Dem. 
F. L. 845, 14. (Here é€ws Acimoro, so long as one should be left, - 
would be more regular.) So Arist. Nub. 1151; Sopu. El. 697. 





§ 64, 1.] CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES. 1385 


(5.) The Optative (without dy) in the relative clause occamonally 
depends upon a primary tense in the apodosis. Thig may arise from 
the slight distinction between the Subjunctive and Sptative in such 
sentences (§ 54, 2, a); asin IL XIII, 317, ala of eocciras was én- 
mpnoat, ore uy aurdés ye Kpoviev éuSarot alOduevor Sardv rheocs, tt will 
be a hard task for him, unless the son of Kronos should hurl, &c. 
(More regularly, dre xe py ép Bary, unless he shall hurl, &c.) 

The Optative in the Relative clause sometimes depends on a 
verb of necessity, obligation, propriety, possibility, &c. with an Infini- 
tive, the two forming an expression that is nearly equivalent in sense 
to an Optative with dy», which would be expected in their place 
(§ 54, 2,6). E-g. 

"AAN’ bv wodts OTnoese, TOUdE xp} KAVEw, we should obey any one 
whom the state appoints (if the state should appoint any one, we ought 
to obey him). Sopu. Ant. 666. (Xpy cdvew is followed by the 
Optative from its resemblance in sense to dcaiws dy xdvoe tis.) 
“AAA rou peév avrov Adyew A ph cahas eidein heidecGatr dei, i. €. we 
ought to abstain, &c.; like Geidorro dv ris. XEN. Cyr. I, 6,19. Obs 
d€ romvacbai rs BoUAOLTO GuvEepyous mpoOupous, ToUTOUS wayrdnacw 
Epoye Soxet dyaGois Onparéoy eva. Ib. II, 4. 10. (Here Onparéov 
eivat == Onpay deiv.) “Ymepopay ov duvardv tpav avbpi bs ei dein xvpious 
dvras & rt Bovdeabe atta xpyobau. Id. Hell. VIL, 8, 7. 


5. The Indicative is generally used in Greek (as in Latin) 
in parenthetical relative clauses, like 8 re mor’ ¢oriv, whatever tt 
$s (quidquid est), doris mor éoriv (or ora), &c. KE. g. 

Zeis, Sorts wor e€orty, el rdd alto idrov KexArAnpéev@, TovTd vw 


mpocevverrw, Zeus, whoever he may be, &c. AESCH. Agam. 160. 
AovAevoper Oeois, 6 tt wor elaty» Geot. Eur. Orest. 418. 


The Subjunctive, however, sometimes occurs; in which case the 
expression belongs under § 62 or § 61, 8: asin AESCHIN. Tim. § 127, 


GAN’ 6 mpovadpuevos airay cai mapatuxay, doris dy 7, Adyor wapéyes- 
So Daw Pht , 47, 94. 


Assimilation in Dependent Relative Clauses. 


§ 64. -1. When a conditional relative clause referring to 
the future depends on a Subjunctive or Optative referring to 
the future, it regularly. takes by assimtlation the same mood 
with its leading verb. Such a leading verb may be in pro- 
tasis or apodosis, in another conditional relative clause, in 
the expression of a wish (§ 82), or in a final clause. E. g. 


"Edy ruves of dy Suvavrat rovro momar, Karas eet, if any who shall 
.. be able do this, it will be well. Et rwes of Svvatvro rovro mocoier, 
nares dy eyor, if any who should be able should do this, tt wauld 5e 


136 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENIENCES. [§ 64, 1. 


well. Eide wdyres of 8Uvatyro rovro moer, O that all who may be 
able would do this. (Here the principle of assimilation makes of 
Suvayro after an Optative preferable to of dy dvvwvra:, which would 
express the same idea.) a in Latin: Si absurde canat is qui se 
haber! velit musicum, turpior sit.— Sic injurias fortunae quas ferre 
nequeas defugiendo relinquas. 

or examples see § 61, 3 and 4. 


2. When a conditional relative clause depends on a secondary 
tense of the Indicative implying the non-fulfilment of a condi- 
tion, it regularly takes a secondary tense of the Indicative by 
assimilation. The leading Indicative may be in protasis or 
apodosis (§ 49, 2), in another conditional relative clause 
(§ 61, 2), in an expression of a wish (§ 83), or in a final clause 
(§ 44,3). E.g. 

Ei reves of €SUvavro rovro éxpatay, xadas dy erxer, tf any who had 
been able had done this, it would have been -well, Eide mavres ot €83- - 
vavro rovro éxpatay, O that all who had been able had done’ this. So- 


in Latin: Nam si solos eos diceres miseros quibus moriendum esset, 
neminem tu quidem eorum qui viverent exciperes. 


ReMARK 1, It will be seen that this principle of assimilation 
accounts for the Indicative and Optative in a conditional relative 
sentence, which have been already explained by the analogy of the 
ordinary forms of protasis. (See § 61,2 and 4.) In fact, wherever 
this assimilation occurs, the relative clause stands as a protasis to its 
antecedent clause, although the latter may be itself a protasis to 
another apodosis. (See § 34.) Occasionally this principle is dis- 
regarded, so that a Subjunctive depends on an Optative. (See the 
examples under § 34, 1, 6, and § 68, 4, a.) 


RemMaRK 2. The Indicative in the construction of § 61, 1, refer- 
ring simply to the present or past, cannot be affected by assimila- 
tion, as that would change its time. LE. g. 

Mir’ enol mapeorios yévorro, pyr’ ivov ppovay, bs rad’ é pdes (i. @ 
et ris rdd Epder). Sopu. Ant. 372. 


Nore 1. The principle of § 64 applies only to conditional rela- 
tive clauses. If the relative refers to a definite antecedent, so that 
its verb denotes a fact and not a supposition,.the principle of assimi- 
lation does not apply, and the Indicative (or any other construction 
required by the sense, § 59, N. 1) is used. E. g. 


Ei rév moXtréy oles viv miorevoper, TovTas amioTnoaipey, ols 
8 ov xpopeda, rovroos xpyoaiperGa, cwbeinper dv. ARIST. 
1446. Et’ joa duvarés dpav doov mpdbupos ef, O that thou couldst 
do as much as thou art eager todo. Kur. Heracl. 731. (If the Im- 
perfect had been used by assimilation, the meaning would be a 
uch as thou wert (or mightest be) eager to do.) 


§ 65, 1.] ASSIMILATION. — Aé IN APODOSIS. 137 


Norte 2. Conditional relative clauses depending on a Sub- 
junctive or Optative in a general supposition (§ 51, § 62) 
are generally assimilated to the Subjunctive or Optative; but 
sometimes they take the Indicative on the principle of § 62, 
Note 1. E. g. 


Ovd, éredav Sy dv x pinras xiptos yérnra, ro 7 cupBovre 
sepi Tey Nowurey Ere ypyrat. DEM. Cor. 241, 15. See Prat. Rep. 

, 508 C and D; Charm, 164 B. ‘O 8€ rére padsora éxatper, drdre 
Taxsora Tuxdvras by Séorvro aronéesnot. KEN. 1x, ; 

Airia peév ydp dori, Grav ris pag xXpnodpevos Adye@ 1) wWapdoyynTa 
wiorw Sy Aéyet, Edeyxos Se, Grav Sy dy eimy ris wat radArnbes dpov 
deiEn. Dem. Androt. 600, 5. (Here dy Aédye: and dy dy einy are 
nearly equivalent.) ‘ExdAes 8¢ nat ériua éadre ras ioe rocovror 
rwowncayras 6 mavras €BovreTo mae. . Cyr. Il, 1, 830. (Here 
BovAoro for éSovAero would have corresponded to déowro in the 
second example quoted.) 


REMARK. The conjunction &¢ is occasionally used to intro- 
duce the clause on which a relative depends. Its force here is 
the same as in apodosis. (See § 57.) E. g. 


Ot wep Gidrov yever, roin 3é nat dvdpav. Il. VI, 146. “Emei re é 
wéAepos xaréotn, 6 8é daiveras kal év roUT@ mpoyvors Thy dvvayw, and 
when the war broke out, (then) he appears, &c. uc. II, 65. Meéype 
pev ovr ol rofdrat eiyov re ra BéAn avrois xa) oloi re Heavy xpyoGar, of 
8¢ dvreiyov, so long as their archers both had their arrows and were 
able to use them, they held out. Id. Il, 98. "“Qowep oi émXiras, ovrw 
8¢ xal ol weAracrai, XEN. Cyr. VIII, 5,12. So daivoyra 8¢, THuc. 
J, 11; and éyiyvovro 8¢, AESCHIN. Cor. § 69. 


Relative Clauses expressing a Purpose, Result, &c. 


§ GS. 1. The relative is used with the Future In- 
dicative to denote a purpose or olect. KH. g. 


IpecBeiay 3¢ wéprew, Aris raur épet cat wapéaras rois mpa- 
ypaoty, and to send an embassy to say these things, and to be present at 
the transaction. Dem. Ol}. 1, 10,1. nui 89 dety nyas mpos Oerra- 
Aovds mpecBeiay wéprew, 7 Tos pev didate ravta, Tous b€ mapo 
Evvei. Ib. I, 21,10. “E8ote rp dnp rpidxovra dvdpas dAdo Gat, ot 
rovs matpious vépous Evyypawovae, xaf obs woAsrevaovcs. 
XEN. Hell. I, 3,2. Ov yap gore poe xpnpara, dwddev éxriae, for l 
have no money to pay the fine with, Puat. Apol. 37 C, 


138 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 69, 1. 


The antecedent of the relative, in this case, may be either definite 
or indefinite; but the negative particle is arly pn, as in final 
clauses (§ 48, N. 2). 


REMARK. “Ozes as a relative is sometimes used in this construc- 
tion in a way which illustrates its use as a final particle. (See § 45, 
Rem.) E. g. 

Tloice 8€ obra Sxws Tar cay evdenoe pydev, and act so that there 
shall be nathing wanting on your part; lit. act in that way by which, 
&c. Hot. VU, 18. Td ovras éxicragGa: advOpdorey GA\wv mpoorarev- 
ev Ores Efovce ndvra ra émirndea, ... rovro Gavpacréy épaivero, 
i. e. in such a way that they shall have, &c. Xen. Cyr. 1, 6,7. So 
Cyr. I, 4, 31. 


Nortg. 1. (a.) The Future Indicative is the only form re ly 
used in prose after the relative in this sense. It is retained even 
after secondary tenses, seldom being changed to the Future Opta- 
tive, which would here be expected by § 31, 2, and by the an 
of clauses with drws (§ 45). The Future Optative, however, is 
found in Sopa. O. T. 796, épevyov %Oa piror’ éWoipny dveiin, — 
and probably in PLatT. Rep. III, 416 C, dain dv ris Setv cal ras oixn- 
gets cal rv GAAny ovriay rovavrny av’rois mapacKevdoacbat, Aris pyre 
rovs duAaxas @s apicrous elvat wavcot avtovs, Kaxoupyew Te pi 
€mapot wept rovs GAXous roXiras. 


(b.) When, however, this Future is quoted indirectly after a past 
tense, or depends upon a clause expressing a past purpose (which 
is equivalent to standing in indirect discourse, § 26, N. 1), it is 
sometimes changed to the Future Optative, like any other Future 
Indicative. E. g. 

"Eoxdres Saws Evotro atr@ sotis (dvra re ynporpopyaor kat 
reXeurncavra Gayot avrdv. Isax. de. Menecl. Her. § 10. Aipebevres 
ep’ @ te Evyypawat vopous, xa’ ovorwas moAtrevocotvro, having 
been chosen with the condition that they should compile the laws by which 
they were to govern. XEN. Hell. Il, 3,11. (This is a sort of indirect 
: area of the sentence which appears in its direct form in Hell. 

, 3, 2, the example under § 65, 1.) 


Nore 2. In Homer, the Future Indicative is sometimes used 
in this sense ;'as in Od. XIV, 333, éwapréas, of 37 pew ré py ov- 
osv. Sometimes the Optative with xé, as an apodosis, takes 
the place of the Future; as in Od. IV, 167, dddos of nev dddA- 
xoey. The more common Epic construction is, however, the 
Subjunctive (generally with xé joined to the relative) after 
primary tenses, and the Optative (Present or Aorist, never 
Future), without «é, after secondary tenses. E. g. 

“Endxos 8 inrip émipdoceras, 78 émbnoe 
@cppay’, d nev mavogoe peAawawy ddvvdwy. Il. IV, 191. 


a oe i ml: —_ om ee ae 





§ 65, 1.] RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSING A PDRIOSE. 189 


*AAX’ Gyere, KANTOUs GrpUvoper, of Ke TdyLoTA 

“EA Owo’ és xrcoinv UndAmddew ’AxtAnos. Dl. EX, 165. 
“Exdore, nat roy drorwepev Hv Tw gouxev, 

“H re xat €ocopevdiot per’ dBavdroe wéAnras. Il. Il, 459. 
“AyyeAov ijav, ds dyyeirese yuvai. Od. XV, 458. 
Ildawrnver 8 ava mipyoy ’Axaav, et rev’ iorro ' 
“Hyepdvev, Ss tis of apiy érdpaow dpvvac. Tl. XI, 882. 


Remark. It will be noticed that the earlier Greek here agrees 
with the Latin (in using the Subjunctive and Optative), while the 
ats Greek differs from the Latin by using the more vivid Future 

cative. 


Nore 8. (a.) The Attic Greek allows the Subjunctive in such 
hrases as €yee 6 re etry, he has something to say; where the irregu- 
arity seems to be caused by the analogy of the common expression 

ovx éxe 6 ts (or ri) ety, equivalent to ov« oldey 6 ri etary, he knows 
me what he shall say, which contains an indirect question (§ 71). 

» fe 

Totovroy os mapedocay, Sore... exarepous exew ep’ ols hsdore- 
nOaacy, that both may have things in which they may glory. Isoc. 

Pan. p- 49 C.§ 44. (Here there is no indirect question, for the 
RY; is not chat they may know in what they are to glory. See 
note added to Felton’s Isocrates, p. 135.) Ovdév ér: d:0ice: air, 
edv pdvoy éxn Srp 8taréynrac, tf only he shall have some one tot 
with. PLAT. Symp. 194.D. Tots pédAdovow eLew 6 rr eicohépwocuy. 
Xen. Oecon. VII, 20. (Compare dropeis 6 re XNé€yns and edzopeis 
6 rt A€yys in the same sentence, Puat. Ion. 535 B5 


(5.) The Present or Aorist Optative very rarely occurs in Attic 
Greek after a past tense, but more frequently after another Opta- 
tive. E. g. 

“Avopa ovdv’ evromoy (dpav), oby Sotts dpxégerev, ovd dons 
yécou Kdpvovrt TvAAGBotro, i.e. when I saw no one there to assist 
me, &c. Sopu: Phil. 281. Tdvepov 8€ wosnriy dv ody evpois ere (yrav 
dy, Gores pyya yevvatov Adxot, i.e. a poet to speak a noble word. 
Arist. Ran. 96. (Yet in vs. 98 we have the regular dors POéyée- 
rat, depending on the same ovix dy evpos.) So in Prat. Rep. Il, 
398 B, és pepotro xailArAéyor, depending on xp@peda ay. Ty ipe- 
repa modes ovder dv evdei£arro rowovroy ovde mroijoesev, UP ov recOév- 
res twas ‘EAAnver exeivog mpoetade, i. e. nothing so great, that you 
would be persuaded by ut to sacrifice any of the Greeks to him. Dem. 
Phil. I, 67, 20. 


Note 4. ‘Qs as a relative, in the sense of by which (with an 
antecedent like anything understood), is sometimes followed by an 
Optative with dy in apodosis, expressing a purpose or object. E. g. 

‘Os pév ay etrotre diaious Adyous Kal A€yovros GAdov cuveinre, 
dpewor GAlmrov sapecxevacbe, Os 8é kwAVGaLT dy éxeivoy spar 


140 ‘RELATIv£ AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 65, 1. 


rey rata ép dv dort viv, wavredds apyds éxere, i. e. as to means by 
which you could make just speeches, §c., you are better prepared than 
Philip ; but as to anything by which you could prevent him from doing 
what he ts now about, you are wholly inactive. Dem. Phil. Il, 66, 15. 
So at the end of the same oration, as 3 a» éferaag Gein padior’ 
axpiBas, py yevuro, i. e. may nothing come upon us by which the truth 
of wohat I say would be thoroughly tested. 


Nore 5. The relative with any tense of the Indicative, or 
even with the Optative and dy, can be used to denote a result, 
where Scre might have been expected. (§ 65, 3). This 
occurs chiefly after negatives, or interrogatives implying a 
negative. EK. g. 

Tis ovras einOns coriy ipay, SoTis dyvoet roy exeiOey midepow 
Seiipo AEovra, dy dueAnowperv; i. €, who of you is so simple as not to 
know, &c.? Dem. Ol. I, 18, 16. (Here dore dyvociy might have 
been used.) Tis ovrw méppe ray wodcrixay hy npayudrov, OoTts OUK 
éyyls nvayxaadn yevérOa rev cupdopay; Isoc. Pan. p. 64 B. 
§ 118. Tis otras pave éorw, doris ov peracxeiy BovrAngeras 
ravtns ths orpareias; Ib. p. 79 D.§ 185. Ovdeis dy» yevorro ovres 
adapdryrwos, bs dv pelvecer dv 19 Scxaocvyy, no one would ever be- 
gs 80 errs that he would remain firm in justice. PLat. Rep. 

, 360 B. 


2. "Ed gd or éf’ Pre, on condition that, which is commonly 
followed by the Infinitive (§ 99), sometimes takes the Future 
. Indicative. E. g. 

"Ent rourm 8¢ imegiorayas ris dpyis, éf’ gre tn’ ovderds tpéor 
apf£opat, I withdraw upon this condition, that I shall be ruled, &c. 

DT. III, 83. Tovrow: 8 dy sicuvos ay mariner én’ gre of ardyo- 
vou avrov lpopdyra trav Oeay ~oovras. Hv. VII, 158. Kal ry 
Bowriav é£édurov ’AGyvaios wacay, owovdds motnoduevos ef @ Tous 
dv8pas xopsovvyrat. Tuo. I, 118. RuxéBnoav ef gre eLiacey 
- LleXomovyncou trdéomovdos xal pndewore ex :Snaovras aurys. Id. 

, 108. 

It will be noticed here (as in Note 1) that the Future Indicative 

generally remains unchanged even after a secondary tense. 


8. “Nere (sometimes @s), 80 that, 80 a8, is usually 
followed by the Infinitive. (See § 98.) But when the 
action of the verb expressing the result after wove is 


viewed chiefly as an independent fact, and not merely 
as a result, the Indicative can be used. 


The Infinitive is sometimes used even here, when the Indic- 


§ 65, 4.] CAUSAL RELATIVE SENTENCES. 141 


ative would seem more natural; and it often makes quite as 
little difference which of the two is used, as it does in English 
whether we say some are so strange as not to be ashamed (ovrws 
dro Sore oix aicyvvecOau, Dem. F. L. 439, 29), or some are so 
strange that they are not ashamed (dcre ovx alcxvvovra). Here, 
although both expressions have the same general meaning, the 
former expresses the result merely as a result, while the latter 


expresses it also (and more distinctly) as an sndependent fact. 
E. g. 

Ovrws dyvopdvas eyere, Sore EAwifCere aira ypnora yernoer Oa, 
KeT.A. are you so senseless that you expect, &c. Dene OL I, 25, 19. 
(Here Score édrifew, 80 senseless as to expect, would merely make 
the fact of their expecting less prominent.) Otros jpiv doxet mavrés 
dfia eivar, Sore wavres ro xatadiney avra pddtora Hhevyopev, so 
that we all especially avoid, &c. XEN. Mem. II, 2,3. Ovy feev> S08 
of “EXAnves €hpdvrifoyw. Id. An. II, 3, 25, Eis rovr’ dxAnotias 
RAbov, Gor ovn éeEnpxeaeyv avrois Eyew THY cata ynv apxny, GAdu 
kat riv xara Oddatray Svvapw ovTws éneOvunoay AaBeiv, Sore rovs 
Cuppayous Tous nperépous 44 oragav. Isoc. Panath. p. 254 A. 
§ 103. So after ws, § 98, 2, N. 1: Ovrea 37 re Krew) éyévero, ws Kai 
savres of "EAAnves ‘Podamios Tobvopa ¢€£épador, i.e. so that all the 
Greeks came to know well the name of Rhodopis. Hor. I, 135. 


Nore. As dere in this construction has no effect whatever upon 
the mood of the verb, it may be followed by any construction that 
would be allowed in an independent sentence. (See § 59, N. 1.) 
It may thus take an Optative or Indicative in apodosis with dy, or 
even an Imperative. E. g. 

“OQor ovx dy airiy yvoploaip’ av cioddv. Eur. Or. 379. 
Tlaboy pév dyrédpwv, Sor’, ef ppovay Erpacaov, ovd’ av 5d’ éyt- 
yvopny xaxds. Sopu. O. C. 271. Ovnros 8 ’Opdorns* Sore py diay 
oréve. Id. El. 1172. So with od un and the Subjunctive (89, 1) ; 
ovras émireOuunxa dxovoa, Sore... 0v py covanore:POa. PLAT 


Phaedr. 227 D. 


4. The relative has sometimes a causal signification, being 
equivalent to ér:, because, and a personal pronoun or demon- 
strative word. The verb is in the Indicative, as in ordinary 
causal sentences (§ 81,1). E. g. 

Gavpacréy woreis, ds Hyiv ovdey 3idws, you do a strange thing in 
giving us nothing (like drt ov oidéy didas). XEN. Mem. I, 7, 13. 
Adfas dpabys elva, ds... éxédXeve, having seemed to be unlearned, 
because he commanded, &c. Hpt. I, 83. Tay pytépa épaxapi{or, ola 
rexvov éxvpnoe (like ori roiwy). Id. I, 31. Evéaipewy épaivero, os 
adeds nai yevvaios éreXevra, i. e. because he died 80 fearlessly and 
nobly (as bens equivalent to ére ovrws). PLat. Phaed. 58 E. 


142 RELATIVE AND TEMPORA. SENTENCES. [§ 65, 4. 


Tadairwpos ef, & pyre Geot warpe@ol elot pO lepd, i. e. since you 
have no ancestral Gods, &c. Puat. Euthyd. 302 B. (See Remark.) 
Tas dv épbas épov KaraytyvooKotre, @ 1d maparay mpds rovrovt under 
cupBdrady eorw; 1. @. stnce I have no contract at all, &c. Drew. 
Apat. 908, 22. So Arist. Ran. 1459. 


Remark. The ordinary negative particle of a causal relative 
sentence is ov, as in the first example above. (See § 81.) But ifa 
conditional force is combined with the causal, yy can be used. Thus 
in the last ees above, in which pf is used, ¢ py Geol eiorw 
(besides its ca force) implies tf, as tf appears, you are without 
ancestral Gods; and @ pndév dor, tf, as tl appears, I have no con- 
tract, ‘The same combination of a causal and a conditional force is 
seen in the Latin siquidem. ? 


Temporal Particles signitying Until and Before 
that. 


A. “Ews, “Eore, “Axpt, Méxpt, Elodxe, “Odpa, Until. 


§66. 1. When Gas, éore, dyps, pexpr, and d¢dpa, 
until, refer to a definite point of past time, at which the 
action of the verb actually took place, they take the 
Indicative. E. g. 

Nijxov mad, €ws er nrAOoy eis worapudy, I swam on again, until I 
came to a river. Od. VII, 280. ives, €ws €6€ppny’ airdv audiBaca 
PAGE otov. Eur. Alc. 758. uvetpov amovres, €ore emi rais oxnvais 
éyévovro. XEN. Cyr. VII, 5, 6. (So An. III, 4, 49.) Kat raira 
erroiouy pexpr oxdros €yevero. Id. An. IV, 2, 4. (So III, 4, 8.) 
“Os pév Opnixas dvdpas éemgyero Tuddos vids, dppa Svaddex’ exedver. 
Il, X, 488. "Hpy’ tuner, dpp adixovro xara orparoy, 7 py avayet. 
IL, XIII, 329. “Hiev, dppa peya onéos ixero. Od. V, 57. 

NoTE 1. “Axpsod and wéxpe of are used in the same sense as 
dype and péyps. E. g. 

Tov 8€ rav’ra mpatavroy diy ps od dde 6 Adyos eypadero Tiaidovos 
mpeaBuraros ay trav adeAhav ray apyny elye. XEN. Hell. VI, 4, 37. 
Tovs “EAAnvas dmeAvzaro Sovdeias, dor’ édevbepous eivas mex ps od 
ndAwv avrot avrovs xareSovAw@oavro. PLAT. Menex. 245 A. 

Note 2. Herodotus uses és 6 or és ov, until, like éws, with the 
Indicative. E. g. 

"Amedeixvucay maida warpds éxacroy eédvra, és & anéde~ay dsrdcas 
adrds. Hor. II, 143. ’Es od Aiyns avetpe. I, 67. 


2. When these particles refer to the future, they are 


§ 66, 3.] “Ewes, ETC. WITH INDIC., SUBJ.. AND OPTATIVE. 143 


joined with ay or «¢ and take the Subjunctive, if the 
leading verb is primary. (See § 61, 8.) But if such 
clauses depend upon an Optative in protasis or apodosis, 
or in a wish, they usually take the Optative (without 
av) by assimilation. (See § 61,4.) E.g. 


Maynoopat able pévwr, elws xe rédos roddpoto xixelo, until I shall 
come to an end of the war. Il. III, 291. “Eas 3 dy ody xpos rov wapor- 
ros éexpaéns, eX é\rida. Sopx. O. T. 834. ’Emioyes, gor’ dy xat 
Ta Aowra wpoopabys, wait until you shall learn, &. AEscH. Prom. 
697, Méxps 8 dy éyd fre, al orovdat pevdvroy. XEN. An. II, 3, 
24. "AAA per’, Sppa xé ros pedXendéa olvov dveixw, but wait, until I 
shall bring, &c. Il. V1, 258. So épp' dy ricwow, IL I, 509. 

Kai rd pew dy éEareihaer, 7d 8¢ madi eyypadaser, ews 3d rs pddsora 
avOponea On Ocopirn woinoecay, unt they should make, &c. 
Puat. Rep. VI, 501 C. Ei 8€ wavy crovdd{os payeiv, etroup’ dv ore 
gapa rais yuvatiy torw, gas waparelvatps rovroy,i. e. I would 
tell him this, until I put hum to torture. Xen. Cyr. I, 3, 11. 


Nore 1. It will be seen by the examples, that the clause after 
é#s and other particles signifying unt sometimes implies a future 
purpose or object, the attainment of which is desired. en such a 
sentence, implying a purpose or object which would have been 
originally expressed by a Subjunctive, depends upon a past tense, 
it generally takes the Optative (§ 31, 1); but the Subjunctive also 
may be used, in order to retain the mood in which the purpose 
would have been originally conceived (as in final clauses, § 44, 2). 
For the general principle, see § 77. E. g. 

Lsovdas érrocnoavro, €ws amayyeA Gein ra A|exGevra els Aaxedai- 
pova, they made a truce, (to continue) until what had been said should 
be announced at Sparta. N. Hell. Il, 2, 20. (Here éws ay a 
yed6y might have been used; as in Tuuc. I, 90, éxéAevew (rovs 
mpéeaBes) emoyxeiv, €ws dy rd retxos ixavdv alpwow.) See § 77, 1, d. 

Nore 2. Homer uses e?s & xe (or eiodxe), until, with the Sub- 
junctive, as Herodotus uses és 6 with the Indicative (§ 66, 1, N. 2); 
as pipvete, eis 5 nev doru peya Tpidpoto €Awpeyr, Il. Il. 332. Eis d 
xe may take the Optative, retaining xé; as in Il. XV, 70. 

Note 8. “Av is sometimes omitted after dws, &c. (including spiv, 
§ 67, 1) when they take the Subjunctive, as in common protasis 
and in relative sentences (§ 50, 1, N. 8; § 63, 1); after pexps and 
apiv this occurs even in Attic prose. Thus gor’ éyo pédo, SOPH. 
Aj. 1183; péxpt mrods yernra, THuc. I, 1387: see THuc. IV, 16; 
AESCHIN. Cor. § 60. 


3. When the clause introduced by éws, &c., until, 
refers to a result which was not attained in past time in 
consequence of the non-fulfilment ofa condition, it takes 
asccondary tense of the Indicative. (See § 63, 2.) KE. g. 


144 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 66, 3. 


“H8ews dy rour@ ert Sieheydpny, Ews a’r@ tiv rou "Apdiovos am é- 
Swxa prow avri a Tou Zibov, 1 should gladly have pi sate to talk 
with him, until I had given him, &c. Piat. Gorg. 506 B. Ovr dv 
eravépny, ws aremespadny ris coias ravtnci. Id. Crat. 396 C 
"Emoxev dv, éws of meio trav ciwbdrav yropny dnepnvarro, 
.... novyiay dy Fyov, i. e. I should have waited until most of the regu- 
lar speakers had declared their opinion, &c. Dem. Phil I,§ 1. (For 
dy here, see § 42, 3.) 

The leading verb must be an Indicative implying the non-fulfil- 
ment of a condition. 


4. When the clause introduced by éws, &c., until, de- 
pends upon a verb denoting a customary action or a 
general truth, and refers indefinitely to any one of a 
series of occasions, it takes av and the Subjunctive after 
primary tenses, and the simple Optative after secondary 
tenses. (See § 62.) E. g. | 

*A & dy dovvraxra 9, dvdyxn ravra aei mpdypara mapéyew, ews ds 
xopav AGB, they must always make trouble, until they are put in 
order. XEN. Cyr. IV, 5,37. ‘Owdre Spa ein dpicrov, dvépevev av- 
rovs €ore €ugayorey ti, as pn Bovrdcuger. Ib. VIII, 1, 44. LHeps- 
epevopev ody éxaorote, Ews avotxOein rd Secuwrnpoy, we waited 
every day, until the prison was opened. PLat. Phaed. 59 D. (This 
may mean unit the prison should be opened ; § 66, 2, N 1.) 

Note. “Av is sometimes omitted after gas, &c. and mpiv, when 
they take the Subjunctive in this sense, as well as in the other con- 
struction (§ 66, 2, N. 3); as év r@ gpoveiy yap under Adicros Bios, 

i 2 pddys. Sopn. Aj. 555. So édpa re- 


€ws Td Xatpew cai ro Avreioba 
Adoon, Ul. 1, 82; and és ob amoddvwor, Hor. Il, 31. 


Remark. When gos and Sppa mean 380 long as, they are rela- 
tives, and are included under §§ 58-64. “Odpa in all its senses is 
confined to Epic and Lyric poetry. (See § 43, N. 1.) 


B. Upiv, Until, Before that. 


§ 67. piv, before, before that, until, besides taking the 
Indicative, Subjunctive, and Optative, on the same principles 
with éws, &c. (§ 66), may also take the Infinitive (§ 106). 
The question of choice between the Infinitive and the finite 
moods generally depends on the nature of the leading clause. 

Ipiv regularly takes the Subjunctive and Optative (when 
they are allowed) only if the leading clause is negative or 


§ 67, 2.] CONSTRUCTIONS AFTER [Ipis. 145 


interrogative with a negative implied; very seldom if that is 
affirmative. It takes the Indicative after both negative and 
affirmative clauses, but chiefly after negatives. 

In Homer the Infinitive is the mood regularly used with 
wpiv, after both affirmative and negative clauses; in Attic 
Greek it is regularly used after affirmatives, and seldom after 
negatives. 


1. The Indicative, Subjunctive, and Optative after 
api follow the rules already given for éws, &c. (§ 66). 
E. g. 

(Indic. § 66, 1.) Ovx Rv dréEnp obdév, dAXd hapydxav xpeia 


kareckéAdorro, mpiv y’ eye oqiow €8erta xpaces nriwv axeopatur, 
unil I showed them, &c. ArscH. Prom. 481. TdAw rovro répvop 
OvK émavnxe, mply.... €Xarddpnoe par ey Bixy. PLat. Phaedr. 
266 A. Ov« nkiocay vedrepdy rt woreiv és avtdv, mpiv ye 81) avrois 
avnp “Apyidvwos unvurns yiyverar, until he becomes, ko. (Histor. 
Pres.) Tuuc. 1,182. Wodda énabev, mpiv yé of xpvodpruxa xovpa 
xarwdy TladAas fveyxev. Pinp. OL I, 92. "AvwAddug$e mpiv 
épa. Eur. Med. 1178. 

(Subj. and Opt. § 66,2.) Od na ce eye A€yw (eddaipova), mpi» 
&y reXevrngavta Kadas rov aldva rvO@pat. T. I, 82. Ovde 
Ange, mpiv dv 7} Kopé€aon Kxeap,-...€An Tis apxayv. AESCH. Prom. 
165. Ov xpy pe evOevde aredOeiv, mpiv dv 80 Bixny. XEN, AN. V, 
7,5. "AX ovsér’ fywy’ dv, mp Tdo0cp’ dpbdv eros, pepdopeven dy 
xatapainv. Sopu. O. T. 505. So THEOGN. 126, mpi» meipnOeins. — 
So apiy e£exvocev, depending on a protasis (ei uy dvein), PLAT. 
Rep. VI, 515 E. “Odoto pyre, wply pddorp? ef nat madw yrouny 
peroioes. SopuH. Phil. 961. (Ipiv after Opt. in wish.) ’Amnydpeve 
pndeva Bdddey, wpiv Kipos €prdno bein Onpav, until Cyrus should 
be satisfied. XEn. Cyr. { 4,14. (§ 66, 2, N. 1.) 

(Indic. § 66,3.) “Eypny ov» rods adAdous py mpdrepoy mepl ray 
Gpodoyoupévev oupBovdrevery, mpiv mept trav dudsaBnroupévwy jpas 
€didagtav, they ought not to have given advice, §c., until they had 
instructed us, &c. Isoc. Paneg. p. 44 C. § 19. 

(Subj. and Opt. § 66, 4.) ‘Opéo«s rods rpeoBurépous ov mpdabev 
aruvras yaorpos évexa, mpiy dv ddbaory of apyovres. XEN. Cyr. I, 
2,8. Ov yap mpérepov xarnyopos mapa rois axovovow loyvet, mpiv ay 

pyov advvarnon ras mpoetpnpevas airias droAvcacGa. AES- 
CHIN. F. L. § 2. Ovdapdbev adiecav, spy wapadetey airois dpi- 
orov, before they had placed before them. Kun. jen IV, 5, 30. 

(Subj. without dy. § 66, 2, N. 3.) My orévafe, rply pdbys. SOPH. 

Phil. 917. So Od. X, 175; Hor. I, 186; Puat. Phaed. 62 C. 


2. For piv with the Infinitive, see § 106. 


7 J 


146 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES. [§ 67. 


NotTE 1. In Homer, xpi» is not found with the Indicative, spi» 
y’ Gre taking its place; a few cases occur of the Subjunctive (with- 
out dy) and the Optative; but the most common Homeric construc- 
aon in sentences of all kinds, is that with the Infinitive (§ 106). 

. g 

“HyeO? dru(speva, cavides 8 Eyov ev dpapvia, mplv y dre 87 pe woe 
vids and peydpoo xddeooer, 1. @. before the ite zal Bee. Od. XXII, 
43. So Il. IX, 588; XII, 437. °O ides, od ydp 1e xaradvodpel’ axyvi- 
joevoi wep els ’Aigao Sdpous, mply udpotpoy Ruap ddA Oy. Od. X, 175. 
Ovx Eehey Hevyey apy wespnoacrr’ AysAnos. IL xX, 580. IIpi» 
y' ar dv with the Subjunctive is found i Od. Il, 374, and IV, 477. 


Nore 2. piv with the Infinitive after negative sentences is most 
common in Homer (Note 1), rare in the Attic poets, and again more 
frequent in Attic prose. (See Kriiger, Vol. Il, p. 258.) For ex- 
amples see § 106. 


Examples of the Subjunctive or Optative with spi» after affirma- 
tive sentences are very rare. One occurs in Isoc. Paneg. p. 44 A, 
§ 16; doris od» oleras rovs dAXous KowR Te mpdtew dyabdy, mpiv dy 
Tous mpoeoteras avrow StardAdéy, Alay drdas Exes. 


Nore 3. Ipiy 7, mpérepov 7 (priusquam), and mpéober 7 may be 
used in the same constructions as mpiv. pi» 7 is especially common 
in Herodotus. E. g. 

Ov ydp 381) wporepov anavéotn, mply €as Umoyxeipious €r0tn- 
pee bel L 45. So Tuc. Prt ne "Adtxées vas aiBGuuvee 
mpiv 7 arpexews €xpabn. Hprt. VII, 10. Edyero pndepiav of cuvre- 
Xinv rocavrny yeverOat, 7 py mavoe. KatactpéWacba rHy Evpomny, 
mporepov i éml réppact roics exeiyns yevnrac. Id. VII, 54. 
IIpdrepov 7 with Indic., PLat. Phaedr. 232 E. Ipdadev % ov 
€paivov, rovr éxnpvxon. SopH. O. T. 736. *Amexpivaro drt mpo- 
abev dy droddavaev ) ra Orta wapadoinaay, that they would die 
before they would give up their arms. nN. An. I, 1, 10. (See 
§ 66, 2. 

For eee of the Infinitive after all these expressions, see 
§ 106. Even vorepoy # is found with the Infinitive. 


Note 4. Ipiv or mply 7 is very often preceded by mpdérepoy, 
eet mapos, or another mpiv (used as an adverb), in the leading 
clause. E. g. 

Ov r gure pov spds nuas rév méd\epov efehnvav, w ply évdutcay, 
x-T.A. XEN. An i, 1, 16. Ov rotvuy droxpivotpa mpdtepor, 
mpiv dy rvdwpat. PLat. Euthyd. 295C. Kai ob rpda dev éornoay, 
m pty i mpos Trois meLois ray "Acoupioy éyévovro. XEN. Cyr. I, 4, 23. 

For examples with the Infinitive, see § 106. 


Norse 5. When zpiv appears to be followed by a primary tense 
of the Indicative, it is an adverb qualifying the verb. E. g. 

Thy 8 eyd ov Avcw* wpiv pu Kal yipas Ewetoey, Le. sioner 
shall old age come upon her. I. I, 29. a 


§ 68, 3.] INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 147 


SECTION IV. 


Inpimect DIScouRSE, INCLUDING INDIRECT QUOTATIONS 
AND QUESTIONS. 


§68. 1. The words or thoughts of any person may 
be quoted either directly or indirectly. 

A direct quotation is one which gives the exact words 
of the original speaker or writer. 

An indirect quotation is one in which the words of 
the original speaker conform to the construction of 
the sentence in which they are quoted. Thus the ex- 
pression TAUTG, Rovropar may be quoted either directly, 
as deyer Tis “ ravTa Rovdopat,” or indirectly, as eyes TL 
OTs Tavta BovaAeras or eyes Tis tadta BovrecOast, some 


one says that he wishes for these. 


2. Indirect quotations may be introduced by ore or 
as (negatively Ste ov, ws ov) or by the Infinitive, as in 
the example given above ; sometimes also by the Parti- 
ciple (§ 73, 2). 


3. Indirect questions follow the same rules as indirect 
quotations, in regard to their moods and tenses. (For 
examples see § 70.) 


Nore. The term indirect discourse must be understood to 
apply to all clauses which express tndirectly the words or 
thoughts of any person (those of the speaker himself as well 
as those of another), after verbs which imply thought or the 
expression of thought (verba sentiendi et declarandt), and even 
after such expressions as 37)\dv éorw, cages dor, &C. 

The term may be further applied to any single dependent 
clause in any sentence, which indirectly expresses the thought 
of any other person than the speaker (or past thoughts of the 
speaker himself), even when the preceding clauses are not in 
indirect discourse. (See § 77.) 


148 INDIRECT DISCOURSE. [§ 69, 1. 


General Principles of Indirect Discourse. 


Remark. The following are the general principles of in- 
direct discourse, the application of which to particular cases is 
shown in §§ 70 —77. 


§69. 1. In indirect quotations after 67+ or ws and 
in indirect questions, after primary tenses, each verb 
retains both the mood and the tense of the direct dis- 
course, no change being made except (when necessary) 
in the person of the verb. 

After secondary tenses, each primary tense of the 
Indicative and each Subjunctive of the direct discourse 
may be either changed to the same tense of the Opta- 
tive or retained in its original mood and tense. The 
Imperfect and Pluperfect, having no tenses in the Opta- 
tive, are regularly retained in the Indicative. (See, 
however, § 70, Note 1, 6.) The Aorist Indicative re- 
mains unchanged when it belongs to a dependent clause 
of the direct discourse (§ 74, 2); but it may be changed 
to the Optative, like the primary tenses, when it be- 
longs ' to the leading clause G 70, 2). The Indicative 
with av belongs under § 69, 2 


2. All secondary tenses of the Indicative implying 
non-fulfilment of a condition (§ 49, 2), and all Opta- 
tives (with or without av), are retained without change 
in either mood or tense, after both primary and second- 
ary tenses. 


3. When, however, the verb on which the quotation 
depends is followed by the Infinitive or Participle, the 
leading verb of the quotation is changed to the corre- 
sponding tense of the Infinitive or Participle, after both 
primary and secondary tenses (av being retained when 
there is one), and the dependent verbs follow the pre- 
ceding rules. (See § 738.) 


7 


§ 70, 1.] SIMPLE SENTENCES. 149 


4. The adverb av is never joined with a verb in in- 
direct discourse, unless it stood also in the direct form: 
on the other hand, av is never omitted with a verd in 
indirect discourse, if it was used in the direct form. 
When ay is joined to a relative word or particle before 
a Subjunctive in the direct discourse, it is regularly 
dropped when the Subjunctive is changed to the 
Optative in indirect discourse. (See, however, § 74, 1, 
N. 2.) 


5. The indirect discourse regularly retains the same 
negative particle which would be used in the direct 
form. But the Infinitive and Participle occasionally 
take 4) in indirect quotation, where ov would be used 
in direct discourse. See examples under § 73. 


Simple Sentences in Indirect Quotations after Ort or ws 
and in Indirect Questions. 


§'70. When the direct discourse is a simple sentence, 
the verb of which stands in any tense of the Indicative 
(without av), the principle of § 69, 1, gives the follow- 
ing rules for indirect quotations after rs or ws and 
for indirect questions : — 


1. After primary tenses the verb stands in the In- 
dicative, in the tense used in the direct discourse. 
K. g. 

Acyes ors ypages, he says that he is writing; reyes ors fypagdey 
he says that he was writing ; Adyet Ore yeypaper, he suys that he has 
tworitien ; Adyes Gri Cyeypaghes, he says that he had writien; déyes 
ore ey pawey, he says that he wrote; eyes drs ypawes, he says that 
he shalt wrtie. 


Adyes yap as oi8ev daoriy adieorepoy nuns. AESCHIN. Timarch. 

§ 125. O3 yap dy rourd y' eirois, as pal Id. F. L. § 151 (160). 
Lu & iore, Gre wicioroy Scapéepes Hnyn nal oveohavria. Ib. § 145 
153). “AAA’ évvoeiv xpi) Touro pév, yuvaiy’ dre Ehuper. Sopu. 
t. 61. Kal rad’ as adyOn A€yo, kal dre odre €3dOn 7 Wnhos ov 


150 INDIRECT DISCOURSE. [§ 70, 1 


Grac: wrelous r éyévorTro TaY Evev, ud s tpiy rasefo- 
pat, I will bring pitneiens to He A bende Dex. Eu ul. 1303, 2. 

"Epwrg ri BovrAovra, he asks what they want; épwrG ri won oov- 
ov, ke asks what they will do. "Epwravres ei Anotai elosv, asking 
whether they are pirates. THuc. I, 5. EvBois- dv 8 €BrXacrev, 
ovK €yw Aeyew. SopH. Trach. 401. Ei fipmrovnoers xai Evvep- 
ydoes oxére. Id. Ant. 41. So Eur. Alc. 784. 


ReMARK. It is to be noticed that indirect questions after primary 
tenses take the Indicative in Greek, and not the Subjunctive as in 
Latin. Thus, nescio quis sit, J know not who he ts, in Greek is simp 
dyvod ris €ortv. This does not apply to indirect questions whic 
would require the Subjunctive in the direct form (§ 71). 


2. After secondary tenses the verb may be either 
changed to the Optative or retained in the Indicative. 
The Optative is the more common form. In both 
Indicative and Optative, the tense used in the direct: 
discourse must be retained. KE. g. 


“Erefev drt ypagos (or ors ypages), he said that he was writing ; 
i. @. he said ypdapw. “Edefev Ort yeypagas ein (or ors yéypa- 
dev), he said that he had written; i, e. he said yéypapa. “EXe£ev ore 
ypayos (or ors ypawer), he said that he should write; i. e. he said 
ypayew. “Edefev ore ypawecey (or ore éypawer), he said that he had 
wrillen ; i. e. he said éypawa. 

(Optative.) ’EvérAnce ppovnparos rovs "Apxddas, Aéyar ws po- 
yous pév aurois marpis [eAorovyngos €in, mAciorov dé rev ‘EAAnvixey 

DAov rd Apxadixdy ein, Kat oopara éyxparéorara ~xos. XEN. Hell. 
VII, 1,23. (He said povos pev ipiv.... €ore, wrcioroy b€.... 
€ort, kai oopara.... éxes: these Indicatives might have been used 
in the place of ei, ein, and €yo.) “Edeye b€ 6 Ledomidas ore 
"Apyeion kal "Apxddes paxn yrTnpévos eiev Uxd Aaxedatpovior. 
Ib. VU, 1, 35. (He said jrrqvras, which might have been 
retained.) So Hpr. I, 83. ‘Yremdv rdAd\a Gre aitds rake 
mpaftot, @xero, having hinted that he would himself attend to the 
affairs there. THuc. I, 90. (He said rdxet wpaéw, and mpage 
might have been used for wpdgos. Cf. droxpwapevos Ore we pyou- 
osy, from the same chapter, quoted below.) For the Future Op- 
tative in general, see § 26. ‘O 8€ elxev Sri Eoosvro. XEN. Cyr. 
VU, 2, 19. (He said gvovra.) “Edefay Sri wépwese odas 6 
"Ivdav Baciteds, xedevov epwray €€ Grov 6 méAcpos ein, they said 
that the king of the Indians had sent them, commanding them to ask 
on what account there was war. Ib. II, 4, 7. (They said érep- 
ye» npas, and the question to be asked was ék rivos €oriy 6 mode 
pos;) “EXeyoy ors obra’ obros 6 motapés dsaBards yévorro wey 
ed ui) rore, they said that this river had never been (éyévero) fordable 
except then. Id. An. IJ, 4,18. T[epexdjs mporydpeve trois ’AOnvaios, ori 


§ 70, 2.) INDICATIVE AND OPTATIVE. 151 


"Apyidapos ol &dvos en, ob pévror éxl Kax@ ye THs wodcws ye 
ee bs anaouneed. that’ A ous Bis friend, but that he had not been 
made his “iend to the injury of the state. Tuoc. II, 18. (He said févos 
poi doriy, ov pévros... éyévero.) So Hpr. I, 25. “Eyvacay ori 
xevds 6 oBos ein. XEN. An. II, 2, 21. Upoiddvres ors Egotro 6 
wédXepos, €BovXovro rv WAdtasay wpoxaradafew. THuc. II. 2. ’Ere- 
popny air@ Sexviva, ori olorro peév elvat codds, efn 8 od. Prat. 
Apol. 21 c. 

(Indicative.) “EXeyov ors éArif{ovascy oé nal ryy wédww ee 
pos xapu, they said that they hoped, &c. Isoc. Phil. p. 87 A. § 23. 
(They said éAwifozev, which might have been changed to éAmwi{otev.) 
“Here & dyyéAXov ris Os rovs mpurdvas ds "Eddrea xareiitnarat, 
some one had come with the report that Elatea had been taken. DEM. 
Cor. 284, 21. (Here the Perf. Opt. might have been used.) Ae- 
yous Adyous eroApa sep Eeuov reyes, ws eyo rd mpayp elpt rovro 
SeSpaxas. Id. Mid. 548,17. Atrsaoduevos yap pe a nal Aéye dy 
éxvnoeé Tis, roy narépa Os améxrova eyo roy epavrov, xt.A. Id. 
Andr. 598, 14. davepas elwev Sti pev wodts chav rereixtoras 
Hon, he said that their city had already been fortified. Tuuc. I, 91. 
“Amoxpwdpeves Ors wWEpYouvgsy mpéaBes, evdds ampdrdafay. Id. I, 
90. (Cf. dre wpdéos, quoted above from the same chapter.) 
“Hideoay Gre rovs dreveyxdvras olxéras ¢farrnoopev. Dem. Onet. 
I, 870,11. (Efarjoomer might have been used.) *ErdApa Aéyew 
as trép byov éyOpovs ef’ davrdvy eiAxuce nal viv ev rois éoydrots 
é€art xuwdvvors. Md. Andr. 611, 10. 

(Indirect Questions.) “Hporycey atrdv ri rotoin (or ri roves), 
he asked him what he was doing; 1. e. he asked ri woteis; Hporncey 
airéy ti wemosnkas etn (or ri reroinxey), he asked him what he 
had done ; i.e. he asked ri renoinxas; Hporncey avrévri wosnoos 
(or ri wotnoes), he asked him what he sh do; 1. © he asked ri 
wotnoets; Hpwrnceyv airdv ri rounoecey (or ri éroingey), he 
asked him what he had done; i. e. he asked ri éroinaas ; 

“Hpero, ef ris euov etn codwrepos, he asked whether any one was 
wiser than I. Prat. Apol. 21 A. (The direct question was €ors 
ris gopworepos;) “O rs 8€ wotnoos ov deonpnve, but he did not 
indicate what he would do. XEN. An. II, 1, 28. (The direct question 
was ti woinow;) ‘Emetpora, riva Sevrepow per’ exeivoy idot, he 
asked whom he seen who came nezt to him. Hpt.I, 31. (The 
direct question was riva eides;) Elpero xdOev XAdBos rv maida, he 
asked whence he had received the boy. Id. 1,116. "Hpérav avrév ei 
avanretoeserv, I asked him whether he had set sail. Dem. Polycl. 
1228, 20. (‘Fhe direct question was dvér\evoas ;) 

"Hardpouy ri wore Néyes, I was uncertain what he meant, PLat. 
Apol. 21 B. (Here Aéyo: might have been used.) ’EBovdevov? 
otros tiv’ avrov xaradeiwpoucsy, they were considering the question, 
whom they should leave here. Dem. F. L. 378, 23. "Epwravreav rior 
hea ti dw é€Oaveyv, mapayyédAew exéAever, k.T-A. KEN. Hell. I, 1, 4 


Remark 1. After secondary tenses the Indicative and 


152 INDIRECT DISCOURSE. [§ 70, 2. 


Optative are equally classic; the Optative being used when 
the writer wishes to incorporate the quotation entirely into his 
own sentence, and the Indicative, when he wishes to quote it 
in the original words as far as the construction of his*own 
sentence allows. The Indicative here, like the Subjunctive in 
final and object clauses after secondary tenses (§ 44, 2), is 
merely a more vivid form of expression than the Optative. 
We even find both moods in the same sentence, sometimes 
when one verb is to be especially emphasized, and sometimes 
when there is no apparent reason for the change. E. g. 

Otros éXeyor Sri Kipos pev réOvnxey, *Aptaios d¢ mehevyas ey 
tp orabue ein, xal Aéyos, «r.A. XEN. An. ID, 1, 3. (Here 
TeOvnxev contains the most important part of the message.) "Ex 3¢ 
rovrov ewvuvOdvero fon avray xai érdony dddv 8inAacay, cai el 
oixotro » xwpa. Id. Cyr. IV, 4, 4. "ErdApa Acyew, os ypea re 
WALMOAAG EKTETEKED UITED ELOU Kal WS WOAAG Tov epov AaBaev. DEM. 
Aph. I, 828, 26. (See Rem. 2.) “Opowws fioay Gavydley Gros wore 
Tpéwovras ol “EXAnves cal ri dv vp Exovev. XEN. An. III, 5, 13. 


REMARK 2. The Perfect and Future were less familiar forms 
than the other tenses of the Optative; so that they were frequently 
retained in the Indicative after secondary tenses, even when the 
Present or the Aorist was changed to the Optative. (See the last 
two examples under Rem. 1.) In indirect questions the Aorist In- 
dicative was generally retained, for a reason explained in § 21, 2, 
N. 1. Some writers, like Thucydides, preferred the moods and 
tenses of the direct form, in all indirect discourse. (See § 44, 2, 


Rem.) 


Nore 1. (a.) An Imperfect or Pluperfect of the direct 
discourse is regularly retained in the Indicative, after both 
primary and secondary tenses, for want of an Imperfect or 
Pluperfect Optative. E. g. 


*Hrev dyyedos A€yov Sri rpinpes Feove wepswdeovaas, he came 
saying that ‘he had beard, cece he said fxovoyv. KEN. An. I, 2, 
21. ‘Axovoas 8¢ Revopay Edeye Gre cpOas HriGyro Kai avtTd rd 
Epyov abrois paprupoin, he said that they had accused him righily, 
and that the fact itself bore witness to them; i. e. he said épOas nria- 
oOe xai rd épyov ipiv paprupei. Ib. ILI, 8,12. Etye yap Aeyew- 
cal Gre pdvos trav ‘EAAnvev Baciet couvepaxowro ev Iaratais, xai 
drt Uorepoy ovderore oT patrevoatvro éni Baoika (he said pros 
cuvepaydspeda,...xal... ovderore Corparevoapeda). XEN. 
Hell. VU, 1, 84. Tovrey éxagrov npdpny, ‘Ovnropa pév xai Tipoxparyy, 
ef reves elev paprupes dy évavriov tiv mpoix’ amedocar, avroy 5° “Ago- 
Boy, ef rwes rapynoay Gr areddpBavev, I asked euch of these men, — 





§ 70, 2.] INDICATIVE AND OPTATIVE. 153 


Onetor and Timocrates, whether there were any witnesses before whom 
they had paid the dowry ; and Aphobus, whether there had been any 
present when he recewed tt. Dem. Onet. I, 860,10. (The two 
questions were elol pdprupés ries ; and srapiody rwes ;) 


(5.) In a few cases the Present Optative is used after 
secondary tenses to represent the Imperfect Indicative. The 
Present may thus supply the want of an Jmperfect Optative, 
as the Present Infinitive and Participle supply the want of 
Imperfects (§ 15, 3 and § 16, 2). This can be done only 
when the context makes it perfectly clear that the Optative 
represents an Imperfect, and not a Present. E. g. 

Tov Tipaydpay dréxrewvay, xarryopovvros Tov Aéovros as obre ovoxn- 
vrovy €OédXoe davrg, perd re HeAoridou mdvra Boudevorro. XEN. 
Hell. VII, 1, 88. (The words of Leon were ofre avaonnvoty 7Oer¢ - 
pot, perd re TeX. wavra €Boudevero.) Ta wenpaypéva duyourro, 
Gre avroi pev eri rois modepios TrAE ose, THY Be dvaipecw TeY vavayav 
wooordaéatey dvbpdow ixavois. Ib. I, 7,5. (The direct discourse 
Was avroi pev érAcopev, rv 8€ avalpecty mpoceragapev.) Kal pos 
wayres amexpivavtro xa éxactov, Gre ovdets paprus mapein, Kopi- 
(otro 8¢ AapBdvwv xa érocovoiy d8éoiro “AdoSos wap’ airey, they 
replied, that no witness had been present, and that Aphobus had received 
the money from them, taking it in such sums as he happened to want. 
Dem. Onet. I, 869, 12. (The direct discourse was. ovdeis pdprus 
wapny, éxopilero 3€ AauSavey cad drogovody Seorro. Lapein con- 
tains the answer to the question ef rwes wapjoay in the preceding 
sentence, which is quoted as the last example undera. The Im- 
sai in the question prevents the Optatives used in the reply 

m being ambiguous.) So Par. Rep. IV, 439 E. 


Nore 2. In indirect discourse after secondary tenses, each 
tense of the Indicative or Optative is to be translated by tts 
own past tense, to suit the English idiom. Thus elxev dre 
ypapoe (or ypddes) is he said that he was writing ; ciwev ors 
yeypapes ein (or yéypagey) is he said that he had written. 

In a few cases the Greek uses the same idiom as the Eng- 
lish, and allows the Imperfect or Pluperfect to stand irregu- 
larly with drs or és after a secondary tense, where regularly 
the Present or Perfect (Optative or Indicative) would be re- 
quired. In such cases the context must make it clear that 
the tense represented is not an Imperfect or Pluperfect (Note 
1,a) E.g. 

"Ev wodAg aropia foay of “EXAnves, Evvoovpevos pev Gre emi rais 

tws Oupais Raoav, Kicrw Be avrois... mddes wolkmas Boar 
7* 


154 INDIRECT DISCOURSE. [§ 70, 2 


cyopay Be ovdeis Ere wapéfaw EnerrNev, dwetxoyw 8é rns ‘EAXNados 
ov petoy } pipta orddia,....mpovdsedanecay dé uvrovs xal o 
BdapBapo, pdévas 8€ xararedetppevos Foaw ovde innéa ovdeva 
cuppayoy éyovres. XEN. An. III, 1, 2.. (In all these cases the direct 
discourse would be in the Present or Perfect Indicative.) Aéyeras 
8 aurdy yvova Sf @ éx apes, it is said that he knew fur what he wus 
coming. THuc.1, 134. (Here ywpoin or ywpet would be the regular 
form.) Ard rdv yOifivdv dvOperoy, bs npas dedver, eLanaray Kai 
Aéyor os perabnraos hy xal ray Tau apHros xareinos, i. e&. saying 
Prrabnvacds eis cai ray Zaup mporos careimov. ARIST. Vesp. 
283. (Here eiui is changed to 4», and not to «ty: xareiroy could 
have been changed only to careizot.) 

In these examples the principle usually observed in indirect dis- 
course, — that the tenses employed in the quotation denote relative 
not absolute time (§ 9),—1is given up, and the Imperfect and Plu- 

ect denote absolute time, as in causal sentences (§ 81,1). See 

81, 2, Rem. 


Nore 8. (a.) An indirect quotation, with its verb in the Opta- 
tive after drs or ds, is sometimes followed by an independent sen- 
tence with an Optative, which continues the quotation as if it were 
itself dependent on the dre or @s. Such sentences are generally 
introduced by ydp. E. g. 


“Heovoy 3 éyayé rivev ds odd rots Auysevas Kal ras ayopas érs 
Sdcoey air@ Kaprovobat' ra yap Kowd Ta Cerraday awd rovrav 8éos 
8iorxeiv, for (as they said) they must administer, &. Dem. Ol. I, 15, 
22. "Amexpivavro air ore adivata odiow ein sotey A mpoxadeiras 
dvev "A@nvaiwy* aides yap opdy cal yuvaixes map éxeivois einoay. 
Tuve. II, 72. “Edeyor Gre wavris dia Aéyou TSevOns* xetudv yap 
ely, x.r.A. Ken. An. VI, 3, 13. 


(b.) Such independent sentences with the Optative are sometimes 
found even when no py ac precedes, in which case the context 
mare contains some allusion to another's thought or expression. 

. g 

‘Yréoxero riv dvdp "Ayaois révde Snrdacew dywv’ ofotro pey 
pari éxovotoy AaBdy, ef py Odor 8’, deovra, i. e. he thought (as he 
said), &c. Sopu. Phil. 617. "AdAd yap oid rt waAXAov fy dOdvaroy, 
GAAG Kai atrd rd els avOpdrov capa éOeiv apy? Hv avr7y ddcbpov, 
bowep vécos: ral radaimepoupévn te 89 rovrov rév Biov (qn, xai 
reheuTaod ye €y T@ Kadoupévw Gavdrm dmodAVorwo, and (according 
to the theory) ut lives tn misery, §c., and finally perishes in what ts 
called death. PLat. Phaed. 95 D. (Plato is here merely stating 
the views of others. For the Imperfects in the first sentence, see 
§ 11, Note 6.) 


§ 7. When a question in the direct form would be 
expressed by an interrogative Suljunctive (§ 88), indirect 


§ 71.] INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE. 195 


questions after primary tenses retain the Subjunctive ; 
after secondary tenses the Subjunctive may be either 
changed to the same tense of the Optative or retained 
in its original form. K. g. 


Iipés appérepa aropa, raitny & Gros éxda nal Tarr’ dadbev 
8corxe, I am at a loss on both questions, how I shall give her a dowry 
(was ravrnv é€x80;), and whence I shall pay other expenses (dev 
rdd\Aa Storxad;). Dem. Aph. I, 834, 18. BovAevoua dros ce 
amrodpa, lam trying to think how I shall escape you (was oe drodpe ;). 
XEN. Cyr. I, 4,13. Ove fyw ri A€yow, I know not what I shall say. 
Dem. Phil. II, 124, 24. So in Latin, non habeo quid dicam. in 
ArscH. Prom. 470, ovx éyw oddiop’ itp ... dmadXayae may be 
explained on this principle as interrogative; or by § 65, 1, N. 3, as 
a relative clause. Ov yap 8) 8¢ dmetpiay ye ov dnoes txew 6 re 
eimns, for tt ts not surely through inexperience that you wil declare 
that you know not what to say (i. e. ri elw@;). Dem. F. L. 878, 4. 
So 6786 and ols 86. Xen. An. I, 7,7. Ta dé éxmadpara ove od’ 
ei Xpvodvrg rovrm 80, I do not know whether I shall give them, &c. 
Id. Cyr. VII, 4, 16. 


"Ev 8€ of Hrop .. . . pepunpitev, HO ye... Tous pev dvacTHnaetey, 
6 3 ’Arpeidny évapifor, né xdAov mavaerev, Eepnrvuaecre re Guydy. 
U. I, 191. (The direct questions were rovs nev dvaotnaw, Atpei- 
dnv 8 eévapifa;—né ravoe, épnrvaw re;) KAnpous maddoy, 
vandrepos 87 mpocbev ahein xaAxeoy Eyxos, i. e. they shook the lots, to 
decide which should first throw his spear, the question being sérepos 
apéobev apn; Il. IIT,317. "Emnpovro, ef mapadotev Kopwbias ry 
modu, they asked whether they should give up their city, the question 
being rwapadadpev rv médw; THoc. I, 25. "EBovAevovro ei ta 
oxevopdpa évravOa dyotvro  amiosey émt 1d orpardmedov. XEN. 
An. J,10,17. (So An. I, 10,5.) "Hadpe dr: ypnoatro ro mpa- 

part, he was at a loss how to act in the matter, 1. e. ri ypnowpat ; 

d. Hell. VII, 4, 39. Ov yap efyopev.... Gras Spavres xadds 
wpaéatpey, for we could not see how we should fare well, if we did 
wt. Sopy. Ant, 272. 

*Amopéovros 8€ Baoitéos 6 Ts XpHaonrat Te wapedvrs mprypatt, 
"EmdAtns HAGE of és Adyous. Hprt. VIL. 213. “Hirdpyce pev drore- 
pooe Staxivduvevan xopnoas. THuc. I, 63. Of Wrarans éBou- 
Aevovro cire kaTaxavacwoty Somep exovar, eire Ts GAAO XpHowy- 
rat, whether they should burn them as they were, or deal with them in 
some other way. Id. Il, 4. *Awopnoavres Gry xaboppicwrvrat, és 
Iparny riv vicov érdeveay. Id. IV, 13. 


REMARK 1. The context must decide whether the Optative in 

indirect questions represents a Subjunctive (§ 71) or an Indicative 

§ 70, 2). The distinction is especially important when the Aorist 
tative is used (§ 21, 2, N.1). See also § 74, 2, N. 1. 


REMARK 2. When the leading verb is in the Optative with a, 


156 INDIRECT DISCOURSE. L$ 71 


the Optative may be used in indireet questions of this class. See 
examples in § 34, 3. 


Note 1. The particle commonly used in the sense of whether in 
indirect questions is ei, which can introduce a Subjunctive, as well 
as an Indicative or Optative. (See Xen. Cyr. VIII, 4, 16, quoted 
above.) “Edy cannot mean whether; and when this introduces a 
clause resembling an indirect question, the expression is really a 
protasis, with an apodosis suppressed or implied (§ 53, N. 2). E. g. 

Ei 8¢€ cos ps) Soxet, oxdyrar €dy rdde cor paddAov dpéakn’® Hnyui yap 
ey® rd vdutpov Sixaoy sh XEN. Mem. i 4, 12. (The Laie 
here is, but tf that does not please you, examine, tn case this shall suit 
you better (that then you may adopt tt) ; and not, look to see whether this 
suits you better. If éay dpéoxy is an indirect question, it can represent 
no form of direet question which includes the.dv. Even dpéoxy 
alone could not be explained as an interrogative Subjunctive, by 
§ 88.) "Edy dpéoxy in the passage just quoted is similar to éd» 
evsecgapeda in PLAT. Rep. v. 455 B: BovAes ovv Sedpeba rou ra 
Totatra avriidyovros dxodovOjoat piv, €dv mws pets exeivp ev dec- 
Ea peda, ore ovdev corw émrndevpa tov; shall we then ask the one 
who makes such objections to follow us, in case we can in any way show 
him that, &c.? See Xen. An. Il, 1, 8; and Arist. Nub. 535. 
(Such sentences belong under § 58, N. 2. See also § 77, 1, c.) 


Norte 2. Ei xe with the Subjunctive in Homer sometimes forms 
an indirect question, representing the Epic Subjunctive with xé in 
the direct question. (See § 87, Note.) E g. : 

Mevere Spa Wnr’ al « dpyw Uméepaxn xeipa Kpoviov; are you 
waiting that you may see whether the son of Kronos will hold his hand 
lo protect you? IL 1V, 249. (The direct question would be ixép- 
oxy xe xetpa;) Here the xé always belongs to the verb, so that this 
Epic construction is no authority for the supposed Attic use of éa» 
and the Subjunctive in the same sense. See Note 1. 


§ 72. When the verb of the direct discourse stands 
with av in the Indicative or Optative (forming an apo- 
dosis), the same mood and tense are retained in indi- 
rect quotations with 07s and s and in indirect questions, 
gfter both primary and secondary tenses. (See § 69, 2.) 
K. g. 

Aéyet Ere rovro dy éy évero, he says that this would have happened: 
éXeyev dre rovro av éyévero, he said that this would have happened. 
Aéyet (or édeyev) dre obros Sixaiws dy Odvos, he says (or said) thal 
this man would jusily be put to death. 


(Gepsoroxdjys) direxpivaro, drt or Av airds Sepiquos dv dvopacrds 
éyévero oir éxeivos "AOnvaios, he replied that he should not have 


§ 73, 1.] INFINITIVE. 157 


hecome famous himself if he had been a Seriphian, nor would the other 
he had been an Athenian. PLat. Rep. I, 830 A. "Epvosire, drs 
as adv ordois ein dvis dpxovros 4 woddov. XEN. An. VI, 1, 29. 
Amexpivaro, ort wpoodey &v amobavotey f ra Omla trapadsoingay. 
%b. I, 1, 10. (The direct discourse was rpocbev dv drobavor- 
wey.) TTapedOov ris Secédra, as of Gerradol viv oix dy edevbepor 
yévyotyro dopevos. Dem. OL. II, 20, 18. Ovd cidevas dnoi ri as 
yoey tpiry yapioacro. Id. F. L. 356, 13. Ovn gym ris dv yevoi 
yay. AxSsCH. Prom. 905. So 907. "Hpdrev ef Soier Av rovres 
ra mora. XEN. An. IV, 8, 7. 


Nore. The same rule applies when a secondary tense of the 
ndicative in apodosis with dy omitted (§ 49, 2, N. 2) is quoted. 
-+ Ze 

("Endeyev) ort... . xpeirroy fy avrg rore anobaveiy, he said that it 
‘yere better for him to die at once. Lys. X, p. 117,§ 25. (The direct 
discourse was xpeirrov jj v pot.) 


§ 73. 1. When the Infinitive is used in the indirect 
quotation of a simple sentence, which had its verb in 
the Indicative (with or without av) or the Optative 
(with av), the verb is changed in the quotation to the 
same tense of the Infinitive, after both primary and 
secondary tenses. If av was used in the direct dis- 
course, it must be retained with the Infinitive. 

The Present and Perfect Infinitive here represent the 
Imperfect and Pluperfect (as well as the Present and 
Perfect) Indicative. (§ 15,3; § 18,38, Rem.) KE. g. 


@noi ypadew, he says that he is writing; én ypadew, he said that 
ke was daha gnoe ypapew, he will say that Pe hen) writing. 
(The direct discourse is here ypagdow.) noi (én) ypaperw dy, ei 
éduvaro, he says (or said) that he should now be writing, if he were 
able. (He says éypagoy dy.) dnai (én) ypdpeay ay, et duvairo, 
he says (or said) that he should write, if he should (ever) be able. (He 
Bays ypadotpe ay.) 

Snot ypayas, he says that he wrote; &pn ypayvat, he said that he had 
writen; dnoes ypawa, he will say that he wrote. (He says éypaywa. 
See § 23, 2.) noi (én) ypdyar dy, el édubn, he says (or said) 
that he should have written, +f he had been able. (He says éypawa 
dy.) not (€pn) ypdyar dy, ef dvvnein, he says (or said) that he 
should write, if he should (ever) be able. (He says ypawacpe ay.) 

noi (dno) yeypapéevat, he says (or will say) that he has written ; 
épn yeypupeva, he said that he had written. (He says yéypada.) 

or the Perfect with dy, see below. 

Pnoi (pnoe) ypayew, he says (or will say) that he will write; épy 
yeayew, he said that he would write. (He says yodyo.) 


158 INDIRECT DISCOURSE. [§ 73, 1. 


(Present.) “Appworei» spopaciferat, he pretends that he is sick. 
"Efdpocev appwaorety rovrovi, he took his oath that this man was 
sick. Dem. F. L. 379, 15 and 17. Ov« én atrds GAX’ éxeivoy 
orparnyety, he said that not he himself, but Nicias, was general ; 
i. @. he said, ovx éyd avrds GAN’ éexeivos orparyyet. THuc. IV, 28. 
Tivas wor’ ebyas twohapBdver’ edxea Oat riv Siditroy Gr éowevdev; 
what prayers do you suppose Phitp made, &c.? Dem. F. L. 381, 10. 
(Edxyer6a: here represents ni yero: for other examples of the Im- 
perfect, see § 15, 3.) Otuar yap dy obk dyapiorws por €xerv, for I 
think it would not bea thankless labor ; i. €. ovx av €xy or. XEN. An. 
II, 3,18. Olfecbe yap rév warépa....ovx dy hurarrety xai Thy 
Tiny AapBdvery rav madoupevoy EvrAwy, do you think that he would 
not have taken care and have received the pay, &c.? i. e. ovx dy 
AlN cat ¢AdpBavev; Dem. Timoth. 1194, 20. (See 

41, 1. 

Chavet.) Karaoyxety gnas rovrovs, he says that he detained them. 
Tovs 3 alypadorovs ote? évOupnOnvai dyor AvoavOa, but he says 
that he did not even think of ransoming the prisoners. Dem. F. L. 358, 
14 and 18, (He says xarécyov, and ovd’ dvebupnOny.) “O Kipos 
Aéyeras yevéo Gar KapSvoew, Cyrus is said to have been the son of 
Cambyses. Kun. Cyr. I, 2, 1. Tovs "A@nvaiouvs fAm{ev tows av 
éwmeEeOeiv nai rny yqv oik dv wepscdeiv runOnva, he hoped that 
the Athenians would perhaps march out, and not allow their land to 
be laid waste; i.e. tows dv dwmeEeX Gorey xal ovx dy wepsidocer. 
Tuc. Il, 20. *Amgecav vopicavres py dy ere ixavoi yevér Oat 
kwodvoa rov rexiopdv. Id. VI, 102. (Here ov« dv yevoiueba would 
be the direct form. (See § 69,5.) SolI,139. Ov« dv Hyeio@ avrov 
way émcdpapeiv, do you not believe that (in that cuse) he would 
have run thither? i.e. ovx av éwéSpapev; Dem. Aph. I, 831, 12. 
(See § 41, 3.) | 

(Perfect.) dnoiv airds atrios yeyerna Gar, he says, airwos yey€- 
ynpat. Dem. F. L. 352, 26. Eixaloy 4} didxorvra olyerOa i xara- 
AnWopevoy re mpoeAnAakévast. XEN. An. I, 10, 16. (Their 
thought was 7 didxcay otyerat, 7... mpoerdnraxev. See § 10, 
N. 4.) “Edn xpnyal davr@ rovs OnBaious émixexnpuxeévas, he said 
that the Thebans had offered a reward for him. Dem. F. L. 347, 26. 
For examples of the Perfect Infinitive with dy, representing the 
sir wana Indicative and the Perfect Optative, see § 41, 2. 

(Future.) ’EmayyéAAeras ra dicasa wotnoecy, he promises to 
do what is right. Dem. F. L. 356, 10. So 0.1, 161. “Eqn évrds 
nuepav etxoow fh d£ecy Aaxedaipovious (avras } avrou dmoxreveiy, 
he said that within twenty days he would either bring them alive or kill 
them where they were. THuc. IV, 28. (Cleon said # df...4 
Gwoxreva.) Tavra (pnol) rempakerOas dvow h pay nuepaor, 
he says that this will have been accomplished within two or three days. 
Dem. F. L. 364,18. (See § 29, Note 6.) For the rare Future In- 
finitive with dy, see § 41, 4. 


_ Remark. For the meaning of each tense of the Infinitive in 
indirect discourse, see § 15, 2; § 18, 3; § 28, 2; and§ 27. It will 


§ 73, 2.] ’ ‘ PARTICIPLE. 159 , 


be seen that these tenses (especially the Aorist) in this use differ 
essentially from the same tenses in other constructions; it is there- 
fore important to ascertain in each case to which class the Infinitive 
oelo This must be decided by the context; but in general it 
may be Fitts that an Infinitive stands in indirect sarap Liars 
it depends upon a verb implying thought or the expression of thought, 
and i also the shoaght, ae oneanally conceived, would have been 
expressed by some tehse of the Indicative (with or without dy) or of 
the Optative (with dv), which can be transferred without change of 
tense to the Infinitive. (See § 15, 2, N. 1, which applies only to 
the Infinitive without dv.) Thus A€yw airdv édGei» means I say that 
de came; but Bovderas éXOciv means he wishes to come, where édeiv 
w merely an ordinary Infinitive, belonging under § 23,1. In the 
former case €\Geiy represents #AGev, but in the latter case it repre- 
sents no form of the Aorist Indicative or Optative, and is therefore 
not in indirect discourse. So with the Infinitive after all verbs of 
commanding, advising, wishing, and others enumerated in § 92, 1. 


2. When the Participle with the sense of the Infini- 
-tive (§ 118) is used in the indirect quotation of -a 
simple sentence, it follows the rules already given for 
the Infinitive (§ 73, 1), in regard to its tense and the 
use of av. E. g. 


"Ayyé\Xes Tovrous épxopévous, he announces that they are com- 


ing; ifyyeiXe rovrous épxopévous, he announced that they were 
coming. (The announcement is otro: Epxyovrat.) "AyyéAde 
rouvrous €AOdvras, he announces that they came; ifyyede rovrous 
€X Odvras, he announced that they had come. (The announcement 
18 #AOov.) "AyyéAde: robrous EAnAVOdras, he announces that they 
are come; iyyetde rovrous €AnAVOdras, he announced that they were 
come, (The announcement is €XnAVOacey.) "AyyéAder (Pyyere) 
tovro yeynadpevoy, he announces (or anncneed that this ts (or 
was) about to happen. (He announces rovro yevnoerat.) 

Tots re yap emyetpnpacw dapwy ov raropOoivres Kalrovs orpa- 
rioras ay Jopévous rH povg, they saw that they were not succeeding, 
and that the soldiers were distressed ; i. e. they saw, ov xaropOoipey 
eal ol orpariavas dy Oovrar. THuc. VII, 47. "Eppévopuev ols apo- 
hoynoapev dixaias ovciv; do we abide by what we acknowledged to 
ge just (i. e. Sixacd dorw) ? Prat. Crit. 50 A. Idv6’ évexa éavrod 
wotay eLednreyxra, he has been proved to be doing everything for his 
awn interest. Dem. Ol. II, 20, 12. Atr@ Kipov orparevorra 
mpatos ifyyeda, I first announced to him that Cyrus was marching 
against him. Xen. An. II, 8, 19. 

"Emordpevos xat rov BapBapov airdv wepi air@ 1a mrelo oa- 
A€vra, Kai mpds avrous tous ’A@nvatous mroAAa npas 7on Tots duap- 
ryacw aitav paddoy fh ty ad’ tyav tiswpia wepiryeyernpevous. 
Tuvc. I, 69. Herne duck di coaran would %; bdpBapor Si are 
daddy, cal nyeis . . . mepryeyevnpeba.) So in the same chapter, 


- 160 INDIRECT DISOOURSE.  [§ 73, 2. 


rév MySov abroi loper éx reipdrov ys ni ry Ledordvvnooy €d Odvra, 
i. e. 6 Mydos FAGev. Ov yap decay avrév reOvnxdra, jor they did 
not know that he was dead (i. e. réOvnxev). XEN. An. I, 10, 16. 
"Enédata ovdév ddnOes a Acdra dAAa pevaxicavd’ inas, I have 
shown that he has rapiried nothing that is true, and that he deceived 
you. (Perf. and Aor.) Derm. F. L. 896, 30. 


El ev few xai ry cuppayiay pos yevyooperny, if I were sure that 
I should obtain an alliance also (i. 6. cvppayia po yernoera). Ib. 353, 
25. So Xen. Hell. IV, 7, 3. ‘O 8 dvropeiAwy apBrdvrepos, ei8as ove 
és xdpuv GAX’ és dheiAnua ry dperiy anodaaay, knowing that he shall 
return the benefit, &. Txuuc. II, 40. Tvdvres odr droxwAvcey duva- 
rot Svres, et Tr’ dropovmbncovra Tis EupBdoews, KevOuvEevTOVTESs 
mowvvrat dpodoyiay. Id. II, 28. (The direct discourse would be 
odre duvaroi écper, ef r aroporwbnodpeda, xevduvevcoper.) 

Ev 8 fob pnddv dy pe rovroy éemixetpnoarvra ce weibear, ef 
duvacreiav pdvov f wAovTov dopwv €£ atrav yevnadpevoy. Isoc. 
Phil. p. 109 B. §133. (Here pndev dv extyetpnoavra represents ovdery 
dy éwexeipnoa, § 69, 5; and yenodpuevoy represents yevnoerat.) 
Veorrovpevos ovy evptoxoy ovdapas Av dddXws rovro diam paEapevos, 
Ifound that I could accomplish this (8:anpagtaipny dy) in no other way. 
Id. Antid. p. 811 C. § 7. 

“Onws 3€ ye robs rodepious Sivacbe Kaxds woeiv, ovK olcba pav- 
Oduavras tpas woAXas xaxoupyias, do you not know that you learned, 
&c. Xun. Cyr. I, 6, 28. (Here the Optative duvade, as well as 
the whole context, shows that pav@avorras represents épavddvere, 
§ 16, 2.) Meépvnpas dé éywye xal mais dv Kpirig rode Evydvra ae, I 
remember that you were with this Critias, Puat. Charm. 156 A. 
(Suvdvra represents fuvjcda.) See § 16, 2, and the examples. 


Indirect Quotation of Compound Sentences. 


§'74. When a compound sentence is to be indi- 
rectly quoted, its leading verb is expressed according to 
the rules given for simple sentences (§§ 70-73). 


1. If the quotation depends on a primary tense, all 
the dependent verbs of the original sentence retain the 
moods and tenses of the direct discourse. 

If the quotation depends on a secondary tense, all 
dependent verbs of the original sentence which in the 
direct discourse stood in the Present, Perfect, or Future 
Indicative, or in any tense of the Subjunctive, may (at 
the pleasure of the writer) either be changed to the 


§ 74, 1.] COMPOUND SENTENCES. 161 


same tenses of the Optative, or retain both the moods 
and tenses of the direct discourse. The Optative is 
the more common form. E. g. 

(After primary tenses.) *Avy 3’ ipeisAdynre, motnoery (dnot) 
b pyr aloyuenvpyr’ ddokiav aito Peper. Dem. F. L. 354, 8. (Here 
no change is made, except from moijoes to mance.) Nopifw yap, 
dv rovr’ dxptBas paOnre, paddXov tpas rovras pey amLornoesy 
épot 8¢ BonOnoesy. Id. Onet. I, 870, 27. “Eady éxetvo eidaper, 
Ort Gravra doa monor nAwioapéey twa npagey bmép nuay xa’ nuov 
evpnra,... dv pi) viv €b€XNopev exet morepe arte, évbad tows 
avayxacOnadpeOa rovro moet, x. tr. d. Id. Phil. I, 54,18. Ipo- 
A€yw Gri, Owdrep dv droxpivynrat, eLerxeyxOnoeras. PLAT. Euthyd. 
275 E. See Dem. Mid. 536, 1, where two such conditional ser- 
tences depend on e/ rpddndAov yé votro. (See § 34, 8.) 

‘Ope gol rovrey Senor, dravy émsOuunons drjiay apdés twas 
woeccbas, XEN. Mem. II, 6, 29. Wapddecypa cahes xaragrycare, bs 
rg adtarnrac, Oavare (npewodpevoy. Tuuc. Ll, 40. See 

73, 2. 

(Opt. after secondary tenses.) Eimwe ors dvydpa dy os dy eipta 8éor, 
he said that he was bringing a man whom tt was necessary to conjine ; 
Le. he said dvdpa dye by elpta det. XEN. Hell. V, 4,8. “Ame- 
xpivaro Ors pavOdvotey of pavOdvovres & ovx ewioratyro, i.e. he 
replied, pavOavovor: a ovx exioravras. PLAT. Euthyd. 276 E. (Here 
& has a definite antecedent, § 59, and is not conditional; it takes the 
Optative only because it is in indirect discourse. So with dy in the 
preceding example.) ’Aynoidaos éAeyer ort, ei BAaBepa wempayxas 
etn, dixatos ein (nusovoOat, 1. e. he said ci BraBepd wmempaye, 
a éors (nuovocba. XEN. Hell. V, 2,82. So An. VI, 6, 25. 

Ei 8¢ rwa hevyovra AnWorro, mporydpevey Gri ws wodepi - 
cotro. Id. Cr Ii. aA (This is. a quotation of a con itional 
sentence belonging under § 50, 1, N. 1; ef rend Anyopas, . . . xpnoo- 
pas.) Tvdvres d€ . . . Gri, ef SHcocery evOuvas, kivduvevcotey 
anovéaba, wépmrovow xa dudacxovery rovs OnBaious os,.el py oT pa- 
revootey, ktevduvevcotey oi Apxades wadw Aaxwviod. Id. Hell 
VII, 4, 34. (See § 82,2.) “Hides yap Grt,,ei payns wore denoos, éx - 
rovray aurg@ wapaordras Anmréov ein. Id. Oye. Vill, 1, 10. 
(The direct discourse was ef rs denoes, . . . Anrreoy éoriv.) 

’Edoyifovro as, ef py paxotvro, dwogrnaotvro ai weproices 
wddkes. Id. Hell. 4, 6. (Edy po paxdpueba, arootnoovrat.) 
Xpnpal tmoyveiro Sdaesyv, ei rov mpayparos aircg@vro cue. DEM. 
Mid. 548, 20. (Adc, day airacbe.) ‘Hyetro yap dray wotnoecy 
airév, € tts dpyupioy 8c8oin. Lys. in Erat. p. 121,§ 14. Edfavro 
getnpia Ovaety, vba mparov eis piriav ynv abixotvro. XEN. An. 
V,1,1. (The dependent clause is found in the direct discourse in ILI, 
2,9: doxet pos edEacda rp Oep rouT@ Ovcew cwrnpta Grou dy mpa@rov 
els hidiay ynv adixa@peda.) Tovro émpayparevero vopifwyv, doa THs 
nd\ews © podd Bot, savra rata BeBaiws €£erv. Dem. Cor. 234, 5. 
("Oo’ dy spoddBo, BeBaiws fw.) “HAm{ov id rév raider, dred 

K 


162 INDIRECT DISCOURSE. [§ 74, 1. 


redevrncetay roy Biov, rapnoeoOas. Lys. Agor. p. 188, § 45. 
CEmedav redevricwper, rapnodueda.) Kévey édidacxev ds ovTe per 
rotourrs aga avtr@ ai wddes Gidiat Evoevro, ei 3 SovrdctcOas 
BovAdpevos davepis Evotro, frcyey as pia exaorn wodda mpadypara 
ixavy ety wapéyev, cat xivduvos etn pn cat of “EAAnves, ef ravra 
ato@osvro, cuoratiev. XEN. Hell. IV, 8, 2. 

“Ere 3€ yryvooxe Ehacay POovoivras pév avrovs, et rt ohiow 
dyaboy yiyvotro, épndopévous 3, ef ts cuphopa wpoominrose, 
they sard they knew that they were envious if any good came to 
them, but pleased tf any calamity befell them. Tb. V, 2,2. (®Oovetre 
pev, €dy Te Hiv dyaov yiyvynrac, epydecdbe 3’, édv tis cupopa 
mpoorinsrn. See § 51.) Ty» airiav, ) mpddndos fv én’ éxeivous 
q€ovoa, & re wadoe Xapidnpos. Dem. Aristoc. 624, 20. 
CH ec, éay re ra6y Xapidnpos.) See § 73, 2. 

(Subj. and Indic. after secondary tenses.) “EXeyov ore dxpa ré 
€ariy év8ov cai of woAdepios woAXol, of waiovaty rovs Evdoy apv- 
Opemous, then said that there was a height, &. XEN. An. V, 2, 17 
(Here efey and waioey might have been used.) 

"Eddxes pot ravry metpacbas cwbnva, évOvpoupévp Ori, cay pep 
Addo, cwOncopas, x.r.A. Lys. Agor. p. 121,§15. (Here 
Adbotust, cwOnooluny might have been used.) dcxay re, hv ow7 
oixade, ata ye Td attp duvarév BcarAdLetyv "AOnvaiovs cai Aaxe- 
Satpovious, awérhevoev. XEN. Hell. I, 6, 7. (He said fv owe, 
which might have been changed to ef cw(ein.) “Yréoxovro avrois, 

vy eri Tori8aay two AOnvaio, és riv ’Arrixny exBarerw. THUC. 

, 58. (“Hy two, éoBadrovpev.) So THuc.I, 137. Kai ovx épacay 
dévac, day pn ris avrois ypnuara d:8q. . . ‘0  tréoxero avdpi éxa 
Oogery wevre pvas, emav eis BaBviova Aewos, cat rov puobdoy 
évrehn, pexps dv karagrinoyn tovsEAAnvas els "Iwviay mddw. XEN. 
An. I, 4,12 and 18. “Edn xpjvat,... ot av éXeyyOace diafar- 
Aovres raw “EAAnvev, as mpoddras Svras tyswpnOnvat. Ib. Il, 5, 27. 

| Ei 8€ pn, xal avroit épacav airay rovs Gvdpas dworreveiv obs 
€xovot (ovras. THuc. 1,5. (“Eyocey might have been used.) Ka- 
ragxigety ras mvdas éhacay, ei py éxdvres avoi~ovgry. XEN. An. 
VII, 1,16. (Ez py dvoigoey might have been used.) Avrots rocavrn 
dd£a wapeiornxes, os, et péev mpdrepoy ex’ GAAnv wodw lacey, éxeivors 
cat ‘AOnvaios mokepnoovaty: ei 8’ évOdde mporovy adifovrat, 
ovdévas GAAous roApnoecy,xt.A. Lys. Or. Fun. p. 192, § 22. 
(Tovro) mpddnrov hy dodpevor, ef pi tueis kwrXUGETE, UL Was 
already manifest that this would be so, unless you should prevent tt (1. e. 
€oras, el py xwidoere). AESCHIN. Cor. § 90. (KoAvoorre might be 
used ; and xwAvoare, representing ¢dy py) kodvonTe, is found in one 
Ms. and many editions.) See § 78, 2. 


Notre 1. The dependent verbs in indirect discourse may 
be changed to the Optative, even when the leading verb re- 


tains the Indicative; and sometimes (though rarely) a de- 
pendent verb retains the Subjunctive or Indicative, when the 


§ 74, 1.] COMPOUND SENTENCES. 163 


leading verb is changed to the Optative. This often gives 
rise to a great variety of constructions in the same sentence. 
E. g. 

AnAdoas ore Eroupol elas pdyerOa, ef ris €Eépyxotro. KEN. 
Cyr. IV, 1,1. ("Erowpoi eiow, day tis éEépynra.) Avoavdpos etre 
Ort mapacndvdous twas yor, xat Ore ov wept modcreias Upiv Eoras 
GANG repi cornpias, ef py wood & Onpapeyns xeXevor. LYS. in 
Erat. p. 127, § 74. (“Exo, cat od... €orat, dav py ronan’ a 0. 
xeXever. There is no need of the emendations mojoer’ and xedevet.) 
"Eddxer Spdov eivas dre aipjoovrat airdv, ef ris emipnpilos. 
XEN. An. VI, 1,25. Ov« nyvdes EvBovri8ns Sri, ef Adyos am08067n- 
wotro, cal mapayévotvTd poe mavres of Snpdrat, xai y Whos 
dixains Sobein, ovdapod yernaovrac of pera TovTOU GuvETTHKOTES. 
Dem. Eubul. 1303, 22. (Ei dwo8oOjceras, cat €ay wapayévevrat, Kat 
Wipes 8067, ov8apod yernoovrat.) *Aynoidaos yvous Sri, et pev pyde- 
répp gvAANWotro, paddy ovderepos AVaEs Tos “EXAnoL, ayopay 
8é ovdérepos wmapétet, smdrepos r dy xparnay, ovros éxOpos 
€orac’ ct 8€ re érépp aTUAANHWotro, ovrés ye hidos ~cotro, 
x.T-A. XEN. Ages. TL 31. 

“EXeyov ort eixdra Soxotev Neyetw Bacirel, nai Frotey nynudvas 
€xovres, of avrovs, cay crovdal yévavrat, d£ovacy evOev EEovce 
ra emrndea. XEN. An. II, 3, 6. "Ennpora, moia etn trav dpéewy 
érdbev of Xaddaios xataGdovres Anifovras. Id. Cyr. I, 2. 1. 
Tovros mpodAeyov, ors eipwvevaoto kat mavra padrov moinaots Fj 
dmwoxptvoio, € tis tice €éporg. PLaT. Rep. I, 337 A. (CEpwra 
in the direct discourse would belong under § 51, N. 3, the Futures 
denoting a habit.) “Edefas ors peyorov ein padew drus Sei éfep- 
yalerOat Exacra’ et dé py, ovde tHs emtpedeias Epyoba a daar oudey 
i ei pn tis erioraro & Sei cai as Set roreiy. N. Oecon. 

5 20 


In Dem. Cor. 276, 28, we have both the constructions of § 74, 1 
in the same sentence: ef pév rovro ray éxeivou cuppaxyav elon yotro 
ris, UmdWerOat rd mpaypa évdpsle mavras, dv 8 ’AOnvatos 7} 6 TovTo 
moa, eurédpws Anaecv. (Here ei eiayyoiro represents ¢av elon- 
yiras, corresponding to éav 7.) 

Note 2. According to the general rule (§ 69, 4), all relatives 
and particles which take dy ae the Subjunctive lose the dy when 
such Subjunctives are changed to the Optative in indirect discourse 
after secondary tenses. In a few cases, however, the dy is irregu- 
larly retained, even after the verb has been changed to the Opta- 
tive. This must not be confounded with d» belonging to the 
Optative itself, making an apodosis. E.g. — 

Ovx éof doris ody ipyeiro Trav elddrav Bixnv pe AnWerOat rap’ av- 
Trav, éresdday rdyiota avyp evar Soxipacbeinv. Dem. Onet. I, 
865, 24. (The direct discourse was éredav Soxipacd7, and the 
regular indirect form would be either ére:d) Soxipacbeiny or érecdas 
Soxiacde. Here the verb is changed, while the original particle 
érecédy is retained.) See also § 77, 1, Note 3. 


164 INDIRECT DISCOURSE. [$ 74, 2. 


2. The Imperfect and Pluperfect remain in the In- 
dicative unchanged, even after secondary tenses, in the 
dependent (as well as in the leading) clauses of indirect 
discourse, from the want of those tenses in the Optative. 
(§ 70, 2, Note 1, a.) 

The Aorist Indicative also regularly remains un- 
changed after secondary tenses, when it stood in a 
dependent clause of the direct discourse; not being 
changed to the Aorist Optative (as it may be when it 
stood in the leading clause, § 70,2). HE. g. 


"EmoreiAa 8€ adiow airois rovs épdpous (%pacay) eireiy, os Sv 
pev rpdabev ew oiouy fel gee avrois, that they sent them to say that 
they blamed them for what they had done before; i. e. dv mporbev 
€movetre pephopeba iuiv. XEN. Hell. III, 2, 6. 

(Aorist Ind.) “HAmiov rovs Scxedovs ravry, obs peréwepwar, 
aravrncevOa, they hoped that the Sikels whom they had sent for 
would meet them here. Tuuc. VII, 80. ’Avrédeyor . . . A\éyorres “ 
annyyedOas nw tas onovdas, dr éoémepWay rovs éndiras. Id. V, 
49. (§ 69,5.) “ENeyov os Kevohay olyaro ds TevOny olxnowy nat a 
tmréaxero air@ arodnyopevos. XEN. An. VII, 7, 55. “Exacroy 
npdunv, ef reves elev’ paptupes dy evavrioy riy mpow’ awédocap. 

eM. Onet. I, 869, 9. 


Note 1. The Aorist Indicative is not changed to the Aorist 
Optative in the case just mentioned, as the latter tense in such de- 

ndent clauses generally represents the Aorist Subjunctive of the 
irect discourse, so that confusion might arise. Thus épy a evpoe 
dcoeyv means he said that he would give whatever he might find (a 
evpo. representing 4 dy evpw); but if a evpos could also represent 
a etpoy, it might also mean he said that he would give what he 
actually had found. In the leading clause the ambiguity is confined 
to indirect questions; and in these the Aorist Indicative is generally 
retained for the same reason. (See § 70, 2, Rem. 2.) ; 

When no ambiguity can arise from the change of an Aorist In- 
dicative to the Optative, this tense may follow the general principle 
(§ 69, 1), even in dependent clauses of a quotation. This ocours 
chiefly in causal sentences after dri, &c., because (§ 81, 2), in which 
the Subjunctive can never be used. E. g. 


Elye yap Aéyew os Aaxedarponos dd rovro roepnoreay airots, OTe 
oun €OeAnoatey per "Aynoidou €dbeiv én’ aurdy ov8e Ovoa éa- 
owetay avrov ev AvAisi. XEN. Hell. VII, 1.84. (The direct discourse 
Was emoAcungay Hiv, ors ovx NOeAnTaper ... ovde Ouca eiaga 
pev.) ‘Annynocacbai (pact) ws dvoowwrarov peév ein elpyaopevos GT € 
rou adeAhheou dm ord pos thy Kead7y, copwrarov b¢ drt ToUs puAdxous 
carapeOucas karaducece rou adeAdeou xpepduevoy tov vexuy Hopr, 


§ 76. ] COMPOUND SENTENCES. 165 


TI, 121. (Here ors xaradvcee represents Sri xarédvoa, because I 
took down; Sre dmordpo: (60 the Mss.) may also be understood in a 
causal sense, since he had cut off. Madvig, however, reads 6ri in 
both clauses.) See also § 77, 1, e, and examples. 


Note 2. The Imperfect or Pluperfect sometimes stands irregu- 
larly in a dependent (as well as in the leading) clause, after a 
secondary tense, to represent a Present or Perfect Indicative, which 
would regularly be retained or changed to the Present or Perfect 
Optative. Such clauses really abandon the construction of indirect 
discourse. (See § 70, 2, N. 2; §77,1,N.2.) Evg. 

“EXeyov ov xadas thy ‘EdAdda éXevOepoiv airdy, el dvBpas 81 éh Oec- 
pew odre yetpas dyratpopevous odre roAepious. THuc. III, 82. (0d 
Kaas édevOepois, ef Biapbeipers.) Ovre yap rois Bevis én xaos 
ery, ei rais peyadas Ovcias padAov f rats pixpais €xyatpov. XEN, 

em. J, 8, 8. (Ei xaipovow.) Kai én eivat rap’ éavt@ doov py Rv 
dvpeopevov. Dem. Olymp. 1172, 1. (“Ocov ph éorey dvnA @pevov.) 
"A pev eiAnges ris médews drodacew (nyoupnv), I thought that he 
would give back what he had taken from the city; i.e. 4 eiAngdey 
arotoce. Id. F. L. 888, 17. 


§'75. When a dependent clause of the original sen- 
tence contains a secondary tense of the Indicative im- 
plying the non-fulfilment of a condition, the same mood 
and tense are retained in the indirect discourse, after 
both primary and secondary tenses. KE. g. 


"Eddxet, ef p11) ees y EvdANaBovres rovs dvdpas, mpodobnva dy riy 
wou. THuc. VI, 61. (If ép@acay had been changed to the Opta- 
tive, the construction would have become that of § 76.) OfeaOe rov 
martépa, et py Tiyodeov jy ra Evda xat €3€7n On obros avrov .. . mapa- 
oxeiv rd vavrov, aoa Gy sore, K.T-r., GAA’ ovK dv Guddrrew nal Thy 
Tinyy AapBdavew, Ews Exopicaro ra éavrov. Dem. Timoth. 1194, 
13. Tovrewy ef re Ry adrnOes, ofead ovx dy airy AaBeiv; Id. Aph. I, 
831, 5. ‘“Hdéws av tpav wvOoipny, ri’ dy sore yoouny mepl epod 
etxere, el ph dwmerpinpapxnoa adda mAtov Gx opuny. Id. Polycl. 
1297, 2. | 


§ 76. An Optative in a dependent clause of the 
original sentence (as in the leading clause) is retained 
without change of mood or tense in all indirect dis- 
course. E. g. 


Elsrey Ort €dGot dy ets Adyous, ef Sunpovs AaBos. XEN. Hell. IIL, 
1, 20. ‘Hrrov dy da rovro ruyydvew (Bonet por), ef re Bd oro wap 
aitay. XEN. An. VI, 1, 26. "EXeyev ots ovx av more mpootro, éwei 
&rak didos airois éyévero, ov ef rs pev peious yévowvro ert Bé Ka: 


166 © INDIRECT DISCOURSE. [§ 76. 


xiov mpdtecay. Ib. 1, 9,10. Accwdy dy re wabeww cavréy Antes, ef 
wvOorvd’ otro ta wenpaypéva cot. Dem. F. L. 416, 11. 


Remark. Sentences which belong under § 76 are often trans- 
lated like those which in the direct discourse were expressed by a 
Future and a dependent Subjunctive, and which belong under § 74, 
1. Thus dreyev dre €dGoe Gy, ef rovro yévoiro (or éXeyev eAGetw dy, ef 
Touro ‘yevorro), a8 well as éXeyev Sri EAevooiTo, ef TovTO yévarro (or 
eAeyor edevoecOat, el rovro yévorro), may be translated he said that he 
would come if this should happen; although in the first two sentences 
the direct discourse was ¢\Gou &y, el rovro yevorro, J would come if 
this should happen; and in the last two, dAevoopas, day rovro yévnras, 
I will come if this shall happen. 


Single Dependent Clauses in Indirect Discourse. 


§'7%. The principles which apply to dependent 
_ clauses of indirect discourse (§ 74, 1 and 2) apply also 
to any dependent clause in a sentence of any kind (even 
when what precedes is not in indirect discourse), if such 
a clause expresses indirectly the thought of any other 
person than the speaker, or even a former thought of 
the speaker himself. 

After primary tenses this never affects the construc- 
tion; but after secondary tenses such a clause may 
either take the Optative, in the tense in which the 
thought would have been originally conceived, or retain 
both the mood and the tense of the direct discourse. 
Here, as in § 74, 2, the Imperfect, Pluperfect, and 
Aorist Indicative are retained unchanged. 


1. This applies especially (a) to clauses depending on the 
Infinitive which follows verbs of commanding, advising, wish- 
ing, &c.; these verbs implying thought or the expression of 
thought, although the Infinitive after them is not in indirect 
discourse. (See § 73, 1, Rem.) It applies also (0) to the 
Optative (though not to the Indicative) in causal sentences in 
which the speaker states the cause as one assigned by others 
(81, 2) ;— (c) to clauses containing a protasis with the apodo- 
sis implied in the context (§ 53, Note 2), or with the apodo- 


Pd 


§ 77, 1.] SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES. 167 


sis expressed in a verb like Oavpd{w, &c. (§ 56) ;— (d) to 
temporal sentences expressing a past intention or expectation, 
especially those introduced by éws and spiv, until, after past 
tenses (§ 66, 2, Note 1);—-and sometimes (e) even to ordi- 
nary relative sentences, which would otherwise take the In- 
dicative. E. g. 


(a.) ’EBovAovro €Abeiv, ef rovro yévotro, they wished to go, if this 
should happen. (Here édy rovro yévnrac might be used, as the 
form in which the wish would originally be conceived.) Tadédray dé 
cai TwSpvay éxddevcey 6 re Sivatvro AaBdvras peradideew’ Kal 
dovts elye ras éwopevas dyédas, ele TovT@ nal dua wpdéBata woddd 
éXavvew, omy dy abrév wuvOdvnras dvra, ws emiopayein. XEN. Cyr. 
VU, 8,7. (Here 6 re divawro represents 6 ri dv duvnobe in the 
direct command, while ézy dy svvOavnras represents dz dy wuvbavy.) 
*EBovAovro yap odiow, ef twa AdBorey, Umdpxeww dyri rev evdoy, Hy 
Gpa rvxaci rwes éCoypnpévot. THuc. II, 5. (*H» AaBoper, and ny 
Tvxwot.) O18 Gros OnBaios, obs Ces wapayeverOar, ef Tt py wpo- 
xwpoin rots dvedndvbdoww, émeBonOovy. Ibid. (CEay rt py mpo- 
xepi-) 

Ipocisrov avrois wy vavpayeiv Kopiv6ioss, fv pi) ext Képxupay md €- 
@ow cal péAXAwaty dwoBaivew. Id. I, 45. (“Hy py mente: cal 
peAAnre.) Kat wapryyeday ered) Sercmvncetay cuverxevacpevovs 
mavras avaravecOat, xat érecOas nrix’ dy tis mapayyéAAy- XEN. 
An. III, 5,18. (Emedav dervqonre, and vik’ dy Tis mapayyeAAg.) 
epi abray xpida méumet, xedevov ... py adeivas mpiv dy avroi madw 
copicdaocyv. Touc. I, 91. (piv xopicbciew might have been 
used.) Kal sroAAdxis Trois ’A@nvaiots wapjjves, fv dpa more xara yny 
BracOaot, xataBavras és avrév rais vavoi mpos Gravras avOiorac Gas. 
Id. I, 91. (E? BracOetey might have been used.) "Héiouy airovs 
nyepdvas opav yeverOat nai Ilavoavig pu) emitperey, qv wou Bid (nrac. 
Id. I, 95. (Eé¢ wov Bid{orro might have been used.) ‘Adixvour- 
“at ws SerdArKny, BovrAspevos mreicat avrdv, ei Svvacvro, orparevous 
émt ray Horidaay. Id. Il, 67. “Erowos hy anorivew, ei xarayvoter 
avrov. Isoc. Trapez. 361 E.§ 16. (This example might be placed 
also under c.) Etzoy pndeva trav Omicbev xeveioOat, mpiv dv 6 mpcaber 
nynras, I commanded that no one, &c. XEN. Cyr. I, 2, 8. 

HapnyyéAAero yap avrois 8éxa pév obs Onpaperns amedercEe yetpe- 
rovnoa, dexa 8€ obs of Ehopo xeXevocev. Lys. in Erat. p. 127, 
§ 76. (Otsdrédecte, and obs dy reXevwow. See § 74, 2.) "ExéXevoe 
pe THY émsoToAny hy ~ypaya oixade Sovvat, the letter which I had 
toritten. XEN. Cyr. I, 2, 9. (“Hy ypdyaius would mean whatever 
letter I might write, representing fy ay ypawys.) So cdev Aro», 
Tuovc. VI, 27. 


(6.) "ExdxiCov ore orparyyis dv oie éemeEdyot, they abused him 
because he did not lead them out (as they said). Pave. , 21, 

See other examples under § 81, 2. See also § 81, 2, Rem. 

(c.) “Qierespov, ef dA dootvro, they pitied them, in case they 


168 INDIRECT DISCOURSE. (§ 77, 1. 


should be captured: the idea in full is, they pitied them, thinking of 
what would befall them tf they should be captured. Xun. An. I, 4, 7. 
(Ei dAdoovra: might have been used.) Acddvros 8 ait@ mdproAdAa 
8apa TiOpavorov, ci dwédX O01, anexpivaro, offering him many gifts, if 
he would go away. Id. Ages. IV, 6. (Edy dréAGy might have been 
used.) vAaxas cupmépret, Oras GuAdrrocey avrov, cai € TaY aypioy 
rt pavein Onpiwy, and (to be ready) tn case any wild beasts shoula 
appear ; his thought being éay rx @avy. Id. Cyr. I, 4, 7. See 
other examples of the Optative under § 53, N. 2. 

*Hy 8¢ ris clan h dwiwndian xiveiv rd xpnuara ravra és GAXo Th, 
Gdvarov (nuiay émeBevro, they set death as the penalty, if any one shoulil 
move, or put to vole a motion, to divert this money to any other purpose. 
Truc. II, 24. (Ei etwas § éripndiceey might have been used.) 
Tada, fv ere vavpayety of APnvaios roApno@o:, sapecxevd(ovro, 1. &. 
they made their other preparations, (to be ready) in case the Athenians 
should dare, &c. Id. VU, 59. (Their thought was, we will be ready, 
in case they shall dare, hy TOApN ows.) So #v foow, IV, 42. Ov rd 
Aousdy EpedAov Efery, ci py vavcparnoovasy, they were not likely 
to have them (provisions) for the future (as they thought), unless they 
should hold the sea. Id. VII, 60. 

"Eéavpate 3 ef ris dperny erayyeAAdpevos dpyvpiwv mpdrrotro, 
he wondered that any pilin Enemaired Kew: Mem. I, 2, 7. 
(But in I, 1, 13, we find €@avpale 8 ef pt) pavepdy avrois €arey, he 
wondered that tt was not plain.) “Eyapoy ayanay ef tis €aoot, I re- 
joiced, being content tf any one would let it pass. PLat. Rep. V, 450 

Ovx noxvvbn ef rowovTo Kaxdv éemayes Tw, he was not ashamed 
that he was bringing such a calamity on any one. Dem. Mid. 548, 24. 
To d¢ pndev daurg ovverdérs Bewor eionet, ei rovnpay Epyav 86 Eee xot- 
vovety T@ ovonmjoat, tt seemed hard, tf he was to appear to be tmpli- 
cated, &c.; he thought, demdy dor, ef B6fe (§ 49,1, N. 3). Id. 
F. L. 851,18. (Here 860. might have been used, like éaaoe above.) 
So AEscHIn. Cor.§ 10. Kai ¢ya tov Evnqvév éuaxapica, ef as adnOos 
@ yee ravryy Thy Téyyny Kal ovras eupedros Sedaanes, I congratulated 
him, if he really had this art (as he thought). Piar. Apol. 20 B. 
(Here éyoe and d:8donot might have been used.) 


(d.) Srovdas éroinoavto, ws amayyerOein ra A0exOdvra eis 
AaxeSaipova, they made a truce, (to continue) until what had been said 
should be announced at Sparta; i. e. €ws dv amayyeXO7, which 
might have been retained. XEN. Hell. III, 2, 20. "Qpce 8 éeni 
xpaurvdv Bopénv, mpd 8€ kupar’ eater, éws 6 ye Patyxeoor pidnpeTporor 
peyein, until Ulysses should be among the Phaeactans ; 1. 6. éws ap 
peyg. Od. V, 385. So eiws Oeppaivorro, Od. IX, 376. *Amydpeve 
pydeva Badrew, mplv Kipos €umArna dein Onpav, until Cyrus should 
be satisfied. Xen. Cyr. I, 4, 14. (His words were mpiv &y ép- 
adno67.) Oi dé pevovres Eoracay, ommére mupyos ‘Axatay GAdos éreA- 
Ooy Tpoov éppnaoere cat apEecav modeporo, 1. e. they stood wat- 
ing for the time when, &c. Il. IV, 835. (Here érérav dppnon, &e. 
might be used.) So Il. Il, 794. Tpovxivncay ré aridos, ws savco- 
peévous tov Stwypov, eret obas idor<v mpooppnoarvras, when they 
should see them, &c. XEN. Cyr. I, 4, 21. 


§ 77, 2.] SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES. 169 


Ot yap 8n odeas aie 5 beds ris arotxins, rp 8) drixwovrast és 
airny AiBinv. Hot. IV, 156. (CAmixowro might be used.) Of 
 8€ KopivOcos od mpoebvpnOnoay Evymreiv, mp ra “IoOusa, A tore Fy, 
Sceoprdgwoiv. Tuc. VIII, 9. 


(e.) Kal ree onpa i8écba, 6 rr pa of yapS8poio mapa Lpoirao 
gépotra, he asked to see the token, which (he said) he was bringing 
from Proetus, i. e. he said gépopa. Il. VI, 177. Karnydpeov rav 
Aiyunréwy Ta wemotnKorey mpoddyres Thy “EXAdda, I. e. they accused 
them for what (as they said) they had done. Hot. VI, 49. Sora 
werrovOas ein, I, 44. Kadet roy Adiov, pynpny madaav omeppdroy 
éxovo’, td’ Sy Advot pév airds, ryv 8¢ rixrovoavy Aiwor, by which 
Gs she rag he had perished himself, and had left her the mother, &c. 
Sorn. O. T. 1245. (If the relative clause contained merely the 
idea of the speaker, ¢@ave and é\cwe would be used. Here no am- 
auny can arise from the use of the Aorist Optative. See § 74, 2, 
1.) 


Note 1. Causal sentences are usually constructed without re- 
ference to this principle. See § 81, with Rem. 


Notre 2. The Imperfect and Pluperfect occasionally represent 
the Present and Perfect Indicative in this construction, as in § 74, 2, 
‘ 2. Such clauses are simply not included in the indirect discourse. 

g: 

‘Erotpos fy, ef pev rovroy rt elpyacro, dixny Sodvat, et 3’ dmoAv- 
Gein, dpyew, he was ready, if he had done any of these things, to be 

unished ; but if he should be acquitted, to hold his command. Tuuc. 

I, 29. (Eipyaoro represents eipyacpa, while ei droAvGein repre- 
sents €dy aroAvGa.) 


Note 8. “Ay is occasionally retained with relatives and temporal 
particles in sentences of this kind, even when the Subjunctive to 
which they belonged has been changed to the Optative. See § 74, 
1, Note 2. E. g. 


Tovs d€ AapBadvovras ris éptrias probdy avdparodioras eavra@y ame- 
nddet, Sta rd avayxaiov avrois eivat SiadéyerOar wap’ Sv dv AadBorey 
rov pucOov, because they were obliged (as he said) to converse with those 
JSrom whom they received the pay. XEN. Mem. I, 2,6. (Here dv ay 
AaBo.ey represents dv dy AdBwow.) Kai pot rad’ Fv mpdppyta, ... 7d 
Pdppaxov tovto awlew ue, ews Av dpriyptoroy dppocatpl mov. 
Sopu. Trach. 687. (See Schneidewin’s note.) ’H&iouy avrovs pa- 
arsyovy rov éxdo0evra, Ews dv rdrnOn Soferev adrois A€yew. Isoc. 
Trap. 861 D.§ 15. Xaipecv eqns dv xai ove droxpivato, €ws dv ra an’ 
€xeiyns 6punOevra oxéevraco, you would not answer, until you should 
have examined, &c. Piat. Phaed. 101 D. (The direct thought of 
‘the person addressed would be, ws dv oxéyropar.) See § 34, 1. 

It is doubtful whether éay was ever used with the Optative in this 
way. 


2. Upon this principle (§ 77) final and object clauses with 
8 


170 INDIRECT DISCOURSE. [§ 77, 2. 


fra, dros, py, &c., after secondary tenses, admit the double con- 
struction of indirect discourse. This appears in the frequent 
use of the Subjunctive or the Future Indicative instead of 
the Optative in these sentences, after secondary tenses, when 
either of these is the form in which the purpose would have 
been originally conceived. Thus we may say either }\Gey iva 
{oe or RAbey ba (37, he came that he might see; the latter 
being allowed because the person referred to would himself 
have said gpyouas a t3u. See § 44, 2, § 45, and § 46, with 
the examples. 

Note. The principles of § 74 and § 77 apply to clauses which 
depend upon final and object clauses, as these too are considered as 
standing in indirect discourse. E. g. 

"ENOdvres és Aaxedaipbva (€rpaccoy) ras froipdcatyro riyte- 
play, iv 8én. Tuuc. I, 58. (Here ef 8é0¢ might have been used. 
See § 55, 2.) "EqoBeiro ydp py of Aaxedaipomos ocas, éxdre capes 
drovoetav, ouxerragmacey. Id. 1,91. (Here érérav dxovcacty 
is changed to daére daxovocay, although apaaw is retained by § 77, 
2.) Meya ro déos éyévero pt) wmapandeovres of TleXorovenorac, ef wai ds 
py Scevoovvro pevey, wopbacw ras wodes, the fear was great lest 
the Peloponnesians as they sailed by, even if under the circumstances 
they had not been thinking of remaining, might destroy the cities. Id. 

, 88. (Here d:cervoivro is retained by § 74, 2.) 


“Orws and”O in Indirect Quotations. 


§'78. 1. Ina few cases O7as is used in indirect quo- 

° e @ ° 
tations where we should expect ws or oT This occurs 
chiefly in poetry. KE. g. 

Tour aird pn pos ppdt’, Owws ovx et xaxds. Sopu. O. T. 548. 
“Aval, épo pév oby Saws raxous vwo bvomvous ixave. Id. Ant. 223. 
So Ant. 685: drws ov py A€yes. “Avdmeivoy Sxws por dueivw eort 
ravta ovrw movedueva. Hpt. 1, 37. So Ill, 115. So drws mdvra 
exiorapat, PLAT. Euthyd. 296 E. 


2. In a few passages in Homer we find 6 (the neuter 
oe 
of 9s) used for or. E. g. 

Ttyvaoxey 6 of aris imeipexe xeipas "Ard\Awy, knowing that Apollo 
himself held over him his hands, Il. V, 433. Ev vu xai nyets per 6 
rot oOévos ox emenrov. Il. VIII, 32. sabes yap TO i det 
G pos yépas Epxerat GAAn, that my prize goes elsewhere. U. I, 1 
So Od. XII, 295. 


9 


§81,1.] ‘Or BEFORE DIRECT QUOTATIONS. 171° 


Note. ‘OGovvexa and ovvexa in the tragedians, and ovvexa in Ho- 
mer, are sometimes used like dre or ws, that ; as dyyeAXe SOovvena 
réOunx’ ‘Opeorns, Sopu. El. 47; icOt rovro, odvexa “EAAnves éopey, 
Id. Phil. 232. See Sopn. El 1478, Trach. 934 (odvexa with Opt.) ; 
and Il. XI, 21; Odyss. V, 216; XIII, 309. 


“Ors before Direct Quotations. 


§ 79. Even direct quotations are sometimes introduced by 
ére, without further change in the construction. ‘Or thus 
used cannot be expressed in English. E. g. 

‘O 8€ drexpivaro Ste “Ov ef yevoisny, d Kipe, col y’ dy wore ers 
Scfay.” XEN. An. I, 6,8. "Amwexpivato drs “*Q déomora, ov ff, 
x.t-A.” Id. Cyr. VII, 3, 3. Eire 8 Ore “Els xatpov qees,” épn, 
“Gres tis Siens dxovans.” Ib. II, 1, 8. *H épovper mpds adrovs, ore 
“"Hoixes yap nas 7 modts, Kat ovx opOas rhv dixny éxpwe,” — ravra 
7 épovpev; Piat. Crit. 50 B. So P. 60 A. See also Hpr. 

, 115. 


SECTION V. 
CAUSAL SENTENCES. 


§ 80. Causal sentences express the cause or reason 
of something stated in the leading sentence. They 
may be introduced by ots, Store or Sidirep, odvexa or 
oBovvexa, and os, because; or by ézred, ereidy, ore, 
ordre, evTe, and sometimes O7ov, since, seeing that. 

REMARK. “Ors and ws in this causal sense must not be con- 
founded with dr: and as, that, in indirect quotations; and érei, 


éretdn, Gre, and ércore must not be confounded with the same parti- 
cles in temporal sentences. 


§ 88. 1. Causal sentences regularly take the In- 
dicative, after both primary and secondary tenses; past 
causes being expressed by the past tenses of the Indica- 
tive. The negative particle is ov. E. g. 

Kndero yap Aavacy, Sri fa Ovnoxovras Sparo. I. 1,56. Xadpe 


172 CAUSAL SENTENCES. [§ 81,1. 


yes, Or dpicroy "Ayatay ovdev Ersoas. Il. I, 244. AnuoBdpos Bacr- 
Aevs, dwel orivavoicw avdocers. Il. I, 231. My 3 ovras xArenre 
, €wel ov wapeXevoeat ovde pe weicers. Il. I, 132. Novoor 
a orpardy dpre xaxny, dAcxovro 3é Aaol, ovvexa tov Xpvony Hripne 
dgyrnpa Arpeidns. Il. 1,11. Kal rpenpns d€ ros 9 cecayyevn avdparray 
81a ri DAO HoBepdy ore ff Gri raxd wrei ; Bia ri 8é GAXo dAvwos GAAN 
Aarts eioiy of eurAdovres h Oidrs dv rakes eaOnvrar; XEN. Occ. Vil, 
8. Of egol Hiroe otras Exovres pepi eyo ScareAovory, ov Rd 7d re 
éue, adda didwep cal airot dy olovras BeArioros yiyverOu. Id. Mem. 
V,8,7. (See § 42, 2, Note.) Lpds raira xpumre pndév, os 6 wav 
épay xal wav’ axovov nayr’ dvanriaaes yxpdvos, i. e. since time 
develops all things. Sopa. Hippon. Fr, 280. Méya 8¢ rd dpov rpa- 
vas, eel wai Trois Onpiows nd0os Tis € yriyveras Tay cuvrpoper. 
nN. Mem. I, 8, 4. “Or’ odv wapawoic obdev és whéov w0Ld, ixeris 
aspiypar. Sopa. O. T. 918. ‘Omdre ovy swodts pey ras ldias Evppopas 
ota re hépew, eis 8é Exacros ras éxeivns dduvaros (sc. ¢aori), mas ov 
p}) savras dpivey aitrp7; Tauc. Hl, 60. “Ore roivy rou? ovras 
€&, mpoonkes TpoOvpws eOéew dxovey ray Bovropévov cupBovrevery. 
Dun. Ol. 1, 9, 8 For edre, since, see SopH. Aj. 715, O. C. 84; for 
Srov, see Hp. I, 68. 


2. When, however, it is implied that the cause is as- 
signed by some other person than the speaker, the prin- 
ciple of indirect discourse (§ 77, 1) applies to causal 
sentences. 

This has no effect upon the form after primary tenses ; 
but after secondary tenses it allows the verb to stand in 
the Optative, in the tense originally used by the person 
who assigned the cause. KE. g. 

Tov THepexdda éxdxiCov, ort orparnyds dy ox éreEayos, they abused 
Pericles, because being general he dtd not lead sReaetou Tuve. Il, 
21. (This states the reason assigned by the Athenians for reproach- 
ing Pericles: if Thucydides had wished to assign the cause merely 
on his own authority, he would have used dri ovx érefnjyev.) Tous 
cuvovras éddxer moveiy dréxerbas tév dvociwy, emeinep Nynoatvro 
ae dy tore Sy mparroev Oeovs Si:adrabeiv. XEN. Mem. I, 4, 19. 
(See § 74, 2, N. 1.) Olea énawécavra aitdv (“Opnpov) rov ’Ayape- 
prova, as Baoitevs ein ayabds, because (as he said) he was a good 
king. Id. Symp. IV, 6. So as etpyxoc, because (as he said) he 
had found, Hpr. I, 44. 


REMARK. We should mppese that in causal sentences of the 
second class (§ 81, 2) the mood and tense by which the cause would 
have been originally stated might also be retained, as in ordin 
indirect discourse; so that in the first example above (Tuvc. II. 21 
Ort ove éweEdyec might also be used, in the same sense as dre ove 


§ 82.] EXPRESSION OF A WISH. 178 


érefdyor. This, however, seems to have been avoided, to pre- 
vent the ambiguity which would arise from the three forms, éreEnqyev, 
éreEdyot, and éreEdyes. It will be remembered that the first form, 
which is the regular one in causal sentences of the first class (§ 81, 1), 
is allowed only by exception in indirect quotations (§ 70, 2, N. 2); 
for in indirect discourse the tenses of the Indicative regularly de- 
note time present, past, or future relatively to the leading verb; while 
in causal sentences (as in most other constructions) ‘dey regularly 
denote time absolutely present, past, or future. (See § 9.) 


Nore 1. The Optative in causal sentences appears to have been 
used only after dre, ws, and érei. It is not found in Homer. 


Norte 2. if a cause is to be expressed by an apodosis in which 
the Indicative or Optative with dy is required, those forms can of 
course follow the causal particles. E. g. 

Aéopat ovv cov mapapeivas nuiv? os eyo ovd Gy évds qdioy dxov- 
watpe i} cov, I beg you then to remain with us ; as there ts not one whom 
I should hear more gladly than you. Puat. Prot. 335 D. Nuw 8 
érrecd) ovr ebédXets Kai époi ris doyoAla éoti xal ovx Ay olds r einy aos 
wapayeiva: Groreivovrs paxpovs Adyous —ehOeiv dp qroi pe Set — elps* 
érei xai ravr’ dv icws otk dndds gov Frovoy. Ib. 335 C. 

Note 8. For relative causal sentences, see § 65, 4. For the 
causal use of the Participle, see § 109, 4. 


SECTION VI. 


EXPRESSION OF A WISH. 


Remark. The Greek has one form to express a wish re- 
ferring to a future object, and another to express one referring 
to a present or past object which (it is implied) ¢s not or was 
not attained. To the former class belong such wishes as O 
that he may come ! —O that this may happen / — Utinam veniat ; 
to the latter, such as O that this had happened !—O that this 
were true /— Utinam hoc factum esset, — Utinam hoc verum 
esset. 


§ $2. If the wish refers to the future, the Optative is 
used after the particles of wishing «Oe or et yap (nega- 


N 


174 EXPRESSION OF A WISH. [§ 82. 


tively, ete yn, eb yap uy, or simply #7), O that, O ¥f, 
would that (O that not, &c.). Et@e and et yap may, how- 
ever, be omitted ; and thus the Optative often stands 
alone to express a wish. 

The Present Optative refers to a continued or re- 
peated action or state in the future; the Aorist (which 
is the most common) refers to 8 momentary or single 
act in the future. E. g. 


Af yap époi roconvde Geol Sivan rapabeier, O that the Gods 
would clothe me with so much strength! Od. TI, 205. Ai@ otras, 
Evpae, pitov Ad rarpi yévoso, mayest thou become in like manner 
a friend to father Zeus. Od. XIV, 440. “Ypiv pév Geot Soter ’OAvp- 
mia Sapar Exovres exmépoas Upiapoo wow, ev 8 oikad’ ixéobas, may 
the Gods grant you, &. I £ 18. My pay domovdl ye nal dxdews 
droXoipny. Il, XXII, 304. Td pev viv raira mpnocots ramep év 
xepar exes, may you for the present continue to do what you now have 
tn hand. Hot. VIL, 5. Onow mpurave?’, § pnxéri (nv éyd, or may 
I no longer live. Arist. Nub. 1255. Nixon & 6 re waow bpiv 
pédAXet cuvoicey, and may that opinion prevail, &. Dem. Phil. I, 
55,6. TeOvainy, Gre pos pnxére raira pédos. MIMNERM. I, 2. 
Tdovowy d¢ vopifocues tov copdv. PLat. Phaedr. 279 C. *Q sai, 

¢voco watpos evruyeorepos. Sopu. Aj. 550. Otro vixnoacpl r 
éy® cal voptloluny codes, on this condition may I gain the prize 
“ this case) and be (always) considered wise. Arist. Nub. 520. 

See Note 4.) Et6', d Agore, pidtos quis yévoro. XEN. Hell. IV, 
1, 38. El yap yevoipny, réxvov, dvri cov vexpds. EuR. Hippol. 
1410. Huvevéyxoe pe» ravra as Bovddueba. THuc. VI, 20. 
Avros del émornoes eal dravra, av éyd BovAwpat.—’AdArAa Bovrn- 
Oeins, may you only be willing! Purat. Euthyd. 296 D. So eie», 
be it 80, — well. 

Myxér Gras’ "Odvone xdpy dpoow éweln, pnd ere Tyreudyxowo 
waTnp KEKANpEVvOS clan, then may the head of Ulysses no ee 
remain on his shoulders, and no longer may I be called the father of 
Telemachus. Il. Il, 259. (See Rem. 1.) 

From its use in wishes the Optative Mood (@yxAcots edarinn) 
received its name. 


REMARK 1. The Future Optative was not used in wishes in 
classic Greek. The Perfect was probably not used except in the 
signification of the Present (§ 17, N. 3), as in the last example. If 
such a phrase as eife vevixnxos were used, it would mean O that u 
may prove (hereafter) that he has been victorious! See § 18, 1. 


_ Remark 2. In Homer we occasionally find the Present Optative 
in a wish referring to present time, where later writers would have 
used the Imperfect Indicative. E. g. 


§ 82.] OPTATIVE. 175 


El yap ¢yav otra ye Aids sais alyidyxoto 

Einy quara navra, réxot 8€ pe wétma “Hon, 

Tcolpny 8 ws rier’ "AOnvain cat "Ardd op, 

“Qs wiv npépn Fe xaxdy Hepes "Apyeioror, 
O that I were the son of Zeus, and that Hera were my mother, and that 
I were honored as Athene and Apollo are honored, &c. Il. XIII, 825, 
(Here réxo: is nearly equivalent to pirnp ein: cf. 3d rexotoa, O mother. 
quoted under § 83, 1.) 

"OQ yépor, e16’, os Oupds evi ornOecor plrororw 

“Qs roe youral!’ éw orro, Bin dé roc turedos e7n° 

"AAAG oe yipas reipes Spoitov: ws Spedev tis 

"Avdpay dAdos Exe, ov 8¢ xoupordporcs peretvat. 
The idea is, O that thy knees equalled thy heart in strength, &c. I. 
IV, 318. At the end we have the more regular form, épedey ris 
@ os exe, would that some other man had it (ynpas). § 83, 2, N. 1. 

EW? os 7Bdotpe, Bin 8€ por Zuwedos ein° 

T@ xe tay’ dvrnoece payns KopvOaiodos “Exrwp, 
O that I were again so young, &c. fl. VII, 157. VII, 133. 

For a similar exceptional use in Homer of the Present Optative 
in protasis, see § 49, 2, N.6 (6). The optatives in the examples 
quoted above may perhaps be explained as referring to the future, 
and translated, O that I might be, &c. 


Note 1. In the poets, especially Homer, the Optative without 
ide or ci ydp sometimes expresses & concession or permission; and 
aa ap an exhortation, in a sense approaching that of the Impera- 
tive. kh. g. 

Auris ’Apyeinv ‘EXévny Mevédaos dyosro, Menelaus may take back 
Argive Helen, TL. IV,19. TeOvains, d ir’, ) xdxrave BeAAe- 
popévrny, either die, or kill Bellerophontes. Il. VI, 164. "AdAG Tus 
Aodrioy caréaere, let some one call Dolws. Od. IV, 735. So 
AESCH. Prom. 1049 and 1051. 


Norte 2. The poets sometimes use the simple ef (without -Ge or 
yap) with the Optative in wishes. E. g. 

"AAN’ ef ts Kal rovode perotydpevos eadkéoesev. Tl. X, 111. 

Ei pos yévotro Pbdyyos év Bpaxioow. Eur. Heo. 836. 


Norte 8. The poets, especially Homer, sometimes use &s before 
the Optative in wishes. This és cannot be expressed in English ; 
and it is not to be translated so (as if it were written ds), or con- 
founded with ovres used as in Note 4. E. g. 

“Qs awddotro xal Dros, Sris roaird ye pefor, O that any other also 
may perish, &c. Od. I, 47. See Od. Xx. 201. ‘Qs 6 rade mopey 
Choir’, ef pos Oeuus rad’ avday. Sopn. El. 126. 


Nore 4. Ovres, thus, on this condition, may be prefixed to the 
Optative in protestations, where a wish is expressed pi some con- 
dition ; which condition is usually added in another clause. E. g. 


176 EXPRESSION OF A WISH. (§ 82. 


Ovreas Svacbe rovrev, py wepidnré pe, may you enjoy these on this 
condition, — do not neglect me. Dem. Aph. II, 842, 9. 


Note 5. The Optative in wishes belonging under this head never 
takes the particle ay. Ifa wish is expressed in the form of an ordi- 
nary apodosis, as was dy dAoiuny, how gladly I would perish (i. e. if 
f could), it does not belong here, but under § 52, 2. 


§ 83. 1. If the wish refers to the present or the 
past, and it is implied that its object ts not or was not 
attained, the secondary tenses of the Indicative are 
used. The particles of wishing here cannot be omitted. 

The distinction between the Imperfect and Aorist In- 
dicative is the same as in protasis (§ 49, 2); the Imper- 
fect referring to present time or to a continued or 
repeated action in past time, and the Aorist to a mo- 
mentary or single action in past time. KE. g. 


Ete rovro éroies, would that he were now doing this, or would 
that he had been doing this; cide rovro ¢xoinaey, would that he had 
done this ; cide iv adnOés, would that tt were true; eiOe py éyévero, 
would that it had not happened. 

Ei? elyes, & rexovoa, BerAriovs gpevas, would that thou, O 
mother, hadst a better understanding. Eur. El. 1061. Ei yap rooav- 
ry Sivan efyov, would that I had so great . Id. Ale. 1072. 
Eide cot, & Iepixkas, rére cvveyevounv. XEN. Mem. I, 2, 46. 
"Io, pr) yas éml Edvas Gavel 2x pn Ces, O that thou hadst not chosen to 
die in a foreign land. Sopu. 6. é. 1713. 


ReMAarRK. The Indicative cannot be used in wishes without e%6e 
or ef ydp, as it would occasion ambiguity; this cannot arise in the 
case of the Optative, which is not regularly used in independent 
sentences without dy, except in wishes. The last example quoted 
above shows that the Indicative with py alone can be used in nega 
tive wishes. (This passage is often emended; see, however, Her- 
mann’s note on the passage, and on Eur. Iph. Aul. 575.) Z 


2. The Aorist ededov and sometimes the Imperfect 
@perrov of opeio, debeo, may be used with the In- 
finitive in wishes of this class, with the same meaning 
as the secondary tenses of the Indicative. The Present 
Infinitive is used when the wish refers to the present or 
to continued or repeated past action, and the Aorist 
(rarely the Perfect) when it refers to the past. 


§ 83, 2.] “Qpaoy WITH THE INFINITIVE, 177 


"Agedov or dpedrov may be preceded by the particles 
of wishing, ev0e, et yap, or #7 (not ov). E. g. 

“Qdede rovro woretv, would that he were (now) doing this (lit. he 
ought to be doing tt), or would that he had (habitually) done this 
(lit. he ought to have done this). “Qdede rovro worhoat, would that 
he had done this. 

“Ov Sperow rpirdryy wep Exov ev Bdpacs porpay vaiecy, of 8 dy- 
Spes odor Eppevas of rér ddovro, O that I were living with even a 
third part, §c., and that those men were safe who then perished. Od. 
IV, 97. Mj dperow vexavy raged’ én deOdry, O that I had not been 
victorious in such a contest. Od. XI, 548. See Il. XVIII, 86, ai 
Sheres ov pev adhe valecv, Undreds 8€ Ovnriv dyayéoba. Ty 
Cher év eco: earaxtrdpev “Apreus ip, O that Artemis had slain 
her, &c. Il. XIX, 59. "OAebac SHeroy 17d" Hyépa, O that I had 
perished on that day. Sopu. O. T. 1157. Ei Ser’ ’Apyois pa 
ScamrdaGas oxahos Kérdyov és aiay xvaveas SupnAnyddas. Eur. 
Med. 1. El yap dhedoy oloi re efvat of modAol ra peytora KaKd 
e£epyalerOa, o that -the multitude were able, &. Puiat. Crit. 44 D. 
Mn wor Sherov Acwetv ryv Txipoy, O that I never had left Scyros. 
Sopg. Phil. 969. Ai6’ dua madvres “Exropos apéAer avri Oops emi 
muot rehagGac, would that ye all had been slain instead of Hector. 
Tl. XXIV, 258. ’Avdpes Execs dpedrrov dpeivovos eivat dxoins, 
8s fn vépeciy re cai aioxea méAX’ avOparev, O that I were the wife of 
a better man, who knew, &e. Il. VI, 350. (For gan, see § 64, 2. 

For the origin of this construction, see § 49, 2, N. 8 (5) and (c). 

Notre 1. The secondary tenses of the Indicative are not used in 
Homer to express wishes; ddeAov with the Infinitive being gener- 
ally used when it is implied that the wish is not or was not fulfilled. 
(See § 82, Rem. 2.) ‘The latter construction is used chiefly by the 
poets. 

Norte 2. Neither the secondary tenses of the Indicative nor the 
form with &dedoy in wishes can (like the Optative) be preceded by 
the simple «i (without -6e or yap). ‘ 

“Qs, used as in § 82, N. 3, often precedes Sedov, &c. in Homer, 
and rarely in the Attic poets. E. g. 

“Haves éx wodepov; as ddhedes atrdf créoGas. Il. Ill, 428. 

‘Qs Sper ‘Edevns ard Pidov ord€obas. Od. XIV, 68. 

‘Os mply didakas y’ Spheres pécos Siappaynvar. ARIST. Ran. 955. 


Remark. Expressions of a wish with the Optative or In- 
dicative after ei#e, ef ydp, &c. were originally protases with the 
apodosis suppressed. Thus, el yap yevorro, O that tt may happen 
(lit. sf +¢ would only happen), implies an apodosis like etruyis ay 

8* L 


178 IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE IN COMMANDS [§ 83, 2. 


elnv, I should be fortunate, or I should rejoice ; el yap éyevero, O 
that tt had happened, implies one like eiruyis a» jp (tf tt had 
only happened, I should have been fortunate). It will be seen 
that the use of the moods and tenses is precisely the same as 
in the corresponding classes of protasis (§ 50,2; § 49,2). The 
analogy with the Latin is the same as in protasis: — el yap 
rovro mooln (or rocnoeev), O 8i hoc faciat, O that he may do this ; 
el yap rodro érole, O si hoc faceret, O that he were doing this ; 
el yap rovro éroincer, O si hoc fecisset, O that he had done this ; 
el ydp pi) ¢yévero, utinam ne factum esset, O that tt had not hap- 
ened. 

J The form with Sedo» and the Infinitive, on the other hand, 
is an apodosis with a protasis implied. See § 49, 2, N. 3, d. 


SECTION VII. 


IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE IN COMMANDS, ExHorTs- 


TIONS, AND PROHIBITIONS. 


§ 84. The Imperative is used to express a com- 
mand, an exhortation, or an entreaty. E. g. 

Aéye, speak thou. eve, begone! °ENOéraw, let him come. Xa- 

vrov, let them rejoice. “Epxeodor xdcoinv TnAndden ’AytAjos. 


. I, 822. Zev, Zev, Oewpde ravde gpaypdroy yevod. SCH. 
Choeph. 246, me t 


Nore 1. The Imperative is often emphasized by dye (or 
dyere), pepe, or 16%, come. These words may be in the sin- 
gular when the Imperative is in the plural, and in the second 
person when the Imperative is in the third. E. g. 

Ein’ dye pos rat rdvde, pidoy réxos, doris 63° éoriv. Tl. If, 192. 
"AAA dye pluvere mdvres, evevnuides "Ayasoi. Tl. II, 331. Bdor’ 6c, 
ovAe dvepe, Gods eri vnas ’Ayaav. Il. Il, 8. “Aye 39 dxoveare. 
XEN. Apol.§ 14. “Ayere demvycare. XEN. Hell. Vy, 1,18. Dép’ 
elré 3n pot. Sopu. Ant. 534. Sépe 37 pos rdde cime. Puat. Crat. 
385 B. “16s 3) A€fov jpiv mpHrov rovro. XEN. Mem. IL, 8, 8. 
"10s vey rapioragGov. ARIST. - 1378. “106 vuv AcBavwrdy 8eiipd 
Tis kai wip dra. Ib. 871. 


§ 85.] SUBJUNOTIVE. 179 


REMARK. épe is not used in this way in Homer. 


Notsr 2. The poets sometimes use the second person of the Im- 
perative with ras in hasty commands. E. g. 


“Axove was, hear, every one! Arist. Thesm. 372. Xdpes dedpo 
was tmnperns’ régeve, mate’ odevdduny ris pot Sérw. Id. Av. 1187. 
“Aye 8) ovira was aynp. Id. Ran. 1125. 


Nore 3. The Imperative is sometimes used in relative 
clauses depending on an interrogative (usually ofc6a), where 
we should expect the relative clause to be completed by dé 
with an Infinitive, and the Imperative to stand by itself. E. g. 


"ANN alc & Spacov; rE oxédres Seve ryv wérpay, but do you know 
what to dof strike the rock with your leg/ Arist. Av. 54. (We 
should expect here oiaG’ & dei 8paca; 8pacov: x.r.A., do you know 
what to do? if so, do it: viz. strike the rock, &c.) Otc@’ & por cvp- 
wpatoy, do you know what you must do for me? if so, dow. Eur. 

eracl. 451. Oilcéd wy & po yevéo Oo; deca rois fevorct rpdobes, 
do you know what must be done for me (a 8¢t por reverent) ? let it be 
done then (yevéc Ow), viz. put chains on the strangers. Id. Iph. Taur. 
1203. Oicé’ as roinaov; Sorx. O. T. 548. (Compare Eur. 
Cycl. 131, olo& ovv & 8pdaers; dost thou know what thou art to do?) 


Note 4. The Imperative sometimes denotes a mere concession, 
and sometimes a appec (where something is supposed to be 
true for argument’s sake). E. g. 

IlAovres re yap car’ oixov: dav 8 dag rovray rd xaipew, ran’ 
€y® xarvou oxias ovr dy wpiaipnv. Sopn. Ant. 1168. Hpocetrdre 
rivd dirixas 6 re dpywy xai 6 ida@rns, suppose that both the ruler and 
the private man adaress, &c. Xen. Hier. VIII, 8. 


§ 85. The first perepn of the Subjunctive (usually 
in the plural) is used in exhortations, supplying the 
want of a first person to the Imperative. “Aye 
(a@yere) or Pepe, come, often precedes. E. g. 

“Toe, let us go. “I8wpev, let us see. Olxade rep oviv muci ved- 
peda, révde 8 edpev, let us sail homeward with our ships, and leave 
him. Il. II, 236. "AAX’ ef doxet, wrAéwopev, dpudcOw tayvs. SOPH. 
Phil. 526. ‘Exioyerov, padopev. Ib. 589. *Enicxes, épBddo- 
poev eis Gddov Adyov. Eur. El. 962. Dapapdy re ov Sowep 
Kipos xedever, doxapéy re d¢ Sv padtora duvnodpeba xarexew a 
8i, mapéxyopéey re qpas airovs, x.r.A. KEN. Cyr. VIII, I, 5. 
"AN ayed’, ds dy eydy ciro, wetOdpeOa mavres. Il. Il, 139. 
"AAN’ dye 8) xat vir peda peOa Govpidos daxjs. Dl. 1V, 418. Seéepe 
8) Stawmepdvaperv Adyous. Eur. Androm. 383. Acvre, pidot, ror 
Ecivoy dpdpeba. Od. , 1838. 


180 IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE IN COMMANDS. [§ 85. 


Norte 1. The first person singular of the Subjunctive, when it is 
used in this way, almost always takes dye (ayere) or hépe, unless 
some other Imperative precedes. E. g. 

"AN dye 8) ra xpnyar dprOpnaoe nat T8mpar. Od. XIII, 
215. *AAQ’ dyed" Spo revxe eveixw OwpnxOjva. Od. XXII, 139. 
Odmre pe Orrs rdyiora, miAas ‘Aidao wmepnaow, bury me as 
quickly as possible; let me pass the gates of Hades. fl. XXIII, 71. 
ép dxovow, come, let me hear. Hpt. I, 11. iya, mvods pada* 
pe pe mpds ovs Bddw. Eur. Herc. F.1059. "Eriayer’ avdyy rev 
ria €xpaOe. Id. Hippol. 567. Aéye 87,i8. Prat. Rep. V, 
457 C, 


Notre 2. The second and third persons of the Subjunctive are 
not regularly used in affirmative exhortations, the Imperative being 
the ar form in these persons. (For the Aorist Subjunctive 
with pn in prohibitions, see § 86.) 

In some cases the Optative in wishes, in the second and third 
persons, has almost the force of an exhortation. (§ 82, N. 1.) 

In a few exceptional cases, we find even the second n of the 
Subjunctive in exhortations, like the first person, but always accom- 
panied by dépe. E.g. 

Sep’, d réxvov, vivxal rd ris yycov padOns. Soru. Phil. 300. 

For the Future Indicative used elliptically in exhortations after 
dros, see § 45, Note 7. 


REMARK. The preceding rules apply only to affirmative exhorta- 
tions: these should be carefully distinguished from prohibitions with 
pn (§ 86). The use of the Imperative in prohibitions is generally 
confined to the Present tense. 


§ 86. In prohibitions, in the second and third per- 

sons, the Present Imperative or the Aorist Subjunctive is 
é e 

used after “7 and its compounds. The former expresses 

a continued or repeated, the latter a single or momen- 

tary prohibition. 

In the first person (where the Imperative is wanting) 
the Present Subjunctive is allowed. E. g. 

Mn woies rovro, do not do this (habitually) ; pi wownons tovro, 
do not do this (single act). ’Efavda, py nedde vow, iva (dopey ta 
Nl. I, 363. "Arpeidn, ph Pevde emordpevos cada eireiv. IL IV, 
404. “Apyetos, un we re peOiere Oovpidos ddxns. D1. IV, 284. Kind 
uot eipouevp vnseptéa, pnd’ émixevons. Od. XV, 263. “Hn vip 
og madi eros pdo, pnd évixevbe. Od. XVI, 168. Myxer vow dn 


avi Acyapeba, pnd Eri dnpdy duBarrAwpeda Epyov. Il. Il, 435, 
Ypeis 8€ rp v7 THGe py Bapvy xédrov oxnWnobe, py Ovpoiobe, 


§ 87.] PROHIBITIONS. 18] 


pnd deupriay revEnre. AxEscH. Eumen. 800. *Ov pyr’ oxveire, 
pnr adit eros xaxdv. Sopu. O. C. 731. My Onabe vopoy pndiva, 
GANG rovs BAdwrovras bpas AJoare. Dem. Ol. HI, 31, 11. (Here 
6¢a0« would not be allowed by § 86; although Avoare, in a mere 
exhortation, is regular, by § 84.) Mi xara rovs vopous Sixdaonre’ 
py BonOncare r@ wemovOdrs Sewd pi evopxeire. Id. Mid. 582, 
15. My wpin, wat, dgda. ARisT. Nub. 613. Kai podeis vr oA apy 
pe Botheobas Aadeciv. Isoc. Phil. p. 101 A. § 93. Kail pndcis of €0 bm 
p’ dyvoeiv. Id. Paneg. p. 55 C. § 79. 


Note 1. (a.) With the exception of the first person (§ 86), the 
Present Subjunctive is not used in prohibitions. 
An elliptical use of the Subjunctive (sometimes the Present) after 
44 OF Onws py, With a verb of fearing understood, must not be con- 
»unded with this. (See § 46, N. 4. 


(b.) The second person of the Aorist Imperative is very seldom 


found in prohibitions ; the third person is less rare. E. g 

Mnd’ 7 Bia ce pndapas viernodre. Sopnu. Aj. 138384. Mndé cos 
peAnodrew. AESCH. Prom. 332. So Prom. 1004. Kai padete 
tpav rpogdsoxnadtrw ddAws. PLaTt. Apol. 17 C. 

Mi Petcor, & Zev, ris exiovons éAwidos. ARIST. Thes; 870. 

Norse 2. The first person singular even of the Aorist Subjunc- 
tive in prohibitions is rare, and is found only in the poets. E. g. 

Mn oe, yepor, xoiAnoww eyo wapa ynvot xexyeio. Tl. I, 26. *AdAa 
ne ye rijode vis wopOpevooy as Taxtora, xy airos 6dyw. SOPH. 

. 801. 7D Letvos, pi Sy’ ddixn do. id. O. C.174. (This may 
be explained also by § 46, N. 4.) 


SECTION VITI1. 


SUBJUNCTIVE (LIKE FuTuRE INDICATIVE) IN INDEPENDENT 
SENTENCES. — INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE.—Ov joy 
WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE. 


§ 87. In the Homeric language the Subjunctive is 
sometimes used in independent sentences, with the 
force of a weak Future Indicative. E. g. 

Ov ydp we rolovs Woy avépas, ovde T8mpar, for I never yet saw, 


nor shall I (or can I) ever see such men. Il. I, 262. ‘Ypiv ev navrec- 
ws wepixdura 8ap dvopnva, I will enumerate the gifts, &c. Il. IX, 


182 INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE. [§ 87. 


121. Avoopat és.’Ai8ao, nal ev vexieoor haeive, I will descend to 
Hades, and shine among the dead (said by the Sun). Od. XII, 383. 
(Here the Future aivcopza: and the Subjunctive daelyw hardly differ 
in their force.) Kai moré ris e(myaeyv, and some one will perhaps 
say. Il. VI, 459. (In vs. 462, referring to the same thing, we have 
ds woré rig épéet.) Ovn fof ovdros avip, ovd éacerat, ovdé yévn- 
Tat, os xev Tyhepdyp og vies xeipas éroioe. Od. XVI, 437. Mon- 
copat ovdé Adbwpac ’ArdAdAwvos éxdroro, I will remember and will 
not forget the far-shooting Apollo.* Hymn. in Apoll. 1. 

ReMArRK. The Aorist is the tense usually found in this construc- 
tion. The first person singular is the most common, and instances 
of the second person are very rare. 


Nott. This Homeric Subjunctive, like the Future Indica- 
tive, is sometimes joined with dy or xe to form an apodosis. 
This enabled the earlier language to express an apodosis with 
a sense between that of the Optative with dy and that of the 
simple Future Indicative, which the Attic was unable to do. 
(See § 88, 2.) E.g. 

Ei 3€ ke pry Sdnory, éyd 8€ kev airés ELwpas, but if he does not 
give her up, I will take her myself. Tl. I, 324. (Here éd@pas xev has 
a shade of meaning between éAolyny xev, J would take, and aipyoo- 
pat, J will take, which neither the Attic Greek nor the English can 
express.) Compare qv x’ tyiv adda elma, Gre mpdrepds ye rvboipny, 
Od. I, 48, with yw x’ juiy odda efror, dre mpdrepds ye wvdo.o, II, 
81,— both referring to the same thing. See also Il. bid 54; and 
VI, 448, the last example under § 59, N. 1. 


§ 88. The first person of the Subjunctive is used in 
questions of doubt, where the speaker asks himself or 
another what he is todo. The negative particle is “7. 
In Attic Greek this Subjunctive is often introduced by 
Bovre or BovreoGe (poetic Heres or Oédere). EL g. 


Elmo rovro; shall I say this? or Bove: etrw rovro; do you wish 
that I should say this? My) rovro wore pey, shall we not do this? Ti 
eimw; or ri BovArerOe cirw; what.shall I say? or what do dy want 
me to say? For the Future in such questions, see § 25, 1, N. 4. 

Iln yap eyo, pire réxvor, fa; red Sdpal ixw pas avdpar of xpavany 
"lOaxny xdra xoipavéovow ; "H l6is ons pyrpds tw «al goto Sdpoto; 
whither shall I go? to whose house shall I come? &c. Od. XV, 509. "H 
airés eevOm; pdcba 8é pe Gupds dvoyer. Od. XXI, 194. *Q Zei, 
ri \éEw; wot ppevav €LOw, natep; SopH. O. C. 310. “Quoe éyd, 
na Bo; raora; ma xéXow; Eur. Hec. 1056. Hot rparepas; 
wot wopevOa; Ib. 1099. Eima re ray elwbdrwrv, & déorora; 
Arist. Ran. 1. Tiva yap pdprupa peifo wmapacxeopar; Dem 


§ 88.] INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE. _ 188 


F. L. 416, 7. Mnd, édy ri dvapa,...Zpepas dxdcov made; may 
I not ask, &e.? Mn’ adroxpivepat ovy, dy tis pe €pwrd veos, cay 
eido; and may I not answer, &c. XEN. Mem.I. 2,86. Mic8ooo- 
ue Oa ovv xnpuxa, } airs dveirw; Prat. Rep. IX, 580 B. Me- 
Ovovra av8pa mavy ododpa deere cupmorny, ij} amiwperv; will you 
receive him, or shall we go away? Id. Symp. 212 E. "Apa pi aio yuy- 
Oadpev rov Wepoav Baordda pipnoacba ; shall we then be ashamed 
to imitate the king of the Persians? Xen. Occon. IV, 4. 

Hod 8) Bovr€e xabi(cpevas dvayvapev; where wilt thou that we 
sit down and read? Puat. Phaedr. 228 E. (So 263 E.) Bovder 
ovv éemitoxom@pey Sov Fon Td Suvarov éort; XEN. Mem. II, 5, 1. 
BovAe: AdBwpact dyra cai iyo ri cov; Sopa. Phil. 761. Bov- 
Aeod execonéoopeyv; Eur. Hec. 1042. Odrecs pelvapey avrov 
kdvaxovcaper yoov; Sopu. El. 81. Tico: OérX ers dnt cixadw; 
Id. O. T. 651. GérAere Onpacdpeda MevOéws 'Ayaviy pnrép éx 
Baxxevparov, ydpw r dvaxtrs OGpev; Eur. Bacch. 719. So with . 
xeXevere: "AAA Tas; etm KEeAevETE Kai ovK cpyetcbe; do you 
command me to speak, &c.? Dem. Phil. IIH, 123, 1. 

In Piat. Rep. II, 872 E, we find BovAerOe and a Subjunctive with 
ei in protasis: ef 8 avd BovrAeabe xat preypaivoveay mow Oeapy- 
owperv, ovdey droxwrvea, i. @. tf you will have us examine, &c. 


(§ 49, 1.) 


_ Remark. In this construction there is an implied appeal to some 
person (sometimes to the speaker himself), so that BovAe: or some 
similar word can always be understood, even if it is not expressed. 
Homeric examples in which this is not the case fall naturally under 
§ 87. 

In the later Greek the classic form @éAere cirw; was developed 
into OéXere iva (or Gras) efmw ; — from which comes the modern 

Greek OéAere va etrm; Or va cirw; will you have me speak f 


Note 1. The thtrd person of the Subjunctive is sometimes 
used in questions, but less frequently than the first. This 
happens chiefly when a speaker refers to himself by ris. Ex- 
amples of the second person are very rare. E. g. 


Ildrepov oé ris, Aloyivn, ris médews éxOpdv f éudv elvas HF; i. €. 
shall we call you the citta ane, or mine hs ei e 268, i Eira 
rav0’ otra wetobaary imép alrav oe wotew, Kai Ta THS ONS TOMN- 
pias épya ef’ éavtois dvadefovrat; i.e. are these men to believe, 
&e.; and ate ey Ps assume, &c. Id. Androt. saa 8. Ti = elvas 
rovro $7; Id. F. L. 869, 12. Gvyarep, roi ris povridos EX On; SOPH. 
O. C. 170. Wot ris ovy oY n3; Id 4j. tone Hd6ev obty ai ravuTns 
ni Ak payns; Puat. Phil. 15 D. Das rs weiOnrac; I. I, 


(Ila@s ovv ér’ eins Gre ovvérradpat xaxots; Eur. Here. F. 
1417.) See Kriiger, Vol. I, § 54, 2; Notes 4 and 5. 


Note 2. The Subjunctive is often used in ths question 


184 DOUBLE NEGATIVE O% 7. [§ 88. 


vl waa; what will become of me? or what harm will tt do me? 


literally, what shall I undergo? E. g. 

“2 Pyd, ri wdOa; ri wv pos pyeiora yérnras; Od. V, 465. So 
Nl. xi sok Ti wade; ri 8€ 890; ri rT gee Seah i Arscua. Sept. 
1057. Ti wd@@ rAnpov; Id. Pers. 912; Arist. Plut. 603. Ti 
wdOe; ri dé phoopa; ofvo. Sop. Trach. 973. Td peddAov, ef xpi, 
veicopat’ ri yap wabe; I shall suffer what is to come, if it must 
be; for whai harm can it do me? Eur. Phoen. 895. (The differ- 
ence between this and the ordinary meaning of rdoyq is here seen.) 
‘Quodéynxa: ri yap wa0o; Prat. Euthyd. 302 D.- So in the 
plural, DT. IV, 118; Ti yap db wper py Bovr(opevar tpewr ripo- 
péew; 


§ 89. The double negative ov “7 is sometimes used 
with the Subjunctive and the Future Indicative in inde- 
pendent sentences, being equivalent to a strong single 
negative. The compounds of both ov and “7 can be 
used here as well as the simple forms. 


1. The Subjunctive (sometimes the Future Indica- 
tive) with ov uy may have the force of an emphatic 
Future with ov. Thus ov uy Todo yévnrat (sometimes 
ov jn TovTO ‘yevnoeras) means this surely will not hap- 
pen, being a little more emphatic than ov rovro yevy: 
cerat. H. g. 


(Aor. Subj.) Ov ph wlOnrat, he eoill not obey. Sopa. he 
Odre yap yiyveras obre yéyovey oV8E ovy évyntat adAotoy hOos, 
for here te Laid nor has there been, nor “lit ere pie be, &c. PLAT. 
Rep. VI, 492 E. (Here oid€ pi} yévyras is merely more emphatic 
than the ordinary ov yevnoera.) Kai ravd’ axovoas od rs pp) ANPIS 
ddAm. AESCH. Sept. 38. ‘AAA’ od mor’ ef euov ye py waOns rdde. 
Sopw. El. 1029. Odra o” Axara, of8a, ph tis UBpion- Ta. Aj. 
560. *AAXN’ od re py huynre AawWype wodt. Eur. El. 1039. Toy 
iy Kpatnowpev, ov py tis nuiv GAdos orpards ayriary Kore avOporey. 

pT. VII, 53. Sol, 199. Ov py oe xpupo mpds dvriwa BovAopas 
adixecbar. XEN. Cyr. VII, 8,13. Of ye Appévos ov py SéEovras 
rous moAepious. Ib. Ill, 2, 8. *Ay pévroe xaboyseda oixos, ovderor’ 
ovdey nuiy ov pi) yevnras trav Sedvray. Dem. Phil. I, 53, 4. So 
Phil. LIT, 180,11. . 

(Pres. Subj.) Hy yap dak duo f rpidy nuepay dddv amdoxyopen 
ouxérs py Svvnrat Baowrevs nuas caradaBew. KEN. An. Il, 2, 12. 
So ov py 8uv@vrat, Id. Hier. XI, 15. Lpds ratra xaxovpye xat 
cuxodarres, et rt Otvacas > ovdév cov mapiepa’ GAN’ ov pH olds tT Js, 


but you will not be able. Puat. Rep. I, 341 B. 


§ 89, 2.] DOUBLE NEGATIVE Od py. 185 


(Fut. Ind.) O08 co py pedépopal wore. Sorn. El. 1052. 
Tovs yap rovnpovs ov ph more motnoere Bedriovs. AESCHIN. Cor. 

177, O8 ros pnmoré o° éx trav é8pdvor, d yépov, axovrd tis Aker. 

opH. 0.C.176. So ovb« ody pi s8ouropnoes, O. C. 848; and Hp. 
II, 62. Ma rédv ’ArdddAw ov ph o” eyo mepiéWouaredOorr (i. ©. 
weptoyopat ameAOdvra). ARIST. Ran. 508. Eirev Gri 9 Ind 
ovdey py xaxtov olxcetras avrov admoGavovros. XEN. Hell. I, 6, 32. 
(See § 70, 2; and below, Note 1.) 

The Aorist Subjunctive is the most comnion form in this con- 
struction. 


Nore 1. Ov pa with the Future Optative, representing a Future 
Indicative of the direct discourse, occurs in an indirect quotation 
after as: Ta r dda wdvr’ borer, xal rami Tpolas mépyap ds od 
pn wore wépooter, ef pi) révde dyovro. Sopu. Phil. 611. (The 
direct discourse was ov pn wore wépoere, cay py rovde dynobe.) In 
the last example under § 89, 1, the Future Indicative is retained in 
the same construction. The Future Infinitive can be used in the 
same way; a8, Elie Tecpecias ob pn tore, cov tHvde yqy oixourros, 
ev wpafecy wédw. Eur. Phoen. 1590. | 

Ov py with the Subjunctive occurs in a causal sentence after os, in 
Arist. Av. 461: Aéye Oappnoas* os ras omovdds ob pn mpdrepow 
rapaBaper. . 


Note 2. This construction is often explained by supposing an 
ellipsis of ded» darw or pdBos éariv between the od and the pn: 
this is based on such passages as XEN. Mem. II, 1, 25, od @dBos py 
oe ayaye, there is no fear lest I may lead you, which with the odBos 
omitted would be od pn ce dydyw. This theory, however, leaves the 
following construction (§ 89, 2) entirely unexplained ; and the su 
posed ellipsis fails to account for the meaning in many cases, as in 
the first example under § 89, 1. 


2. The second person of the Future Indicative (some- 
times the Subjunctive) with ov #7 may express a strong 
prohibition. Thus ov py) Aadjoes means you shall not 


prate (or do not prate), being more emphatic than 7 
Aare. EL g. | 

Hotes Zevs; od py Anpnoecs (Anpnoys): ove Fors Zevs, i. @. stop 
your nonsense! Arist. Nub. 367. °Q sai, ri Opoeis; ov py map’ 
dyA@ rade were , do not (I beg you) speak out in this way before 
the people. Eur. Hippol. 213. ’O 6vyarep, ov pi pidov émi moAXovs 
épets. Eur. Supp. 1066. Ov py yuvacdy seddv eiooicets 
Aoyor, do not adopt the cowardly language of women. Eur. Andr. 
757. Ov py é£eyepets rév Umve naroxoy KdxKivnoets KavacTn- 
gets horadta dew vocorv, d réxvov, do not wake him. Sopu. Trach. 
es Ti wovets; ov py karaBnaes, don't come down. Arist. Vesp 


186 DOUBLE NEGATIVE Od py. [§ 89, 2. 


_ For the use of the fature, see § 25,1. N. 5. For the Subjunctive 
in this construction, see below, Rem. 2. 


Note 1. A prohibition thus begun by od py may be con- 
tinued by pydé with another Future (or Subjunctive). An 
affirmative command may be added by another Future or an 
Imperative, after dAAd or &. E. g. 

Ou carets p, dvOpad’, ixerevo, pndé xarepets rodvopa, do 
not call to me, I implore siege speak aa name. IST. Ran. 298, 
Ov ph mpocoicess xeipa pnd’ Ayes wéxdov, do not bring your 
hand near me nor touch my garments. Eur. Hippol. 606. Ov py 
wpocolaets xeipa, Baxxevoess O lady, pnd? eEopdpet pwpiav 
rv any énoi, do not bring your hand near me; but go and rage, and 
do not wipe off your folly on me. Id. Bacch. 343. 

OU py AaAnoecs (AaAnons), GAN dxeorovOnaers poi, do not 
. prate, but follow me. Arist. Nub. 505. Ov py dcarpipers, adAa 
yevoes ris Gupas, do not delay, but knock at the door. Id. Ran. 
462. Ob ph) PAvapHoets exwv, & EHavbia, dvd’ dpduevos olcecs 
waXty Ta OTpopara. fb. 524. Ov py dvopernjs Exes Hidros, wmavoes 
8€ Ovpou nai wddey orpéwWets xdpa,...déEer 3€ Sopa cal wapac- 
rnoer marpds, be not inimical to friends, bul cease your rage, &c. 
Eur. Med. 1151. Ov ph oxons pndé rocnons anep of rpvyodai- 
poves ovat, GAN’ evdnpes, do not scoff, nur do what these wretches 
do; but keep silence! Arist. Nub. 296. (Here the Imperative is 
used precisely like the Future with dAdd or 3¢ in the preceding ex- 


— } 

he Future in the clauses with adda or 8€ will be explained by 
§ 25,1, N. 5 (a); in the clauses with pydé it may be explained by 
§ 25, 1, N. 5 (6), or we may consider the construction a continua- 
tion of that with od pn, the yn being repeated without the ov. 


Note 2. In a few cases ov with the Future is used interroga- 
tively expressing an exhortation, followed by another Future with 
pndé or xal ph expressing a prohibition. E. g. 

OU aty dvéter, pnde Sechiay dpet(s), keep silence (lit. will you not 
keep lence ?) and do not become - ae Sopa. 75. (Here 

erhaps we should punctuate ov aiy’ avéfec; pndd Serlav apet. 
see Rem. 1. But the first clause, although strictly interrogative, is 
really an exhortation, and was so considered in the construction of 
the following clause, where the Future is to be explained on the 
principle of § 25,1, N. 5 (6). Compare the examples under Note 
1.) Ov Oaocov oicers, pnd’ dwtornaoess poi, 1. e. extend your 
hand, and do not distrust me. Id. Trach. 1183. Ovd« ef ov otxous, 
A i Kpéwy xara oréyas, cat pi Td pndev GAryos els péy’ oloere. Id. 

. i. 637. 


REMARK 1. The examples under § 89, 2 and the notes are usu- 
ally printed as interrogative, in accordance with the doctrine of 
ey, stated in his note to Eurip. Med. 1120 (1151) and in the 


§ 89, 2.] DOUBLE NEGATIVE OU py. 187 


Quarterly Review for June, 1812. He explains od uy AaAnoas 3 
as meaning will you not stop prating f lit. will you not not prate? and 
when a second clause in the Future with pundé or dAda follows, he 
considers the interrogative force of ov to extend also to this. But 
this explanation requires an entirely different theory to account for _ 
the construction of § 89, 1; whereas the rules given above consider 
the Subjunctive there a relic of the common Homeric Subjunctive 
(§ 87), and explain the Future in § 89, 2 by the principle stated in 
§ 25, 1, N. 5, — ov py having the same force of a strong single negative 
in both constructions. As to the examples in N. 1, the last one (where 
the Imperative instead of the Future follows dAAd) seems to be de- 
cisive against the interrogative force commonly ascribed to the 
Future in the others. The examples in N. 2 are the strongest sup- 
port of Elmsley’s theory, where the first clause is clearly interroga- 
tive, at least originally ; but the force of the question as an exhorta- 
tion seems to have guided the construction of the sentence, which 
is finished after the analogy of the examples in N. 1. The explana- 
tion given above (N. 2) is supported by Arscu. Sept. 250, ov aiya; 
pyddy ravd’ épeis xard wroduy, will you not keep silence? (ov aiy’ av- 
bet ;) say nothing of this kind through the city. 

We may explain the examples in N. 2 as interrogative, by con- 
sidering the first clause a question with ov (implying an affirma- 
tive answer) equivalent to an exhortation, and the second a 
question with py (implying a negative answer) equivalent to 
a prohibition. Ov oy dvefe, unde Secdiay dpet; will thus mean, 

Ul you not keep silence? and you will not become a coward, will 
you ? 


REMARK 2. In modern editions of the classics the Subjunctive is 
not found in the construction of § 89, 2. But in many of the exam- 
ples quoted there and in the notes the first Aorist Subjunctive in 
-o7s has been emended to the Future, against the authority of the 
Mss., in conformity to Dawes’s rule. ee § 45, N. 8, with foot- 
note.) Thus, in the three examples from the Clouds, the Mss. have 
the Subjunctive; and in the last (vs. 296) ot py axaypys could 
not be ch to od py oxadwpecrs, as the Fature of oxenre is 
oxoyoua. Elmsiey’s emendation oxo wes is therefore adopted by 
most editors. But this seems too violent a change to allow in the 
text, merely to sustain an arbitrary rule, which at best has nothing 
but accident to rest on. If both constructions (§ 89, 1 and 2) are 
explained on the same principle, there is no longer any reason for . 
objecting to the Subjunctive with od yy in prohibitions; and it 
seems most probable that both the Future and ae Subjanctive were 
allowed in both constructions, but that the Subjunctive was more 
common in that of § 89, 1, and the Future in that of § 89, 2. 


188 THE INFINITIVE. § 90. 


CHAPTER V. 


THE INFINITIVE, 


§90. The Infinitive mood expresses the swmple idea 
of the verb, without limitation of number or person. 
It has the force of a neuter verbal noun, and as such it 
may take the neuter of the article in all its cases. 

It has at the same time the attributes of a verb, so 
that (even when it takes the article) it may have a 
subject, object, and other adjuncts; and, further, it is 
qualified not by adjectives, but by adverbs. 


§91. The Infinitive may as nominative be the sub- 
ject of a finite verb, or as accusative be the subject of 
another Infinitive. The Infinitive is especially common 

; . >” 
as the subject of an impersonal verb, or of eors. It may 
also be a predicate nominative, or it may stand in appo- 
sition with a substantive. 

Such Infinitives stand regularly without the article; 
but if they are to be especially prominent as containing 
the leading idea of the sentence, the article may be 
used. E. g. 

SuvéBy aur® €d Beiy, it happened to him to go. Ovx Everrt rovro 
wotnaat. ‘Advvardy dort rovro motnoat. "Efny pévery. Aci 
airdy pévesy. Od per 40 rs xaxoy Bactrevéeper, for t ts no bad 
thing to be a king. Od. I, 392. Els olwvds dpicros, apuverdar 
mept marpns. Il. XII, 243. *Ael yap 8a rois yépovow ev padeiv. 
Arscu. Ag. 584. Todd yap pgov éxovras pudAdrrety f xtTHoa- 
o@as ravra mépuxevy. Dem. OL. I, 25, 24. (Compare OL I, 16, 3: 
Aoxet rd HudraEas tayaba rod xcrncagbas xadrenatepoy eivat.) 
“H8d mwoddovs éxOpots €xerv; Dem. F. L. 409, 25. Aoxet oixo- 
yopouv ayabou eivat ev olxety Tov éavrov oikov. XEN. Oecon. I, 
2. not ety rovro motioat, he says that it is necessary to to this. 
(Here motjoast as accus. is the subject of deiv: for deity, see § 92, | 
Td yv Hvac émornuny ov AaBeiyv éoriv, to learn is to acquire kno 
edge. Prat. Theaet. 209 E. To dicny 863évae mérepoy maayxety 


§ 92, 1.] INFINITIVE AS OBJECT. 189 


ri corw } wocetv; Prat. Gorg. 476 D. (In the last two examples 
the subject Infinitive has the article to emphasize it, while the pre- 
dicate Infinitives stand alone.) Odro: 4du éore rd ex ecv ypipara 
ovras as duapdy Td admoBdddecy. XEN. Cyr. VIII, 3, 42. (Com- 
pare the two examples above from Demosthenes.) Tovré éori ro 
adixety, rd wdéov ray Gdrwv (nreiy gyev. Prat. Gorg. 488 C. 
"AAX’ oipat, vow pev dmoxoret rovras TO karopOovy. Dem. OL. II, 
28, 27. Td yap Gavaroy Sedcévas ovdev Ado dori fh 8oKxetv cody 
= pi Svra-> Soxety yap etSévas éortiv A ov oldey. PLAT. Apol. 
29 A. 


§ 92. The Infinitive without the article may be the 
object of a verb. It stands generally as an object accu- 
sative, sometimes as an object genitive, and sometimes 
as an accusative of kindred signification. The classes 
of verbs after which the Infinitive is thus used must be 
learned by practice; but the Infinitive without a sub- 
ject follows in general the same classes of verbs in 
Greek as in English. The following, however, may be 
specially mentioned : — 


1. In general, any verb whose action directly implies 
another action or state as its object, if such action or 
state is to be expressed by a verb and not by a noun, 
takes the Infinitive. Such are verbs signifying to teach, 
to learn, to accustom, to desire, to ask, to advise, to entreat, 
to exhort, to command, to persuade, to urge, to propose, to 
‘ compel, to need, to cause, to intend, to begin, to attempt, to 
permit, to decide, to dare, to prefer, to choose, to pretend ; 
those expressing fear, unwillingness, eagerness, cau- 
tion, neglect, danger, postponement, forbidding, hindrance, 
escape, &c.; and all implying alelity, fitness, desert, 
qualification, sufficiency, or their opposites. K. g. 

Addoxovow airdv Badd, they teach him to shoot. “Epaboy rovro 
swarjoa, they learned to do this. BovAerat €AGetv. Tapavovpev oot 
meerOa. PoBovrpas pévery. Aipovvra: wodkenewv. “H modes xivdu- 
veves ScaGapnvas. Avvaras amedGeiv. "ExéAevoev avrov repipecval 
pe. Ac€opat tpav ovyyvopny pos exe. Else orparnyovs édeoGar, he 

oposed to choose generals. ‘Asrayopevovary avrois py ToUTO Trotnoat. 


(See below, § 95, 2.) Ti nwAvoes avrov Badifev dros Bovrera, what 
will prevent him from marching, &§c.? °Afi® AapBavew. "Ag£couras 


190° THE INFINITIVE. [§$ 92, 1. 


Oaveiy. Ov swéhuxe Sovrevery, he is not born to be a slave. *‘AvaBdd- 
Xerat rovro woveiv, he postpones doing this. 

This use of the Infinitive is too common to need illustration by 
more particular examples. 


Remark 1. The Infinitive in this construction is generally equiv- 
alent to the English Infinitive after the same class of verbs; and it 
refers to indefinite or to future time. (See § 15,1.) The Present 
and Aorist are the tenses usually found, with the distinction stated 
in the Remark before § 12: for the Perfect, see § 18, 3 (6); and for 
the occasional use of the Future Infinitive (or even the Infinitive 
with dy) after some of these verbs, see § 27, N. 2. 


ReMARK 2. Verbs of fearing and caution are included in the list 
given above, although they are generally followed by sa, lest, and 
the Subjunctive or Optative. (See § 46.) The Infinitive, however, 
sometimes occurs; and, when it is used, it belongs regularly under 
the rule, § 92,1. (See § 46, N. 8, a and Bb.) 

Verbs expressing danger take the Infinitive more frequently than 
pn with the Subjunctive or Optative. (See § 46, N. 8, ¢.) 


Nors 1. Some verbs which do not regularly take an In- 
finitive may be used in unusual significations, so as to allow an 
Infinitive by § 92,1. E. g. 


EKuvéBynoay rois Wdaracevor mapasovvas odas avrovs eat ra onda, 
they made an agreement with the Plataeans to surrender, &c. Tuuc. 
II, 4. Tive 8 dy tes paddov morevone wmapaxarabéaOac ypnuara; 
to whom would any one sooner dare to commit money? XEN. Mem. 
IV, 4,17. ’Oddpovras olkdvde véea Oar, they mourn to go home, IL 
II, 290. *Ewevpnunocay Axacot aldeta Gas iepna. Il. I, 22. 


Nore 2. When a noun and a verb (especially éori) to- 
gether form an expression equivalent to any of the verbs of 
§ 92, 1, they may take the Infinitive without the article. 
Some other expressions with a similar force take the same 
construction. E. g. 


"Avayxn éott mavras dwerOety. Kivdvvos Rv altro wadety rt. 
“Oxvos €ori pot Touro motnaat. oBos dortiv air édOeiv. “Apata 
€v avrais }v, koAUpa ovea (rds mUAas) mpoaGeivar, a wagon, which 
prevented them from shutting the gates. TuHuc. IV, 67. So émeyévero 
dé dAdows re Groh xodvpara py av&nOnvac, obstacles to their in- 
crease. Id. I, 16. (See § 95, 2, N.1.) Tots orpatidrats Spy éve- 
mege extetxioat td yapiov. Id. IV, 4. Ov pavris efpi rapavy 
yve@vat, I am not enough of a prophet to decide, &c. Eur. Hippol. 
346. (Here the idea of ability is implied in payres uae ee aopaés 
cat pévecy kal amweAOety ai vies mapeEovow. Tuuc. VI, 18. (See 
§ 93, 1.) “Exovra riPaceverOat divow, capable by nature of 


§ 92, 1.] INFINITIVE AS OBJECT. - 191 


being tamed (== megucdéra rebacetecba). PLat. Politic. 264 A. Tis 
pnxav) py ovyt wavra xaravar@byvar eis ro reOvava; (i. e. Ti 
Kodvoes, py) ov! wayra KaravakwOyva;) PLat. Phaed. 72 D. Aé- 
Sorxa x WOANG Kal xadrena els avayxyny EXKOwpev mosecy, lest we may 
come to the necessity of doing. Dem. Ol. I, 18, 25. “Qpadmsévac, 
2 is time to go away (like yp dmcévas, we must go away). Pat. 
Apol, 42 A. ’Edwidas éye: rovro motqoas (=Ariles rovro moty- 
aa), he hopes to do this. But édnis rov éXety, Tuvuc. Il, 56. 
Oi 8¢ (avres airios Oavetiy, and the living are those who caused them 
to die. Sop. Ant. 1173. We might also have afrio rov rovrous 
Gaveiy or airtos rd rovrous Baveiv. (See § 23, 1, N. 3.) So in phrases 
like wodAob (or puxpod) dé rorety rt, I want much (or little) of doing 
anything ; wapa puxpdv 7AGov sroety re, they came within a little of do- 
tng anything; where the idea of ability, inabiity, or sufficiency 
appears: so in THuc. VII, 70, Bpayd yap améAurov dtaxdcras yere- 
aa. So duroday rovrp éorlv edbey (==xodves rovrov éAbeiv), it 
prevents him from going ; where rov éd@ew may be used. (See § 94, 
and § 95, 1 and 2.) 

The Infinitive depending on a noun is generally an adnominal 
genitive with the article rov. See § 94 and § 95, 1, 


Nore 8. Although the Infinitive depending on the verbs in- 
cluded in § 92, 1 regularly stands without the article, yet ro is some- 
times prefixed to give the Infinitive still more the character of a 
noun in the accusative. The Infinitive is sonietimes placed for em- 
phasis ah from the main construction, like a synecdochical accu- 
sative. E. g. 

Kal was 3) rd dpyixovs elvas dvOporev radevers; XEN. Occon. 

»4. (So rasdevo red rt.) Td 8 ad Evvoscetv 17d’ dpov ris 
dy yun) duvaro; i. e. as to living with her, what woman could do it? 
Sopu. Tr. 545. Td 8pav ovx nOerAnoav. Id. O. C. 442. 

Ovdeis p’ dv weivecey rd py ovx €A Oty, no One could persuade me 
nottogo. Arist. Ran. 68. (For py od, see § 95, 2, N. 1,5.) So 
Xen. Hell. V, 2, 36. So Oedée rd pi xretvat ovvevvoy (like 
neige. Td py xrewat), AESCH. Prom. 865. Compare Sopa. Phil. 
1253, ovdé roe of yep) weidopas rd Spay, i.e. I do not trust your 
this) for action (like od weiOopai cos ravra, I do not trust you wn 

is. 


Norte 4. Other active verbs than those included in § 92, 1 may 
take the Infinitive like an ordinary noun, as an object accusative. 
Here, however, the Infinitive takes the article rd. E. g. 


TO reXeurioat xdvrav 4 mempwpern Karéxpiev, fale awarded 
death to all. Isoc. Demon. p. 11 C. § 43. 


Note 5. A few of the verbs included in § 92, 1, which govern 
the genitive of a noun, allow also the genitive of the Infinitive with 
rov, as well as the simple Infinitive. (See § 95,1.) This applies 
chiefly to duedéw, értpeAgopat, and to the verbs of hendrance, &c im 
cluded in § 95,2. E. g. 


% 





192 THE INFINITIVE. [§ 92, 1. 


*"AueAnoas rou épyifecba. XEN. Mem. II, 3,9. (But duedjoas 
Aeyeww, PLAT. Phaed. 98 D.) Most verbs of desiring and neglecting 
take only the simple Infinitive. "Esmcuedeozas, which usually takes 
Ses with the Future Indicative (§ 45), allows also the simple In- 
finitive (THuc. VI, 54), and the Infinitive with roo (XEN. Mem. 
III, 8,11). See § 45, N. 6, a. 


ReMARK. For the use of the Infinitive without rd after verbs as 
an accusative by synecdoche (usually found only after adjectives), 
see § 93, 2, Note 3. 


2. Another case in which the Infinitive appears as 
the object of a verb occurs in indirect discourse, after 
verbs implying thought or the expression of thought (verba 
sentiendi et declarandi) or equivalent expressions. Here 
each tense of the Infinitive, instead of referring indefi- 
nitely to the future (as in the former construction, § 92, 
1), represents the corresponding tense of the Indicative 
or Optative 


RemaRK. For this construction see § 78, 1; where also exam- 
ples of the Infinitive with dy in indirect discourse are given. For 
the distinction between the Infinitive in this construction and the 
ordinary Infinitive (92, 1), see § 73,1, Remark. For the Infini- 
tive, not in indirect discourse, after some verbs which usually be- 
rely this class, see § 15, 2, Notes 2 and 8; see also § 23, 2, Notes 
2 and 3. 


Note 1. Of the three common verbs signifying to say, gnyi is 
eerulay followed only by the Infinitive in indirect discourse, eirov 
only by 6rs or os and the Indicative or Optative, while A\éya allows 
either construction. A singular exception in regard to elroy is 
N 3) in Eur. Phoen. 1590, quoted § 89, 1, N. 1. (See § 15, 2, 

. 3. 


Nore 2. After many verbs of this class in the passive both a 
personal and an impersonal construction are allowed: thus, we can 
Bay Aéyerat 6 Kipos yevéeoOa, Cyrus is said to have been, or déyerat 
rov Kipov yeveoOa, tt 2s said that Cyrus was. Aoxéw in the meaning 
I seem (videor) usually has the personal construction, as in English; 
as otros Soxei eivat, he seems to be. When an Infinitive with dy fol- 
lows (§ 73, 1), it must be translated by an impersonal construction, 
to suit the English idiom: thus, 8oxet res dy éyecw must be translated 
tt seems that sume one would have, although ris is the subject of doxei ; 
as we cannot use would with our Infinitive, to translate dyew dx 
(See § 42, 2, Note.) 


§ 93, 1.] INFINITIVE AFTER RELATIVES, ETO. 193 


Note 3. (a.) When an indirect quotation has been intro- 
duced by an Infinitive, a dependent relative or temporal clause 
in the quotation sometimes takes the Infinitive by assimilation, 
where we should expect an Indicative or Optative. The tem- 
poral particles as, dre, émei, éreidy, a8 well as the relative pro- 
nouns, are used in this construction. Herodotus also uses el, 
tf, and even dors, because, in the same way. E. g. 


Mera 3¢, ds ov maveg Oat, dxea di{noOa (Adyover), and afterwards, 
when it did not cease, they say that they sought for remedies. Hot. I, 
94. (Here we should expect ws ov« ématvero.) ‘Os 8 dxotdoat 
rovs mapévras, OdpuBov yeverOar (paciv), they say that, when those 
present heard %t, there was a tumult. Dem. F. L. 402, 8. "Eresdi 3e 
yevéoOasénl r7 olxia ri "AydBavos, (€pn) avewypémy xaradapBa- * 
very Tnv Oupav. PLaT. Symp. 174 D. See Rep. v 614 B. Aéyera 
"Arxpaiovt, Gre 87 GAaoOas adrdv, tov *Awd\Aw ravtTnY THY yy 
xpnoa oixeiv. THuc. Il, 102. (See § 15,1, N. 2.) Kai dea ad per 
exeivwy BoveverOat, ovdevds vorepoy yuoun pavavas (épacay). 
Id. I, 91. (Here ¢Sovdevovro would be the common form.) ‘Hyov- 
pévns 817 ddnOeias ovx dy wore haipev ait yopdy xaxa@y adxodovbjcat, 
GAN’ bytes re kat Sixatovy 700s, @ Kai cwopporvyny Emeg Oat. PLAT. 


Rep. VI, 490 C. 
Ei yap 81 Seiy mavras mepibetvat DAw réo ri fap (én) 


Bixacdrepov etvas Mndwv réw mepiBadreiv rovro. Hpt. I, 129. (Here ei 
déoc or ef 8e¢ would be the ordinary expression.) So Hor. III, 105 
and 108; doubtful, Il, 64 and 172. See Kriiger’s note on I, 129. 
Tepav 8€ Sapious edn, Bedrs rapyvai of rév wamrmoy Snpocin tad 
Sapiov. Hor. III, 55. 


(b.) In some cases, particularly when the provisions of a law are 
quoted, a relative is used withthe Infinitive, even when no Infini- 
tive precedes. E. g. * 

“EOnxev éf’ ols €Eetvac amoxriwviva, he enacted on what conditions 
tt ts allowed to kill. Dem. Lept. 505, 19. Kat da raira, dv ris dro- 
xreivy Twa, Thy Bovrny dixalew Eypawe, kat ody Grep, av AAG, el vat, 
and he did not enact what shoals be done if he should be convicted. 
Dem. Aristocr. 629, 2. (Here elva: is the reading of the Cod. 3, 
amply defended by the preceding example, in which all editors 
allow ¢feivas.) Aexa yap dv3pas mpoeidovro aitp ~EvpBovdovs, dvev 
dp py xvupcoy el vat amayew orpariay éx ris médews. THuc. V, 68. 


§93. The Infinitive without the article may limit 
the meaning of certain adjectives and adverbs. 


1. Such are particularly adjectives denoting ability, 
fitness, desert, qualification, sufficiency, readiness, and 
9 M 


194 THE INFINITIVE. [§ 93, 1. 


their opposites; and, in general, those denoting the 
same relations as the verbs which govern the Infinitive 
($921). Eg. 

Avvarés wotrety, able to do. Aewis Xéyesy, skilled in speaking. 
*Agiéds ors ravra AaBeiv, he deserves to receive this. *Avdfios Oaupate- 
wha, unworthy to be admired. “Agios ripacbas, worthy to be honored. 
Ovyx olds re iy rouro ideivy, he was not able to see this. Lpddupos 
Adyeww, eager to speak. ‘Eroipos xivdvvoy bropdvew, ready to endure 
danger. 

Oc xdéa, Ixavorarov elweiv cal yydvas cai rpagac. Lys. 
Or. Fan. p- 194, § 42. Td» & dmrndecoy ravra wadeiv Edn, the 
people said that he was a suitable person to suffer this. Den. Phil, II, 
126, 19. Al yap evwpagias 8eval cuyxpuwpat ra roaira dveidn. 

"Id. Ol. II, 23, 29. Kupiay éxoinoay émipeXeio Oat ras evrafias, they 
gave tt (he Areopagus) power to superintend good order. Isoc, Areop. 
p- 147 D. § 89. Binv 8 ddvvara: foay mpocdpépecy. Hpr. Tt, 
138. Madaxol xaprepeiy, too effeminate to endure. Piat. Rep. 
VIO, 556 B. Tamew) tpdv 7 davoa éyxnaprepeiy a €, your 
minds are too dejected to persevere, &c. THuc. Il, 61. (In the last 
two examples paAdaxoi and ramecwn govern the Infinitive by the idea 
of inability implied in them.) Xpnyara wopl ety evropwraroy yuri. 
Arist. Eccles. 236. Sogarepos 37 ovpdopas ras trey meAas wavres 
Scatpety f rvyas rds otxobey. Eur. Alemen. Fr. 108. 'Emornpoy 
Aéyesy re nat oeyay. PLAT. Phaedr. 276 A. TdAda eipnons 
Umoupyety dvras yas ov xaxovs. ARIST. Pac. 430. 

For examples of nouns followed by the Infinitive, see §.92, 1, N. 2. 


Note 1. The use of the Infinitive after ofos in the sense of 
appropriate, likely, capable, and caos in that of sufficient, with or 
without their antecedents, is to be referred to this head. (Ofés re, 
able, like duvards, regularly takes the Infinitive.) E. g. 


Ov yap hv Spa ota 16 medion dp Serv, fort was not the proper season 
for irrigating the land. Xen. An. Il, 3, 18. Toratras olas yepavds 
re aréyecy xai Oepous ixavas etvas. PLAT. Rep. LI, 415 E Towov- 
ros otos weiOeoOas. Id. Crit. 46 B. Nepdpuevos rd atray éexacros 
cov aro (ny, cullivating their own land to an extent sufficient to live 
upon tt, THuc. 1, 2. ‘EnXeirero ris vuxrds docov cxoraious Sted Oeipy 
td wediov, there was left enough of the night for crossing the plain 
in the dark, XEN. An. IV, 1, 5. "Ed@ace rogovroy dcov LHaxnre 
dveyvoxevar 7d Wndiopa, tt came so much in cone G8 the other 
ship), that Paches had already read the decree. Tuuc. Tl, 49. (See 
§ 18, 3, 6.) Examples like the last strongly resemble those under 
§ 98, 1 in which Sore has rogovros for its antecedent. - 

Other pronominal adjectives (as rotos, roade, rntovros, ryAlkos, 
wotos) sometimes take an Infinitive in the same way. 


Note 2. (a.) Certain impersonal verbs (like f¢veors, rpémres, 
wpoonkes), which regularly take an Infinitive as their subject 


§ 93, 2.] INWINITIVE AFTER ADJECTIVES, ETO. 195 


(§ 91), are sometimes used in the Participle in a personal sense, in 
which case they may be followed by the Infinitive, the Participle 
having the force of one of the adjectives of § 93,1. Thus ra évévra 
eimety is equivalent to a veore ecimetv, what u is permitted to say; ra 
mpoonxovra pnOjvat is equivalent to A mpoonxes pyOjvat, what is proper 
to be said, as if rpoonxe: were a personal verb, and as if we could say 
ravra mpoonxet, these things are becoming. E. g. 

Karidov rd wAqOos trav évévray eimetv. Isoc. Phil. p. 104 D. 
§ 110. Téyv Gedy caret ovdéy mpoonrovr év yds wapacrareiv, 
she is calling on the God who ought not to be present at lamentations. 
AEscH. Agam. 1079. (IIpooncovra is used like adjectives meanin. 
jit, proper, as if we could say &s ov mpoonxes mapactarety.) Spal’, 
eral mpénawy pus mpd ravde Pwoveiv. Sopu. O. T. 9. So ra 
Huw wmapayyer Oéevra dceLedOey (— a wapryyeAOn nyiv dceEedOeiv). 
Prat. Tim. 90 E. 


(5.) In the same way certain adjectives, like dicasos, érixai- 
tos, éwmtrndestos, émisotos, may be used personally with the 
nfinitive; as Sixaids é€ore tovro roe, tt ts right for him to do this 

(equivalent to dixady éoriy adrdy rovro moet). E. g. 

@ypi xal woAAG pec(dvov Ere rovrwv Bwpedv Sixacos elvar rvy- 

dvewy, i. e, that i is right for me to receive, &. Dum. Cor. 248, 6. 
Eddxouy émirydecos evar imefarpeOnvac, they seemed to be con- 
venient persons to be disposed of. fave. VIII, 70. OcpareveoOa 
€mtxaiptot, important persons to be taken care of. XEN. Cyr. VIII, 2, 
25. Tade ros €& airéwy érido£ta yeverOa, it is to be expected that 
this will result from tt. Hpt. I, 89. (IloAAot éwido€ot raurd rovro 
meicerOa, tt is to be expected that many will suffer this same thing, 
Td. VI, 12, is an example of the Future Infinitive, § 27, N. 2. 
in English, many are likely to suffer.) ; 

These examples resemble those under § 93, 2. 

Nore 8. Rarely the Infinitive with ré is used after adjectives of 

this class. (Compare § 92,1, N.3.) E.g. 
Td mpocradarrapety ovdels mpdbvpos Fv. THuc. Il, 53. 


2. Any adjective may take the Infinitive without the 
article as an accusative by synecdoche, showing tn what 
respect the adjective is applicable to its noun; as Gcapa 
aicypov opav, a sight disgraceful to look upon. 

The Infinitive is here regularly active or middle, sel- 
dom passive, even when the latter would seem more 
natural ; as yaXerov wovetv, hard to do, seldom yare 
wov motetcOat, hard to be done. KE. g. 


Aloxady yap ré8e y’ €or nai éocopévoics wvOEo Oat, i. e. disgrace 


196 THE INFINITIVE. f§ 93, 2 


ful for them to hear. Tl. 11, 119. So IL I, 107 and 589. Tots yag 
tirep rovrwv Adyous €uol pev dvayxatordrous m poet meEty Hyoupat, UsLP 
3¢ ypnowwrdrovs dxovaast, i. e. most necessary for me to say, and 
most useful for you to hear. Dem. Mid. 522,18. oBSepds wpoomwo- 
AepHoat, a terrible man to fight against. Id. Ol. Il, 24,12. Oixia 
ydiorn ¢ydsatragéat, a house most pleasant io live in. XEN. Mem. 
, 8, 8 Ta yarenorara etpeiv, the things hardest to find: ra 
pdora éyruyxavecy, the things easiest to obtain. Ib.1,6,9. Todcreia 
ater aulijy, a form of government hard to live under: dvopos 8é 
(ae xia) xaXem) xat Bapurdrn Evvosxnoas. PLAT. Politic. 302 B 
and i. Adyos duvards karavojaat, a speech which it is possible to 
understand. Id. Phaed. 90 D. ‘O xpovos Bpayis afiws 8inyy- 
cac Oat, the time is too short for narrating ut properly. Id. Menex. 
289 B. ‘H dds émirndeia wopevopevors nat A€yesy Kai drovery, 
convenient both for speaking and for hearing. Id. Symp. 173 B. 
Ildrepovy 38¢ AovTaag Gat Wuyxpdrepov (7rd Vdup); ts the water there 
colder for bathing? Xen. Mem. I, 18, 8. 
(Passive.) Kuves aicxpal dpacéase (instead of dépav). XEN. 
Cyneg. HII, 3. “Eors 3 6 Adyos HirawexOnpor pev, pn Onvar ove 
doupgopos. Isoc. Antid. p. 70, § 115. 


Nore 1. The Infinitive may be used after adverbs which corre- 
spond to the adjectives just mentioned (§ 93, 2). E. g. 

Ilas dy rois pév edvois xaddora i8et» wovotro ray éféAaow, rors 
8¢ dvoperecs hoBepwrara, tn a manner most delightful for the friendly 
to behold, and most terrible for the wl-disposed. Xan. Cyr 8, 5. 


Norte 2. Certain nouns, which are equivalent in meaning to the 
neuter of any of the adjectives which take the Infinitive, may them- 
selves have the same construction. E. g. 


Catpa 13éa8a:, a wonderful thing to behold (like Oavpacrdy ide- 


o6a). 


Note 3. (a.) In Homer- verbs expressing excellence or fitness 
sometimes take the Infinitive Gs an accusative by synecdoche), 
like the adjectives of § 98,2. E. g. 

"Exropos Oe yuvn, 8s apioreveoxe pdyeoOac, this ts the wife of 
Hector, who was the first in fighting. i. , 460. ‘Oundentny éxéxacro 
épuidas yrdvae cal avaiowa pvOnoacdac. Od. Ll, 158. Of arepi 
pev Bovdny Aavady, rept 3 éoré payxeoOas, ye who excel the Danai 
tn counsel and excel them in battle. Il. I, 258. (Here BovAny and 
paxeoOa are alike in the accusative by synecdoche after wepi... 
éare.) 

(b.) Even in Attic Greek the Infinitive is sometimes used after 
verbs as a synecdochical accusative. The Infinitives dxovery, dxovoat, 
in ee and épay, ideiv, in appearance, especially, are used in this 
way. E.g. 

Aoxeis oty rt d:apépey airovs i8eiv ydAxews ; do you think that 


§ 95,1.] INFINITIVE AS GENITIVE OR DATIVE. 197 


they differ at all in appearance from a brazier? PLat. Rep. VI, 495 
E. Compare eipurepos idécGas, Il. 101,194. "Axotoas mayxddws 
dyer, tt is very fine in its sound. Dem. F. L. 355, 29. Updypara 
wapefovorw (ol imma) eripérXec Oar, the horses will make trouble 
about tending. Xen. Cyr. IV, 5, 46. 


Nots 4. The Homeric use of dyuotos, equal, like, with the In- 
finitive is to be referred to the same principle. E. g. 

Aeuxérepat xsdvos, Oeiery 8 dvéporoww dpoto, (horses) whiter than 
snow, and like the winds in swiftness. Il. KX, 437. Od ydp of ris 
dpoios émcoméeabas noow fev. Il. XIV, 521. 


§94. The Infinitive as genitive, dative, or accusa- 
tive is very often governed by prepositions, or by adverbs 
used as prepositions. In this case it always takes the 
article tov, 7@, or te. KE. g. 

Tovs yap Adyous wept rod repwphnoacbas Pitermoy dpe ytyve- 

évous, for I see that the speeches are made about punishing Sa 

EM. Ol. III, 28, 5. pd rot rove spxovs dwodotrvas, before tak- 
ing the oaths. Id, Cor. 234, 6. "Ex rod mpis xdpw Snpnyopeiy 
evious. Id. Ol. III, 29, 18. pds ra pnder ex ris wpeaBeias AaBeiv, 
besides receiving nothing for the pad nee Id. F. L. 412, 21. "Ev rp 
woXirny movetacOat (Xapidnpoy), tn making Charidemus a citizen. 
Td. Aristocr. 688, 22. “Evexa rod mAeiw wotnoat thy Umdpxovcay 
ovgiay. Isoc. Demon. p. 6 A. § 19. "E@aupydlero emi rp evOipos 
(jv. XEN. Mem. IV, 8, 2. "Opws dh 1rd Eevos eivar ovx dv otes 
adixnOnva, on account of being a stranger. Ib. Il, 1, 15. Tdvrop 
dcapépwr épaivero, nai els rd taxi pavdavesy a déos xa eis rd Karas 
éxaora woseiy. Id. Cyr. I, 3, 1. 


§ 95. 1. The genitive and dative of the Infinitive, 
with the article, may stand in most of the constructions 
belonging to those cases; as in that of the adnominal 
genitive, the genitive after comparatives, the genitive 
after verbs and adjectives, the dative of manner, means, 
_&c., the dative after such verbs as méorevw and after 
adjectives denoting resemblance, &c., and sometimes in 
that of the genitive of cause or motive. KH. g. 


Tov wsety énrOupia, the desire to drink. Tuuc. VII, 84. Tdvous 
8¢ rov (nv nddwos Hyepdvas vopifere. XEN. Cyr. I, 5, 12. Eis 
€Ami8a HAOov Tod EXeiv (iv wodw), 1, e. hope of taking the city. 
Tuoc. I, 56. (See § 92, 1, N. 2.) Neos rd ovyav Kpeirrdy éore 
rov AaAetv. MENAND. Monos. 387. Tapexddes empedcioOar rov 
ws ppomporaroy efvar. XEN. Mem. I, 2,55. So Ill, 3,11 See 


198 THE INFINITIVE. [§ 95, 1. 


§ 92,1, N.5. CEwtpeAdoua: usually takes dros with the Future In 
dicative, by § 45.) "Ewxédayouey roi Saxpuesy, we ceased to weep. 
Puat. Phaed. 117 E. (See below, § 95, 2.) Kal yap anOes rou 
karaxovety tivds eiow, for they are unused to obeying any one. 
Dem. OL I, 15, 28. 

Ovderl ray wdvrwy wréov Kexparnxe Pidurmos rH wpdrepos mpos 
Trois mpaypaos yiyveoOac. Id. Chers. 92, 21. *AAXa rq davepos 
elvas rowiros dy, by making it plain that he was such a man. XEN. 
Mem. I, 2,3. Ov yap 3) r@ ye xoopiws Civ dfov moreves, to trust 
in an orderly life. Isoc. Antid. p. 315 A. § 24. “Ioov 3¢ r@ mpo- 
orévecy. AESCH. Agam. 253. To (Hv gore rt évavriov, Sowep T@ 
€ypnyopevas rd xabevder. PLAT. Phaed. 71 C. 

Mivos 1d Anorixdy xabype, rod tas spoaddous padXovy i€vas avTe, 
tn order that greater revenues might come tn. Tuvc. I, 4. 

Nore. It will be seen that the nominative and accusative of the 
Infinitive (except the accusative after prepositions) regularly stand 
without the article ; the genitive and dative regularly wih the article. 
The Infinitive after the verbs included in § 92, 1, however, gener- 
ally stands without the article, whatever case it represents; and 
further, whenever any word which might govern a genitive or da- 
tive of the Infinitive forms a part of an expression which is equiv- 
alent to any of the verbs of § 92, 1, the simple Infinitive may be 
used. (See § 92, 1, Note 2.) 


2. After verbs and expressions which denote hin- 
drance or freedom from anything, two constructions 
are allowed,— that of the simple Infinitive (§ 92, 
1), and that of the genitive of the Infinitive with tov 
(§ 95, 1). 

Thus we can say (a) elpye ce rovro roeiv, and (b) epyes 
ge Tov rovro wot» (both with the same meaning), he pre- 
vents you from doing this. As the Infinitive after such verbs 
can take the negative yy without affecting the sense, we have 
a third and a fourth form, still with the same meaning : — 
(c) eipye oe pi rovro swouiv, and (d) cipye ce rot py} rovro 
woeiv, he prevents you from doing this. For a fifth form with 
the same meaning, see § 95, 3. (For the negative py, see 
Note 1, a.) ; 

If the leading verb is itself negative (or interrogative with a 
negative implied), the double negative i} ov is generally used 
instead of yy in the form (c) with the simple Infinitive, but 
seldom (or never) in the form (d) with the genitive of the 
Infinitive ; as ob« cipyer se ph od rovro mow, he does not pre- 


- 


§ 95, 2.] INFINITIVE AFTER VERBS OF HINDEANOE. 199 


vent you from doing this; seldom (or never) rod 2} ov rovre 
soiv. See also § 95, 3. (For the double negative, see 
Note 1,6.) E. g. 


(a.) "Ent ‘Odvvov aroréumovory, Srws eipywot rovs éxeiOer Exe 
Bondetv. Tuuc. I, 62. Ei rotré tis eipyes Spav dxvos, if any 
hesitation prevents you from doing this. Puat. Soph. 242 A. “AdXas 
d¢ nas wopifed Gas Ta éemirndeca Spxous 73n Karéxovras Hpas (qe). 

EN. An. TI, 1,20. Kaxév 8€ sroion elpye rovr’ €£erdévar; SOPH. 
O. T. 129. Evdontpetv durodav chicw eiva. Piat. Euthyd. 
805 D. [adie bépnros, dy Oavety éppvoduny. Eur. Alc. 11. Tor 
Diurmov wmaperdGetiyv ove euvayvro xcwrdoa. Dem. Pac. 62, 10. 
Thy idéay ris yas ovder pe eodves N€yery. PLAT. Phaed. 108 E. 


(b.) Tov 8€ Sparerevecy Seapois aneipyovot; XEN. Mem. II, 
1, 16. To ydp wpevddpevov gaiverda xai row eouns Tivos 
Tuyxdvecy eprodary padtora avOpomnats yiyvera. Id. Cyr. IL, 1, 9. 
Eimey Gri xodvoee (Gv) rod caiecy emdvras. Id. An. I, 6, 2 
"Areoxdpnv rou AaBety Tov dxaiov évexa. Dem. F. L, 410, 18. 


(c.) Efpye pi) BAaordvery. PLAT. Phaedr. 251 B. “‘Omep 
doxe py THY Ledondvwynoov wopbeiv, which prevented him from 
ravaging the Peloponnesus. THuc. I, 73. AcexoAvoe pn Siapdei- 
pas. Id. IL, 49. ‘Exeyévero xodvpara py avénOqvac. Id. I, 16. 

§ 92, 1, N. 2.) Ovyrovs y’ Gravaa py wpogdéprec bas popov. 

ESCH. Prom. 248. Tovpsy gudake o’ dvopa pi) wdoxery Kaxds. 
Sopu. O. C. 667. 

Ov yap gore “EXAnos ovdepia Exdvors iy ov Sdvras AGyor elvas 
govs Sovdovs. Hpt. VIII, 100. WWepmrovor xnpuxa, trodefdpevos 
oxnoev rov Srapriprny py éEtévac.... Od duvarol avriy ioyew 
¢iot “Apyeior py ove €&cévas. Id. IX, 12. “Gore Lévov y’ dv ovddY 
v6’, domep ov vur, brextparoiuny pn ov cuvexoaCecy. Sopu. O. 
C. 565. Ti éunoddr py ov x) UBpiCopevous drodaveiv; XEN. An. 
II, 1,13. (Ti éuwodev here implies ovder éumoday.) Tivos av deoo 
py) ovyx) mdyunav evdainov elvas; what would hinder you from being 
perfectly happy? Id. Hell. IV,1, 36. So Arist. Ran. 695. 

d.) Was aonds 800 dy8pas es rod ph xaradivas, i. e. 
wil pae es from sinking. Xen. An. in, 5,11. °Ov ovdeis re 
mpodeis rod 7) wréoy Exetyv dnerpanero. THuc. I, 76. Eid dp’ 
dunoday ts aur@ éydvero Tod py evbus rére Bixdoagdat. DEM. 

patur. 900, 22. ‘“Haioraro riv wédwy puxpdy drodktrovcay Tov py 
Tais éoxdras oupdopais wepiwecety. Isoc. Antid. p. 73, § 122. 
*AmocoBouvres dv éuroday yiyvowro rov ui) dpay avtovs rd ddov 
orpdrevpa. XEN. Cyr. II, 4, 23. El8dres Gre év dopadet clot rod 
pndév wadecy. Ib. Ill, 3,31. (See Tuuc. VI, 18, quoted § 92, 
1,N. 2.) Tod d€ py (xaxds) tdoxery avrot racav adecav Fyere, 
you were entirely free from fear of suffering harm. Dem. F. L. 387, 
17. "Evovons ovdepuas ér’ droorpopys rod pi rd xpnyar execy 
tpas, there being no longer any escape from the conclusion that you 
have taken bribes. Id. Timoc. 702, 26. 


4 


200 THE INFINITIVE. [§ 95, 2. 


Remark. The last two examples show that yu can be joined 
with the genitive of the Infinitive, even after nouns implying hin- 
drance or freedom. In the two following the addition of yn is more 
peculiar : — 

‘H dwopia rot pi) jovyd{ew, the inability to rest. Tuuc. IT, 49. 
‘H rod pa) Evprdciv amortia, the distrust of sailing with them; i. e. the 
unwillingness to sail, caused by distrust. Id. Ill, 75. 


Note 1. (a.) The use of yu with the Infinitive in the 
forms e and d is to be referred to the general principle, by 
which the Infinitive after all verbs expressing a negative idea 
(as those of denying, distrusting, concealing, forbidding, &c.) 
can always take the negative yn, to strengthen the negation 
implied in the leading verb. Thus we say dpveiras pi) dAnOes 
elvas rovro, he dentes that this ts true; dwnyopeve pn déva rovro 
woe, he forbade any one to do this. This negative may, how- 
ever, be omitted without affecting the sense. 


(6.) An Infinitive which for any reason would regularly 
take yy (either affecting the Infinitive itself, as an ordinary 
negative, or strengthening a preceding negation, as in the case 
just mentioned) generally takes the double negative yi) ov, if 
the verb on which it depends is ttself negative. Thus the 
example given above, dpveira: 4%) dAnOés elvat rovro, becomes, if 
we negative the leading verb, ovx dpveirar pi} on dAnOes civas 
rouro, he does not deny that this ts true. So, when the original 
pn really negatives the Infinitive, as in 8ixaoy éore pd rovror 
dquévas, tt is just not to acquit him, — if we negative the leading 
verb, we shall have ov Sixady éare pi} ov rovroy dduevas, tt ts 
not just not to acquit him. See Prat. Rep. IV, 427 E, as 
ovx docov cor by 1} oF Bonbeiv dixaocivy. This applies also to 
the Infinitive with ro (§ 95, 3). 

M1) ov is occasionally used before participles, and even before 
nouns, on the same principle, to express an exception to a statement 
containing a negative; asin PLaT. Lys. 210 D, ov« dpa éori aed 
re tAouvrs ovdey pp) OUK es ona unless tt loves in return. Here, 
if the negatives (ovx and ovdév) were removed from the leading 
verb, we should have simply py avretAovv (with the same meaning), 
which would be the ordinary form with the participle, even after a 
negative. So uy ovx édvres, unless they were. Hot. VI, 9. Soin 
Dem. F. L. 879, 7, we find ai re moAets modal cat yaderal AaPew, 
ui) ov xpdév@ xal rroAcopxia, the cities were many and difficult (== nol 
easy) to capture, except by long siege. 


$ 95, 8.] Td py WITH THE INFINITIVE. 201 


REMARK. My» ov is very rarely found where the leading verb 
does not at least imply a negative. In Xen. An. II, 3, 11, Sore 
sdow aloxvwny elvar pi ov cvorrovddley, 80 that all were ashamed 
nol to join heartily in the work, the double negative may be explained 
by the negative idea of unwillingness implied in aigyivny. also 

the last example under N, 1. 

_Norz 2. When the leading verb expressing hindrance, &c. is 
itself negative, the form c, 7 ov with the fnfinitive, is the most com- 
mon. e form a, the Infinitive alone, is allowed after negative 
"(as well as ogre verbs, a8 in Dem: Pac; 62, 10, quoted above 
under a. The form J, rov with the Infinitive (without py), is not 
used. after negative verbs, according to Madvig. ; 

Even in the form c, we sometimes find the single negative yj (for 

pe) ov), even when the leading verb is negative. E. g. 


Ov modty xpdvov p’ érécyov pn pe vavorodeiv ray’. Sopx. Phil. 
849. Ovdd »’ duparos ppovpay mapnrAbe, révde pt) Aevocesy orddov. 
Id. Trach. 226. (Mz ov here is a conjecture.) 


8. The Infinitive preceded by To 7 is sometimes 
used after verbs and expressions denoting hindrance, 
and also after all expressions which even imply preven 
tion, omission, or denial. 


This Infinitive with ro is less closely connected than tho 
simple Infinitive with the leading verb, and often denotes 
merely the result of the prevention or omission of anything: it 
may generally be explained as an accusative by synecdoche, or 
sometimes as an object accusative (as after verbs of denial). 
Here, as before (§ 95, 2), if the leading verb is itself negative, 
or interrogative with a negative implied, pj od is generally 
used instead of py. E. g. 


Tov mdeiorov prov eipyow rd pi) mpoetidvras rév Imdwy ra a 
ris médkews Kkaxovpyety, they prevented them from injuring, &c. 
Tave. Il,1. (This adds a fifth expression, elpyes ce rO py} TovTO 
roeiv, to the four already given (§ 95, 2) as equivalents of the 
English, he prevents you from doing this.) To dé py Aenrarj oat 
Thy mddw Evxe rode. HDT. V, 101. SdBos re Evyyenjfs ro py ade- 
keiy oxnoe. ArSCH. Eam. 691. Odroi elow povos Ere qpiv éuroday 
7d pH fdn elvat vba mada dowevdopev. XEN. An. IV, 8, 14. Ove 
dreoxdyny rd py OvK émt rovro éAObetv. Puat. Rep. I, 354 B. 
Oix axéoxovro ov8 dnd trav hilov Td py ovX) mreovextely aitay 
wetpaaGat. XEN. Cyr. I, 6, 32. Kipwva mapa rpeis adeicay 
Yipous rd py Gavdra (npradoas, i. e. they allowed Cimon by three 
votes ta escape the punishment of death. Dem. Aristocr. 688, 27 
g* 


202 THE INFINITIVE. [§ 95, 3. 


Tpeis 32 pdvar Whos Sinveyray rd pp) Oavdrov ripjoat, and ony 
three nals die Pi ff a condemning him to death (lit. made the 
difference as to condemr.ng, &c.). Ib. 676,12. dBos yap av6" txvov 
wapacrares rd pt) BeBaiws Grchapa caupBadreivy Umvy, i. e. stands 
by to prevent my closing my eves, &c. Axscu. Agam. 15. 

_ *Ewel mpobupeio6’, obk évayridcopa: rd pod yeywvety may Gooy 
wpooyxprytere. Id. Prom. 786. Ovdév yap aire rair’ érapxéce: Td py 
ov mecety drives mrapar ove avacyera, this will not suffice to pre- 
vent him from falling, &e. Tb. 918. Actes pev odd’ & rpccbev 7oepev 
7d p29 ov Bapucror’ elvas, they lack nothing of being heavily griev- 
ous. SopH. QO. T. 1232. Myrot, xaceyynrn, p atipdoys To pH OW 
Gaveiy re avy oot, rov Oavdvra F dyvicat, do not think me too mean 
to die with thee, &c. Id. Ant. 544. (Cf. Ant. 22, and Oed. Col. 49.) 
Abriy pi» ob picobvr éxeiyny riv médw Td ph Ov peydAny elvat 
vce xevdaipova, 1. e. not grudging the city its right to be great, &c. 
Arist. Av. 86. (Compare pioncev piv xvoi eippa yevéo Oar, Il. 
XVII, 272.) Ovdels avridéyes ro pH ov A€Eecy 6 ri exaoros yyetrat 
mAeiorov dévov erioracbat, no one objects to saying, &c. XEN. Cony. 
TU, 8. Ovd dpynois forw avrois ro py tavl’ bmép Pidirrov mw par- 
recy, it is not even possible for them to deny that they did these things 
in the interest of Philip. Diem. F. L. 392,18. Mi wapys ro pry ov 
dpaaas, do not omit to speak of it. Sorn. O. T. 283. Ovdeva 
dvvacGat kpirrew TO ph ovy Hotws dy cai dpav eo Olecy avray, that 
no one is.able to prevent people from knowing that he would gladly 
even eat some of them raw. XEN. Hell. III, 3, 6. 

For pj ov, see § 95, 2, Note 1, (0.). 


Notr. The simple negative form ré j: is sometimes found even 
when the leading verb is negative, where regularly rd 4) ov would 
be used. This 1s more common here than in the corresponding 
case, § 95, 2, Note 2. E.g. 


Ovx dy éoydpny rd pn admoxAgaase Toupdy Gov Sepas. SOPH. 
O. T. 1887. Tis cod dmedeipOn ro pn co adrorovdeiv; XEN. 
Cyr. V, 1, 25. “Axos & ovdey émnpxecay rd py médw pev Sowep ovv 
dxea radety. ArscH. Agam. 1170. Ovx dy gore pnyav) ovdepia rd 
poy xetvov ertBovrevery éeuoi. Hor. I, 209. Kai Gnpi dpacat, 
KouK amapvoupa ro xy. Sop. Ant. 448. See also Dem. F. L. 
892, 18, quoted above. 


REMARK. To pr and rov pi can of course be used with the In- 
finitive as ordinary negatives. See examples, § 92, 1,N.3. So 
émipedeiras tov pr dixny Bodvas. 


§ 96. The Infinitive with its subject, object, or other 
adjuncts (sometimes including dependent verbS) may 


be preceded by the article To, the whole sentence stand- 
ing as a single noun, either as the subject or object of a 


§ 97.] INFINITIVE EXPRESSING A PURPOSE. 203 


verb, as the object of a preposition, or in apposition 
with a pronoun like rovro. KE. g. 


Td pev yap wok\Ad dwoXwdexévat card Tov wédepor Ths nuerépas 
Gpedelas dy ris Gein Scxaiws: rd 8€ pyre mdAat rovro werovbévat 
wedhyvevas Té Tia nuiv cuppayiay rovrey avripporoy, dy Bovkepeba 
xeodas Ths mp’ éxeiver eivoias evepyernp av Eywye Oeiny. DEM. OL 

, 12, 3. 


§97. The Infinitive without the article often ex- 
presses a purpose. KE. g. 


Tpoewv dydpa exacroy (et) ddoipeba olvoyoevery, if we should 
choose every man of the Trojans to be our ee. Il. Wf, 127. So 
Il. I, 338, 84s dyecy, and II, 107, 108. Tay e£ Apeiou mdyou BovAny 
énéornoay éemipeXeioOac ris evxocpias, i. e. for the purpose of 
guarding good order. Isoc. Areop. p. 147 B. § 37. Oi dpyovres, obs 
tpets etherbe dpyesv pov, the rulers, whom you chose to rule me. 
Puiat. Apol. 28 ¥ Aéxa 3€ rav ved mpodrep yay és Tov péyav Atueva 
wrtevoai re cal xatracreWaoOat, kai en pitat, x.T.A., 1. &. they sent 
them to sail and examine, and to proclaim, &c. TuHuc. VI, 50. Tovs 
imméas sapeixovro Hedonownoias Evorpareverv. Id. Il, 12. 
HuveByoay trois WAaratevot wapudouvas odas avrovs xal rd oma, 
x piceeee 5 re dv BovAwvrat, i. e. to do with them whatever they 
pleased. Id. II, 4. (For rapadodva see § 92,1, N. 1.) Ei BovAoi- 
peba rp émrpéat ff maidas wardetoat, f ypnpatra 8tacdoa, 
K.T-X., if we should wish to intrust to any one either children to instruct 
or money to keep, &c. XEN. Mem. I, 5, 2. Al yuvaixes weetv hépov- 
oa, the women bringing them (something) to drink, XEN. Hell. VII, - 
2,9. Thy wodw Kal riv dxepay pudAarrecy avrois mapedwxay, they 
delivered the city and the citadel to them to guard. Ib. IV, 4,15. *Os 
yap ay tuas Aaby, rovroy adiere rois Oeois rodd{ecv. Dem. F. L. 
363, 25. 

‘H dupa n epi avégxro eiorevas Tt? Seopevp re cpov. XEN. Hell. 
V,1,14. Ovx elyov dpyuptoy emiosriverdac, they had no money to 
buy provisions. Id. An. VII, 1,7. ’Aptorapy@ éore nuépay amoXo- 
y70a0at1, i. @ a day to defend himself in. Id. Hell. I, 7, 28. ’Eyav- 
Tov cot éupeAderay mapexew ov wavy Sedoxra. PLAT. Phaedr. 228 E. 
Ois évevdatpovnaas re 6 Bios époiws xaiévreXeuriaas ~vvepe- 
rpnOn. Tuuc. II, 44. 

Here, as in § 93, 2, the Infinitive is generally active or mildle, 
even where the passive would seem more natural; as rraveip énoi 
viv eocay, they gave her to me to be killed. Eur. Troad. 874. 


Note 1. The Infinitive is thus used in prose chiefly after verbs 
signifying fo choose or appoint, to give or take (the Infinitive denot 
ing the purpose for which anything is given or taken), and also 
after those signifying to send or bring. (See the examples.) With 
the last class the Future Participle is more common. A final clause 


after ta, &c. may also be used in the same sense. 


204 THE INFINITIVE. [§ 97. 


In poetry the same construction sometimes occurs after verbs of 
motion, like efuc, Fx, and Baivew; and also after ci pi, Erecpe, 
and wrdpecpe (to be, to be at hand), expressed or understood. E. g. 

"ANAd tis ein elrety ‘Arpeldn Ss Tate mower. Aaa, but let 
some one go to tell Agamemnon. Od. AIV, 496. (See Passow, s. v. 
lus.) Ba 82 Odecy, and he started to run. Il. I, 182. Oudd- ris 
gorw apy cal Novyov dpvvat, nor is there any one to keep off curse 
and ruin. 11. XXIV, 489. I[loAAol 8 ad col ’Ayawi évatpéepev or 
xe Svynat, i. e. for you to slay whomsoever you can. Il. VI, 229. Ov 
yap én’ avhp olos ‘Odvaceis frxev, apy and otkov dpivac. Od. II, 
59. Mav@avetv yap jxopev, for we are come to learn. Sop. O. 
C. 12. Wdcapos Gde raracrégesy, here is my hair for you to 
wreathe. Eur. Iph. Aul. 1478. 

Even in prose, the Infinitive occasionally occurs after eipé in this 
sense, as in PLat. Phaedr. 229 A, éxei wéa xa dilerOas (sc. éorw), 
there ts grass to sit upon. See also XEN. An. II, 1,6, woAAai 8é «at 
wéAras xai dpafa foavy péper Oat epnpos, i. e. they were left to be 
carried away (for fuel). See the last examples under § 97. 


Nors 2. As Sore is seldom used in Homer in its sense of 
so as (§ 98, N. 8), the simple Infinitive may there express a 
result as well as a purpose. It thus follows many expressions 
which would not allow it in Attic Greek. E. g. 

Tis dp « Oedy epide Evvenxe udxeo Oat; i. &. who brought 
them into conflict, so as to contend? Il. 1,8. SoI, 151; and épefépe- 
vat, II, 214. *AAX’ Gre 39 Koihn mis fxdero roiot veer Gas, when 
now their ship was loaded, so as (to be ready) to start. Od. XV, 


457. XépuBa 8 apdimodos mpoxdp emexeve Hepovoa,.... viva- 
oOat,i. @. for washing. Od. I, 138. 


Norse 8. In Homer and Herodotus we often find efva: intro- 
duced to denote a purpose, where in Attic Greek a simple noun, as 
a predicate accusative or nominative, connected directly with the 
leading verb, would be sufficient. E. g. 

Owpnxa, rov roré of Kwipns Bane Lewniov eivar, i. e&. which they 
gave him as a present (lit. to be a present). Il. XI, 20. , Aidov eiXero 

ecpt maxein, tov p dvdpes mporepor Oécay ~ppevat ovpoy apovpns, 
Sich they had pltced (to be) anu boundary, ot XXI, 405. “Aapios 
xataotnoas ’Apraépvea Urapxov elvas Zapdsiov. Hp. V, 25. 

So in the passive construction :—Tédwv dredéx6n sdons ris trou 
etvat trmapxos. Hot. VIl, 154. 

Even in Attic prose this use of efvas sometimes occurs ; as in Dem. 
Aph. III, 852, 12, Mynpovevovow adebevra rovrov édevOepoy etvas 
rére, they remember his having been then manumitted so as to be a free- 
man. So adinow adra dnudcoia eivar, THue. I, 13. 


Norte 4. The use of the Infinitive after the comparative an‘ 4, 
than, is to be referred to this principle. E. g. 


§ 98, 2.] INFINITIVE AFTER ‘Qore. 205 


‘H dvOpwnivn piers dobeverrépa } NaBeiwv réymny dy dy 7 drespos, 
human nature 1s too weak to acquire the art of those things of which t 
has no experience. PLAT. Theaet. 149 C. To yap vdonpa peifoy 
dé pecv, i. @. too great to bear. Sopu. O. T. 1293. 


“Gore is sometimes expressed before this Infinitive ; as in XEN. 
Hell. IV, 8, 23,"HisOovro abrév dddrre Eyovra duvayy § Sore rove 
idrous dpedety. 

So, rarely, os in the sense of Score (§ 98, Note 1); as in Cyr. VI, 
4,17, Tas aomidas peifous Zxovow f Os wovety Tt kal dpay. 


§98. 1. The Infinitive is used after dore, a0 that, 
9 as, to express a result. KE. g. 

"Hy serradevpévos otras Sore mdvu puxpa xexrnpdvos wavy padios 
€ y €ty dpxouvra, he had been educated so as very easily to have enough, 
although he possessed very little. XEN. Mem. I, 2, 1. ivac dé 6 
Kupos Aéyeras Gidoripcraros, Gore mavra pev wdvoy avarAnvat, 
wavra 3 xivduvov Umopetvar. Id. Cyr.I, 2,1. "Ameypy yap dy rois 
yrocbciow éupdvery, Sore pndeptav jpiv elvacr mpos rovroy dsahopay, 
so that we should have no difference with him. Dem. Aph. I, 818, 4. 
HloAAds éAridas €yw dpxoivras epeiv, Gore tyas pyr’ dmorerhGn- 
vat Tay mpaypatey pnt adyvojaat, xt.A. Ib. 813, 20. Tosovrov 
€Oos nuty mapedocay, Sore... cvvedOeiy és ravrdv. Isoc. Pan. p. 
49 B. § 43. See Pan. § 45, rocovrdy dori, Sore xal rovro weptet- 
AnPOac. eicouas yap ov rogovrov oidévy Sore py) ov xadrtdas 
Qaveiv. SopuH. Ant. 97. Iv 8€ ocyoddles, Sore Oavpalecy pe. 
Eur. Hec. 730. Mn2’ 9 Bia oe pndapas vixnodre rocdvde piceiv 
Sore rip dicny wareiv. Sopw. Aj. 1835. Adywy cat Bovrevpdrov 
Kowevoy dv oe roowro, Sore pydé ev ce ANeANOGEvat dv Bovdrcueba 
ei8évar, so that not a single one of the things we wish to know should 
have escaped you. XEN. Cyr. VI, 1, 40. (See § 18, 3,5.) Avo~ 
xoXia kai pavia srodAdats eis rnv Sidvotay eprisrruvow ovras Sore Kat 
ras émuotnpas éxBaddrecv. Id. Mem. III, 12,6. "AwoAnpdévros, 
Sore ph dv 8ivacGas énavedOeiv olxade. DEM. Chers. 98, 25. 
(For duvacbas av see N. 4.) 

See § 93, 1, Note 1, last example. 


Remark. When the result is to be stated as an inde- 


pendent fact, rather than merely as a result, the Indicative 
is used after Sore. Seo § 65, 3. 


2. The Infinitive after ore sometimes denotes a con- 
dition, being equivalent to the Infinitive after é¢’ or 
ef @ te; and sometimes it denotes a purpose, like a 
final cause. E. g. 

Tlotovvras dpodoyiay mpds Udynra, Sore 'AOyvains é£eivas Bov- 


206 THE INFINITIVE. s[§ 98, 2. 


Aetoa: wept TOY MuriAnvaioy, they make a treaty with Paches, to the 
effect that the Athenians shall be permitted, &. Tuuc. III, 28. (See 
uo. LI, 114, Evppayiay éronnoavro én roicde, Gore..-. 
orpatevery.) “Efdy avrois trav Aouray dpyev “EAAnver, Sor 
avrovs braxovety Bacwei, tt being in their power to rule the rest of 
the Greeks, on condition that they should themselves serve the King. 
Dem. Phil. II, 68,12. ay rowtow, Sore dixny py 8eddvac, they 
do everything, so that they may not suffer punishment. Pxiat. Gorg. 
479 C. (Here wva pn with the Subjunctive might have been used.) 
*EBovAnOnoay "EXevoiva 1 areata Sore elvat chiar xarapvyy, 
et Senoesve. XEN. Hell. I], 4, 8. Mnyaval roddai elow, Gore 814- 
Pevyery Oavaroy, there are many devices for escaping death. PLAT. 

Apol. 89 A. (See § 92, 1, N. 2.) 


Note 1. ‘Qs is sometimes used with the Infinitive instead 
of Sore; generally, however, to express a result, seldom to 
express a purpose. . E. g. 

‘Yynrdv 8e otra 37 Tt A€yerat, ws Tas xopudas airov ody old re 
elvas idécbat, and it (the mountain) is said to be so high, that u is not 
possible to see its summits. Hpt. IV, 184. Navpaynoavres avrimada 
péev kai @s avtous éxarépovs aftovv mxay, and so that each thought 
themselves the victors. TuHuc. VII, 34. Bracopueba, &s rdeovexrovvres 
Bicnv py 8c8ovae. Prat. Rep. I, 365 D. ‘O sorayés rogovros rd 
Bdos, as pnde ra Sdpara Umrepéxety Tov Babouvs. XEN. An. III, 5, 
7. So II, 3,10. épovras nabwva, &s and rod morapov dpucac Gat. 
Id. Cyr. I, 2,8. "Ev rp dodadet fbn Evovra, &s pndev Av Ere xaxdv 
wadety. Ib. VIL, 7, 27. (For raéeiv dv see N. 4.) 


Note 2. The Infinitive with Sore or os is sometimes used where 
we should expect a simple Infinitive, either after the adjectives and 
adverbs included in § 93, or after the verbs and expressions which 
take the Infinitive of the object (§ 92, 1, and N. 2); and rarely 
a those which regularly take an Infinitive as the subject (§ 91). 

- g 

Iidrepa raidés elor hpoviporepan Sore pabeiv ra (opeva 
dvdpes “ars e. are they anata oe men in earaiia, &e. ? Peete Cr 
IV, 8,11. "Odlyo éopév ds éyxpareis elvat avray. Ib. IV, 5, 15. 
(Cf. divas dpuverv, too few to make a defence. Tuuc. I, 50.) 
Wuxpév (é€ore rd vdwp) dore Aovcacbat, the water is cold for 
bathing. XEN. Mem. III, 18, 3. (Cf. Aovcaabat Wuyporepoy, 
and Gepydrepoy wcetv, in the same section.) Wndirdpuevos avrot 
apera Sore ndoy wpobupia dpuveryv, having voted to defend them, 
&e. Tuc. VI, 88. Eis dvdyxnvy radecrapeyv Gore xivduvevecv. 
Isoc. Archid. p. 126 C. § 51. (See § 92, 1, N. 2.) So dudvayw 
Gore éyyevéecba, PLAT. Rep. IV, 433 B. “EA@dvres apds avrovs 
welOovow Sore pera opav Apye éemixecpnoas. THuc. III, 102. 
(In the same chapter, weides "Axapvavas Bon On aat Navrdkrq.) 

Tldvy pos euéAncey Sore eidSeévar, tt concerned me very much to 


§ 100.] INFINITIVE AFTER Ed’ ¢ AND ‘Eq’ Gre. 207 


know. Xen. Cyr. VI, 3, 19. ’Addvaroy iptv Sore U spov 
rovde copwrepdy riva thécbas. Prat. Prot. 388 C. So x 
Mem. I, 3, 6. 


Nore 3. In Homer Sore is generally used like Sarep, in the 
sense of as. It occurs with the Infinitive, in the sense of so as, only 
twice: I]. IX, 42; Od. XVII, 21. ‘Qs, so as, so that, is not found 
in Homer, who generally uses the simple Infinitive where later 
writers would insert Sore or as. (See § 97, N. 2.) 


Notr 4. The Infinitive after Sore may take the adverb dy to 
form an apodosis, whenever an Indicative or Optative, if used in 
ig are of the Infinitive, would have required an dy. (See § 65, 
8, Note.) The Infinitive with d» here, as in indirect quotations, fol - 
lows the general rule stated in § 41. (See example in § 41, N. 4; 
and the last examples under § 98, 1 and § 98, 2, N 1.) 


Norte 5. It will be seen that the Present and Aorist are tho 
tenses of the Infinitive regularly used after éore. For the perfect 
see § 18, 8, and Note; and for the Future, § 27, N. 2 (5). 


$99. The Infinitive is used after é¢’ @ and é¢’ pre, 
on condition that, for the purpose of. KE. g. 


Einey drt oneicagOat Bovroro, éf’ @ pre abrds rovs “EXAnvas 
adcxety pyre éxeivous kaiety ras otkias, Nap Pavey re ramrpdea 
Sowy Séorvro. XEN. An. IV, 4,6. Was dy obros éOédat ra dAASrpia 
drroorepeiv ép @ xaxodofos eivat; Id. Ages. IV, 1. ’Adienuév ce, 
éxi rovrp pevra, €h pre pynxert Ptdkocodetvy. Prat. Apol. 29 
C. Alpedévres ed’ Gre Evyypaas vopous, xa ovotivas moXrev- 
cowro XEN. Hell. II, 8,11. (Kor rodrrevoowro, see § 65, 1, N. 
1.) "Eq’ Gre BonOjoew. AESCHIN. Cor. § 114. See § 27, N. 2 (0). 

For the Future Indicative after ép ¢ and éd’ dre, especially in 
Herodotus and Thucydides, see § 65, 2. 


§ 100. The Infinitive may stand absolutely in par- 
enthetical phrases, sometimes alone, but generally pre- 
ceded by @s or dcov. E. g. 


Td AgAra dori xardppuréy re Kal vewori, ds Adyp elev, ava- 
repnvds, 1. e. en to speak. Hort. I, 15. (This expression 
&s Aéyq eimeiy is peculiar to Herodotus.) Kal os ené ev pepyn- 
oat, rad Epunvevs por émideydpevos ra ypdppata én, as I well re- 
member, &c. Id. II, 125. ‘Qs pév vuv év Adayiorg BnAGoat, way 
elpnrar’.... ds d¢ év trom Adyp SnrAGoat, Sbe exer. Id. U, 25. 
Mera 8¢, ob wodAG Adyw eiweiv, xpdvos Sedu. Id. I, 61. Kal 
Epyou, ds dros elretv, h obderds mpordeovrat i} Bpaxéos wav. PLar. 
Sore. 450 D. ‘Os 3€ currépws eimeiv, to speak concisely. XEN. 
Oec. XII, 19. ‘Qs 8€ ovveddvrs ciety. Id. Mem. HI, 8, .9. 


208 THE INFINITIVE. § 100. 


Xdpos 8 53’ pds, ds dwetxdoas. Sopu. O.C.16. Kaird opwap 
elrety. Tauc. I, 188. (So VI, 82, és rd axpiBés eiweiv.) ‘Os 
expdy peydrp elxagac. Id. IV, 36. “OQsy dpoi ypnodas xperq- 
uR. Alc. 801. ‘Qs mpds tpas eipna Gat, 1. e. between us. PLAT. 
Rep. X, 595 B. Ovd’ dye Weye rovrous, Ss ye duaxdvovs elvac 
wddkews. PLAT. Gorg. 517 B. "Ooo y€ pe el 8évac, at least as far as 
Ef know. Id. Theaét. 145-A0 = : Oe . 
So és uot Boxety or doi Soxety, like ds duct dexei, as tt seems 
to me; ddjiyou 8eiv, to want little, i. e. almost. (See N. 1.) 
Remareg. The force of és in this construction can hardly be ex- 
ressed in English, although it resembles that of és used for dcre 
in § 98, 3, Note 1. That it is not a demonstrative, as might be sup- 
posed from the translation of és elrei», so to speak, is plain from such 
expressions a8 ds guvropws elreiy, to speak concisely. 


Nore 1. In the phrase ddiyou deity (lit. to want little), little 
short of, almost, dev is often omitted, so that the genitive 
éAiyou stands alone in the sense of almost. E. g. 


"OAL you qpoddos yeyévnpas, I am almost gone. Arist. Nub. 722. 

The full form is found at the | inning of Dem. Phil. I1,—wod- 

dv Adyov yeyvouévay drXiyou Setv xa éxdoryy exxAnciay, i. e. in 
t every meeting. 

Nore 2. In the phrase éxdy efvase (sometimes rd éxdp 
elvas), willing or willingly, eivas appears to be superfluous: the 
phrase is used chiefly in negative sentences. Elva appears 
superfluous also in such expressions as rd vor elva, at present, rd 
rjpepoy eivat, to-day, and rd én’ éxeivos elvat, as far as depends 
on them. KE. g. 

‘Exdw yap elvac ovdev Wevoopuat, willingly I will tell no falsehood. 
Piat. Symp. 215 A. Ovdx @uny ye xar’ apyas td cov éxévros eivas 
é£ararnOnoecba. Id. Gorg. 499 C. CAvayxn eyew) rv ayevdeay 
cal rd éxovras elvar pndaun mpoadéyerOa rd Wevdos. Id. Rep. VI, 
485 C. "Amoxpn po: rd viv elvas rair’ elpnxéva. Isoc. Antid. p. 
119, § 270. To én éxeivots efvat amwrorArccre. XEN. Hell. III, 5, 9. 
To pev rnpepoy eivat ypnoacba atr7, to use it to-day. Prat. Crat. 
396 E. Kara rovro efvat, in this respect. Id. Prot. 817 A. 

Similar is the expression riyv nporny elvas (for rv mperqy), at 
frst, in Hot. I, 153. So as mdAaa efvac, considering thew an- 
uquity. Txuc. I, 21. 


§ 101. The Infinitive is sometimes used in the 
sense of the Imperative, especially in Homer. E. g. 


T® voy un ore Kai ob yuvaci Wep mos €tvat* py of poy dravra 
ce 9 ”~ e 
sipavoxe per, dvx ev eidgs, adAa rd pev Paodat, rd dé Kai xe- 


§ 104.] ‘INFINITIVE USED IMPERATIVELY, ETO. 209 


xpuppévoy elvyar, now therefore be thou never indulgent to thy wife, &e. 

d. XI, 441. So ILI, 20, 582; II, 10: Hor. I, 32 (émoyéew pnde 
xadéew): AxSCH. Prom. 712. 2b 3¢ ras mvdas avoigas UmenOeiv 
kai éweiyeoOat, and do you, having opened the gates, rush out and 
press on. Tuuc. V, 9. 


Remark. It will be noticed that, when the Infinitive stands 
for the Imperative, its subject is in the nominative, but in the 
four constructions that follow (§§ 102-105) its subject is in the 
accusative. 


§ 102. The Infinitive is sometimes used for the 
Optative in the expression of a wish referring to the 
future. This occurs chiefly in poetry. E. g. 

Zed warep, } Atavra Nayeiy  Tudeos vidy, Father Zeus, may the 
lot fall on Ajax or on the son of Tydeus. Il. VIL, 179. ‘Eppa ’pso- 
Aaie, ray yuvaixa tay pay ovTw p’ dmodca Oat tay’ épavrov parépa, 
O that I could sell my wife and my mother at this rate! ARIST. 


Acharn. 816. @¢o) soAiras, pr pe Sovrcias ruxetv. AESCH. Sept. 
253. 


§ 103. In laws, treaties, proclamations, and formal 
commands, the Infinitive is often used in the leading 
e e ¥ e 
sentences, depending on some word like edofe or de- 
e , ° 6 
Soxtat, be it enacted, or KeAevetas, it ig commanded ; 
which may be either understood, or expressed in a pre- 
ceding sentence. KE. g. 

Tapias 3€ ray iepey xpnuator aipetaoOar pév ex Tay peyioroy 
repnparey: ry dé aipeoty rovTay cai ri Soximaciay yiyver Gas 
xabarep 9 TaY OTparnyay éyiyvero, and (be it enacted) that treasurers 
of the sacred funds be chosen, &. P iat. Leg. 759 E. So in most 
of the laws (genuine or spurious) standing as quotations in the text 
of the Orators, as in Dem. Aristocr. 627, 21: Acxafecv 8€ ray & 
"Apel way@ pdvov kal rpavyaros éx mpovoias, x.t.A. “Eryn 3¢ elvas 
Tas owovdas mevtyxovra, and that the treaty shall continue fifty years. 
Tuuc. V,18. "Axovere X\eq* rovs émXiras vurpert dvedopevous OdrAa 
dmvévat matey oxade. ARIST. Av. 448. 


§ 104. The Infinitive, with or without 7d, is used 
in expressions of surprise or indignation. E. g. 

Td 8¢ pndé xuvqy oixobey EADeiv ene Tov xaxodaipov éxovra, but to 
think that I, wretched fellow, should have come from home without even 
my cap! Anist. Nub. 268. Tovrov 8 dBpifery; dvamwety 3; 
N 


210 THE INFINITIVE. [§ 104. 


dy ef ris €4 (yy, dyaway fda. Dem. Mid. 582, 2. Tis pepias: rd 
bia vopl(ety, dvra rpdsxovrovi, what folly! to believe in Zeus, now 
you are so big! AnistT. Nub. 819. 

Compare Vera. Aen. I, 87: Mene incepto desistere victam. 


§ 105. In narration the Infinitive often appears to 
stand for the Indicative. It depends, however, on some 
word like Aéyeras, st is said, expressed (or at least im- 
plied) in something that precedes. LE. g. 


*Arrixopévous 82 rovs Soinxas és 33 rb”Apyos rouro, Bsarider Gas 
roy doproy, and (they say) that the Phoenicians, when now they were 
come to this Argos, were setting out their cargo for sale. Hnrt. I, 1. 
(Here d&ariderba: is an Imperfect Infinitive, § 15, 3.) “’AAA’, d 
wai, Pavat roy Actudyny, “ode dxyOopevot ravra weptrdaveopeba.” 
oe. “ANA Kal of, avast Tov Kupov, “dpa,” «.1T.A.... Kai roy 
*"Aotudyny doepéadat, “xai rim 8) od rexpatpdpevos Aéyes;” 
“"Ors oe, Pavat, “dpe, x.7r-A.... Upds ravra 8€ roy "Acrudyny 
eiweivy, x.r.A.... Kat roy Kipov eimeiv, x.r.A. XEN. Cyr. I, 3,5 
and 6. (Here all these Infinitives, and twelve others which follow, 
depend on Aéyeras in § 4.) Kai rdv reXetvoace Sovra, and he com- 
manded him to give tt. Id. I, 3,9. So in Hot. I, 24 the story of 
Arion and the dolphin is told in this construction, the Infinitives 
dehending on a single Adyovos at the beginning. See § 101, 

mar. 


§ 106. IIpiv, before, before that, until, besides tak- 
ing the Indicative, Subjunctive, and Optative, like éws 
(§ 66), is also followed by the Infinitive. 

For the use of the finite moods after spi», see § 67. 


1. In Homer the Infinitive follows wpiy after both 
affirmative and negative sentences. KE. g. 
Naie d¢ Indacov apiv éX Oety vias ’Axade. Tl. XII, 172. ” 


épeEdpevos spi» ovraca:, ovd adpapaprer. Il. XVI, $22. oy 
d¢ spiv wep rpdpos édAdaBe aida yvia, mpl» widrepov vr’ ldcecy 
wokepod Te péppepa epya, before they saw the war, &c. Il. VIII, 452. 
(See Note 4.) evyes mpiv wep Susdov doddAtoOnpevac Gvdpar. 
Il. XV, 588. "H «° ér: wodAol yatay d8ak ef doy mpiv “tov eioagi- 
xéoOas. Il. XXII, 17. ’AAAd of aire Zevs chécere Binv wply nyiv wypa 
duretaoat. Od. IV, 668. Aid dperdr’ ... dAAOG’ drA€oGas wpiv ede. 
Od. XVIII, 402. Ov Anko mpiv Tpa@as adnv éAdoae modeporo. Il. 
XIX, 423. Ovd€ re Gung répwero wpiv wodepou ordua Supevat 
aizaréevros. Il. XIX, 313. Ovd' awodnye amply ypods avdpcséowo 
SserXOety. Dl. XX, 100. O8 pw awrorpées apy yakk@ payéca- 


§ 106, 2.] INFINITIVE AFTER IIpis. 211 


o@as. Il, XX, 257. Mnd dvrios torac’ eueio wply rs xaxdy wabeewn 


IL XX, 198. 
See § 67, Note 1. 


2. Writers later than Homer use the Infinitive after 
apiv chiefly when the leading sentence is affirmative. 
E. g. 

Liply dy wapetvac dxeivov ds riy Arrixyy, buecs capes dors 1 
Buobaoa és i Botwriay, before Pestle into Aitica, gor E Hprt. vit, 
143. Oloy edipev reavapdxovra xai dxrd sapbévoor, mpiy pecov Guap 
éAciy, Sxvraroy ydpov. Pinp. Pyth. LX, 196. Lpi» viv ra meiov’ 
loropety, ée rnad edpas eEedGe, before seeking further, &c. Sopu. O. 
C. 86. ’Amwonéprovow ovv airiy nply dxovoas. THuc. II, 12. So 
I, 13, spy €oBadety els rpy’Arrinny. ‘Adieray ra Bédn word apiy 
éEcxvetoOar. Xen. Cyr. Il, 3, 60. Lpiv péev ody fxyer Oar ra 
dxpa ovdey edeiobe elpnyns. Ib. III, 2, 12. ‘Hyeis roivuy Meconyny 
etAopey aplv Ilépoas AaBetvy rhv Baodeiay nal xparjoat ris 
nietpov, cai mpiy olxsoOnvai riwas Trav médewy tov ‘EXAnvider. 
1s60. Archid. p. 121 A. § 26. Kai mply é€ pavas yeyovevas, ané- 
Sexe. PLAT. Prot. 320 A. ’Anm@ddpeod’ dp’, ef xaxdy mpocoicoper 
yeov sarap, mply rod é€EnvrAnnévas, we are ruined then, if we shall 
add a new calamity to the former one, before we shall have exhausted 
that. Eur. Med. 79. (See § 18, 3.) 


Note 1. The Infinitive after mpiv was probably not accompa 
nied by dy. (See Kriiger’s note on Hpr. I, 140.) 


Nore 2. Upi» with the Infinitive after negative sentences is rare 
in the Attic poets, but more frequent in the Attic prose. (See 
§ 67, Note 2.) E. g. 

Ovr dy pebciro, rp «af y8orvny xAXvecv. SopH. Tr. 197. LIpi» 
i8ety 3, ovdels pdvris rev peddAdvrov, 5 ri wmpafea. Id. Aj. 1418. So 
Axrscu. Sept. 1048, Agam. 1067; Arist. Av. 964, Kai 3¢ atro ob 
mp waoxXety, GAr ened ev TH Epyw oper, ros Evppayxous rovode 
mapexaréoare. THuc. 1,68. Sol, 39; v. 10; VII, 50. Ov8€ yap 
Toure mpiy padety ovdeis nrictaro. XEN. Cyr. IV, 8,10. Aury 7 
yh wply pev as “AdoBov éddeiv, play ijpépay ovx éxnpevoev. DEM. 

net. I, 878, 10. 

Nore 3. pl» f, wpdérepor ff (pri m), spoober f, and 
even vorepoy fF, tke et ay be fallow by the fuitive.” (See 
§ 67, Note 8.) E.g. 

Oi 8¢ Alyorriwt, wply pev  Yappinixoy opiwov Bactretoat, 
évéuilov éwurovs mparous yeverba mavrwv avOponev. Hot. II, 2. 
"Ent rots rounéas wp drepov h aladéaOat avrois evbus éxdpnoer, 
before they perceived them. Tuuc. VI, 58. Sol, 69. pt» 8€ dva- 
ornvat, éréeow Vare pov éxardy h avrovs olka at, Udupsdov répryyay- 
Vi [ ZeAsvourra, i. e. a hundred years after their own setilement. Id. 


212 THE INFINITIVE. [§ 106, 2. 


In Hpr. VI, 108 we find the Infinitive depending on @édve ff, the 
verb implying spérepoy or piv: — pOainre dy efavdparodioberres Ff 
riva wuGécbat nuéwy, you would be reduced to slavery before any of us 
would hear of it. 


Norte 4. Ilpiv or mplv 7 is very often preceded by wrpdrepor, 
wpooGev, mapos, or another rpiv (used as an adverb), qualify- 
ing the leading verb. (See § 67, Note 4.) E. g. 

"AwoOvjaxovet wpdérepow mply dnroe yiyverOa olor Roayv. XEN. 
Cyr. V, 2,9. Kal dpooay py w piv és Saxaay nhew piv i roy po- 
8poy rovrov avarednyevas. T. I, 165. Hdpos & ovx €avera: dddos, 
mpiv ye... va sepnOnva. Il. V, 220. My wpty rapagns, x piv 16d" 
ev béarOat, réxvov. Kur. Here. F. 605. 


Note 5. WUdpos, in the sense of zpiy, is used in Homer with 
the Infinitive, but never with the other moods. E. g. 


Véxva aypora éfeidovro wdpos werenva yevéobac. Od. XVI, 
218. Ovd¢ of Umvos nimrey émt Prehdpac: sapos xaradéfas dxar 
va. Od. XXIII, 809. 


Remark. The rules for the tenses of the Infinitive are 
given in Chapter Second. It will be seen from a comparison 
of these, that the Present and Aorist are the only tenses ordi- 
narily used in constructions in which the Infinitive tn ttself 
has no reference to time, that is, in all except indirect dis- 
course. In indirect discourse each tense has its own force, as 
in the Indicative; but in other constructions the Perfect is 
used only in the cases mentioned in § 18, 3, 6, and Note; and 
the Future only in the few cases mentioned in § 27, Note 2, a 
and &. (See § 27, Note 1.) 


§ 108, 2.] THE PARTICIPLE. 213 


CHAPTER VI. 


THE PARTICIPLE. 


§ 107. The Participle has three distinct uses: — 
first, it may express a simple attribute, like an ordinary 
adjective (§ 108); secondly, it may define the cireum- 
stances under which the action of the sentence takes 
place (§§ 109-111) ; thirdly, it may form part of the 
predicate with certain verbs, often having a force re- 
sembling that of the Infinitive (§§ 112, 113). 

Remark. As the Infinitive may be considered as a verbal noun, 
so the Participle is always a verbal adjective; both alike retaining 


a the attributes of a verb which are consistent with their nature. 
ee § 90. 


§ 108. 1. The Participle, like any other adjective, 
may qualify a noun. 

In such expressions it must often be translated by a 
finite verb and a relative, especially when the Participle 
is preceded by the article. E. g. 

Tiddts xdddet Scadépovaa, a city excelling in beauty. ‘Amp xa- 
Ads weratdevydvos, a man who has been well educated. Oi mpe- 
oBes of rapa Pitinmov wephbevres, the ambassadors who had been 
sent from Philip. “Avdpes of rovro wouoovres, men who will do this. 

"Ev ty Meconvig nore od an y7, in the lund which was once Mes- 
senia. See § 16,2. Erparevovaw emi ras Aiddov mngous kaXoupévas, 
they sail against the so-called Aeolian islands, lit. the islands called 
those of Aeolus. Tuuc. III, 88. Ai dpiora: 80xotcas elva pices, 
the natures which seem to be best. XEN. Mem. IV, 1,3. Al apd rov 


ordéparos vyes vavpaxovoat. THuc. VII, 28. Toy xcaresAngddra 
xivduvoy tiv méAcy. Dem. Cor. 301, 28. 


2. The Participle preceded by the article may be 
used substantively, like any other adjective. It is then 
equivalent to éxeivos Os (he who) and a finite verb in 
the tense of the Participle. E. g. 


214 - THE PARTICIPLE. [§ 108. 


Oi xparoivres, the conquerors. Ol semewpévot, those who have been 
convinced. Otrés ors 6 rovro woinoas, this is the one who did it. 
Odroi eiow of ipas wmavras ddixnaorvres, these are the men who will 
wrong you all. 

Tapa rois dpicras 3oxovaty eva, among those who seem to be best. 
Xen. Mem. IV, 2,6. "Hy de 6 pev rv yropny ravrny ein oy Meicar 
dpos, and Peisander was the one who gave this opinion. Touc. VIII, 
6%. Tots "Apxddar oderépas ota Evppayos mpociror, they pro- 
claimed to those of sale Areadians who were their allies. d. V, 64. 
"Adecréov ¢yd nut elvar (rovrav) rp cadpoveiy Suvncopdye@, for 
one who is to be able to be discreet. XEN. Symp. IV, 26. 


Nore 1. When the Participle, in either of these construc- 
tions, refers to a purpose or intention, it is generally Future, 
rarely Present. E. g. 


Népoy Snpyocia ray raira kwAvocorra réeOewra rovrovi, they have 
publicly enacted this law, which ts to prevent these things. Dem. Mid. 
530, 10. Tév épyacopevar évdvray, there being men in the country 
to cultivate it. EN. An. II, 4, 22. (See§110,1.) ‘O jynad- 
pevos ovdels goras there will be nobody who will lead us. Ib. iL, 4, 5. 
IlodAovs é£opev rods droipes cuvayars(opevous nu. Isoc. Pac. 
p- 186 D. § 189. 

See the more common use of the Future Participle to express a 


purpose, § 109, 5. 

Note 2. Participles, like adjectives, are occasionally used 
substantively even without the article, in an indefinite sense ; 
but generally only in the plural. E. g. 


“Eres Sadexa rpinpes Exov emi woddds vais KexTnmevous, ke 
sailed with twelve triremes against men who had many ships. 
Hell. V, 1,19. “Oray roXcpovvray mordis dAq, whenever a city of 
belligerents ts taken. Id. Cyr. VII, 5, 73. Mera ratra ddexvovvrai 
po. awayyéAXovres ore 6 marnp adeiras, there come messengers 
announcing, &c. Isoc. Trapez. p. 360 C. § 11. Ei8es vow €yovra 
Avrovpevoy Kal xaipovra ; did you ever see a man of sense (sc. twa) 
grieved and rejoicing? Piat. Gorg. 498 A. 


Nortr 3. In the poets, the Participle with the article sometimes 
becomes so completely a substantive, that it is followed by an ad- 
nominal genitive rather than by the case which its verbal force 
would require. A few expressions like of spoojxorres, relatives, and 
Td oupcpepoy OF Ta ae ati gain, advantage, are used in the same 
way even in prose. Ek. g. 

‘O exelvou rexay, his father. Eur. El. 8385. (We should expect 
6 éxeivoy rexdy.) Ta pixpad cuppéporvra ris wédeus, the small ad- 
vantages of the state. Dem. Cor. 234, 26. BaoiWéws wpoonxcovr€s 
vanes. Luuc. I, 128. 


9 108.] PARTICIPLE AS ADJECTIVE. 215 


Nore 4. (a.) In the poets and in Thucydides, the neuter singu- 
lar of the Present Participle with the article is sometimes used in 
the sense of an abstract verbal noun, where we should expect the 
Infinitive with the article. E. g- 

"Ep rp py pedrcravrs d£uverwrepos Ecovras, in the want of practice, 
&c. Tuuc. I, 142. (Here we should expect ¢v r@ pi) pederay.) 
Tvarw rd pey 8e3cds atrov rovs évavrious Haddor Gobioer, rd dé 
Oapoovy....ddedorepov éxdpevor. Id. I, 36. ere rd dedids, 
fear, is used like rd ded:évas, and 1d Gapgoiy, courage, like rd Oapceiv 
or rd Odpoos.) Merd rov Spwepevorv, with action. Id. V, 102. Kat 
af y cicaéwo: rd yap vorovy wobet oe fupmapacrdrny AaBeiv. 
Sopa. Phil. 674. (1d voooty== 4 vécos.) Td yap wobovy éxacros 
ee Bérwv ovx dy pebciro, rpiv al ndovjy cddew. Sopa. Trach. 

Compare the use of the neuter singular of an adjective for the 
corresponding abstract noun ; as rd xaAdv, beauty, for rd xdddos. 


@) A similar construction sometimes occurs when a Participle 
and a noun are used instead of an Infinitive and a noun, where in 
English we generally use a finite verb. E. g. 


Mera 8€ SéA@va olxydpevoyw EdaBe vepeots peyddrn Kpoigor, i. e. 
after Solon was gone. T. I, 34. Ty wédec obre woXepov xaxas 
cvpBdvros obre cracews ramore airiwos éyevero, i. €. the cause of a 
disastrous result of any war (like rov wé\epov riva Kaxas ovpBivat). 
Xen. Mem. I, 2, 68. So és néAtov xaradvvra, Il. I, 601. 


Remark. Such expressions as rd xparovy ris mies, the ruli 
part of the state, ri 8o£a{ov rns yoxns, &c. must not be confounde 
with the examples belonging under Notes 8 and 4. They are 
merely cases of the partitive genitive after a participle used as a 
noun. 


Notes 5. Some Present Participles are occasionally used like 
predicate adjectives after elpi or yiyvoua:. Such are especially da- 
hépov, €xov (with an adverb), spoojxwy, mpérav, deov, e€dv, and 
ouppéepoy. E. g. 

Té ror’ éariv otros éxeivov Biahépav; in what is this man different 
Jrom that one? Prat. Gorg. 500 C. Suphépow fv ry wodes, it was 
advantageous to the state. Dem. F. L. 364, 25. So after isdpyo in 
Demosthenes ; a8 rovro pév yap txdpxew ipas eldoras Hyovpat, for I 
think you are aware of this, Cor. 257, 25. 


Note 6. The poets sometimes use a Present or Aorist Parti- 
ciple with efuf as a periphrasis for the simple form of the verb In 
prose each part of such expressions has its ordinary meaning. E. g. 

‘Av 7 OéXovca, mdvr eyod Kopifera, whatever she wants, she 
always obtains from me. Sorn. O. T. 580. (Here # déAovea is used 
for Bédy.) Ovn els Srebpov; ob arcwmnaas Ever; Ib. 1146. *O 
rouTo oux fore yiyvopevoy nap nui; or ts not this something that 


216 THE PARTICIPLE. [§ 108. 


happens among us? Prat. Phileb. 89 C. "Hv yap 5 GepcroxAns 
BeBaorara 3) gvcews loyw 8yrodoas, nal... dkos Gavpacat, 
Themistocles was one who manifested, &c. Tuuc. I, 138. 


For the use of the Perfect Participle in the same way, see § 17, 
Note 2. For the Aorist Participle with éyo as a periphrasis for the 
Perfect Indicative, see below, § 112, Note 7. 


§ 109. The Participle is used to define the circum- 
stances under which an action takes place. It may in 
this sense be connected with any substantive in the 
sentence, and agree with it in case. 

The relations expressed by the participle in this use 
are the following : — 


1. Zime, the various tenses of the Participle denoting 
various points of time, which are of course all referred 
to that of the leading verb. E. g. 


Tatra elroy drje, when he had said this, he departed. ‘Arnyrnca 
Sirtjimmy dmidyvrs, I met Philip as he was departing. Tovro res o1n- 
Kores dwe\evoovrat. Tavra éxparre or parny ar, he did these things 
while he was general. Tavra npafes orparnyay, he will do these 
things when he is general. Tupavvevoas 8¢ éry rpia ‘Immlas éxopet 
tadamnoveos és Siyewov. THuc. VI. 59. 


2. Means. KE. g. 

AntCopevos Caow, they live by plunder. Xun. Cyr. I, 2, 25. 
Tovs "EdAnvas édi8atav, bv rporov 8tocxovvres ras avréy warpidas 
kal mpos obs moNepovrTes peydAny dy riv ‘EAXada roinceay. Isoc. 
Panath. p. 241 D. § 44. Ov yap adAorpiots ipiv ypopévots wapa- 
deiypaow add’ oixelots, evdaipoow eLeore yever Oa, by using not foreign 
but domestic examples, &c. Dem. Ol. Il], 35,1. (So often ypepevos 
with the dative.) 


8. Manner, and similar relations, including manner 
of employment, &c. KH. g. 

IIpoeitero padXov rots vouos é€ppéeveay arodavey } mapavopay 
(nv, he preferred to die aluding by the laws, rather than to live disobey- 
tng them. XEN. Mem. IV, 4,4. ‘Apmwdcavras ra dwda wopeve- 
o8az, to march having snatched up their arms (i.e. eagerly). Dem. Ol. 
III, 34, 8. Tovro éwoincev AXaOawy, he did thts secretly. (See below, 
N. 8.) “Amedjpe sr pinpapx ay, he was absent on duty as trierarch. 


4. Cause or ground of action. KE. g. 


-§ 109, 7.] | PARTICIPLE EXPRESSING CAUSE, ETO. 217 


Aéyo 3€ rovd’ évexa, Bouddpevos bofa cot wep eyoi, and I 
speak jor this reason, because I wish, &c. Piat. Phaed. 102 D. 
"Aneixovro xepdav, alcxypd vopifovres eiva, because they believed 
them to be base. KEN. Mem. I, 2, 22. Ti yap dv BovAdpevos 
dvdpes cool ws diyOas Seororas dpeivous airav pevyorev, with what 
object in view, &c. (1. e. wishing what)? Prat. Phaed. 63 A. (See 
below, Note 7.) 

For the Participle with os, used to express a cause assigned by 
another, see below, Note 4. 


5. Purpose, object, or intention, expressed by the Fu- 
ture Participle, rarely by the Present. E. g. 


*H\Oe Avaopevos Ovyarpa, he came to ransom his daughter. Tl. 
I. 13. Lapedndvéa cupBovrevoay, I have risen to give my advice. 
Isoc. Archid. § 1. ’EBovAevcavro méureyv és Aaxedaipova mpéoBes 
ravra re €povvras xai Avoavdpoy airnaoovras eni ras vais, in 
order to say this, and to ask for Lysander as admiral. XEN. Hell. I, 
1,6. "Eay eis woXepov (7 marpis) dyn rpwOnaodpevoy § dnroba- 
voupevow, wowmreoy ravra, even if tt lead any one into war to be 
wounded or to perish. PLAT. Crit. 51 B. 

“Ervxov yap al peév (vies) eri Kapias olydpevat,... weptayyéar- 
Aovoat Bonbeiy, for some of the ships happened to be gone towards 
Caria, tn order to give them notice to send aid. Tuuc. 1,116. So 
dpvipevor, Il. 1,159. (The Present here seems to express an atiend- 
ant circumstance, rather than a mere purpose.) 


6. Condition, the Participle standing for the protasis 
of a conditional sentence, and its tenses representing 
the various forms of protasis expressed by the Indica- 
tive, Subjunctive, or Optative (§ 52,1). E. g. 

Oles od “AAxnoriv ixép Adpnrov amobaveiv dy,  AxiA€a Tlarpéxkp 
exanobavety, pn oiopeévous aOavuroy pynpnyv a pti mépt éauTay 
€xerOat, do you think thai Alcestis would have died for Admetus, §c., 
if they had not believed, &. Puiat. Symp. 208 D. (Here pn oiope- 
vous 1s equivalent to el pi) @ovro.) Ov yap dy abrois epedev pu TovTO 
tUmrorapBavoverty, for it would not have concerned them, unless 
they had had this tdea. Dem. Phil. III, 122, 21. (Here pa broXap- 
Bdavovow 1s equivalent to ef yy rovro tmeddpBavov.) “Actpov dy 
frAOorp aibdpos mpds avrodds xai yas évepbe, duvards wy Spaca: rdde, 
if I should be able to do this (ei 8uvards eiqv). Eur. Phoen. 504. 

See other examples under § 52, 1. 


T. Opposition, or limitation, where the Participle is 
often to be translated by although. HK. g. 


Obros 8€ cai perarepPOnvas PaoKxwy tnd rov warpis, kat €AGadr 
10 


218 THE PARTICIPLE. [§ 109, 7 


els rh olxlay, eloedOeiv pév of Gnow, Anpodarros 8 dxobca ypappa- 
retoy dvaytyvmoxorvros, kat rpoecoeAnAvbas cal dwavra 81@poXo- 
ynpévos mpds rév swarépa, and this man, although he admits that he 
was summoned, and although he did go to the house, yet denies that he 
went tn, §c., although he had previously gone in and arranged every- 
thing with my father. Dem. Koh. II, 889, 29. ’OXlya a A ae vos 
mpoopay srepi rou péAXovros woAAG emtyetpoupey mparrery, ugh we 
areable to faresea fern things, &c. Xen. Cyr. Ii, 2, 15. 

The Participle in this sense is very often accompanied by xaimep 
and other particles. See below, Note 5. 


8. Any attendant circumstance, the Participle being 
merely descriptive. EH. g. 


Kal wraparaBdrres rovs Bowrovs €orpdrevoay él Sdpoadoy, and 
having the Boeotians with them, they marched against Pharsalus. 
Tuuc. I, 111. Wapayyedrc: rp Kredpyp AaBowre yrew Sooy fy 
avrg orpdrevpa. XEN. An. I, 2,1. “Epyera: Mavddvy rév Kipoy rop 
vidy €yovca, Mandane comes with her son Cyrus. Id. Cyr. I, 8, 1. 
(See below, N. 8.) 


’ 


Note 1. (a.) The adverbs rére, f3n (rére #3), évrav6a, etra, 
éretra, and ovrws are often joined to the verb of the sentence in 
which the temporal Participle stands. E. g. 


’*ExeXevey avrov ovediaBdvra eresra ovrws awadXdrrecOa, he com- 
manded that, after he had joined them in crossing, he should then retire 
as he proposed. XeN. An. VII, 1,2. WecBopéver 8¢ ray Layiov xai 
cxorray my ZaynrAny, €vOavra ol Zayxdraios éBonbeor avr7. Hpr. 
VI 23. "Awodvyav 8é xal rovrous, orparyyis ovrea ‘AOnvaiar 
aredéxOn, and having escaped these also, he was then chosen general 
of the Athenians. Id. VI, 104. 


(b.) Eira, érecra, and ovres sometimes refer in the same way to 8 
Participle expressing opposition or limitation; in which case they 
may be translated by nevertheless, after all. E. g. 

Ildvrey 8’ arommrardy éott, TyALKauTny aveAdvras paprupiay 
otras olecbas deiv eixy morevecbar rap piv, that, although they 
have destroyed so important a piece of evidence, they after all think, 
&c. Dem. Aph. II, 837, 10. Aewa pévr’ &v wabois, ef ’AOnvace 
adixdpevos, ov rhs ‘EAAddos mAeiatn eotiv eLovoia rov heyew, 
¢@retta ov évrava rovrou pdévos aruxnoas, tf, although you are come 
to Athens, you should after all be the only one to fail in obtaining this. 
Piat. Gorg. 461 E. 


(c.) Ovres, dd rovro, and dd raidra sometimes refer in the same 
way to a Participle denoting a cause. E. g. 


Nopifwy dpelvovas xat xpeirrovs roAkey BapBdpev tpas elvan 
8:a Totro mpoceAafov. XEN. An. I, 7, 8. 


§ 109.] THE PARTICIPLE. 219 


Notre 2. The Adverbs dpa, peraév, eidvs, abrixa, and éaihens 
are often connected (in position and in sense) with the temporal 
Participle, although grammatically they qualify the verb of the sen- 
tence. E. g. 


“Apa mpotoy érecxoneiro et rt Suvardy etn Tous Todepious avbeverrE- 
pous maewv, as he advanced, he looked at the same time to see whether tt 
was possible, &c. XEN. Cyr. V, 2, 22. “Apa xaradaBovres mpovencard 
adu, as soon as they had overtaken them, they pressed hard upon them, 
Hor. IX, 57. Nexas perak&y spvocwr énavcaro, pavrniou ¢unodiov 
yevopevov, Necho stopped while digging (the canal), &c. Id. II, 158. 
HoAAayxov 87 pe eréoxe A€yorra peraku, ut often checked me while 
speaking. Puat. Apol.40 B. "Emmndvp doxnoe evOus veos dvres Td 
avopeiov perépyovrat, by loilsome discipline, even while they are still 
young, &e. THuc. Il, 39. Te defip xépg evOvs droBeBnxore of Ko- 
pivOcos éréxewro, the Corinthians pressed upon the right wing, as soon 
as it was disembarked. Id. IV, 43. ’Apfdpevos evOvs xabtorapevov, 
beginning as soon as it (the war) broke out. Id. 1,1. Ardvuaov déyou- 
ao. os alrixa yevdpevoy és tov pnpdv eveppiiyaro Zeus, they say of 
Dionysus that, as soon as he was born, Zeus sewed him into his thigh. 
Hor. I, 146. Thy puyny Oewpav eEaidyns anoavdvros éxdotou, 
fei the soul of each one the moment that he is dead. Puiat. Gorg. 
528 Kk. 


Norte 3. (a.) ‘Are, ofo», or ofa, as, inasmuch as, are used 
to emphasize a Participle denating the cause or ground of an 
action. Here the cause assigned is stated merely on the au- 
thority of the speaker or writer. (See N. 4.) E. g. 

‘O 8€ Kipos, Gre mais @y Kai diddxadros xai prroripos, yero ij 
oroAp, but Cyrus, inasmuch as he was a child, &c. XEN. Cyr. I, 8, 3. 
So dre AnPOevrav, THuc. VII, 85. Mada 8€ yateras wopevdpevor, 
ota 87 év weri re cai PoBo dmiovres, eis Aiyoobeva ddixvouvrat, 
inasmuch as they were departing by night, &. XEN. Hell. VI, 4, 26. 

In Herodotus Sore is used in the same sense; as in I, 8, dcre 
raita vouiley, inasmuch as he believed this. See Tuuc. VII, 24. 


(6.) “Qorep with the Participle occasionally seems to have the 
same force as dre or olov; a3 in Eur. Hippol. 1307,6 8 Samep dv 
Sixacos ove éeamero Acyots, inasmuch as he was just, &c. 

For the common use of Screp with the Participle, see Note y. 


Note 4. (a) ‘Qs may be prefixed to many of the Parti- 
ciples of § 109, especially those denoting a cause or a pur- 
pose. It shows that the Participle expresses the idea of the 
subject of the leading verb, or that of some other person promi- 
nently mentioned in. the sentence ; without implying that it is 
also the idea of the speaker or writer. E. g. 


220 THE PARTICIPLE. [§ 109. 


Tdr Tlepixdda ev airig eiyov &s welaavra ois modepeiy cat de 
éxeivov rais fuphopais meprremrawxores, they found fault with 
Pericles, on the ground that he had persuaded them to engage in the 
war, and that through him they had met with the calamities. THuuc. 
II. 59. (Here Thucydides himself is not responsible for the state- 
ments made by the Participles ; as he would be if as were omitted.) 
See § 111. “Ayavaxrovow os peyddory rivav dmrecrepnpevor, they are 
indignant, because (as they allege) they have been deprived, &c, PLAT. 
Rep. I, 329 A. Baosret xp wauw, as 8 éxeivoy ruyotaat ths 
avrovopias ravrns, i. e. they thank him because (as the Selieve) they 
have obtained this independence through him. Isoc. Pan. p. 77 C. 
§ 175. Ol pév dicnovres rods xaf abrovs &s mdvras vixayres, 1 
dpraforres ws dn mavres viex@vres, one side pursuing those opposed 
to them, thinking that they were victorious over all ; and the other side 

roceeding to plunder, thinking that they were all victorious. XEN. An. 

, 10,4. Thy mpodacw énoeiro ws Uicidas BovAdpevos exBareiv, 
he made his pretence, (apparently) wishing to drive out the Pisidians. 
Ib. I, 2, 1. “Edeye Oappety ws xaragrnocopeévwy rovroy eis rd 
ddov, he said he took courage, on the ground that these matters were 
about to be setiled, &c. Ib. I, 8,8. (See § 110, 1, N.1.) ‘Qs yap 
eidcray sept bv éxéupOnoay dxovere, for you hear them as men who 
(as you believe) know about what they were sent for. Dem. F. L. 842, 
25. Ol *A@nvaios mapeoxevd{ovro @s moXepnoovres, the Athenians 
prepared with the (avowed) intention of going to war. Tuuc. II, 7. 
SuvAAauBaver Kipoy os amoxrevay, he seizes Cyrus with the (avowed) 
object of putting him to death. Xen. An. I, 1, 8. 

It is a common mistake to gt res that ws implies that the Parti- 
ciple does not express the idea of the speaker or writer. It implies 
nothing whatever on this point, which is determined (if at all) by the 
context, 


(b.) ‘Qs may also be used before Participles with verbs of know- 
ing, &c., included in § 118. (See § 113, N. 10.) 


Note 5. (a.) The Participle expressing opposition or limitation 
is often strengthened by xaimep or xai (after a negative, by ovd€ or 
pyde, with or without rep), xal ravra, and that too. “Opms, neverthe- 
less, may be connected with the Participle (like dpa, &c. N. 2), be- 
longing, however, grammatically to the leading verb. E. g. 

“Exropa xal pepaera payns cxnoecbas oiw. Il. IX, 655. *Esros- 
xreipw Bs vy Svotnvoy éunas, kaitep dvra dvopern, although he is 
my enemy. SopH. Aj. 122. Ovx dv mpodoiny, ovde wep mpadcowy 
xax@s. Kur. Phoen. 1624. Yuvaei meiOov, pnd rddn6n xrAvVav. 
Id. Hipp. Fr. 443. eidov yuvagi, cairep ov oréepyor spas. 
AEscH. Sept. 712. (Here copes qualifies wei@ov; although, as usual, 
it is joined with the Participle for emphasis.) ‘Adixeis ors avdpa 
nuiv Tov awovdatorarov ScaPGeipes yeAay avareiev, kai ravra ovTe 


srodcuov Syra rp yeAwrs. XEN. Cyr. Ll, 2, 16. 
(5.) In Homer, the two parts of xai..sep are generally sepa 





§ 109.] THE PARTICIPLE. 221 


rated by the Participle, or by some ee word connected with 
it. Kai is here very often omitted, so that wép stands alone in the 
sense of although. 

Both of these uses are found also in the Attic poets. E. g. 


Toy pev ewerr’ elacve, kat axyvoperds wep éraipov, xeioba. Il. VIII, 
125. Kat xparepos wep €wy, pevérw tptraty evi poipy. Il. XV, 195. 
TérAah, pntrep éun, Kal avaoyeo xn8opemn wep, pn oe Pidrnv wep 
€ovcay év dpOadrpoiow Bonar Gewopuernv> rore 8 od re SuvAcopas 
dxvipevos wep xpacpe. Il. I, 586. 

Kayo o° ixvovpat, kal yun wep ovo’ Spas. Eur. Orest. 680. 
Tddoy yap airy xal xaracxapas ¢yd, yury wep ova, rpde pnxavnoo- 
pa. AESCH. Sept. 1087. 


REMARK. Kairos was very seldom used like cairep with the Par- 
ticiple, its only regular use being with finite verbs. E. g. 

Ovsd pos duperdos ro Uirrdxevoy véuerat, xairot copod mapa 
deris eipnuévov. Srmon. Fr. 5 (apud Piat. Prot. 339 C). 


Note 6.. The Participle dy» is sometimes omitted after the parti- 
cles mentioned in the last three notes, leaving an adjective or a 
noun standing by itself. E. g. 

Airovs els tiv woXtrelay ov rapadefdueba, Gre rupavvidos tyynrds 
(sc. dyras). Prat. Rep. VIII, se Be O Aird hai sr rep ied 
Kaiov dAX’ ovx ws ayabdy (sc. dv), they practise it on the ground that it 
is necessary, and not on the ground that i is a good thing. Ib. II, 358 
es "H pi ere Zets, cainep avdadns ppevay, €oras ramewds. AESCH. 

m. 907. 


Note 7. (a.) The Participle with any of the meanings included 
oa 09 may stand in relative or interrogative clauses. Such ex- 
pressions can seldom be translated literally into Enghsh. E. g. 


Ti 3€ cal 8e8tdres apddpa ovrws ereiyerOe; what do you fear, 
that you are in such great haste? Xen. Hell. I, 7, 26. Ti a» eiwady 
wé tis dpOas mpoveina; what could one call you, so as to give you the 
right name? Dem. Cor. 232, 20. Tov vopwy arespoe yiyvovra cal 
Trav Adyov, ots Set Xp opEevow cure Tois avOpammots, which one must 
use in his intercourse with men. PLat. Gorg. 484 D. 


_ (0.) Here belong ri paddy; and ri mabey; both of which have 
the general force of wherefore? Ti paday rovro moet; however, 
usually signifies what put it into his head to do this? or with what idea 
does he do this? and ri rad ey rovro moet; what has happened to him 
that he does this? E.g. 

Ti rovro paddy mpocéypawev; with what idea did he add this to 
the law? Dem. Lept. 495, 20. Ti wabotcas, eimep Nehédar y 
eiaiv ddnOas, Ovnrais el~acs yuvarkiv; what has happened to that 
they resemble mortal women? Arist. Nub. 340. 

These phrases may be used even in dependent sentences, ri be- 
coming 6 rt, and the whole phrase meaning because. E. g. 


222 THE PARTICIPLE. [§ 109. 


Ti dfiés eles wabeiv § drorica, drt pabay év rp Bip ody novyxiay 
Fyov; what do I deserve to suffer, fc. for not keeping quiet? i.e. for 
the idea which came into my head, in conse e of which I did not 
keep quiet. Prat. Apol. 86 B. So Prat. Euthyd. 283 E, and 299 
A. (See Matthiae, § 567.) 


Note 8. Certain Participles, when they agree with the subject 
of a verb, have almost the force of adverbs. Such are dpydpevos, 
at first; reXevray, finally; 8:adkenay, after an interval; Pépwr, 
hastily; dvvoas, quickly; N\abawy, secretly; natareivas, ear 
nestly ; €x wy, continually; dOdoas, quickly. (See Passow or Lid- 
dell and Scott, under dpya, &c.) 

“Exov, dywor, dépwy, and AaBoy may often be translated 
with. (See example under § 109, 8.) 


Nore 9. *°Qorep with the Participle generally belongs 
to an implied apodosis, to which the Participle forms the pro- 
tasis (§ 109, 6). Here Somep means simply as, and the Parti- 
ciple is translated with an ¢f prefixed. (See § 53, N. 3.) 
EK. g. 


“Qorep in capas el3dres, ove cbdrer dxovew, you are unwilling 
to hear, as tf you already knew well (i. e. as you would be if you 
knew). Isoc. Pac. p. 160 C.§ 9. (Here ecidéres==ef jdecpev, § 52, 
1.) "Amnvrov ddtyot mpds rroAdas pupiddas, Sowep év addorpias 
Wuxais péAXOvreEs Kwdvveve, as tf they had been about to risk the 
lives of others (i. e. Sarep adnnvrov dy, ei Eueddov). Id. Pan. p. 58 B. 
§ 86. So Ib. p. 78 C.§ 179, Somep mpds rdov Ala ri xopay vepd- 
fhevos, GAA ov mpos Tovs avOpmmous Tas cuvOnKas TOLOUMEVOS, GS 
(he would have done) if he had been dividing the country with Zeus, 
and not making a treaty with men. 

That Sowep means simply as (not as if) is seen when a verb with 
el follows; as in domep ef Aéyous, as tf you should say. See also Il. 
I, 780, toav, ws ef re wupt yOov naca vépoiro, i. e. their march 


was as (it would be) if the whole land should be covered with fire. 


$110. 1. Ifa Participle, denoting any of the rela- 
tions included .in § 109, belongs to a substantive which 
is not connected with the main construction of the sen- 
tence, both the substantive and the Participle are put 
in the genitive, called absolute. KH. g. 

Tair’ émpay6n Kévevos orparnyoivros, these things were 
done when Conon was general. Isoc. Evag. p. 200 C. § 56. “Adixero * 
Seipo 1d mAvlov, yudvrav ray KehadAnvor, dvrimparrovtos Tov 


rov,...Katamndew, the Cephallenians having determined to sail in, 
although this man opposed uw. Dem. Zenoth. 886, 1. (For the tenses 


§ 110, 1.] GENITIVE ABSOLUTE. 223 


of the Participles, see § 24.) "Aéyvalev 3¢ 4 airs rovro wabdyrey, 
Serdaciav dy riv Svvayew eladlerOat (olua), i. ©. tf the Athenians 
should ever suffer, &. TuHuo. I, 10. (See § 52,1.) “OAns ydp ris 
wodews ETtTPETOPEVNS TH OTPaTHYP, peyaAa rd Te dyada Karop- 
Oovyros qurov cai ra xaxd Stapapravovros elxds yiyverOa. 


XEN. Mem. III, 1, 8. 


Nortr 1. The Participle in the genitive absolute may be accom- 
panied by all the particles mentioned in § 109, Notes 1-9, with the 
same force as in other constructions. It may also stand in the rela- 
tive and interrogative sentences of § 109, N. 7. E. g. 

Kal avrov peraféyv ravra Xdyovros 6 KXewias érvyev aroxpiyapue- 
yos, while he was saying this, ke. PLAT. Euthyd. 275 E. ee 8 
rourey evOis éxnpurroy éfcévas wdvras OnBaiovs, &s ray rupdvvey 
reOvearay, because (as they said) the tyrants were dead. XEN. 
. Hell. V, 4,9. (See § 109, N. 4.) "AreXoynoaro Ort oy aS ToIs 
"EAAnos wore pnodyvray aha eto, that he said what he did, not 
because they intended to be at war with the Greeks. Td. An. V, 6, 8. 
So &s émPBovAevovros Tiwcadepvous rais médecs, on the ground that T. 
was plotting; An. I, 1, 6. ‘Qs ov rpocoicovros (sc. saa ras 
xeipas,. . . didarxe, since (as you may feel sure) I will not lay hands 
on you, teach me. Id. Mem. II, 6, 82. Kiupos 8€ dmopinas éveixero, 
dre xpdvov éyystvopévov auxvor, tnasmuch as a long time intervened. 
Hor. I, 190.° (See § 109, N. 3.) "Hv yap ddwaros, Sore onmo- 
pévov rod pnpov. Id. VI, 186. Of “EdAnves ofrws nyavderncay, 
Some p Orns tHs ‘EXAa8os weropOnperns, as if the whole of Greece had 
been devastated ( e. as they would have been, tf tt had been devas- 
tated). Isoc. Helen. p. 217 D. § 49. 

For the genitive absolute after és, in connection with verbs of 


— &c., see § 118, Note 10. 

oTE 2. A Participle sometimes stands alone in the genitive ab- 
solute, when a noun or pronoun can easily be supplied from the 
context, or when some general word (like av@pemeyv, mpaypdrev) is 
understood. E. g. 

Oi 8é sroAdmos, wpoosdvrar, Tées pév novyalor, but the enemy, as 
trey (men before mentioned) came on, for a time kept quiet. XEN. 
An. V, 4,16. So érayopévwv avrovs, uc. I, 3. Ovre 8 éydv- 
ray, elxds, x.r.A., and things being so (sc. mpaypdroy), &c. N. 
An. III, 2, 10. Odx é€acrovpevos, ovx ’Audixrvomnas Sixas éra- 

Ovr@v, ox emayyeAAopevany, ovdapas eyo mpodédaxa Thy eis 
vuas edvoray. Dem. Cor. 331, 80. (Here avéparey is understood 
with énayovrwy and émayyeddopevov.) 

So when the Participle denotes a state of the weather; as vowros 
. word@, when it was raining heavily. Xen. Hell. 1,1, 16. (in such 
cases the Participle is masculine, Asés being understood. See ARistT. 
Nub. 370, vorra; and Il. XII, 25, de 8 dpa Zeus.) 


Note 8. A passive Participle may stand in the genitive absolute 


224 THE PARTICIPLE [§ 110, Ll. 


with a clause introduced by or. If the subject of such a clause is 
plural, the Participle is itself sometimes plural, by a kind of attrac- 
tion. E. g. 

Zapas 8nrwOéevros Gre ev rais vavol rev “EXAnvev rd wpdypyara 
éydvero, tt having been clearly shown, that, &. Tauc.I,74. InI, 
116 we find écayyedrOévrwy ore Soincoa vies és’ aitovs sdéov- 
ow, it having been announced, that, &c. 


Notre 4. The Participle dy is rarely omitted, leaving @ noun and 
an adjective alone in the genitive absolute. E. g. 


“Os duo porns wéAas (8c. ofons). Sopu. O. C. 83. 


Note 5. The genitive absolute is regularly used only when a 
new subject is introduced into the sentence (§ 110, 1), and not 
when the Participle can be joined with any substantive already be- 
longing to the construction. Yet this rule is sometimes violated, in 
order to give greater prominence to a participial clause. E. g. 

AtaBeBnxoros dn Mepexdéous, myyéAGn aire ore Méyapa adéarn- 
xe. THUC. 1 114. 


2. The Participles of impersonal verbs stand in the 
accusative absolute, in the neuter singular, when other 
participles would stand in the genitive absolute. Such 
are Séov, efov, mapov, rpoonxov, mapexov, MédaV, eTA- 
peérov, Soxodv, Sofav, and the like; also passive Parti- 
ciples used impersonally (as wpocrayGév, eipnuevor) ; 
and such expressions as advvarov ov, it being impossible, 
composed of an adjective and ov. KE. g. 


Ol & ov BonOincavres, 8¢€0v, Uyeis dwmrOov; and did those who 
brought no aid when it was necessary escape safe and sound? PLat. 
Alcib. I, 115 B. ‘Amwdas 8@ Avwas ed (Sc. hépey), ovx olow 
durdas. Eur. Iph. Taur. 688. Tapéyow 3€ ris Acins maons dpyew 
eimeréws, Qdo rt alpnoeobe; Hot. V,49. Ev 3¢ rapacyxdy, and 
tohen an opportunity offers. Tuuc. I, 120. Ob wrpoonKor, tm- 
properly. Id. 1V, 95. Suvd3déav re marpi nal rH pnrpi, yapet ry 
Kuafdpov @vyarépa. XEN. Cyr. I, 5, 28. Elpnpévoy ximor 
elvar 6 re Av 1d wAnOOs Trav Evpydywov Wndioyra. Tuuc. V, 30. So 
dedoypevor, I, 125; yeypappévoy, V, 56; and mpooreraypévoy, PLAT. 
Leg. X, 902 D. Kai evOevde nddwy, rpooray Oév pos bd rod Snpov 
Mévova dyew eis “E\Anowovrov, @xdpnv. Dem. Polycl. 1210, 5. 
IlaptxeXevorrd re, aduvaroy by éy vuxri DA ty onpnva. THuC. 
VU, 44. “Eyary’, ey 6 Kipos, otpa:, dua peév ovvayopevdvrav par, 
dua 8¢ cai aioypdv by 1d avrivcyew, x-t-r. KEN. Cyr. II, 2, 20. 
(The genitive belongs under § 110, 1. See § 111.) ’Avriwape- 
@xevdfero éppwpévas, as paxyns érs Sen ooy, on the ground that there 


§ 111.] ACCUSATIVE ABSOLUTE. 225 


would still he need of a battle. Tb. VI, 1, 26. (See Remark, below.) 
Oi 3¢ rpidxovra, as €£d» f3n avrois rupavvelv adeads, mpoeiroy, x. T-X.; 
i. e. thinking that @ was now in their power, &c. Id. Hell. II, 4,1. °H 
yap vocis Oarre of’, dwéppnroy more (sc. dv), when it is forbidden 
to the city. Sop, Ant. 44. 


Remark. The accusative absolute may take the same particles 
as the genitive absolute (§ 110, 1, Note 1). It may also omit the 
Participle dy. (See the last two examples, above.) 


Note 1. Even the Participles of personal verbs sometimes stand 
with their nouns in the accusative absolute, in all genders and num- 
bers, if they are preceded by as (used as in § 109, Note 4), or by 
éomep, as if. E. g. 

Alo nal rovs vieis of marépes dd tray sompay avOparey elpyovorp, 
&s Thy pey ray ypnoray éptriay doxnow otaay ris aperns, THY 
3¢ ra&v movnpdy xardAvow (sc. ovoav). XEN. Mem. I, 2, 20. irous 
xravras @s BonOaov dedpevor, rav 3 adekpav apedovow, Sowep ex 
WoKray wey yryvopnevous Hirovrs, €£ adeAhav 8é od yseyvopéevous, 
as if friends were made from fellow-citizens, and were not made from 
brothers. Ib. II, 8,38. Méy:orov ovrw diaxciobas ras ywopas tpdv, os 
éxacrov éxdvra wpobupos ge ay 8€y wotnoorra. Dew. Sym. 182, 
8. (See § 118, N. 10, c.) 


Note 2. The accusative absolute used personally without os or 
Sorep is very rare. It occurs chiefly with the neuter of Participles 
which are regularly impersonal. E. g. 

IlpoonKoy aire rov xAnpov pépos doovmrep enol. Isan. V, § 12. 
Tatra 8¢ yevdpeva, mevOea peyada rovs Aiyumrious xaradapBavet. 
Hot. II, 66. “H3n dudordépas pév Soxovy avaywpeiv, cupwOer dé 
ovdéy, wuxrds re érvyevonerns, of pew Maxeddves ... €xapouy én” oikov. 
Tuue. IV, 125. Adéavra 8€ ratra xai wepavOévra, Ta orpa- 
revpara drndGe. XEN. Hell. III, 2,19. Adé&av nyiy ravra occurs 
in Puat. Prot. 814 C, where we may supply zroceiy. 


§ 2. As the Participle in the genitive (or accusative) 
absolute denotes the same relations (time, cause, &c.) as the 
Participle in its ordinary construction (§ 109), both may be 
used in the same sentence, and be connected by conjunctions. 
When several Participles denoting these relations occur in 
any sentence, those which belong to substantives already con- 
nected with the main construction agree with those substan- 
tives in case, while those which refer to some new subject 
stand with that subject in the genitive absolute; any which 
are impersonal standing in the accusative absolute. E. g. 

Ol pév "EXAnves orpacévres mapecxevdfovro ws raury mpogssvros 

10* oO 


226 THE PARTICIPLE. [§ 111. 


(sc. rov Baowiéws) cal SeEdpevor, they prepared themselves with a 
view to his (the King’s) coming up and to receiving him. Xen. An. I, 
10,6. Ths yap épwoplas oix odans, oid émiptyvuvres adeas 
GAAnAos,... vepopevol re ra €avrav,...adnrAdy by ordre tis 
émeOap xai aretxiorwy dua dyrwy GddXos apatpycerat, ris re nat 
npépay dvayxaiov rpopins savrayou dy nyovpevot emixpareiv, ov 
xarenas dravioravro. THuc. 1,2. Kai ravra Stanmpatdpevos ey 
TH éexeAnoig (KAéwv), ca Pndicapevav 'APnvaiay ate roy wAoUr, 
rey re ev lvAp otparnyar éva mpoceAdpevos, THy avaywyny dua 
Tdxous éroteiro. Td. IV, 29. "AAxBiddys rots WeAomovrncios tro- 
NTOS OY, kalaw avTav adixopevns éemoroAns Ger amoxreivat, bwro- 
xwpet rapa Tiocadépyy. Id. VIII, 45. 

See the examples collected by Kriiger, Vol. I, § 56, 14, 2; and 
his note to Tuuc. IV, 5, 1. 


J § 212%. The Participle may be joined with certain 
verbs to restrict their meaning to particular actions, 
in a sense which often resembles that of the Infinitive 
(§ 92,1). Such a Participle may agree in case with 
either the subject or the object of the verb. 


1. The Participle is thus used especially with verbs signi- 
fying to begin, to continue, to endure, to persevere, to cease (or 
cause to cease), to repent, to be weary of, to be pleased, dis- 
pleased, or ashamed, to represent (as in a poem), to find. 

Further, after verbs signifying to overlook or to allow (wepto- 
pda, épopdew, with sepieidov and émeidoy, sometimes eidov) the 
Participle is used in the sense of the object Infinitive, the Pres- 
ent and Aorist Participles differing merely as the same tenses 
of the Infinitive would differ in similar constructions (§ 15, 1; 
§ 23,1). See § 24, Note 2. E.g. 

(a2.) “Apfopa Ae yaw, I will begin to speak, Pat. Symp. 186 B. 
Tavca Ae yovaa, cease speaking. Eur. Hippol. 706. (So arewmwew 
Adywv.) Ovx dvétopas (dca, I shall not endure to live. Ib. 355. 
Th» pirogodiay sravcov raira Ad youcay, cause philosophy to stop 
saying this. PLat. Gorg. 482 A. Kal éym rois épwract xalpw 
dmoxptyépevos, I like to answer, &c. Id. Prot. 318 D. To pe» 
pa xaipoy voornaayrs, they rejoiced in his return. Od. XIX, 463. 
Ths Alodidos xareras Epepey ameorepnuévos, he took tt hardly 
that he was deprived of Aeolis. Xen. Hell. II, 2, 13. Aloxtvopat 
Aeyor, Iam ashamed to say. (For aicyvvoua Ad yes, see below, 
N. 6.) *Aroxdpvo rpéxwv, I am weary vy running. Tous éx ths ynoov 
Seoporas pereperdovro anode 8axdres, they repented of having given 
them up. THuc. V, 35. Iemoinxe rovs év “Asdou tov aet xpovos 
répwpovpevous, he has represented those in Hades as suffering 


§ 112, 2.] PARTICIPLE WITH VERBS. 22° 


punishment. PLat. Gorg. 525 E. Evpev 8 etpvora ee drep 


Hsevowv Gray, she found him sitting apart. IL. I, 498. I, 27. 


(5.) My wepiidoper bBptcbeioay riv Aaxedaipova xal xara- 
$e ovn Beicay, let us not allow Lacedaemon to be insulted and despised. 
soc. Archid. 188 A.§ 108. Mn wp ideiy Gavdyv6’ in’ doray, not to 
see me killed. Eur. Orest. 746. TAjvai ce 8pdcay, that thou shouldst 
take courage to do. Soru. El. 943. See examples in § 24, N. 2. 


RemMARK. In Herodotus se:pdopa: is often used with the Parti- 
ciple in the same way; a8 ovx émeiparo émia@y 6 Kupos, Cyrus did 
not attempt to approach, 1,77. Sol, 84; VI, 50. 

*Asrodeixvuss and srapacxevd(e, in the meaning to render, may take 
the Participle as well as the Infinitive; as in XEN. Cyr. I, 6, 18, dua 
ral radmrmsea pdadiora €xovras amodeifew xal rad odpara dpora 
@xovras wapacxevdcev. So Arist. Plut. 210, BAdwovr’ dro- 
dcife oe, I will make you see. See these two verbs in Liddell and 
Scott’s Lexicon. 


2. The Participle used with the following verbs contains 
the leading idea of the expression: 8careAéa, to continue, 
AavOdva, to escape the notice of, rvyxave, to happen, Pbdvea, 
to anticipate, to get the start of, otxopas, to be gone, and Oapi- 
{w, to be wont or to be frequent. 

So in poetry with xvpéo, to happen; and in Herodotus 
with cupsimre, to happen, and with sodXos els, woAdbs Cyxerpat, OF 
savroios ‘yiyvonat, to be urgent; and in Homer with fy for ¢Bn. 
E. g. 

AcaredXetas rd péxps ened alel dovres edevbepar, they still remain 
free. Hot. VII, 111. “Oony ebvorav Zxwr eyo Staredko, as much 
good will as I continually bear. Dem. Cor. § 1. “EXadey (adr) 
dd dévra ndyra cal carah dey Gévra, everything took fire and twas 
consumed before she knew wt. THuc. IV, 133. (See § 24, Note 1.) 
Dovéa rov masdds €Advbave BoaKxwy, he was unconsciously supporting 
the murderer of his son. Hot. 1, 44. (See Rem. below.) “Eruyop» 
év ry ayopg émXira cadevdovres, soldiers happened to be sleeping 
in the market-place. THuc. IV, 113. Kara Oedv yap rwa trv Ke v 
nad ape vos évravéa, I happened to be sitting there. Piat. Euthyd. 
272 E. O88 ox EPOacay rvdpevoe rdv wdepov, kal .. . NKov, 
they no sooner heard of the war than they came, &c. Isoc. Paneg. 58 
B. § 86. “EdOnoay mordg ol SxvOa rovs Uepoas émi rv yéupay 
Gmixdpevot, the Scythians came to the bridge much before the Per- 
sans. Hpt. IV, 136. Atrot PAnoovras rovro Spacayres, they 
will be the first to do this for themselves. PLAT. Rep. Il, 375 C. (See 
§ 24,N. 1.) @6dvovcse én’ aira xarahevyovres, they are the 
first to run to them. AXSCHIN. Cor. § 248. Oiyerat hevywy, he has 
taken flight. UpeoBevwv gxero, he was gone on an embassy. XEN, 


228 THE PARTICIPLE. [§ 112, 2. 


Cyr. V,1,8. O68 rt copt(dpevds ye Oapclev, he had not been used 
to being thus cared for. Od. VIII, 451. Ov Oapifes caraBaiver 
els 4 Tletpaid, you do not come down very often. PLat. Rep. I, 
828 C. : 

Tovrop olof el (Sv xupet; dost thou know whether he is perchance 
living? Sopn. Phil. 444. IoAAds fv Atoodpevos 6 Eeivos, the 
stranger entreated urgently. Hpt. IX, 91. Yédow 8¢ woAAds eve- 
cero Aéyow raade, and Gelon spoke urgently as follows. Id. VII, 
158. Tore ravrotos éyevovro Sevda: Sed pevos rev lover dicas rov 
wopov, they begged them in every way (lit. they took every form in 
begging sy 6 Id. VII, 10. Suvewerraoxee Eps éovoa, there had 
hap to bea - Id. 1,82. By pevyay, he took flight. IL. 
Il, 665. (See § 97, N. 1.) 

REMARK. Aavédve being an active verb, meaning fo escape the 
notice of, must have an abjest expressed or understood. When no 
object is expressed, sometimes mayras is understood, and sometimes 
a reflexive referring to the subject. Thus é\ae rovro roujoas may 
mean either he did this without any one’s knowing tt (8c. wayras), or 
he did this unconsciously (sc. éavrdv). 


NoTE 1. ‘Apxéw, to be sufficient, and ixavds, ndiwv, kpelocey, or 
Berio» elpl are sometimes used in a personal construction with the 
Participle (like &Ads ely, &c., § 118, N. 1), where we should ex- 
pect an impersonal construction with the Infinitive. E. g. 

"Apxéae Ovnoxovo’ éyd, it will be enough for me to die. Sopu. 
Ant. 547. (We should expect dpxéoe: épol Oynoxerv.) Kpeicoar 
yap joba pyeér’ dv fh Cov rupdds. Id. O. T. 1868. “Hdlous écecbe 
axovoarres. DEM. toc. 641, 9. 


Note 2. As avéyopat, to endure, may govern either the ac- 
cusative or the genitive, it may take a Participle in either case 
agreeing with the object. Thus we may say either dvdxerai rua 
A€yorra, Or avexeral twos Aéyowrros, he endures any one’s say- 
ing. 

Note 8. The phrase otn vy POdvoes (or ove dv POdvoire), you 
could not be too soon, is used with the Participle as an exhortation, 
meaning the sooner the better. The third person, otc dy hbdvos, 
is sometimes used, meaning, t might as happen now as ever (for 
tt must happen). See Passow. 


Nore 4. The Participle dy is sometimes omitted in the construo- 
tions of §112. E. g. 

El dd re ruyxdver dndés (sc. dv.) PLat. Gorg. 502 B. 

Note 5. AavOave is sometimes followed by dr: and a finite verb, 
as in XEN. Mem. III, 5, 24. When it is used impersonally, it regu 
larly takes dri. 


Note 6. Some verbs of this class are followed by the Infinitive 
as well as by the Participle; generally, however, with some differ 


§ 113.] PARTICIPLE WITH VERBS. 229 


ence in meaning. Thus aloyvvouat Xéywv means J am ashamed to 
say (but do say); aicy’vopa: Xéyesy means J am ashamed to say 
(and therefore do not say). So diroxdpvw rovro wordy, I am weary 
of doing this ; but amoxdpyw rovro woretv, I cease to do this through 
weariness, (See Passow, or Liddell and Scott, under these words ; 
and Passow under dpyopa.) See wepudeiy ry yay ren Onva:, 
Tuoc. I, 20; and mepudety airy rpn beicar, II, 18; where it is 
difficult to detect any difference in meaning. See, however, Krii- 
ger’s note on I, 35. 


Notsr 7. The Aorist (seldom the Perfect) Participle may be 
joined with the subject of ¢yw, forming a periphrastic Perfect. This 
s8 especially common in Sophocles and Euripides. E. g. 

Tov pev mporioas, roy 2 aripacas éye. Sop. Ant. 22. So 
Eur. Med. 33 and 90. IoAAd xphyara éyopey dvnpmakéres. 
XEN. An. I, $, 14. 

For a similar periphrasis to express the Future Perfect, see § 29, 
Note 4; and § 108, Note 6. 


Nore 8. The Participles BovAdpevos, OerXwy, Hddpevos, 
wpoadexopevos, and ¢Aropevos sometimes agree in case 
with a dative, which depends on ely/ or on a verb signifying to 
come or to happen; the whole forming a periphrasis for the 
verb of the Participle. E. g. 

“Eorw air@ Bovdcpevg, tt is to him wishing it, i. e. he wishes w. 
Kal rpoodexopévy pot ra ris dpyis tpav és eye yeyewnrat, 1. @. 
I have been expecting the manifestations of your anger towards me. 
Tuoc. Ll, 60. 


§ 213. The Participle is used also with many verbs 
signifying to see, to perceive, to know, to hear or learn, to 
remember, to forget, to show, to appear, to prove, to ac- 
knowledge, and with ayyé\Xw, to announce. The Parti- 
ciple here resembles the Infinitive in indirect discourse 
(§ 92, 2), each tense representing the corresponding 
tense of the Indicative or Optative. 

The Participle may belong to either the sudyect or the 
olject of these verbs, and agree with it in case. KE. g. 


Mépenpas avréy rovro motnoavra, I remember that he did this; 
pépmmpat rovro wotnoas, J remember that I did this. (In the first 
case eroingey is represented ; in the second, éroinaa.) Oide rovrous 
ed sxpdfovras, he knows that they will prosper ; oid airés eb wpdatov, 
he knows that he himself will prosper. Aci~w rovrov éxOpov byra, 1 


230 THE PARTICIPLE. f§ 118. 
skall prove that he is an enemys 8e:yOnceras obros éxOpds Sy, he will 
be proved to be an enemy. 

For other examples see § 78, 2; where examples of the Participle 
with dy after these verbs may be found. See ala § 41. 


Nore 1. The Participle is used in the same way with 
SHAos ewe and havepos eipi. Eu g. 

Andes vr’ hy oldpevos, «.7.A., & was evident that he thought, &c. 
Xen. An. II, 5, 27. (This is equivalent to 3Aov Rv ore ototro. 
See § 112, N.1.) See below, Note 7. ’Amcxopevos pev havepoi 
eiot és “Oaow modu, it is evident that they came to the city Oasis. 
Hort. TI, 26. So with D eags roto: a8 davepdy nacw éroincay 
oix i8ig woke potvres, they made it evident to all that they were not 
fighting for themselves. Lycura. Leocr. p. 154, § 50. 


Notr 2, When any of these verbs has for its object an accusa- 
tive of the reflexive pronoun referring to its subject, the Participle 
agrees with the reflexive. Thus we may have d8eifo ¢uauréy rovro 
wewownxéra, I shall.show that I have done this, for deife rovro we-. 
WOLNKOS. 

Norte 3. Ifthe Participle of an tmpersonal verb is used in 
this construction, it must stand in the neuter singular (of 
course without a noun). The following example includes this 
and also the ordinary construction: — 

Hletpdcopa deifac cai perdy tis woAvews Huiy cal werovOora 
éuaurdv ovyxt mpoonkovra, I shall try to show not only that we have 
rights in the city, but also that I have suffered, &. Dem. Eubul. 1299 
4. (The direct discourse is pereors ris moAeas Hiv, cai wéwovOa 
auros.) See § 111. 

Note 4. Some verbs which pil take the Infinitive in in- 
direct discourse (§ 92, 2) occasionally take the Participle. E. g. 

Noule dv8pa dyabiv droxrelvav, think that you are putting to 
death a good man, XEN. An. VI, 6, 24. 


Nore 5. The Participle dy may be omitted here, as well as after 
the verbs of § 112. 


Note 6. When cvvocda and cuyytyvdoone are followed 
by a dative of the reflexive pronoun referring to the subject of 
the verb, the Participle can stand either in the dative agreeing 
with the reflexive, or in the nominative agreeing with the sub- 
ject ; as ovvoda enaure n8ixnpevey (or 73cxnpéevos), Lam con- 
sctous (to myself’) that I have been wronged. 


Notr 7. The verbs included in § 118 may also be followed by 
a clause with dr:, instead of the more regular Participle. Whea 


§ 113.] ‘Os WITH THE PARTICIPLE. 231 


d7Acy cory and davepoy dor are used impersonally, they regularly 
take a clause with gr. (See § 112, N. 5.) 


Note 8. Most of these verbs are also found with the Infinitive. 
(See Passow, or Liddell and Scott.) But ola takes the Infinitive 
only when it means to know how. Thus oida rovro rotety means 
I know how to do this, but of8a rovro ro1y means I know that I am 
doing this. 


Note 9. Verbs signifying to remember or to know may be fol- 
lowed by Gre (when) and the Indicative, if a particular occasion is 
referred to with emphasis. E. g. 

Ei yap péuvnoa or éyd cor anexpwapny, for tf you remember (the 
time) when I answered you, &c. Prat. Men. 79 D. Otc@ Gre 
xpos épayn ov dmdats. Eur. Hec. 112. 


Note 10. (a.) ‘Qs is sometimes Pa to the Participle in 
connection with the verbs of § 113. It implies that the Participle 
expresses the idea of the subject of the leading verb, or that of some 
other person prominently mentioned in the sentence. (See § 109, 
N. 4.) When this is also implied by the context (as it usually is in 
such sentences), the as merely adds emphasis to the expression. Thus 
tot ravra ovrws éxovra means know that this is 80; but to&: os raira 
oUrws €xovra means know that you may assume this to be so. E. g. 


‘Os pndev e8dr’ tobe pw’ Sv duoropeis, understand (that you must 
look uvon) me as knowing nothing of what you seek. Soru. Phil. 
258. “Os pnxér Sura xeivoy év des vdet, think of him as no longer 
living. Ib. 415. ‘Qs ratr’ ériorw Spaoper’, ov péeddoOvT Ent, under- 
stand that you may assume these agi to be going on, &c. Ib. 567. 
Qs py "prornowy icberny éunv hpeva, be assured that you will not 
buy me off from my determination. Sopu. Ant. 1068. Andois 8 ds 
Tt ON LAV veoy, yOu show that you have something new in your mind 
to disclose. Ib. 242. Andros hv Kipos as orevdar, tt was evident (to 
the minds of the soldiers) that Cyrus was in haste. Xen. An. I, 5, 9. 
Tlarépa rév adv ayyeA@v &s ovx er’ Svta, (he comes) to announce that 
your father is no more. SopH. O. T. 956. (In vs. 959, the messenger 
himself says ev tc6 éxeivoy Gavdoipov BeBnxora.) 

The force of &s here can seldom be expressed in English. 


(b.) The Participle thus joined with os may stand with its sub- 
stantive in the genitive or accusative absolute. This sometimes 
happens even when the substantive would naturally be the object 
of the verb of knowing, &c., so that if the os were omitted, the ac- 
cusative would be used (as ina). E. g. 


‘Qs BF éxydvrap ravd’ énicracOai oe xpn, you must understand 
that this is so. Sopu. Aj. 281. Here the genitive absolute has at 
first the appearance of a dependent clause; but és does not mean 
that, and the literal translation would be, this being so (as you may 
assume), you must understand it to be so. (See Schneidewin’s note 


232 THE PARTICIPLE. f§ 113. 


on the passage.) ‘Os rolvwy Svreay rardé cos pabeiy wdpa, since this 
is so, you may learn tt, 1. e. you may learn that this is so. AESCH. 
Prom. 760. ‘Qs wodduou Svros sap tyav anayyedAG; shall I an- 
nounce from you that there ts war? lit. assuming that there is war, 
shall I announce % from you? Xen. An. Il, 1,21. ‘Os wavy poe 
Soxovy,... ovras tok, know that I think so very decidedly, lit. since 
(as you must understand) this seems good to me, be sure of it. Id. 
Mem. IV, 2, 80. 


c.) We sometimes find the Participle with as even after verbe 
= expressions which do not regularly take the Participle by § 113. 
. g 
“Qs euod ody Idvros Sry Ay cal tycis, ovr thy yrdopny eyere, be 
of this pptnion, that I shall Go: &e. XEN. An. I, 8, "So Tixvo. VU, 
15. “Orava@s werdépevos dv rp trv Stavoayras, when in their sleep 
they fancy themselves flying. PLat. Theaet. 158 B. ‘Qs roivy py 
dxovgopévay, ovras diavociabe, make up your minds then that we 
shall not hear, lit. since then (as you must know) we shall not hear, so 
make up your minds. PLat. Rep. 1,827 C. ‘Os orparnynocovra 
émé pndeic Aeyeraw, let no one speak of me as likely io be the general. 
Xen. An. I, 3,15. Ovre cxoraper, as ray’ Ay, ei rvyot, xal rovrwr 
kdxeivov cvuBdvrev, let us look at the case, assuming that both this 
and that might perhaps happen if chance should have it so. Dy. 
Aristoc. 688, 25. (Literally, since (as we may assume) both this and 
that might re happen if tt sh chance to be so, let us look at tt 
in this light.) For dy, see § 41, 3. 


Remakk. The examples included in Note 10 @) and (c) belong 
properly under § 109, N. 4. (See also § 110, 1, N. 1; and the last 
example under § 110, 2, N. 1.) 


§ 114, 2.] VERBAL ADJECTIVES IN -réos. 283 


CHAPTER VII. 


VERBAL ADJECTIVES IN -réos. 


§ 424. The verbal in -réos is used both in a per 
sonal and an impersonal construction. 


1. In the personal construction the verbal is always 
passive in sense; expressing necessity (like the Latin 
Participle in -dus) and agreeing with its subject in case. 
K. g. 

"Qpernréa coe 7 wérts ari, the city must be benefited by you. 
XEN. Mem. III, 6, 3. “Addas (vais) éx ray Evppdyor perarep- 
aréas elvas (én), he said that others must be sent for. THuc. VI, 25. 
Ou vig mpd Tis nes ripnréos avip, ddd 8 \éeyw pnréoy. PLAT. 
Rep. X, 595 C, VIII, 561 C. Spalovres ws of of wepsomrén 
€ori » ‘EAAds drodAupévn. Hot. VII, 168. 


Notre. The substantive denoting the agent is here in the dative, 
as in the impersonal construction. | 


2. In the impersonal construction (which is the most 
common) the verbal stands in the neuter of the nom- 
inative singular (sometimes plural) with éoré expressed 
or understood, and is regularly active in sense. The 
expression is equivalent to Set, ¢ ts necessary, with the 
Infinitive active or middle of the verb from which the 
verbal is derived. 

Active verbals of this class may take an odject in the 
same case which would follow their verbs. The agent 
is generally expressed by the dative, sometimes by the 
accusative. KE. g. 

Tatra yyy (or npas) wotnréow éori, we must do this, equivalent 
to ravta nuas Set ronoa. (See Rem. 2.) Olicréoyw rade, tt is 
necessary to bear these things. Eur. rahi 769. A « adhaxreéoy 
aurov (+r ; T Ta. 
Puan. Phaed, 66 Bh. (acl dtakkarree bac abrod, eal dg 


284 VERBALS IN -réos. [§ 114, 2. 


Oeaabas ra mpaypara.) npi 34 kyp BonOnréoy elvat rois wpd- 
yHaow vpiv, that you must give assistance in two ways. Dem. OL I, 14,6. 
Ti dy airp woinréov ein; what would he be obliged todo? XEn. 
Mem. I, 7, 2. "Ewndicavre rodkepnréa elvat (—=deiv wodeper), 
they voted that they must go to war. Lave. I, 88. Thy xopay, ee 
avrois dppoperas wokepnréa fv. Id. VI, 50. Otre pecdogo- 
pnréovaddAous # rovs orparevopevous, odre peOextéoy rev mpa- 
yearov treiogty i mevraxccxyArias. Id. VIII, 65. (Here both the 
accusative and the dative of the agent are found.) See Rem. 2. 
“Hpiv 8¢ Evppayor dyaboi, obs ob mapadoréa rois AOnvains éoriy, 
ovde Sixats xat Adyos Bcaxpiréa py Adyq cal (Huas) avrovs Bra- 
WTOMEVOUS, GAAd TipwpHrea ev Taye Kal wavTi cbeves (= obs oF 
dei Nas wapadovvas, x.r.d.). Id. I, 86. “Ireoyw dy ety Geacvopevous, 
tt would be best for us to go and see her. Xen. Mem. III, 11,1. 
(Hyas is understood.) Ovdert rpiry payed Exdvras ddienréoy eivar 
Puiat. Crit. 49 A. "Ardp ob yuraxéy ovdéxor é00" Arrnréa Hpiv 
— ov yuvaxay bei nrrag Ga), but we must never be beaten by women. 
R18T. Lys. 450. So Sopu. Ant. 678. 


Note. A sentence sometimes begins with an impersonal verbal 
in -réoy and is continued with an infinitive, the latter depending on 
dei implied in the verbal. E. g. 

Hayraxov rroinréoy a dy xedevy 9 wddss Kai 4 warpis, f weidecy 
atrnv. Prat. Crit. 51 B. 


ReMARK 1. The same impersonal construction is found in 
Latin, but very seldom with verbs which take an object accusa- 
tive; as Eundum est tibi (iréov éori aot), — Moriendum est omnibus, 
— Bello utendum est nobis (r@ wodképp xpnoréoy éoriv nui), we must 
employ war. See Madvie’s Latin Grammar, § 421, a and b). 


REMARK 2. The dative and the accusative of the agent are both 
allowed with the verbal in -réoy (or -réa) ; although in the equiva- 
lent construction of de: with the Infinitive the accusative is the only 
form regularly used. Thus we can say rovro 7 pty wownréoy OF Toure 
Gs sonrdoy, but only rovro yas Oet wosely. 


APPENDIX. 


I. Ow roe RELATIONS OF THE GREEK OPTATIVE TO THE 
SUBJUNCTIVE AND THE INDICATIVE.* 


From the time of the Alexandrian grammarians a special mood 
called the Optative (€yxA:ors everixn) has been recognized in Greek 
as distinct from. the Subjunctive (€yck:ois vroraxrixn). The an- 
cient classification has been called in question in later times, and 
many grammarians of high authority have adopted or favored a 
union of the Subjunctive and Optative in one mood, to be called 
the Subjunctive or Conjunctive, nm which the Subjunctive (com- 
monly so called) is to supply the primary tenses, and the forms 
commonly assigned to the Optative the secondary tense. Thus the 
Present Optative would be called an Jmperfect Subjunctive; soe 
and root, for example, being supposed to bear the same relation 
to each other as faciam and facerem in Latin. 

This was first reduced to a systematic form by Kiihner, who, 1n- 
deed discards the common names Subjunctive and Optative (except 
as explanatory terms), and adopts the cumbrous expressions “ Con- 
junctive of the primary tenses” and ‘“ Conjunctive of the secondary 
tenses.” Rost, in his Griechische Grammatik, § 118, says: “ The so- 
called Optative is nothing but a peculiar form of the Subjunctive, 
and stands to the Greek Subjunctive in the same relation as in 
other languages the Imperfect and Pluperfect Subjunctive to the 
Present and Perfect.” Donaldson in his New Cratylus (p. 617, 2d 
ed.) says: “It has long been felt by scholars on syntactic unds, 
that, considered in their relations to each other and to the other 
moods, they [the Subjunctive and Optative] must be regarded as 
differing in tense only.” Again (p. 618): “ These moods have no 
right to a separate classification.” Crosby, in his Grammar, § 591, 
says of this classification, that “it deserves the attention of the 
student, although it is questionable whether it is best to discard the 
old phraseology.” 

As the classification of Kiihner has been introduced into many 
elementary grammars, so that many boys are now taught to call the 
tenses commonly known as the Present and Perfect Optative by 
the strange names of Imperfect and Pluperfect Subjunctive, the 


* Reprinted, with a few changes, from the Proceedings of the American 
Academy of Arts and Sciences for Jan. 8, 1861: Vol. V. pp. 96 - 102. 


236 APPENDIX. 


estion becomes not merely of theoretical, but eminently of prac- 
tical importance. In fact it meets every student; and more espe- 
cially every teacher of Greek grammar, the moment he reaches the 
paradigm of the regular verb. If it were merely a question of con- 
venience, therefore, it would be highly important to have it settled, 
for the sake of uniformity. 

The question What shall constitute a distinct mood in any lan- 
guage? must be settled to some extent arbitrarily. No precise rule 
will meet all cases; yet we may safely maintain that, when any 
series of verbal forms in which the chief tenses are represented ex- 
hibits a closer connection in form and use among its members than 
it bears as a whole to any co nding series, it is entitled to the 
rank of an independent mood. at this is true of the Latin Sub- 
junctive is clear; and it is equally clear that the Imperfect and 

luperfect of that mood have sufficiently strong bonds of connection 
with the Present and Perfect to prevent them from being marked 
off as a distinct mood. A merely superficial view of the relation of 
the Greek Subjunctive and Optative might lead us to the idea that 
the two combined would form a mood similar to the Latin Subjunc- 
tive, thus simplifying the Greek conjugation and introducing a new 
analogy with the Latin. But it is this fatal error of carrying the 
analogy between the Greek and Latin further than the connection 
of the two languages warrants, which has thrown this whole subject 
into confusion. hen the Latin was looked upon as an offspring 
of the Greek, as the result ofa union of the Aeolic dialect of Greece 
with barbarian languages in Italy, the presumption was decidedly in 
favor of such an analogy, and it would even have required strong 
proof to convince us of any radical difference in the modal systems 
of the two languages. But the more correct views now entertained 
of the origin of the Latin would rather lead us to believe that each 


language developed its syntax, and especially its modal system, in- 
de ndently: Phe modal system of the parent language of the 
o-Euro group is of course hopelessly unknown ; and yet the 


comparison of the Latin and Greek verb with the Sanskrit (as the 
oldest representative of the family) sometimes enables us to deter- 
mine special points in regard to the primitive forms with an ap- 
proach to certainty. Thus, to take the simplest case, when we find 
asti in Sanskrit meaning is, we may be sure that some similar form 
existed with that meaning in the parent language of the Sanskrit, 
the Greek, the Latin, the German, &c., from which éori, est, ist, &c. 
were derived. So when we find a Potential mood in Sanskrit, 
which presents striking analogies both to the Greek Optative and 
to the Latin Subjunctive, and furthermore find the analogy extend- 
ing even to the Gothic, we must conclude that the primitive lan- 
guage contained the elements which the Greek aes into its 
ptative, and the Latin into its Subjunctive. (See Bopp’s Ver- 
coger Grammatik, I. pp. 257-259.) Again, the absence in 
Sanskrit of any form corresponding to the Greek Subjunctive 
might lead us to think that the Greek developed that mood by 


APPENDIX. 237 


itself; but in the Vedic dialect a few relics are found of a true Sub: 
junctive, with a long connecting-vowel as its characteristic; for 
example, patdti, bearing the same relation to the Present Indicative 
paldti as BovAnra to BovAera. This seems to show that a similar 
mood existed in the parent language. If this testimony can be 
relied on, we must conclude, not only that the Latin and Greek 
derived the rudiments of their modal forms from a common ances- 
tor, but that they inherited them from a period anterior to the 
separation of the Indian branch from the Indo-European family. 

e should therefore expect to find that the elements are generally 
the same in the two languages, but that the development is essen- 
tially different; and that the refinements in signification, for which 
the Greek modal forms are especially conspicuous, have been for 
the most part developed by sash lana within itself. 

Let us now examine the forms themselves, to see how far a paral- 
lel can be drawn betweeen the Greek and Latin moods. In clauses 
expressing a purpose or object after iva, ras, &c., we certainly find 
the Subjunctive and Optative used like primary and secondary 
tenses of the same mood: thus where in Latin we have manet ut hoc 
faciat, and manebat ut hoc faceret, we have péver va rovro ro17 , and 
éuevev iva rovto rotoin. But even in this case of strongest resem- 
blance there is no place for the Future Optative, which corresponds 
to the Future Indicative. Again, in clauses expressing general sup-~ 
positions after éay or ei, or after relatives or temporal particles, de- 
pending on verbs which denote general truths or repeated actions, 
a correlation of the Subjunctive and Optative is found, analogous 
to that of the two divisions of the Latin Subjunctive; for example, 
in édy rovro #017 Gavpd(ovow, and ei rovro 010! n €Oavpatov, which 
are sometimes represented in Latin by such forms as si hoc faciat 
mirantur, and si hoc faceret mirabantur, although generally the In- 
dicative is preferred. Here, however, the analogy ceases, if we 
except certain cases of indirect question hereafter to be noticed, 
and a Homeric construction in relative sentences expressing a 
purpose, which almost disappears from the more cultivated lan- 


Lot us turn now to the Optative in wishes; for here, if anywhere, 
we may look for the primary meaning of this mood. From this use 
it derives its name; and especially this is its only regular use in 
independent sentences, except in apodosis with dy. Here some 
have been so far misled by the sup analogy of the Latin, as to 
translate the Present Optative by the Latin Imperfect Subjunctive ; 
but a slight examination will show that the Present and Aorist Op- 
tative are here so far from being secondary tenses of the Subjunc- 
tive, that they are equivalent to the Present Subjunctive in Latin, 
and refer to the future, while the Greek Subjunctive cannot even 
regularly stand in such expressions. Thus ete einy is utinam sim, O 
that I may be ; ete yevorro, utinam fiat, O that it may happen ; whereas 
ulinam esset and utinam factum esset correspond to ide jy and «ibe 
€yevero. : 


238 APPENDIX. 


In ordinary protasis and apodosis the same relation is seen. The 
four Greek forms, éay rot9, cay rotnaon, el rotoin, and ef wotn- 
oese, find in the Latin Subjunctive only one equivalent, st factat. 
(For the first two the Latin generally preferred the Future or 
Future Perfect Indicative.) Here therefore the absurdity of classi- 
fying the last two as secondary forms of the first two, in conformity 
to a Latin analogy, is especially clear. What the Latin analogy 
would lead us to expect as secondary forms, the equivalents of si 
Jaceret and si fecisset, can be expressed in Greek only by the Indica- 
tive. In apodosis the Optative with dy is sqaivaleat to the pri- 
mary, not to the secondary, tenses of the Latin Subjunctive; thus, 
romjoaius dy is equivalent to faciam (not to fecissem, which would be 
froinga wh ere likewise the Subjunctive cannot be used in 
Attic Greek. This analogy between the Optative and the primary 
tenses of the Latin Subjunctive might lead us even to the view that 
the latter ought rather to be called an Optative, for which view 
there are certainly much stronger reasons than for the opposite one 
which we are considering. 

An Homeric exception to the principles of the last two para- 
graphs (explained in § 49, 2, Note 6, and § 82, Remark 2 of the 
present work) has little or no weight in this discussion; for, al- 
though we find examples in which the Optative in conditional 
sentences and wishes is used like the secondary tenses of the Latin 
Subjunctive, the ordinary use of the Optative referring to the 
future in those constructions is perfectly well established in the 
Homeric language. It would be a mere gratuitous assumption to 
maintain that the exceptions (like Il. V, 311 and 388) represent the 
ca ee idiom of the language. 

indirect quotations and questions the Optative is used after 
past tenses, each tense of the Indicative or Subjunctive in the 
direct discourse being then changed to the corresponding tense of 
the Optative. Thus, elev dre A 8uvatro monocot, he said that he would 
do what he could, implies that the direct discourse was 4 dv duvo- 
pas wowaw, I shall do what I may be able. Here the first Optative 
is the correlative of the Subjunctive; but it is quite as often the 
correlative of the Indicative, as when we say elrev Ore & Sivatro 
ovoin, he said that he was doing what he could, where the direct dis- 
course is 4 8uvapat sod, I am doing what I am able. One tense 
of the Optative, the Future, can never represent a Subjunctive, as 
that mood has no corresponding tense; but it always represents a 
Future Indicative. Nothing more need be said to show the absurd- 
ity of calling this tense a secondary tense of the Subjunctive. The 
three remaining tenses of the Optative can with no more propriety 
be called secondary tenses of the Subjunctive than of the Indicative, 
for they represent both on precisely the same principles. This is 
especially obvious in regard to the Aorist, which has two distinct 
meanings in indirect questions, — one when it represents an Aorist 
Indicative, and another when it represents an Aorist Subjunctive, 
the direct form. Thus, nyvde: ri wotqoecev may mean either he 


APPENDIX. 289 


Inew not what he had done, or he knew not what he should do; as the 
direct question may have been either ri éroinoa; what did Ido? or 
ri moujow ; (Aor. Subj.), what shall I do? sn ef enough, this 
very class of sentences is supposed to furnish the most striking 
‘nel between the Latin Subjunctive and the Greek oe. 
and Optative combined. Non habet quo se vertat and non habebat quo 
se verteret are indeed equivalent to ov« éyes oan rpdmnras and ove 
elyov nn rpdrorro, but a single example like npdrwy airév «i dva- 
wrevoecev, I asked him whether he had set saul (Dem. in Polycl. p. 
1228, 21), in which avawdevceey represents an Aorist Indicative 
(avérXevoas ;) shows that the argument proves too much. Indirect 
quotations and questions therefore afford us no more proof that the 

ptative is a secondary form of the Subjunctive, than that it is a 
secondary form of the Indicative. 

Two tenses of the Indicative, the Imperfect and Pluperfect, have 
no corresponding tenses in the Optative, so that these are regularly 
retained in the Indicative in indirect discourse ; thus eizey Gre épa- 

ovro means he said that they had been fighting, i. e. he said éuayovro. 
x rare exception to the last principle shows conclusively the pro- 
riety of the names commonly abe to the tenses of the Optative. 

e want of a tense in the peeve to represent the Imperfect 
Indicative in examples like the was naturally felt as a defect ; 
and in the Infinitive and the Participle this want was supplied by 
using the Present in a new sense to represent the Imperfect, the 

eculiar use being always denoted by something in the context. 

n a few instances we find the Present Optative used in the same 
way to supply the want of an Imperfect, the context making it clear 
that the tense is not used in its ordinary sense. Such an instance 
is found in Dem. Onet. I, 869, 12; dmexpivavyro Gri ovdeis pdprus 
rapein, ropllCotro dé AapSdvwy xa’ drocovouw déotro “AdoBos 
map avrav, they replied that no witness had been present, but that 
A phobus had received the money from them, taking ut in such sums as 
he happened to want. Here mapein represents wapyy, and xopi{ocro 
represents éxoifero, which would ordinarily be retained in such 
a sentence. e § 70, 2, Note 1 (5) of the present work. If now the 
name of Imperfect be given to the Present Optative in its ordinary 
use, (when it represents a Present of the direct discourse, and 1s 
merely translated by an Imperfect to suit the English idiom,) what 
shall we call this true Imperfect Optative, which really repre- 
sents an Imperfect Indicative, and stands where an Imperfect Indic- 
ative is the regular form ? 

We see than that the Optative was used in the whole class of con- 
structions kr.own as oratio obliqua, or indirect discourse, as the corre- 
lative not merely of the Subjunctive, but also of the Indicative, and 
that it possessed the power of expressing in an oblique form every 
tense of both those moods in a manner of which the Latin presents 
hardly a trace. In fact, this use of the Greek Optative presents 
one of the most striking examples of the versatility and flexibility 

of the language, and of its wonderful adaptation to the expression 


240 APPENDIX. 


of the nicest shades of thought of which the human mind is capable. 
This single use of the mood seems sufficient in itself to prevent us 
from assigning to it the subordinate rank of a secondary form 
attached to the Subjunctive. 


Il. Ow roe TIME DENOTED BY THE TENSES OF THE In- 
FINITIVE WHEN THEY ARE PRECEDED BY THE ARTICLE 
AND HAVE A SUBJECT EXPRESSED. 


Tue able and instructive treatise of Madvig on the two uses of 
the Aorist Infinitive in Greek (in his Bemerkungen iber einige - 
Puncte der griechischen Wortfitgungslehre, published as a supplement 
to his Syntax der griechischen Sprache) contains the earliest com- 
plete statement of the ordinary uses of that tense. The same prin- 
ciple, as far as it refers to indirect discourse, is clearly stated in 
Sophocles’s Greek Grammar (published in the same year, 1847). 
But with these exceptions, no distinct statement had been made, 
either in elementary grammars or in more elaborate treatises, of the 
simple principle which distinguishes the use of the Aorist Infinitive 
in BovArerat €Abeiv, he wishes to go, from that in dnalv €AGeiv, he says 
’ that he went. According to Madvig, however, the use of the Aorist 
Infinitive as a past tense is not confined to indirect discourse, but 
extends also to cases in which the Infinitive “has a subject ex- 
pressed and at the same time is preceded by the article.” This 
principle was too hastily adopted, on Madvig’s high authority, in 
the first edition of the present work ; and, as there seemed no good 
ground for distinguishing the Aorist from the Present Infinitive in 
similar construction, the general principle was stated, that any tense 
of the Infinitive could retain its designation of time (as in indirect 
discourse) when it had at the same time the article and a subject. 
The same class of sentences which seemed to confirm Madvig’s view 
of the Aorist furnished also examples of the Present, and the use of 
this — as an Imperfect. taade an exception here almost im- 

ible. 
Pk more careful review of all the examples quoted by Madvig, and 
of all that I have met with in reading since adopting his principle, 
has convinced me that the Aorist Infinitive here presents no pecu- 
liarity, and that it differs from the Present only in the ordinary 
way, by referring to a single or momentary act rather than to a 
repeated or continued act. e single example quoted by Madvig 
in his Syntax (§ 172) to support his principle is Dem. F. L. p. 360, 
10, § 61: rd pndepiav trav médkewv AX@vas wodtopkig peyrerdy ors 
onpecoy rov dia rovrous meobevras avrovs ravra wadety, the fact 


that no one of the cities was taken by siege is the greatest proof that they 





APPENDIX, 241 


suffered these things, &c. In the later treatise he adds Tuuc. I, 
41, rd 8¢ Hyas DedAomwovvngious abrois py Bon Ono at,— XEN. Mem. 
J, 2, 1, Cyr. II, 2, 8, IV, 5, 12,-Dem. Chers. p. 105, 28; § 65,— 
and Arist. Nub. 268. It will be seen that all these examples can 
be explained by the ordinary principle of the Aorist Infinitive stated 
above; that is, the Infinitive is a mere verbal noun, designating no 
time of itself, and is referred to special time only by the context, 
which in these examples happens to refer it to the past. But when 
the Infinitive with rod expresses a purpose (where vig himself 
admits an exception), it is referred by the context or by the general 
meaning of the passage to the future: so in the following example 
from Dem. Cor. p. 2386, 20, § 38, where on Madvig’s principle the 
Infinitive must refer to the past: Ry ev poy pi, ef pd rod rovs 
Poxéas dworéa Gat Wnhioacde Bonbeiv, expvyos ra wmpdypar’ avrdv, 
he was tn fear lest, if before the Phocians s be destroyed you 
should vote to assist them, he might lose control of the business. 

Other cases in which the Aorist Infinitive might seem to retain 
its force as a past tense are satisfactorily explained by Madvig. 
On the whole, it would be difficult to establish an exception tothe 
general principle, that the Aorist Infinitive is a past tense only in 
indirect discourse, when it represents an Aorist Indicative after 
verbs of saying, thinking, &c. 


fl P 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 


ADDED IN THE THIRD AND FOURTH EDITIONS. 


Page Page 
AESCHINES. Homer. Repub. IV, 484 A iis 
In Ctes. ; 10. . 168/.xIa1. © 171 V, 450 A 168 
114. 207) Odyas. 11,270 . 86 
Il, 92 116 
A ae 167. 7 SOPHOCLES. 
RISTOPHANES. 216 . 171 | Elect. 47 A . 171 
Vesp.109 . . 64 VI,18. 77 948. . 227 
XI, 489 . = 129 1478 =. t.sC«O7dL 
XIE, 809 =. 171/ Qed. Col. 1770. 115 
Philoct. 232 . . lit 
. Eas rwole Trachin. 984 . 171 
e Falsa Legatione Paro. 
p: 891, 11.§ 159 99 Apol 80D, : : 3 ; 
org. 49 ° XENOPHON. 
- 25 
EURIPIDES. Protag. ro : vg |Mem.IV,8,1 ~. 7% 
Alcest.886 . . 25 817A . +208 
817D . 25 


ADDITIONAL EXAMPLES (1878). 


AESCHINES, in Ctes.§ 60 . © «© «+ 148 
DEMOSTHENES, De Corona, p. 258, 2, § 88 o 8» 8 
HERODOTUS, Ill, 81. - F ; ‘. ‘ ‘ - 144 
Homer, I1.1,22  . oe. 2a ‘ ° ° ° : 190 
Puato, Men. 72C «SS © © «6 « 865 

“ Crit.51B. ° ° ° ° ° ° . 284 
Sopnocies, Aj.1188. 2. .« «© «© «© «© « 148 
TuucypipEs,IV,16 . .« «+. + « « -« 448 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 


AESCHINES. Prom. ert APPlIA me 
In Timarch.— 508 > : MM B i a 

pe ak a at ane ell. Civ. 11,91. 24 

15. ~Ct«; ; 149 292. _ 106 ARISTOPHANES. 
a fas : 185 $32. . 181 Acharn. 812 . 87 
| egat— ne 470 P . 1565 Suge Pe : 209 
a yas 188)" . 149 607. oe a7 or 179 
§ 151 (160). . 149 712 . 209 12000. =e «15 
In Ctesiptt = 747. 3 . O78 180. . 106 
3 . ee 8D 760. . 282 280. . 68 
i. =. * 61 786 . 3. 202 448. . 209 
137 824. 69 461 - 185 
7 ; 7 835 rm ‘ 114 759 (761) e 87, 93 
90. . . 162 865. . 191 964 - 21 
110 ty . 118 905 . . 157 1187. ‘ 179 
138 . ee «99 907. 167, 221 1350. =. 20 
Le : i 120 918 ¢ 2 202 1875 e e 110 
: 7 : 185 930. i 43 1494 e ° &3 
2448 . . 337 979 11, 51, 105 1508. 69 
Meapaciae. 1004. ; 181 1679 ‘é - 84 
Agam. 15 j 208 1049 4 . 178 Eccles. 286 e 194 
ar. TRE 1051. . 176 297 79 
160. |. 186 Sept. 38 -  « 184 Eaui 495 68 
258 . ; 198 195 . 111 quit. 112 ° e 82 
Big ds. ee 250 . 87, 187 696... = 35 
584. . (188 253. 209/ 7 iste 450 284 
peg, Pas"ane 429 .  « g8g|Lysistr. 450 . 284 
87. . 68 462-28 lwubes,B 88 
944. (92, 98 12. « 220] SUDO 
AOA a OR) | eee % . 18, 28 
ae — ry rr 116. =. 51, 118 
Cr as (3 ea eT 
1170. . goa; 1087 + + BR 268... 200 
1438. ang; 088 ee 268 06. (209 
Choeph. 246. ©. 178! gunk aoo. rh 7h tae a 
594. . («106 Suppl. 499. =. 45 84000 es 221 
Eum.298 . . 62 ANDOCIDES. 70 a 
673 . 7 69 | Myst. I, 6, 88. § 48 68 4 ° ace 
601.  . 201 + erat 
goo. 2. (181 pina: 505. 86 
Pers. 912 . . 184 De Caed. Herod. $20 en 
Prom. 10. . 69 p. 181, 86. $39 . 126 + ete 
162. . 72] 188,40. § 87. 7 618. 181 


Nubes,722 . «tw 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 


208 Ip. 18, 28. § 28. 


792. 110 8.§23 . 188 
819 . . 210 + 26. § 26 61, 118 
904. . 110{ II. p. 20, 12. . 159 
1180. ws 42 20, 18. 3 118, 157 
1141, 838 20,27.§9 45, 181 
1151 . . 184 21,1.§10 . 45 
1250. . 129 21,10.§11 187 
1258 . 3. 174 21, 20. § 12 10, 108 
1277. 22 28, 14. § 18 47 
1801 . . 88 28,27.$20 . 189 
1852... 87 28,29.420 194 
1888 . 3. Ill 24,12.422 . 196 
1426. . 23 24,28.§28 120 
1488... (112 25,2.§24 . 120 
1486. . 21,48 25,19.§26 141 
1466. 2. O68 25,24.§26 . 188 
Pac. 480. . «194 III. p.28,5.§1. 197 
1179 gw ws«2180 29,18.48 . 197 
Plut.210 .  . ©2827 80, 10. § 6 71 
608 .  . 184 811.49 . 42 
1027. it 44 81,11.§10 161 
Ban.l1 . .. «(182 82,16.$14. 111 
| re [> | 84,8.§20 216 
96&98 . . 189 84,17.§21 . 15 
298 . . 186 85,1.§28 216 
a Sete 186 35,18.§25. 28 
’ - 85, 185 Phili 

524. 0 es 186 | Lp. 40, 1. 1 - 144 
S79 we 88 40,9.$1 . 95 
686. . 61,108 40,18 §2 . 88 
695 ° 199 41, 8. § : 184 
80 . . . 118 41,18.§6 . 95 
866, le 99 42,1.§6 .10, 180 
S71. ee 178 48,12.§11 . 119 
95 2. 6 iT 44,12.616. 111 
1120 e ry ° 68 44, 25. 17 ‘ 49 
1126006 CeO 44,80.§18. 107 
1878 . . e 178 45, 27.421 . 128 
14460066 CO es«188 47,24.§27. 185 
1449 6. © ew 17 51,19.§389 . 128 
1459 « 142 52,17.$¢43. 120 
Thesm. 872 . . 179 88,4.§44 . 184 
870. S81 64,18.§50. 161 
Vesp. 288 . . 154 54,20.$50 . 108 
897 . ° 186 b4, 22.450. 44 
Dukosrnknna: 4,27.461 . 181 
Olynth. 65,6 & 7. § 61 126, 
[.p.9,8,§2. . 172/11, p.66,18.§38 70,140 
9,17.§2 . 80 67, 20. § 8 189 
10, 1.§2 187 68,12.$11 206 
12, 8.410 28, 208 69, 6. § 18 13 
12,23.§12 .| 12 70, 25.§20 114 

18,16.§16. 140 70, 25. § 20 5 
13, 25.415 . 191 to 71, 12 a 58 
18, 27. § 16. 12 71, 4. § 20 68 
14,6.$17 . 284 72, 25. § 20 62 
16,6.§20 . 122 74,24.487 140 
16, 22.§22 . 164! TIE. p.110,1.§1 208 


p- 


198 | IIT. p.114,15.§18 17 
114, 20. § 16 17 
122,21.§453 217 
128, 1. § 46 188 
128, 16. § 48 60 
124, 25. § 54 84 
124,24.§54 155 
125, 10. § 66 80 
126, 19. 4 61 194 
128,22.469 37,180 
128, 25. § 69 80 
129,14.471 112 
180,11.475 184 
180, 14. § 75 82 

De Corona. 
p-225,18.§1 . 227 
282,20.§22. 221 
234,5.426 . 161 
284,6.$26 . 197 
934,26.§28 . 214 
286,12.482 . 75 
286,19.§88 . 28 


286, 28.§84 . 111 
240, 15.9 43 . 118 
241,15.447 . 187 
243,10.$49. 111 
248,6.§63  . 195 
246,1.468 . 98 
251,28.479 . 96 
257,25.§95 . 216 
260,2.§ 101 . 101 
268, 28.4128. 36 
268, 28.4 124 . 188 
274, 28. § 141. 119 
276,1.§145 . 115 
276, 28. 4 148. 163 
384,21.4169 . 151 
291, 27. § 190. 15 
291, 28.9190 . 119 
295, 18. 9 201. 81 
296, 24.4206 . 117 
801, 28.4220. 218 
802, 24.§228 . 117 
304,1.§228 . 111 
318, 4.4258 . 58 
818, 6. 4 258 . 87 
827, 1.9808 . 5 
881, 80.§ 822. 228 
De Falsa Legatione. 

841,12.41 . 71 
841,14.92 . 20 
$42,2.48. . 42 
842,10.$3 . 20 
842, 25.§5 . 220 
$42,28.466 . 22 
845,14.914 61, 184 
845,27.§16 20,42 
847, 26.§21 22, 158 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 245 


p.350,8.§29 . 184 De Rhodiis. I, p. 828, 25,26. §49 29, 
351, 4.982 . 6|p.197,9.§28 . 88 152 
851, 18.488 . 168 De Megalopol. 829, 28.§52 . 104 


852, 26.487 . 158 880, 8.§63 . 120 
253,148 18.4989 158/P Qo io oS - sa] 881, 5. $56. 165 


858, 24.440. 49 881, 10-12. 456 59, 
854,8.§41 . 161 207,5.§19 . 76 62, 158 
855, 17.§ 45 . 79 In Leptinem. 888, 12-19.§68 95 


855,20.447 |. 197|P-495,20.§127 . 221] 884, 18.§66 . 156 

856,10.§48 . 168} 496,8.§129 . 118 834, 24, 26. § 67 a0, 

856, 18.948 . 167 505,9.§157  . 74 

857, 8. ss Ls e4| 505,19.§158. 198] II, p. ef 10. i 218 

360, 10.§61 . 240 +a: 11. 

864, 11 &12.§74 88,| », 520 aeuae 196 889, 29. 

864, 18.$74 45, 158 a : 842,14, 15.§21 49, 
625,11.§84 . 27 

364, 26.975 . 216 630. 10. 49 . 214 104 


869, 12.488 . 188 ; 842, 16.421. 128 
870,22.4094 . 79] sae, 1 geo, . 161 | Hl p- 846, 15.95 128 
872,1.$99 . 84] g96°25.$69 128 849,24.417 72 
878, 4.4120. © 155| g48°17, 4304. Jel 852, 12. $25 204 


878, 28.§ 122 . 161) §4820.§104 . 161 In Onetorem I. 


879, 2.§128 . 98) 548, 24. § 105 168 

. 865, 24. . 168 
879, 7. {iss - 200] 563, 96.4151. 77|? 867, 1. sho - 20 
879, 15 617.9124 18,) 582,2.§ 209 . 210] 69,9 &10.§19 153 
ie a 682,15. § 211 . 181 : 164 
881, 10.4180 16,168) _ In Androtionem. 869, 12.§ 20 158, 289 


, 10. 
887. 6. § 148 . 1b .693, 14. § 2 - 151 869, 18. 9 20 - 650 
888,4.§ 160 . 14 598, 20. 17. . «+118 870, 27.925 . 161 
388, 9. ; 161 . 27 600, 6. wee - 187 878, 8.§ 88 . 24 


888,17.§151 . 165| 611,10.§59 . 161] 878,10.§38 . 211 
890, 5.4 158. A ne $64 . 188 In Zenothemin. 

, 18. : n Aristocratem. . 886, 1.414 . 84, 222 
896, 30. 4177 24, 160 | p.628, 11.47 . 49, 78 P I fe turi ; 
402, 8.4195 . 198)" 624,20.$12 . 162| ooo aa Pee a9 
409, 25.4221. 188] 627,21.§22 . 209 | P- 900, 22. ; . 
410, 18.4228 . 199| 292.626  . 193; 908,22.984 . 142 
410, 28. § 223. 238] 685,16.§48 . 127 In Phaenippum. 
412, 21.§229 81,197] 638,25.458 . 282] p. 1040, 20.§8 Pe 40 
416,7.§ 240 182,188] 640, 10.§62 . 74 


416, 11.§ 240 . 166 641, 9. § 64 . 228 In Olym alas 
419, 28.§250. 741 659, Teg ti. | a7 | Pr 2172, 2. - 165 
434,6.§289 . 86 676, 12.8167 . 202 In eee 


489, 8. § 805 . 16 688, 22. § 188 197 | p- 1194, 18.§ 85 . 165 
439, 29.§ 809 . 141] 688,37.4205 . 201| 1194, 20.§ 85 58, 158 
441, 21.4812. 59 In Ti 1201, 19.468 . 101 
450, 27.§842 . 60 HBocraenl: In Polyol 
p-702,26.§9  . 199 n Polyclem. 
De Pace. 711,8.§85 . 118] p- 1210, 5. $12 . 224 
p- 62, 10.§ 20 199,201| 721, 6. { 64 . 22| 1228,20,21.§55 29, 
De Chersoneso. 788, 20.4106. 75 151, 289 
: 1227,2.§67 . 166 
p- 90,1.§1. . 98 In Aristog. L . 
92,21.§11 . 198|p.778,1.§11  . .87| De Coron. Trierarch. 
98.25.4385 . 205 In Aphobum. p. 1228, 28.48 . 98 
99,14. § 88 . 79/1, p.818,4.§1 . 205) In Eubulidem. 
De ore 818,20.§2. 205] p. 1299, 4. §1 - 280 
p-178,17.§42 . 44 814,4.§8 . 123| 1800,8§8 . 68 
182,8.§14. . 225 828, 28. § 48 49] 1808,2.$14 . 150 


246 


1808, 25.§ 16 27, 128 
1812, 17. § 44 20, 106 
1819,8.§65 . 84 
1820, 25.470. 105 


p. 1808, 22. 16. 168 


DrvARCHUS. 

In Demosth. p. 91,24 72 
EUCLID. 

£9 . . . 321 
EURIPIDES. 


Aloest. 11 . - 199 


26, 108 
. 11, 108 
768 . . 142 


t- 
“J 
p= 
e 


E 
3 
B 
& 


w 
2, § 
" 
[~~] 
2 a3 

[~~] 
sclUCC—“i‘ OO 
s-)h3—ia<‘“‘i 
ee) 
~J 060 0d 
(om -< a= -} 


1188 ° 81 
451 ° 179 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 


Iph. Aul. 462 - 88/1, 36 
1478 tf 204 a7. 
Iph. Taur. 688 . 224| 89 
995 . 86 42 
1014 ~- sgl} 44 
1108 . 5{ 44. 
1208 - 179 44 
Med. 1 - « WT] 61. 
83. e 229 68 
79 - « 2] 67. 
90 . - 229) 68 
941 : ° 62 68 . 
1151 (1120) 186,187] 69 
1178 . ° 145 75 . 
1820. —t«w . 87 77 
Orest. 879 . e 141 82 . 
418 - 185 88 
680 . ° 221 84 . 
746 - 227 85 
769 . ° 233 89 . 
770 . 80 94 
1182 . ° 119 99 . 
1629 « S81] 118 
Phoeniss. 92 ° 84| 129 . 
« 217] 186 
895 . 184} 158 . 
1590 . - 185} 165 
1624 . 220] 165 . 
Suppl. 1066 . =. -:185| 171 
1084 ° 119| 187 . 
Troad. 874 - 203] 190 
Se 199 e 
Aeg. Frag.5. . 104} 209 
Alcmen. Frag. 108 194/II, 2 . 
Beller. “ 294 92| 18 
Ino, a 417° #126] 16. 
~ «6 424045 25 
Hippo. “ 442 72] 64. 
c “« 448 220 66 
Frag. Incert. 1057 46] 115 . 
121 
HERODOTUS. 126 . 
Ll. aio] 325 
2. ° 118 148 : 
8 ° - 219] 356 
9 s e 6 5 3 
9 74} 158 
‘ : 162 . 
9 . e ° 85 173 
11 ° - 180 
32 e e e 14 Ill, 26 
24 ° - 310 86 
25 . « « 161 55 
80 ° - 214 62 
81 . . .29, 161 75 
si ° « 141 88 
82. Cti«w ° ° 104 106 
82 ° « 145 108 
32. Ct«e . ° 209 115 
38 ° - 141 119 
84 Cti«w ° . 215 188 


INDEX TO THE 


EXAMPLES. 


. « 107/186. . 


2. 15 
. 109 
. 121, 144 
. 196 
e es 68 
- 170 
e e 102 
- 172 
. . 1 
. 7 
67, 104, 151 
. 55 
e e 183 
. 204 
e e 217 
. 158 
. «188 
- 108 
- 686,78 
. 92 
. ew 155 
. 122 
. . 181 
. 172 
.  « 110 
. 128 
» « 172 
~ 105 
. «198 
. 181 
» « 112 
. 178 
57, 104, 182 
. 208 
e e 7 1 
. 98 
e e 180 
. 118 
~ oe «85 
: 7 
Sex 68 
. 122 
e e 227 
. 148 
. e 128 
. 68 
» 68, 112 
. 80 
‘ 78 
. 92 
. . 14 
. 209 
- « 221 
. 196 
. «6 216 
- 76 
.  . 178 
» 209 


43, 45 
80. e 
106, 107 
107, 108 . 
19 ~~. 
27. = 
139 . 
188. . 
q14. 
286. . 
250 . 


IX, 42. 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 

- (v7) XI0,172 . . 210/1,282 . 
» 170 817 - o 185] 295. 

- 61 821 . ° 51; 890 . 
° 95 829 - .« 142] 892. 

- 107 848. tie 129| II, 81 . 
° 117 868 - o« 48 48 

- 187 667 . -« 82 54 e 
- 176 825 » « 176 59. 

- 169|XIV,247 . +. 439] ‘Wil. 
» 204 261 - eo 81] 158. 

- 148 267 . te 55] 3874 °. 
- 129 521 - « 197 19 

- 177|KV,70 . «| 148 129 . 
° 17 196 - « &2l 205 
128, 182 218 . +. £104 223 . 
- 182 228 - « 56 284 

- 196 688 . . 210 827 . 
° 129 XVI 81 ~ ee 48 859 

- 105 4 . - 69 
; 7 242 ~  « 68 ae : 

- 176 822. . . 84,210 171 . 
- 175 889 - «+ 46 181 

- 209 xvVU, 70 e ° 101 195 . 
- 170 177 tC tsti«~C 863 

- 67 272. . 202 477. 

- 96 7 6 668 . 
° 96 | XIX, 59 ~ 6 W7 733 

- 210 818 r e 210 7386 ‘ 

- 181 26 . . 104] ‘5, , 
- 189 100 e « 2107 991. 

- 66 198 . . 3211} goo . 
130, 181 257 ~ « &11] gag, 

e 45 801 e e 68 885 . 
- 128 XXI, 827 ° e 7 465 e 

- 130 405. . 204) 473 . 
° 6 459 . . 76] VI, 188 

© 146 622 e e 183 255 e 
e 220 580 e e 146 VU, 171 

* fg |XX, 817. 6 280 
oe fae sso. 2S 181} VII, 20 
.” ygg)XXU0,71. . 180) j2)- 

. 8 274 . «» 102 344 
‘ 175 526 e ° 101 852 7 

. 118 668-656 . 7 461 
. 197 805 . . 85 523 — 
.« 142) XXIV, 253 .  . 177 579. 
. 204 4590 = 204 876 

. 188 > 420. 
e 184 Odyssey. 476 

69, 228 I, 40 e e ° 138 564 . 
- 188 47. . 61, 129, 175 | X, 175 

- 188| 66 . . . 68) Xt, 441. 
a 121 786 e e e 76 548 

~ 189) 9 . ©. «© 115] XI,17. 
. 82; 188. . e204 158 

- 146; 205 . . . 7% 295 . 
. 63; 217 . ° « 1237 883 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 


X0U,209 . . 8S/p.8110.§7 . 
a14. . i 815 A. § 24 
$15 . .1 ; 
365. .78 Archid. 
876 3 . 77 p. 116 . 1. 

xIV, 68 e e 177 121, bd 26 ba 
160 w:~SCtie «C14 «1260.9 51 
181 . P 68 128C.$60 . 
813 . .- 6s} 184 es 87 
$88 . : 188 188 a 107 . 
872 «. « 104| 188 A. 4 108 
440 r e 174 Areopag. 
496 - « 204) p. 146 E. § 36 

XV, 268 . . 180 147 B.&37 . 
457 o « 204 147 D. § 89 
458 . . 189 : 
609 . « 182 Busir. 

XVI,24. . 7 | p. 230 C. § 47 
168 . . 180 D 
218 . . 312 emon. 

‘e 3 B. 3 e 
487. ~~. 182/P } 

XVII, 21 e e 207 5 C. 17 ad 
250 ‘ . 71 6A.$19. 
$22 . . 180) 90.988  . 
862 e e 78 11 C. § 48 ® 
475 . 92 Evag. 
689 . . 66 
a.” «0a! ang c.f a6 

XVIII, 182 - 188 Helen. 

ars ot cig ne p. 217 D. § 49 
4 e + 

XIX,468 . w 226], ap aie 

XX, 121. . 33 | P- Gis 

xxi,104 6... 182] uvlig. * 
ce Cd es Oe 

XXII,189 . . : 
"oe. wi | | AB De AB 
414. © 130 Pac. 

XXIII,48. . 146] p.1600.§9. 
134 . +» 69! 162D.$18 . 
809. . 213] 163A. § 20 

aera Panathen. 

Hymn. in Apoll.1 182 p. 241 D. § 44 

IsAEUS. 264 A.$108 . 
hs $ rei e : Panegyr. 
icaeog. $12 . 225] pn, 614. 
Menecl. 10 . * 89,188] Oe 

Philoct.§ 85 . 40 44 C. $19 

48B.488 . 
IsOCRATES. 49 B. 648 
Aeginet. 49 c . 
888D.§22 . 86 49 4 
; 65C.$738 . 
Antid. 56 D. § 74 
p-70,§115 . . 196 57C.§88 . 
78, § 122 - 199 68 B. § 86 
119,§270. . 208 58B.486 . 


11 * 


s 


160{p.600.§95 . 81 
- 198 60D.$96 . 85 
64 B. $113 - 140 
70 B. $142 . 111 
- 317) 78D.§157  . - 115 
211) = 770.$175 . 220 
‘ ee 78C.$179 . 222 
a 79D.6185 . 140 
104 Philipp. 
» 227] p.87 A.§28. © 151 
98 C. § 56 . 95 
112 101 A. $98. - 181 
* 203 104D.$110 . 195 
. 194 109 B. § 188 e 160 
Plataic. 
p. 808 E. § 38 - 81 
- 106 Trapezit. 
p. 8600.11 . B14 
. i9| 861D.§16 . 169 
108 861 E. § 16 - 167 
. 1o7| 863B.$22 . 40 
10 
_ 191 LycurGus. 
In Leocrat. 
. 154, § 50 . - 280 
A ina P5860 (BB 
’ 155,§61 . . 80 
Lystas. 
e 228 
In Agorat. 
- 121,15 . - 162 
ae P33 045 |. | (162 
74 185, §62 . - 88 
* 74 187, § 76 ‘ 88 
118 187,478 . - 108 
° 189, § 94 ; 118 
In Alcib. IL 
103 De Arist. Bon. 
26,103] p.156,§51 . . 82 
214] 167,461 . 128 
In Eratosth. 
‘ 3 8 . 121, 14 e ° 161 
re Pi2a,§82” . (100 
124,648 . . 100 
127,474 . 168 
e 21 127,976 . - 167 
ve De Morte Eratosth. 
: 28 | P» 95,4384 . . 18 
- 205 Or. Funebr. 
189|p.192,§22 . . 162 
- 205} 194,942 . 194 
181 Or. X. 
> bl p.117,$25 . «187 
. 222 Or. XXVILI. 
227 | p. 178, §§ 8, 9 69 


250 


INDEX TO THE 


In Philocr. r 1.42 A ; 
p- 182,412 . . 20 - 156 
163 A 
182, 4 18 é 87 164 B 
MENANDER. 171 E 
Col.Fr.6 . . 46] Cratyl. 385 B 
Frag. Incert.41. 19 896 © 
Monos. 45 . . 86 896 E 
387. wSs«d187 401 D 
897 . - 87 4380 E 
486 B 
MIMxNERMUS. 436 B 
2 . « 61,174/Crit.48B . 
44C. 
Nov. TEsTaM. “4D. 
Matth. XI,8 . ‘ 6 45B. 
1,24 . 97 46A . 
Luc. IX, 40 . - 78 46B. 
Joh. XIII, 84. 78 47D . 
PHILEMON. . : ° . 
Frag. Incert.29 . 46 49B. 
50A . 
PINDAR. 50B . 
Ol. XI(X), 84 e 67 61 B i 
XIII,92 «wg 145 BLE. 
XIV 80 e e 68 62 CG e 
Pyth. VIIl,20 . 45 53D. 
IX,196 . 211 62D . 
Nem Veen * . Eb Criting, 108 
: Euthydem. 
Isthm. IV,16 . 105 vO72 E. 
PLATO. 275 E 
Alcib. I, 115 B . 224 276 E. 
Apol17C . «. 181 276 E 
wyd. ° 127 378 D. 
1C .,. - 116 283 C 
20B. e 168 2838 E . 
211A. . 151 290 A , 
21B. e 88 295 C. 
1B . - 161 296 D 
21C. ; 161 296 E . 
21D . 124, 125 299 A 
22 B. z 47 802 A. 
25B . - 88 802 B 
25 B e 117 802 D. 
a8E . » 119 805 D 
a8 E ‘ 203 | Euthyphr. 
239A . . 189 4 é 
99C. . 56 12 D 
290 . . 207 13D. 
80 C. e 60 4A 
8D . . 95 mc. 
3 5 . - 2223 15 me 
6 » « 40} Gorg. 447D. 
87 B. e 42 450 D 
87C . - 187 457E. 
89 A. é 83 461 E 
89 A . - 206 462 E. 
0B. e 219 476 D 


EXAMPLES. 
. 191] Gorg. 479 A. 
160 479A. 
- 84 479C. 
187 481 A ° 
- 127 482 A. 
178 488 C ° 
- 144 484D. 
208 486 B ° 
- 31 487D. 
83 489 C e 
- 88 499C. 
87 500 C e 
- 70 602 B. 
98 6038 A e 
e 177 606 B. 
52 506 C ° 
e 22 6165 B. 
194 516 E . 
° 8 S16 E. 
114 517 B ‘ 
e 284 522 EB. 
86 628 E e 
- 159 5265 EB. 
171} Hipp. Maj. 
e 217 ° 
14 | Ion. 585 B. e 
. 14] Lach 194A. 
14 196 ° 
 14| Leg. IV, 712 E 
46 V, 786 B. 
VL 759 E 
. 227 X, 902 D. 
161 XI, 917 E 
161 Lys. 210D . 

. 21 214 E e 
. 146 Men. 74 B ° ; 
174 79D . 

- 170 s9B. 
. 129 92C. e 
142 | Menex. 289 B 
e 184 245A. 

199 | Phaed. 58 A. | 
58E  . 

- 82 69D. 
101 59 D ° 

- 61 60 A. 
61 60 C e 

- 95 62 CO. 
40, 50 63 A ° 

- i101 66E. 
207 68 B e 

- 86 70 A. 
218 710 ° 

- 88 72C. 
189 72D « 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 251 


Phaed. 783A. . 94,17,860B . . 140} X, 609B - « 
&E . 84 860 C . ° 64 614A . ° 20 
90D. . 196 85D . . 206 614B . . 198 
910. 82 868 B . . 80 615D . . 56 
91C. . 113 872E 2. teCdS e20D = ..-—S i se «*éd2zTLL 
95D . 164 874D . . 118 h242A . 199 
9ssD. . 193 875C . «. 237| Symp. 178 B - 196 
100B. 6 S76A . . 26,28 D . 198 
101 D e e 169 876 Cc e ry 175 C ° ° 15 
02D 2. )— 217 879B . . 184 186B . 226 
108E. . 199/TI, 898E . . 40 188 A - 46 
l7E . = «198 897 D. iw 87 18E . 49 
Phaedr. 227 D . 141 898A . . 64 194 D - 189 
228 A . 92 808B . ° 189 199 A. 69 
228K . 183 408C . . 92 199 D - 101 
228E . 203 412A. . 38 202D . 62 
229A . 204 412B . . 8 208 D - 217 
230 A . 8 412D. . 129 212E . 87, 188 
232B O47 415B . . 78 218 D » (7 
2382 E . 146 4150. . 82 215A . 208 
251B . 199 415E . - 194] Theact. 142A . 120 
257 C. 81 4146C. . 188 48E . 49 
266A . 145 427E. . 3200 145A. 208 
276A . 194 480A . . 40 45B . & 
279C . 174 488B. . 206 1449C . 205 
Phileb.18 A. . 83 488E . . 7% 155A . 129 
1D . 188 439B. . 64 158B . 282 
89C. . 216 4899E . . 158 wsE . 8 
688A. 10; V, 451A. . 82 209 E 81, 188 
Politic. 264A . 191 455B . . 156{ Theag. 123 B - 101 
802B . 196 - : 7 pe Tim. ue 7 ° 8 

818A . 101 e « 108 . 6 4 
Eros 314G . 225|V1,485C. . 3208 81IB.  . 18 
316 C . 33 489B . . 94 90E . . 195 

818D . 226 490C. . 198 ny 


885 C 83g. «2178 508C,D . 187/Aj.20. . . 5 


8388 C 3=—.s 207 5E . « 64 122. 0 2.) e220 
s39C . 42 SI5E. . 145 281 . .~ 381 


I,8270. . . 115 649E . . 78 496. . « 105 
8270 . . 282 68 A 21 686 . «6 25 
$28 C. é . 228 657B . - 129 550 . ; . 174 
829A . . 220 561 C - 283 555 wl wté«i2“ A: 
880 A - . 157 BB1E . le Ol 660 . . . 184 
887 A 4 - 78 686 B . e 194 572 . ° - 87 
887 EE . . 78 sEb7 Ait 69 674 . . 45 
889 A  « ‘8 668B .  . 221 7145 2. «© « 172 


Antig.22 . 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 
- 211] Oed.Col. 667. . 199! Phil. 961 . 148 
202, 229 781 . 181 969 177 
78, 150 761. . 658 978 . 8 
. «=: 925 816 . 44 1258 . «. 191 
. 449 848. . 185 1342. . 103 
: 62 956 . 87|Trach.26 . . 81 
e 92 1040. e 2 196 . . 215 
; 128 1180 77 197 .. . 3 
e 205 1442. e 105 926 . ™ 201 
e 92 1628 . 68 401. . 150 
e a 1718 e e 176 646 é ‘ 191 
° Oed.Tyr.9 . 195 604 . . 78 
« 170 29.” . 199 631. . 88 
© ll 388 . 202 687 . . 169 
- 281 $64. . 67 801. . 181 
e 155 895 . 188 944 . « 109 
- 84 505. 0g 145 978. . 184 
» 186 648 . 179 978 . . 1865 
© 126 648. . 170 1129. =. 81 
° 60 680 . 215 1188 . . 186 
° +h 687. . 186 1238. Siw 82 
: 661. 188 | Hi . , 2 
- 98 786. «. 146 Ppon Br: ae0 a 
‘ 7906 : 188 THEocerrv 
. 834. 27,143 174. Sue ie 
_* gas ain ba Id. I, 4 102 
° ee 918. . 172 THEOGNIS. 
. 956, 959 231 8. 126 e e e 46 
¢ 185 1146. 44, 215 i 18 . ' 5 
e ©.384 1157 «177 
« 170 1281. . 188 THUCYDIDES. 
- 109 1282 . 202/21 . . . 219 
« 281 1245. - 169 Q2. ‘ - 17 
179 12088 6. 0 805} 3g . gC 288 
82, 191 1868 . - 228; 9 , . 194 
: 84 1887 .72,202| 9g Bp. Vag - 18 
° ce 1391. . 73} g . . . &28 
° Siphi.7 6. 6.09] 4 CeCe 188 
- 188 08. . . 184| & «© «© « 1850 
° 62 258 . . 3281] 9 . «© « 4 
- 118 981. . . 189} 9 « ©. © 218 
bed 134 800 ° e 180 10 e e e 34 
« 184 825. . . 68/10 . © 111,228 
e «=: 185 849.) ew 201] 1 «ay ww 487 
« 141 $81. . . 79| 12 2. «© .« 17 
° 68 415. ©. 3281! 12 ~ «et «84 
. 204 444. « « 228; 16 . «~ 190,199 
- 208 493. 88 | 21 . ©  e« 180 
. 211 619. «. .». %7{| 21. i. . 208 
- 202 626 . . 92,179) 22 ae 128 
- 122 bs9. . . 179) 2 . ©. -e« 81 
- «224 667 . . 281) 24 #. .« .« 8! 
- 172 594. « © 48| 25 . « «80, 155 
- 188 611 . . 185] 27 . 6 et 642 
. 181 617. « « 154] 28 . »« « 112 
- 185 674. 113} 31 go age. GO 
- 141 674,675. . 215| 8 . «. «. 136 
- 182 761 . . £188] 36 - 8) ew 815 
e 191 825 e se ° 69 89 e e e . ail 
- 199 917 . . 28,145! 41 o 6 «6 841 


. 167;/0,2. . «© 161TH, 38 
- 206 . 6 o« 88 84 
- 75 3. 6 -« 70 40 
- 162 4 . « . 156 40 
- 170 4. .« « 190 49 
° 199 4 . ° - 208 49 
« 1655 5. ° ° 162 53 
° 70 5 (Zexamp.) . 167 58 
e 75 7 es e e 220 70 
e 211 8 e e e 22 74 
- 1689; 11. 7 oe 50 75 
211} 132 . «. « 208 80 
27,45,109| 12 . 211 88 
: 1% 02=~,~COtSt«WM@ 18511 88 
° 8{ 18. . ° 204 89 
68,199, 18 . . © Bil 89 
e 224 15 e e ® 7 98 
- 691 18 . . 85,229) 102 
- 62] 20. 85,69,158,229| 114 
- 199} 21 .  . 167,172/IV, 4 
- 8) 24. ©. -« 68 18 
° 284; 82 . . - 18 17 
- 128] 84(2examp.) 27, 180 24 
° 284, 87 . ° - 109 28 © 
88,64,150{| 39. . . 219 28 
° 148; 40 . ° - 160 29 
- 151) 41. =. .« 62 36 
e 6, 167 42 e e e 42 43 
- 161} 44. +«|© «© 208 48 
® 170 45 e e e 46 67 
e 193 49 e e e 61 71 
- 167] 49 +. +. « 200 95 
- Wl] 68. . 195 118 
- 86] 66 . « 193,197] 115 
e 140] 59. ° e 220 121 
° 86; 60 . ° » 80 125 
- 218] 60. . . 117 128 
° 140; 60 . - eo 172 183 
- 224] 60. «|. «© 229/V, 9 
° 86; 61 . ° « 126 9 
- 217) 61. «©. « 194 10 
°- 224, 62. ° - 1380 18 
« 867 68. . ° 61 80 
° 81}; 64 . . e 44 35 
e 224) 64. «© . 182 35 
° 88} 66 .  « 187 49 
o 224) 67 . «© « 167 56 
° 81; 72 . . - 164 63 
- 68] 8. . 60 64 
e 214; 89 .«© .« o« 46 82 
« 19] 92. ° ° 25 102 
° 112 98 Ct« ° 105 
- 145/ 102. . «. 18,198| VI, 2 
- 154/0I,1 . . «© 201 2 
e 6 e e ® 74 4 
148,162] 11 Sa, Oe 6 
208,216] 92. . . 72 9 
a 56 26 2. e - 42 16 
- 117] 28. . =. 42,160 16 
e 215 88. « « 165 17 


aT 


INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. 


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INDEX TO THE 


220 
165 


EXAMPLES. 

. 28 | I, 10, 6 
70. ‘ - 191 
71. =. 47, 109 
72. e - 38 
i ane ‘ 87 
80. ‘ - 164 
84 . - 81, 197 
85. e - 219 

‘ 169 
25. e - 60 
45. e 226 
65. ; « 42 
65. ° 234 
66. e - 108 
68. - 8,214 
70. ° e 195 
71 —«t«w ‘ 60 
74. ° e 4 

TYRTAEUS. 
XI, 85 . ‘ - 109 
XENOPHON. 
Anabasis. 

1 . e e e 6 
2 e Fs 25 
8. . - 26 
8 ° ; 220 
6. ‘ - 182 
6 e ° 2238 
10. ‘ - i 
1 : ‘ 218 
Ls ‘ e 220 
2 e ° 83 
21. ° « 152 
6 e ‘ 62 
6. . 68, 232 
8 e ° 220 
14. e e 229 
16. ‘ 283 
17 e e e 85 
17. «iw «268, 86 
7. «. 118,168 
12&18 . 162 
18 é - 70 
18 ° 150 
9. ry - 32381 
18 e ry * 28 
2. ‘ - 199 
8 e ° 171 
8. é - 79 
8 . ‘ 218 
7 e e e 155 
12 =f e 19 
13. ‘ - 45 
10. —«. ° 166 
18. e - 182 
21 «. . 67 
27 es e e 182 
4 
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EXAMPLES. 255 
« 146;V,2,12. . 82,85 
‘ 68 2,232 . . 219 
- 197 818. . . 61 
» 128 8,27 . . 103 
» 74 8,55. . 29, 180 
- 129 8,65 . . 108 
- 76 4,17. .« « 40 
- 188 4,30 . . 108 
- 80 4,85. . . 108 
; 638 5,18 . . 9,103 
© 227 6,21. . «© Iai 
- 186 5,84 . . 94 
- 62/VI,1,21 . «. 48 
- 160 1,26. . 225 
- 201 1,40 . . 206 
. 28, 105 2,80. . 85 
~ 119 2,89 . . 14 
‘ 68 8,19 . . 207 
. 187 17 «~~ e (208 
- 129] VII, 1,10. . 47,181 
- 88 219 . . 150 
- 167 88. . i171 
~ 167 8,7 . « 167 
- 220 8,18. . 184 
° 224 8,17 . . 7 
: a7 5,6 - 142 
29, 150 5,78 . «. 214 
- 186 6815. « 69 
. 68 5,82 . . 81 
: 52 5,82. . 80 
. 199/ VIII, 1,5 . . 179 
« 188 1, 10 ‘ 40 
e 86 1, 10 e e 161 
- 118 1,48 . 40,74 
89, 161 1,44 . 76, 144 
- 68, 171 2, 21 » 110 
- 199 2,25 . . 196 
- 168 8,5. . 196 
~ 184 8,42. . 189 
. ii 4,16 155, 156 
77, 108 5,12. . 187 
. 218 5,28 . 224 
. 216 7,16 . . 86 
. 41 7,28 . 114 
e 199 75 25 e e 62 
» 211 7,27 - 206 
- 163 Hellenica. 
- %7/11,168. . « 228 
bd 22 6, 7 e e ° 162 
- 311) 682. . . 185 
- 200) 75. . «| 168 
ed 88 7, 26. ° e 221 
11,152} 798 . . 208 
- 206/11,,1,4. . © 161 
= 144 1, 6 -e e 217 
- 197 8,2. 89, 187, 138 
227, 228 8,11 . 89, 138, 207 
- 203 8,51. . « 180 
. 81 4,1 «© «© 2265 
- 213 4,8. . « 206 


* 


256 


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Co COM 


Cr DO OO “3 =T CO 69 BD DD = bet pet = BD Co = CO CO 08 &t > © CD BD bet 4 
$8 3 = owe 3 


INDEX TO THE 


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EXAMPLES. 
- 67/IV,1,3 . . 9318 
- 168 3,8 - ©. 80 
: 17 34. . 78 
. 226 2,6 .  « 24 
» 217 210. . 80 
e 188 212 . . 88 
- 176 2,20. . 129 
. 197 2,80 . . 232 
» 216 2,32. . 184 
- 165 2365 . . 46 
~- 207 2,39. . 80 
- 172 2,40 . 11,108 
« 208 $3 a .s 18 
87, 107 4,4. 6 e« 69 
~ 139 4,4 . « 216 
- 196 4,12 . . 156 
- «284 4,16. 68 
- 129 4,17 . «© 190 
. 197 6,7 .« - 1] 
. 199 6, 7 - » 61 
. 87, 93 6,18 . . 47, 109 
‘ 129 8, a. ry e 197 
‘ 185 8, 7 e ° 172 
81, 141 ae 
- 184] Ages. 1,81 . 168 
» 226 IV,1 . 207 
o 172 IV,6. . 168 
~ 192 IX,2 . 187 
e 129 XL8. . 109 
e 126) Apol.g14. . 178 
» 161 Cyne 1,2. =. 196 
- 223| Hier. VH—I,8 . 179 
a Bi Se a, 
* Pp. 2 e 
. 82 | Oec nm 1,2. « 188 
e 129 IV,4 . 188 
° 68 VIL6. . % 
. 228 VII,20 . 189 
3 74 VII,39 . 62 
9, 67 VIIL8 . 173 
- 178 XII,19 . 207 
192, 197 XI,4 . 191 
- 188 XV,2. . 168 
« 180 XX,8 . "7 
- 228) Rep. Ath. 1,16 . 127 
e 238| Rep. Lac. XIV,5 86 
‘ 82|Symp. II,i11 . 81 
- 196 1,3 . 202 
» 207 IV,6 . 172 
. 284 1V,26. 214 
205 VIL2 . % 
196, 206 VIII, 25. 14 


ENGLISH INDEX. 





N.B. The figures refer to Pages. 





Absolute, Genitive, 222, 225, 232 ; Acousa- 
tive, 224, 226. 

Antecedent, definite or indefinite, 121, 123, 
128 - 126. 

Aorist, Indicative, 24. Distinguished from 
Imperf., 7, 8, 24. Of verbs denoting a 
state or condition, 24. Used for Perf. 
or Pluperf., 26. Expressing a momen- 
tary action just taking place, 2%. In 
epistles, 26. In Final clauses, 73. In 
Protasis and Apodosis (implying non- 
fulfilment of condition), 93-102; how 
distinguished from Imperf., 94, 96 (5) ; 
how from Pluperf., 96 (6). With da» in 
Apod., 56, 93-963 rarely referring to 
present time, 101. Gnomie, 45 ; with woA- 
Ad«ts or 7én, 46; in Hom. similes, 46; a 
primary tense, 49; see Aor. Inf. Itera- 
five, w. ay, 47; iterative forms in -cxoy, 
eoxduny (Ww. ay, in Hdt.), 47, 48. 

» in dependent moods, 25-36. How 
distinguished from Present, 8 (R.). See 
Contents, Chap. II.; and Subj., Opt., 
Imperat., and Infin. 

———, Subjunctive, 26-28. As Fut. Perf., 
after éwecddy, &c., 26. How distinguished 
from Perf. Subj., 28. With u# in pro- 
hibitions, 180. With ov «1, 184. 

———, Optative, 28-80. After éwecdi, &eo., 
29. In indirect quotations and 
29, 80; ambiguity of, in indirect ques- 
tions, 80. 

-———, Imperative, 30. Rarely used in 
prohibitions (for Aor. Subj.), 181. 

w———, Infinitive, with inde. time, 80-83. 
After xpdw, Oconigw, &c., 81; see Pres- 
ent. After airids eiur, 82. In indirect 
quotation, referring to the past, 82, 83. 
Ueed for the Future: after verbs of 
hoping, promising, &c., 82; after verbs 
of thinking, saying, &c., 838. After Aéyw 
and elroy, to command, 84. Primary 
or secondary tense, 58. In a gnemic 





sense, 46,47. With & in apodosia, 50, 
118, 114, 157 ; see "Ay. 

———, Participle, 34-86. With A(arbdrw, 
$0éve, &c., coinciding with the verb in 
time, 84; with wepiopdw, &o., 85. With 
déporcyéw, 86. With éxw, as periphras- 
tdo Per., 229. With écoue, as periphr. 
Fat. Perf. 44. Primary or secondary 
tense, 64. As protasis, equiv. to Aor. 
Ind., Bubj., or Opt., 110, 217. With a» 
in apodosis (never in protasis), 69, 118, 
114, 159 ; see "Ay. 

Apodosis, defined, 87, 125; see Protasis. 

Assimilation in conditional Relative elauses, 
185, 136. 


Causal sentences, 171-178 ; see Contents, 
Chap. IV, Sect. V. Introduced by Rela- 
tives, 141; megative particle in, 142. 
Expressed by Participles, 216 ; by Part. 
W. ws, 219, 220. 

Caution, verbs of; see Fear. 

Conditional sentences, 110 — 121 ; see Con- 
tents, Chap. IV, Sect. I. Oond. Rela- 
tive sentences, 125 - 137. 


Danger, expressions of 5 see F'sar. 

Dative after Verbals In -réos, 283, 234. 

Dependence of moods and tenses, 48- 
64. 


Direct Quotations, distinguished from indi- 
rect, 147 ; introduced by ori, 171. 


Exhortations, Imperative in, 178. Subj. in, 
179. Opt. in (poet.), 175. Fut. Ind. in, 
W. Swws (80. oxdwer), 78, 79. 


Fear, caution, and danger, expressions 
of, 80-87. Followed by yu w. Subj. or 
Opt., 80, see Object clauses ; by «7 w. 
Fut. Ind. (seldom), 82; by «2 w. Pres. 
and Past tenses of Indic., 83 -85; by ws 
or das w. Indic. (as in indir. discourse), 


258 


85; by Fut. Inf, 85; by ci, whether, 
Saws, how, &c.,85 ; by a causal sentence 
with dr, 86; by Infin., 86, 87, 190. 

Final clauses (pure), after iva, ws, Sres, 
Sdpa, and 7, 67 — 73 ; distinguished from 
object clauses, &c., 66, 67. Subj. and 
Opt. in, 67. Fut. Ind. in, 68. Subj. in, 
after secondary tenses, 70. Secondary 
tenses of Indic. in, 72. "Av or «é in: 
with Subj., 69; w. Opt., 69, 70. 

Final and Object clauses w. Sruws and owws 
py, after verbs of striving, effecting, &c., 
78-80. Fut. Ind. in, 78, 74. Subj. or 
Opt. in, 73, 74; Fut. Opt. 74, 89. “Orws 
dy w. Subj. in, 76. Homeric construction 
in, 76,77. My (without Saws) in, 77. “Os 
for éwes in, 77. After verbs of exheort- 
ing, forbidding, & , 77,78 ; rarely intro- 
duced by iva, 78; see iva. “Owws or 
Sxws wy w. Fat. Ind., by ellipsis of the 
leading verb, 78 (N. 7, a); « alone in 
prohibitions, 70 (N. 7, b). Second Aor. 
Subj. Act. and Mid. preferred in, 79; 
Dawes’s Canon, 79, 80. See Ohject clauses 
after ¥. 

Finite moods, 1. 

Future, Indicative, 86-88. In gnomic 
eense, 386. Expressing a general truth 
hereafter to be recognized, 86. Like mild 
imperative, 87. In prohibitions w. mu, 
87, 79. In Final clauses, w. orws, dppa, 
uy, 68. With Swes or Swws 7, after verbs 
of striving, effecting, &. T3. With oxws 
Or Swws 4%, in exhortations and prohibi- 
tions (sc. oxéwer), 78. With 7%, after verbs 
of fearing, 82. In Protasis w. ei: ex- 
pressing a future condition, 103; expr. a 
present intention, &o., 98. In Rel. clauses 
expr. a purpose, 187. With ov ui, 184 - 
187. With ay: in Homer, 55; in Attic, 
56. Periphrastic form of, w. uéAAm, 38. 

———-, Optative, in indirect quotation, 38. 
After drws or Srws uj, 89-41, 78, 74. 

-————. Infinitive, 41-43. After verbs of 
saying, thinking, &c.,in indirect quota- 
tion, 41. For Pres. or Aor. Inf., after 
verbs of wishing, &c., after dore, and 
even in other constructions, 42. Regu- 
larly used after verbs of hoping, &c., 43. 
With ay (rarely), 60.. Primary or second- 
ary tense, 53. 

» Participle, 43. Expressing a pur- 
pose, 217, 214. With ay (rarely), 60. 
Primary or secondary tense, 53. 

Future Perfect, Indicative, 43-45. Com- 
pound forms of: Perf. Part. w. écouca, 
44; rarely Aor, Part. w. icoua:, 44, 215. 





ENGLISH INDEX. 


Often nearly == Fut., 44. In the depend- 
ent moods, 44, 


General and particular suppositions, how 
distinguished, 88, 89. 

Genitive Absolute, 222, 225, 232. 

Gnomic Aorist and Perf. See Aor. and 
Perf. 


Hindrance, verbs implying, w. Infin., 198— 
2023. See Infinitive. - 

Hoping, promising, &c., verbs of, w. Fut. 
Infin., 43; w. Pres. Infin., 14; w. Aor 
Inf., 82, 83. 


Imperative, 2. Tenses of, see Present, Per- 
fect, &c. Not used w. ay, 57. In com- 
mands, exhortations, &c., 178 ; w. aye, 
dpe, (0, 178 5 second person w. was, 179. 
After olo@’ 5, &c., 179. In prohibitions 
w. u# (Present, rarely Aor.), 180, 181. 

Imperfect, 6-8. Distinguished from Aor., 
7,8, 24. Denoting attempted action, 7. 
In sense of Pluperf. (when Pres. = Perf.), 
%. Sometimes not distinguished from 
Aor., 7,8. Expressing past likelikood, 
intention, or danger, 7. Expressing a 
fact just recognized, 8. In Final clauses, 
72. In Protasis or Apodosis (implying 
non-fulfilment of condition), 93 - 102; 
how distinguished from Aor., 94, 96 (d) ; 
how from Pluperf., 96 (b) ; in Hom. usu- 
ally past, 96. With a», in Apodosis, 56, 
08-96. Iterative, w. av, 47; iterative 
forms in -cxoy and -oxduny (Ww. ay, in 
Hadt.), 47, 48. How expressed in Infin. 
and Part. (Imperf. Inf and Part.), 15, 
1%. How expressed in Optative (Imperf. 
Opt.), 163. 

Indicative, 1. Tenses of, see Present, &c. 
Primary and secondary tenses of, 3, 49, 
60. With ay, see “Ay. Fut., in Final 
and Object clauses after Srws, &c. ; see 
‘Future. Secondary tenses of, in Final 
clauses, 72. Present and past tenses of, 
after 47}, lest, 83-85. Present and past 
tenses of, in Protasis, 92. Secondary 
tenses of, in both Protasis and Apodosis 
(ay in Apod.), 98-102; see “Ay. Fut.: 
in Protasia, 103 ; in Apodosis, 102. For 
Subj. in general suppositions, 109. After 
Relative w. definite antecedent, 122. In 
causal Rel. sentences, 141. In condi- 
tional Rel. sentences: present and past 
tenses, 125 ; secondary tenses (implying 
non-fulfilment of a condition). 126. Fo 
Subj. and Opt. in general suppositious 


ENGLISH 


after Rel., 181. In Rel. sentences after a 
general negative, 132. Secondary tenses 
of, in cond. Rel. sentences, by assimila- 
tion, 136. Future after Rel., expressing 
& purpose, 137. Fut. after ef’ ¢ and 
éf’ gre, 140. After wore, 140. After 
ews, &c., until, 142; second. tenses, re- 
ferring to a result not attained, 148. 
After mpiv, 145 ; distinguished from In- 
fin., 144, 145, 210. In indirect quotation 
after ort and ws, and in indir. questions, 
149, 150; may be retained even after 
second. tenses, 151, 152; in depend- 
ent clauses of indir. quot., 160-165. In 
causal sentences, 171. Secondary tenses 
of, in wishes, 173, 176. Future after ov 
4H, 185, 1845 see Future. 

Indirect Questions, 147 ; see Contents,Chap. 
IV, Sect. IV. 

Indirect Quotation, 147-171 ; see Contents, 
Chap. IV, Sect. IV. Moods used in, see 
Indicative, &c. Tenses used in, see Pres- 
ent, &c. ; and Contents, Chap. II. 

Infinitive, 2, 188-212. Tenses of, 212; 
see Present, &c., and Contents, Chap. II. 
With av, see “Av. After verbs of fearing, 
86, 87,190. In Apodosis, 113. In Indi- 
rect quotations, 147, 148, 167-159. After 
wperov in wishes, 176,177. Fut. w. ov 
wy, in indir. quot., 185. See Contents, 


Chap. V. - 
Interrogative Subj., 182-184. In indirect 
questions, 154. 


Iterative Imperfect and Aorist. See Im- 
perfect and Aorist. 


Moods, general view of, Chap. L Use of, 
Chap. IV. Constructions enumerated, 65; 
see Indicative, &c. 


Narration, Infin. in, 210. 


Object clauses with y# after Verbs of fear- 
ing, &c., 66, 80. Subj. and Opt. in, 80. 
M7 and py ov in, 80, 67. How related to 
Final clauses, 66, 81. Fut. Ind. in, 82. 
"Orwe 4} (= 47) in, 82. My ay w. Opt. 
(ia Apod.) in, 82,83. My alone w. Subj., 
by ellipsis of the leading verb, 83. M7 
w. present and past tenses of Indic. in, 
83 —85, foot-note ¢ to 84. Other construc- 
tions allowed in, see Fear, caution, and 
danger. 

Optative, 2,174. Its relations to the Indic. 
and Subjunctive., Appendix I. Tenses 
of, see Present, &c.; when primary and 
when secondary, 50-63. With iva, érws, 





INDEX. 259 


&c., in pure Fin. clauses, 67. With dirwe 
and drws 1%, after verbs of striving, &c., 
(seldom), 73, 74. With ,%, after verbs 
of fearing, &c., 80. In Protasis w. et, 
91: in particular suppositions, 105 ; in 
general suppos., 107, 108. In Apgdosis 
w. ay, 57, 105, see"Ay: w. Protasis sup~ 
pressed, 112; as mild command or ex- 
hortation, or resembling Fut. Ind., 113. 
Ia conditional Rel. sentences: in par- 
ticular suppositions, 128; in general 
suppos., 120; by assimilation, 135. In 
Rel. clauses expressing a purpose (Epic, 
rarely Attic), 138. After éws, &c., until, 
142, 143 ; implying a purpose, 143, 166- 
168 (d). After wpiv, 145. In indirect 
quotations and questions, 148 ; see Con- 
tents, Chap. IV, Sect. IV. In causal 
sentences, 172. In wishes, 173, 1743; ex- 
pressing concession or exhortation, 175. 
Future, 88 - 41; rarely w. ov yj, after ws 
in indirect quotation, 185. 


Participle, 8, 213-232. Tenses of, see 


Present, &c. With dv, see’Ay. Condi- 
tional (as Protasis) representing Indic., 
Subj., or Opt., 217, 110. As Apodosis 
(with or without dy), 118. In indirect 
quotation, 159, 229. See Contents, Chap. 
VI. 


Particular and general suppositions, how 


distinguished, 88, 89. 


Perfect Indicative, 18,19. Why primary, 


18. Compound form of, 18. Of certain 
verbs, in sense of Present, 19. In epis 
ties, 19. Referring to the future for em- 
phasis (GAwAa), 19. Not used w. apy, 55. 
Gnomic, 45 ; see Perf. Infin. 

in dependent moods, relations of to 
Pres. of those moods, 19. Subj. and Opt., 
20. Imperat., 21: in mathematical lan- 
guage, 21; second person of (rare), 22 ; 
in sense of Present, 22. Infin., 22: w. 
w@edrov in wishes, 176, 177; primary or 
secondary tense, 53; w. ay, 59; in a 
gnomic sense, 47 ; as Pluperf. Infin., 23 
(Rem.), 59. Partic., 23 ; primary or sec- 
ondary, 53. 


Pluperfect, 18,19. Compound form of, 18. 


Of certain verbs, in sense of Imperf., 19. 
Sometimes nearly = Aor. (Hom. and 
Hat.), 19. Expressing past certainty, 
&c., 19. In Final clauses, 72. In Pro- 
tasis and Apodosis, how distinguished 
from Imperf. and Aor., 96 (b). With av, 
in Apod., 56, 93, 94. How expressed in 
Infin. and Partic., 23 (Rem.). 


260 ENGLISH INDEX. 


Present, Indicative, 4. Expressing a gen- 
eral truth, 4, 46; an attempted action, 6. 
With adverbs of past time (as wdAaz), 5. 
Of certain verbs, in sense of Perf., 5. Of 
verbs signifying to hear, to learn, &c., 
6. , OF elut, as Fut., sometimes as Pres., 
6. Expressing likelihood, intention, or 
danger, 6. Not used w. av, 55. Historic, 
6; a secondary tense, 49. 

» in dependent moods, 8-17. How 
distinguished from the Aor., 8. See 
Contents, Chap. IL; and Sabj., Opt, 
Imperat., and Infin. 

-————, Subjunctive, 9,10. In Arst person, 
in prohibitions w. «:, 180; see Aor. Subj. 
With ob pH, 184. 

——, Optative, 10-12. In indirect quo- 
tations and questions, 11 ; ambiguity in 
indirect questions, 12. 

==, Imperative, 12. In prohibitions w. 
uy, 180. See Aor. Subj. 

———, Infinitive, three uses of, 12. With 
indef. time, 12. After xpdw, Ocomicw, 
&o., 13. In indirect quotation, 18. For 
Fut, after verbs of hoping, &c., 14. Af- 
ter Adyw and elroy, fo command, 14. 
As Imperfect Infin., 15,16. With dy in 
Apodosis, 68, 113, 157; see"Ay. With 
ay, representing éteratzve Imperf., 60. 
Primary or secondary tense, 53. 

———, Participle, 16,17. As Imperf. Part., 
17. Primary or secondary, 53. As Pro- 
tasis (= Pres. Ind., Subj., or Opt.), 110, 
217. With dy, in Apod. (never in Prot.), 
68, 118, 159; see Ay. 

Prevention, verbs implying, w. Inf., 198- 
202. See Infinitive. 

Primary and Secondary tenses, 8, 48 - 54; 
see Tenses. 

Prohibitions, Subj. and Imperat. in, 180; 
Aor. Imperat. rare in, 181. Fut. Ind. in, 
W. Swwe wH or wi (sc. oxdwe), 78. Bee 
ov py}. 

Promising, verbs of ; see Hoping. 

Protasis and Apodosis, defined, 87. Moods 
and tenses in, see indic., &c.; Present, 
&c. ; and Contents, Chap. IV., Sect. II. 

Purpose, expressed by Final clause w. iva, 
&c., 67; by Relat. w. Fut. Ind., 137; 
by Rel. w. Subj. and Opt. in Hom. (rare- 
ly in Attic), 188 ; by ews w. Subj. and 
Opt., 143, 167, 168 (2); by sore w. In- 
fin., 205; by Inf. alone, 203; by Fat. 
Part., 214, 217. 

Questions, of doubt, w. first pers. of Subj. 


(sometimes w. BovAe or OdAcs), 182; 
rarely w. third person of Bubj., 183: see 





Sabjunctive. Indirect, 147 ; see Indirect 
quotation. 


Quotation, see Direct and Indirect. 
Relative and Temporal sentences, 121 - 146; 


see Contents, Chap. IV., Sect. IU. Bela 
tive with Infinitive, 198. 


Secondary, see Tenses. 
Similes (Homeric): Gnomic Aor. in, 46, 


188 ; Subj. (without av) and Pres. Indic. 
183 


Sabjunctive, 1. Its relations to.the Opt, 


Appendix I. Tenses of ; see Pres., Perf., 
and Aor.; always primary, 560. With 
dy or xd, see’Ay. With tva, Gres, &o., 
in pure Final clauses, 67: after secondary 
tenses, 70. With Saws and dws uy after 
verbs of striving, &c. (seldom), 73. 
With «i after verbs of fearing, &c., 80. 
In Protasis w. édy (ay, qv), 90, 91; in 
particular suppositions, 102; in general 
suppos., 107, 106; w. et (without ay), see 
"Av. In Apodosis w. xé¢ or dy (Hom.), 57, 
182; see’Ay. In conditional Relat. sen- 
tences: in particular suppositions, 127 ; 
in general suppos., 129; by assimilation, 
186. In Homeric similes after ws, ws cre, 
132. In Rel. causes expressing a purpose 
(Epic), 138. After ews, &o., until, 142, 
143 ; implying a purpose, 143, 167, 168 
(d). After wpiv, 145. In indirect ques- 
tions, representing Interrog. Subj., 154, 
155. In indir. quotations, repres. de 

pendent Subj., 148, 160; may be changed 
to Opt. or retained, after second. tenses, 
148, 160, 166. First person of, in exhor- 
tations, 179; see aye, dépe. Aor. in pro- 
hibitions w. +, 180; Pres. only in first 
person (rarely sing.), 180, 181. Inde- 
pendent (like Fut. Ind.) in Hom., 181; 
w. ay or xé, 182. Interrog. (in questions 
of doubt), 182. With ov uy, as strong 
future, 184. 


Temporal sentences, see Relative. With 


éws, &c., until, 142-144. With wpir, 
144-147, 210. 


Tenses, enumeration of, 8. Primary and 


secondary, 3, 48-54. Relative or abso- 
lute time denoted by, 8, 4. Gnomic and 
iterative, 45-48. Use of, see Contents, 
Chap. II. See also Present, &c. 


Verbal in -réos, 8; see Contents, Chap. VII 


Wish, expression of, 173-177 ; see Con- 
tents, Chap. IV., Sect. VI. Ind and Opt. 
in, see Ind. and Opt. Latin and Greek 
expressions of, compared, 177. Infin. in 
(poet.), 209. 


GREEK 


INDEX. 





N.B. The figures refer to Pages. 


Ayevaxtén ei, 120. 

*"Ayawdes ei, 120. 

Aye or dyere w. Imperat., 178, 179, 180. 

"Adixéw as Perf, 5. 

Aioxvvones with Part. and Inf., 228. Al- 
oxX¥vopat ei, 120. 

Airéds ciue, w. Inf. (sometimes w. rou or 
76), 190, 191 ; w. Aor. Inf., 82. 

“Axovew, axovoa, in sound, 196. 

*‘AAlioxowas as Perf., 5. 

"AAAG oF abrdp (like 84) in Apodosis, 121, 
137 (Rem.). 

"Aue. w. Partic., 219. 

"Av (4), Adv., two uses of, in Apodosis and 
in Protasis, 64. Not used w. Pres. and 
Perf. Indic., 55. With Fut. Ind.: in 
early poets, 65, 104; in Attic, 66. With 
secondary tenses of Ind. in Apodosis, 56, 
87, 90, 94, 127; omitted for emphasis, 96; 
regularly omitted in Apod. formed by 
Infin. and éxphv, ede, &c., 97-100. With 
Imperf. and Aor. Ind. in iterative sense, 
47. With Subjunctive: in Protasis (édy, 
a», or jy), 56, 87, 102, 108; in conditional 
Rel. and Temporal clauses, 56, 125, 128, 
130, 148, 144, 145; often omitted in Hom. 
(rarely in Attic), 104, 105, 109, 133. In 
Final clauses after ws Swws, Spa: W. 
Bubj., 68, 69; rarely w. Opt. 69, 70. 
Omitted from édy, Sray, os ay, &c., 
when the Subj. is changed to Opt. 
after past tenses, 149; rarely retained, 
168, 169. Seldom w. we and Subj. 
in Hom. similes, 182. Epic use of, w. 
Subj. in Apodosis, 57, 104, 182. With 
Optative, always forming Apodosis, 57, 
105, 128, see Optative ; never w. Fut. 
Opt., 57; rarely omitted, 100. With an 
Opt. in Protasis which is also an Apod., 
107, 183. Et xe w. Opt. in Hom., 107. 
Never used w. Imperat., 57. With Infin. 
and Part.: in Apodosis, 57 -61, 113, 157, 
150, 192, 232; never in Protasis, 62 ; use 


of each tense with, see Present, &c. With 
Inf. for iterative Imperf. and Aor. w. 
dy, 60. Position of, 61, 62. Repetition 
of, 62-64. Without a verb, 68. Td,’ 
ay, perhaps, 64. 

“Av (&), contracted for, diy. See "Edy. 

*Avatpéw, to give an oracular response, 
see Xpaw. 

*Avdxonas W. Part., 228. 

*Awoxdpve w. Part. and Inf., 238. 

*Apxéw w. Part., 228. 

"Are, are &}, W. Part., 219. 

Avrixa w. Part., 219. 

“Axps, w0e°Ews. “Ayps od, 142. 


BeAriov W. Part., 228. 
BovAe: or BovAerGe w. Interrog. Sahj,, 188. 
BovAopévy pot rods dor, 220. 


Aé, in Apodosis, 121 In antecedent clanses, 


Aeixvuys W. Part., 229. 

Aavéy éorcy ei, 120. 

AjjAés eiut w. Part., 230. © 

AtareAdw Ww. Part., 227; see AavOdves. 
Aisour, to offer, &. Imperf. of, 7%. 
Aixasos w. Inf., 196. 

Acéwep, 171. 

Acéri, 1715 w. Inf. (Hat.), 198. 


*Edy (ci av), contracted dy (2) or jv, 66, 87, 
104 ; w. Subj., 102, 108. 

*EfovAduyy with Infinitive in Apodosis, 
without ay, 98. 

"Ede, expny (xpnv), eq, evnvy mpoonxer, 
eixds hv Hpmorrey, hy Or Urypxey, with 
Infin. in Apodosis, without a», 97 — 100. 

Et, if, 87, 92, 98, 105, 108 ; see "Av. Supe 
posing that, 115, 168. After davyrdice, 
&c., 120. With Inf. (Hdt.), 198. Ei 
yap, or ei, in wishes, 173 - 177. 


262 GREEK 


Ei, whether, 120, 147, 151; after verbs 
of fearing. 85. 

Ei yép in wishes, see Ei. 

Ei & dye, 111. 

Ei 8 x in alternatives, 112. 

Ei6¢ in wishes, 173-177. 

Eixds Hv tp Apodosis, see "Eder. 

Ely tc be going: as Future, 6; as Pres., 
6; w. Inf, 204. 

Elva, expressing a purpose, 204. 

Elwov, I commanded, w. Inf., 14, 34 

Eis 6 (for éws) w. Indic. (Hdt.), 142. 

Eioéxe w. Subj. and Opt., 143 ; see”Ews. 

*Exay elvas, 208. 

*Eveort, Partic. of, used personally w. Inf, 
194, 196. 

"Evy in Apodosis, see "Ede. 

"Efaidynys w. Part., 219. 

"Efnv in Apodosis, see "Ede. 

‘Endy or émjv, see "Oray. 

*Ewedy, Tonio for éwjy. 

"Ewa or éwesdy (temporal) 3 w. Aor. Indic. 
(not Pluperf.), 25; w. Aor. Opt., 29; w. 
Infin., 193. Causal, 171. 

"EwecSdy, w. Aor. Bubj. as Fut. Perf., 26. 
See ’Oray. 

"Ewidofos w. Inf. 195. 

"Emxaiptos W. Inf., 195. 

"EmpeAdopas (éreddona), Ww. Sxws and 
Fut. Ind., 78; w. Inf., or Inf. w. rou, 
192. 

"Emcrydecos w. Inf., 195, 

*Emcrpéwe w. Part., 226. 

*Eote, until, see” Ews. 

Ev6us w. Part., 219. 

Evpione w. Part., 226. 

"Edyy, in Homer, 99. 

EQ’ @ or é¢’ Gre, w. Fut. Ind., 140; w Inf, 
207 


"Expny in Apodgsis. See "Ede. 

“Exw w. Aor, or Perf. Part. as periphrastic 
Perf., 229. 

"Ews, éore, dxp, pdxpt, eiodne, Sppa, un- 
til, 142-144; expressing a purpose, 143, 
167, 168. 

"Ews, Ofpa, 80 long as, see Relative. 


“Hee as Perf., 6. Imperf. of, 7. 
*“Hpsorrey in Apodosis, see "Ede. 
"Hrrdopas, as Perf., 5. 


Gatpa i8écOa, 196. 

Gavudlw ei, Oavpacrdév éorey ei, 120. 

@édrAcrg or OddAcre w. Interrog. Sabjunctive 
(poet.), 182. 

@cowile, see Xpdeo. 


INDEX. 


"Ideiy, dpay, in appearance, 196 

"16. w. Imperat., 178. 

“Ixayés w. Part., 228. 

“Ixw or ixdve as Perf. (Hom.), 5. 

"Iva, in Final clauses: w. Subj. and Upt., 
67, 70; w. second. tenses of Indic 72. 
Not used with ay, 70; iva xe, 70. In 
Object clauses after Aiccoua: (Hom.), 78; 
similar constr. in N. Test., 78. 

——-, where, with ay, 70 (B.). 


Ké, Doric for xé; see ’Ay. 

Kai, caiwep (cai... wep), W. Part., 220, 
Kairo: w. Part. (rare), 221. 

Ké or xév, see "Ay. 

KexAno@a, to be called, 19. 

KeurSuvevw w. Inf. in Apodosis, 99. 
Kpardée, see Nixa. 

Kpeioowy w. Part., 228. 

Kupéw w. Part. (poet.), 227. 


AavOdve, G0dve, rvyxdve, saredéw, W 
Part., 227; w. Aor. Part., 34. 
A¢yw, to command, w. Inf., 14, $4. 


MéAa,w. Inf. as periphrastic Fut., 38; tense 
of Inf. with, 88. Imperf. of, w. Inf.: ex- 
pressing past intention, &c., 38, 99; form- 
ing Apodosis (without dv), 99. 

Méyuyynuar, I remember, 19; w. Part., 220; 
w. dre, 231. 

Merafv w. Part., 219. 

Méxpi, see"Ews. Méxps od, 142. 

My, lest, in Final clauses: w. Subj. and 
Opt., 67, 70; rarely w. Fut Ind., 68. 
After verbs of striving, &o. (for Sirus 7), 
77. With Fut. Ind. in prohibitions, 37, 
79, 187. After verbs of fearing, &c.: 
w. Bubj. and Opt., 80; w. Fut. Ind., 82. 
With Subj. (by ellipsis of a verb of fear- 
ing), 88. With a», 88. With present 
and past tenses of Indic., 83-85; never 
interrog., 84. With Fut. Opt. 39, 40. 

» not, W. iva, Srws, &c., in Final and 
Object clause, 67. In Protasis, 88. In 
Rel. clauses w. indef. anteced., 122, 124. 
In wishes (with and without ei), 174, 176. 
In prohibitions, 180. With interrog. Sabj., 
181. With Inf., after verbs implying ne- 
gation, 198, 200, 201. 

My ov (double neg.): w. Iaf., 198, 200, 201; 
w. Part., 200; before Nouns, 200. 





Nuxdw and xparéw, as Perf., 5. 
Nopigw, otouar, and dni, w. Aorist. Inf. 
referring to the fature (?), 33. 


GREEK 


"O for ér. in Hom.), 170. 

OiSa (novi), I know, 19; see Oliva. 

Otoza: w. Aor. Inf. for Fut. (?), 33. 

Olos w. Infin., 194. Oloyv, ola, ola 8, w. 
Part., 219. 

Ole 8 Spagov ; 179. 

Oixouas as Perf., 5. Imperf. of, 7. 

*Odiyou (Seiv), almost, 208. 

"OAAvpas as Perf. (Trag.), 5. 

"OAwAa, I shall perish, 19. 

“Opotos w. Infin. (Hom.), 197. 

*Onéray, see Oray. 

“Omdre, when, seo Relative. Since (causal), 
171. 

"Onws, originally Rel. Adv., 75; as indirect 
inter.og., 75, 77, 85, 154. In order that, 
that, in Final clauses; w. Subj. and Opt., 
67,70; w. dy and Subj., 68, 69; w. Fut. 
Ind., 68 ; w. second. tenses of Indic., 72. 
After verbs of striving, &c.: w. Fut. 
Ind. (sometimes Subj. and Opt.), 73; w. 
av and Subj. (rare), 76. That (like 47), 
after verbs of fearing, &c., 85. That 
(like ws or 671), in indirect quotations, 
170. 

"Orws mj (for 7), lest, that, after verbs of 
Searing, &c., 82. 

*Opay, ideiy, in appearance, 196. 

*Ogov or ws w. Absol. Infin. 207. 

"Ooos w. Infin. 294. 

“Oons ay 3, "Oars wor’ éoriv, 134. 

"Otay, Owdtay, éndy or émiy (éwedy), and 
éwevdav, 56, 125, 127, 129 ; see Ay. 

“Ore, when, see Relative. After pdurypa, 
231. With Infin., 193. 

» since (causal), 171. 

"Or, that, in indirect quotations, 147: w. 
Ind. and Opt., 148, 149, 150 ; w. Ind. or 
Opt. w. ay, 156. Before direct quot., 171. 

———, because (causal), 171-173, see 
Contents, Chap. IV., Sect. V.3 after verbs 
of fearing, 86. 

‘O tt wor’ éotiv, "Ooris wor’ éoriv, &., 134. 

Ov, after 7, lest, 67, 80. In Apodosis, 88; 
rarely in Protasis, 88 (N.). In Rel. 
clauses w. def. anteced., 122. In causal 
Rel. clauses, 142 (R.). In indirect dis- 
course, 149. 

Ovn av POdvors (POdvorre), 228. 

Ove oida ay «i, 62. 

Ov wy, 184-187; see Contents, Chapter 
IV., Section VIII. Dawes’s Canon on, 
79, 80. 

Ovvexa, because, 171. 

Ovrws, implying a Protasis, 110. With Opt. 
in protestations, 176. Referring to a 
Participle, 218 





INDEX. 263 


"OdeAoy, see “OdedAor. 

"Odpa (Epic and Lyric), as final particle : 
w. Subj. and Opt., 67; w. av, 69. ‘With 
Fut. Ind., 68. 

——, a8 temporal particle, until, 142 = 
144; see dws. So long as, see Relative, 


IldAaz w. Present, 5. 

Iavrotos yiyvouat (Ion.) w. Participle, 227. 

Idpos (like spiv) w. Inf. (Hom.), 212. 

Ilas w. Imperat. (2d pers.), 179. 

Iavw w. Part., 226. 

TletOw, to try to persuade, 5. Imperfect 
of, 7. 

THepdoxas w. Part. (Hdt.), 227. 

Hepiopdw, w. Part., 226; w. Aor. Part., 85. 

Iorevw w. Inf. and rq, 197. 

TloAAds eiut, wodAds éyxeyas, W. Part. 
(Ion.), 227. 

Upére, Partic. of, used personally w. In- 
fin., 194, 105. 

Tipiv, w. Ind., Subj., and Opt., 145, 146. 
With Infin., 210-212. As Adverb, soon- 
er, 146 (N. 5). 

piv y’ ore (Hom.), 146. 

iptv 4, 146, 211, 212. 

Ipocdexopévp proc tourd orev, 229. 

Hpooyxeyv in Apodosis, see "Ede. 

Ipooyjxe, Partic. of, used personally w. 
Infin., 194, 105. 

IpécGev 7, 146, 211. 

IIpérepov 4, 146, 211. 

Ilis yap dy; Tas ovn av; &o., 63. 


Zvuvodsa, ovyyryvioxw, W. Part., 230 


Tay’ dy, 64. 

TeOvnxévar, to be dead, 19. 

-téos (~réov, -réa), Verbal in, 8, 238, 2843 
see Contents, Chapter VII. 

Ti AdFas 3 38. . 

Ti padovs Ti wabsvs wherefore? 221, 
222. 

Ti wdOw 3 183, 184. 

Tixrw (in tragedy) as Perf., 5. 

Td vuy elvar, 208. 

Tvyxdévw w. Part., 227; see AavOdve. 


Yorepov » w. Infin., 211. 2 


Savepds eins w. Part., 230. @avepdy woreiy 
w. Part., 230. 

dépe w. Imperat., 178, 179, 180. 

Pevyw as Perf,, 5. 

@npui w. Aor. Inf. for Fut. (?), 88. 

©0ayw w. Part., 227; see AavOdva. O0dre0 
4 W. Infin. (Hadt.), 212. 


264 GREEK 


Xpde, dvatpéw, Geowlge, w. Pres. or Aor. 
Inf., 18, 81; sometimes w. Fut. Inf, 13. 


‘Os, originally Rel. Adv., 75 (R.). In order 
that, that, in Final clauses: w. Subj. 
and Opt., 67,70; w. d» and Subj., 68, 69; 
w. Fut. Ind., 68; w. second. tenses of 
Indic., 723. Sometimes (for Swas) after 
verbs of striving, &o., T7 (N. 4); Ho- 
meric construction of, with Subj. or Opt., 
76 (N. 2.) Sometimes (for sj) after 
verbs of fearing, 85. 

——, when, seo Relative With Infin., 
198. 

——, thai, in indirect quotation (like 3r:), 
147, 148, 149, 150. Once w. Subj. for Fut. 
{nd. (Hom.), 78, 171. 


INDEX. 


"Os, decause, 171-178. 

, in wishes: w. Opt., 175; w. adeAov, 
177. With Inf, 206, 207, 208. With 
Partic., 219, 220, 225, 231, 232; w. Part. 
and ay 232. 

"OQowep w. Partic., 219, 222, 325. 

"Oowep ay ei (wowepave:), 63, 116. 

*Qoere, 20 that, w. Indic. 140. With Inf, 
205 ; after verbs and adject. which com- 
monly take Inf. alone, 206 (N. 32.), 205. 
With Opt., Indic., or Inf. w. dé», 141, 207. 
With Imperat., 141. 

-———, in Homer, == Scwep, as if, 207. In 
Hdt., w. Partic.,a= dre, 219, 223. 

es sa OF apeAdcw in wishes, 96, 1°76, 





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