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MR, FILLMORE'S VIEWS ON SLAVERY. 

Answer to u The Crisis." 



Published by the Democratic State Central Committee, 



To the People of Louisiana : 

On the 9th instant, there appeared in this city, a publication called 
" The Crisis," under the direction of the Executive Committee of the 
Central Rough and Ready Club, the object of which is announced to 
be, to vindicate the character of Millard Fillmore, from the alleged 
" slanders," " detractions," "calumnies " and " misrepresentations " of 
Ei« political opponents in this , State, with regard to his votes in Con- 
gress on the subject of Slave ry. Acting, apparently, in combination 
with the well-known letter-writer-general of the Taylor party in New 
Orleans, these gentlemen are endeavoring to get themselves into a 
furious passion with democrats for their foul and fraudulent conduct 
towards their candidate for the Vice Presidency. 

Great stress has been laid upon the omission in the pamphlet, hi- 
therto put in circulation in this State ; of the first of the Atherton resolu- 
tions. That resolution contained the declaration of the absence from 
Congress of any Constitutional powers over the subject of Slavery in 
the several States of the confederacy, and is a proposition which, so far 
as our knowledge extends, is concurred in by Giddings and other rabid 
abolitionists, who, all admit, that, ir the States, their purposes cannot 
be carried out through Congressional action. The omission of the 
resolution may be regretted, on the ground that without it, the record 
was incomplete ; but every candid man who reads the statements of tho 
now famous " Fillmore Pamphlet," will, wc think, be disposed to admit 
that its production was not necessary to show that Millard Fillmore's 
connection with abolition whilst he was a member of .Congress, is in- 
compatible with the interests of the South and abhorrent to her feelings. 
Mr. Fillmore's vote against the suspension of the rules, for the purpose 
of considering the Atherton resolutions, will not, we imagine, be con- 



3 

sidered by many as a very particularly friendly demonstration of his 
attachment to the rights of the slave States. That he did so vote the 
" Crisis " cannot denv. 

That Millard Fillmore is in favor of every measure of the anti-slavery 
party, calculated to have a practical effect, is beyond the shadow of a 
doubt ; we have the proof from himself; and he probably knows his 
own mind as fully as the Executive Committee of the Central -Rough 
and Ready Club of New Orleans. This proof we now lay before you, 
in the shape of a letter from Mr. Fillmore to W. Mills, chairman of the 
Anti-Slavery Society of the county of Erie, (N.Y.) 



Buffalo, October 17, 1838. 

Sir: Your communication of the 15th instant as chairman of a com- 
mittee appointed by li The AntUSlavery Society of the County of Erie" 
has just come to hand. You solicit my answer to the following interro- 
gatories : 

1st. Do you believe that petitions to Congress on the subject of slave- 
ry and the slave-trade ought to be received, read and respectfully consi- 
dered by the representatives of the people ? 

2d. Are you opposed to the annexation ofTexes to this Union, under 
any circumstances, so long as slaves are held therein 'I 

3d. Are you in favor of Congress exercising all the constitutional 
power it possesses, to abolish the internal slave-trade between the 
States? 

4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia l 

I am much engaged, and have no time to enter into an argument, or 
to explain at length my reasons for my opinion. I shall, therefore, 
content myself, tor the present, by answering ALL your interrogatories 
in the AFFIRMATIVE, and leave for some future occasion a more 
extended discussion on the subject. 

I would, however, take this occasion to say, that in thus frankly giv- 
ing my opinion, I would not desire to have it understood in the nature 
of a pledge. At the same time that I seek no disguises, but freely give 
my sentiments on any subject of interest to those for whose suffrages I 
am a candidate, I am opposed to give any pledge that shall deprive me 
hereafter of all discretionary power. My own character must be the gua- 
ranty for the general correctness of my legislative deportment. On 
every subject I am bound to deliberate before I act, and especially as a 
legisator— -to possess myself of all the information, and listen to. every 
argument that can be adduced by my associates* before I can give 'a 
final vote. If I stand pledged to a particular course of action, I cease 
to be a responsible agent, but I become a mere machine. Should sub- 
sequent events show, beyond ail doubt, that the course I had become 
pledged to pursue was ruinous to my constituents and disgraceful to my- 
self, I have no alternative, no opportunity for repentenee, and there is 
no power to absolve me from my obligation. Hence the impropriety, 
not to say absurdity, in my view, of giving a pledge. 

I am aware that you have not asked any pledge, and I believe I 
know your sound judgment and good sense too well to think you desire 



any such thing. It was, however, to prevent any misrepresentation oii 
the part of others, that 1 have felt it my duty to say thus much on the 
subject. 

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 

MILLARD FILLMORE. 

W. Mills, Esq., Chairman. 

Now, Fellow-Citizens, after reading this letter of Mr. Fillmore, what 
other opinion can you entertain of him than that he is disposed to join 
in legislation by Congress, which will strike the most effective and fatal 
blows at the rights", interests and dignity of the Southern States ? Our 
opponents may endeavor to do away with the conviction this letter 
must produce, by bringing forward another, lately addressed to Gover- 
nor Gayle of Alabama- Read and reflect upon that letter, and you will 
find that he does not retract in the slightest degree any declaration in 
the Mills' letter. To Governor Gayle he says : " That by the Consti- 
tution of the United States, the whole power over that question 
(Slavery) was vested in the several States where the institution was 
toleraled ;" and again : "I did not conceive that Congress had power 
over it, or was in any way responsible for its continuance in the several 
States where it existed." But not one word is there, of his views of the 
question of the abolition of slavey in the District of Columbia, and the 
Territories of the United States ; or of the prohibition of the trade in 
slaves between the slave Stages ; or of the admission of new States 
tolerating slavery; or, in-iine, of the Wilmot Proviso. Upon all, except 
the last, you will find his views in his letter above cited to Mr. Mills. 
Upon the last, his admirers and advocates of the Rough and Ready 
Club, are, perhaps, able to inform you. 

In opposing the election of Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore 
for the first offices in your gift, we war not with the men but with their 
political views. No personal hostility actuates us. To defeat their 
aspirations we need only resort to a plain exposition of truths. These 
speak so forcibly for us, that we cannot be tempted to seek the ignoble 
aids of detraction and misrepresentation. The Democratic party of 
Louisiana, aye, and of the whole Union, can with confidence appeal to 
the verdict of the nation, as to which of the great political parties of 
the land have introduced the most of personal acerbity and rancor into 
our political contests, and by which the Work of personal calumny, 
abuse and detraction has been most systematically and habitually pur- 
sued. 

New Okleans, September llth, 1848. 



