 
In the early 1960s, an interest in women and their connection with the environment was sparked largely by Ester Boserup's book "Woman's Role in Economic Development". Starting in the 1980s, policy makers and governments became more mindful of the connection between the environment and gender issues. Changes regarding natural resource and environmental management were made with the specific role of women in mind. According to the World Bank in 1991, "Women play an essential role in the management of natural resources, including soil, water, forests and energy...and often have a profound traditional and contemporary knowledge of the natural world around them". Whereas women were previously neglected or ignored, there was increasing attention to the impact of women on the natural environment and, in return, the effects the environment has on the health and well-being of women. The gender-environment relations have ramifications in regard to the understanding of nature between men and women, the management and distribution of resources and responsibilities, and the day-to-day life and well-being of people.
Women's connection with the environment.
Women, environment, and development (WED) debate.
Different discourses have shaped the way that sustainable development is approached, and women have become more integrated into shaping these ideas. The definition of sustainable development is highly debated, but is defined by Harcourt as a way to "establish equity between generations" and to take into account "social, economic, and environmental needs to conserve non-renewable resources" and decrease the amount of waste produced by industrialization. The first discourse that emerged was women in development (WID), the perspective that advocated for women's status to be improved in developing countries. WID placed women as central actors in household, rural and market economies and looked to the hierarchical institution of western development to fix the issues that arise because of this. Critics of WID argued that as part of a larger western mindset, it perpetuates a colonial and liberal discourse that is incompatible with supporting the global population of women.
During the Progressive Era (late 19th to early 20th century), urbanization, industrialization, and the Women's Suffrage Movement all had an impact on the shifting gender roles and expectations in American society. The Progressive Era signaled a shift towards greater recognition of women's capabilities and contributions outside the home, even though societal expectations still prioritized women's roles as wives and mothers. This laid the groundwork for further advancements in women's rights and gender equality in the 20th century. A variety of people, including scientists, grassroots activists, and conservationists, attempted to address environmental issues during this time period and were part of the environmental movement. Women were important activists, educators, and public health and environmental conservation advocates. Women's perspectives on environmental issues are shaped and motivated to participate in efforts to address them by their experiences as caregivers for the home and family, as well as by their increasing presence in urban environments. Ad hoc groups of women were formed to address various issues including food safety, water quality, public health in schools, food disposal, street cleanliness, meat handling, and stable nuisances. These women's environmental organizations, such as the New York Ladies' Health Protective Association, emphasized their role in monitoring and enhancing the cleanliness and hygiene of urban areas by framing their mission as a type of municipal housekeeping. They claimed that because women are the primary caregivers for their families and homes, they are in a unique position to address these issues because they are constantly exposed to the negative effects of insufficient urban sanitation practices. Because men could not be trusted to protect the environment, many even thought that environmental activism was like doing housework. Due to this belief, women's involvement in the environmental movement expanded the influence of women outside the home and into the public sphere of environmental activism, challenging traditional gender roles.
The next shift in discourse took place in the early 1970s, where people began to critique the roots of development and find alternative ways to interact with the global community and developing countries, with women and the environment as central actors. One such alternative was defined as women, environment, development (WED). According to Schultz et al., "The women, environment and development debate (WED-debate) is anchored in a critical view of development policies where the link between modernization/industrialization and technology on the one hand and environmental deterioration on the other is focused". WED discourse is centralized around the synthesis of different ideologies, including ecofeminism. Ecofeminism may be seen as a root ideology for WED, where women are viewed with a biological connection to nature that enables them to have a deeper connection and stewardship of it. This ideology was transformed into the political sphere as women having a socially constructed connection to nature through global systems.
In the 1990s, the United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW) instituted programs based on the WED discourse. These programs were in response to the relation between gender and environmental violence such as waste disposal, pesticide use nuclear testing, and other detrimental environmental practices.
Many of these programs did not produce the desired impacts on women. The WED discourse placed emphasis on women as solution holders to environmental issues. However, policies were not directed at empowering women but the sectors that women are involved in, such as agriculture. Leach argues that the overall impact of politicizing the role of women and the environment through the WED discourse appropriated women's labor without providing them with proper resources or capacity to succeed.
Farming and agriculture.
In the majority of the world, women are responsible for farm work and related domestic food production. An increasing number of women are taking over and expanding their involvement in agricultural tasks, but this has not changed the gender division of labor with regard to reproductive work. Ester Boserup found that "in many African tribes, nearly all the tasks connected with food production continue to be left to women". Schultz "et al." (2001), found that "90% of women in the developing world, where most of the planet's biological wealth is found, depend on their land for survival. Women head 30% of the households in developing countries, 80% of food production in sub-Saharan Africa is done by women, 60% in Asia and 50% in Latin America. Even though women are largely responsible for the actual agricultural work performed, men generally own the land, therefore controlling women's labor upon the land.
There is evidence showing that improving women's access to agricultural resources can boost yields by 20–30% and overall production in underdeveloped nations by 2.5–4%. Increased production might reduce global hunger by 12–17%.
Africa.
Ester Boserup examined the farming systems of men and women in Africa and found that "in many African tribes, nearly all the tasks connected with food production continue to be left to women". In Botswana, men typically have greater access to advanced technologies and plowing abilities. Zambia also has a high percentage of women farmers yet they are not explicitly recognize and often neglected entirely. Consistent lack of access to credit, mobility, technological advancements, and land ownership further complicate women's agricultural roles. A group of women in Kenya began farming trees way before climate change was prioritized because they had seen what happens to lands that are depleted of its nutrients and the adverse effects.
In Zimbabwe, direct impacts of climate change and environmental degradation has on women and girls include:
Latin America and Caribbean.
In Peru, women often participate in food production and family farming yet they do not generally benefit directly from their labor. Their work is not considered as valuable as men's. Women in the Caribbean have always been associated with agriculture and do have access to land ownership. However, women still do not have the same access to technology as men and generally have smaller plots of land.
Dependence on nature and the environment for survival is common among women living in areas commonly designated as the Third World. Environmental feminists have argued that this dependence creates a deeply rooted connection between women and their surroundings. Women's dependence on natural resources, based on their responsibilities, creates a specific interest that may be different from the interests of men. Jiggins et al. suggests that women view nature uniquely in that they connect the land to immediate survival and concern for future generations, rather than treating the land as a resource with monetary value. With the development of newer technologies since the 1940s, there has been a shift to more non-farm activities; however, men participate in the shift more than women, leaving women behind. It is projected that as men continue to shift to urban livelihoods, the role of maintaining the household by farming will increasingly fall upon women. Especially during the neoliberal policy regime in Latin America, with the increasing use of exports, women were ideal for their 'gendered skills'. They were paid less for their farming labor and not likely to organize, coining the term 'feminization of responsibility'. Issues such as climate change could have a greater impact on women because the land they farm will be negatively affected.
Asia and Pacific Islands.
In the Asian and Pacific Island regions, 58% of women involved in the economy are found in the agriculture sector. This involves work in own-account farms, labor in small enterprises for processing fruits, vegetables and fish, paid and unpaid work on other people's land, and collecting forest products. 
Out of all the women working in this sector, 10–20% have been found to have tenure to the land they work on. Reasons for this number include economic and legal barriers. For example, women get fewer and smaller loans to acquire land than men.
One other factor that plays into women's land rights for agriculture is the cultural norms of the area. In Asia and the Pacific, women's societal roles have been defined by patriarchal norms, where men are viewed as breadwinners and women are viewed as caretakers. This can be expressed through the number of hours women spend doing unpaid care work per day. In developing countries in total, women spend 4 hours and 30 minutes of care work a day versus the 1 hour and 2 minutes that men spend.
As the main economic sector of Southeast Asia, agriculture includes over one quarter of Association of Southeast Asian States's (ASEAN) working women, a significant difference from OECD's 3.5% average. Members of ASEAN have cited increased threats to the sector from more frequent natural disasters due to climate change with significant gendered impacts. These events have different effects for each country and each region of Southeast Asia, but harms upon both gender equality and economic production through agriculture are common across the region. The Dawei Special Economic Zone (SEZ) and deep seaport, located in a border region of Myanmar and Thailand, is an industrial development project with alleviated environmental regulations, among other relaxed rules, marketed for business investment. Out of Myanmar, as for residents who are displaced from homes and their agriculture work due to the Dawei SEZ's development, new higher paying jobs, and usually land rights, are granted to men. Women, whose prior experiences have been agricultural, resort to informal, insecure, and smaller-scale farm labor. In the Mekong River Delta Region of Vietnam, although women comprise about half of the labor involved in intensive rice production systems, they have the added responsibility of being the primary caretaker and securing food for their families. As climate change increasingly threatens agricultural systems, women in the Mekong Delta region face disproportionate risk to their livelihoods relative to men because of their dependency on the land for rice production combined with their role as domestic provider. In 2008, in the Sambas district of West Kalimantan, Indonesia, women protested oil palm plantation expansion and the land acquisitions associated with it. Although men were usually the legal owners of the land in conflict in Sambas, women are the main managers of the land and domestic care, meaning they would be disproportionately impacted by water pollution, land grabs and home loss, crop loss, and lack of other job opportunities, all due to increased palm production.
Fishing industry.
Mexico.
San Evaristo.
In San Evaristo near Baja California Sur, Mexico Hunting, fishing and land ownership is the main source of income. Women are excluded from these activities even though they might have a land claim or are fishing for fun. The fishers are mostly men that work fourteen hours together in a boat so close together.