The 2013 Bulgarian protests against the first Borisov cabinet were civil demonstrations against high electricity and hot water bills resulting from monopolism in the sphere that began in Blagoevgrad on 28 January 2013, and subsequently spread to over 30 cities in Bulgaria that ended with the resignation of the Boyko Borisov government on 20 February 2013. They were caused by abnormally high electricity bills, but later turned into a mass non-partisan movement against the government and the political system. The events were marked by seven self-immolations (five of them fatal), spontaneous demonstrations and a strong sentiment against political parties.
As a result of the demonstrations, the centre-right government of Boyko Borisov resigned and a caretaker cabinet led by Marin Raykov was appointed. The demands of protesters, however, were not addressed, and demonstrations continued throughout the country, calling for a change of the political model and nationalisation of strategic economic sectors.
Background.
Electrical power distribution in Bulgaria was managed by a state-owned monopoly until 2005, when the government sold 67% of it to three foreign power companies - German E.ON, Austrian EVN Group and Czech ČEZ Group. In 2011, E.ON sold its Bulgarian branch to Energo-Pro, a private Czech power company, and on the next year the state sold its stakes in CEZ. EVN, ČEZ and Energo-Pro virtually operate as private regional monopolies whose activities are overseen by the State Commission for Energy and Water Regulation (SCEWR). The state also sold its power distribution infrastructure to these private distributors, thus losing control over the management of profits. The main energy companies are believed to have acquired debts in the four years preceding the demonstrations, which partly contributed to a rather unbalanced situation in the energy sphere. In addition, residents of Sofia have been voicing their concerns for years against the city's district heating provider – Toplofikatsiya Sofia, which has a monopoly on heat distribution in the city. Discontent has been created by very high prices and the fact that the company only reviews readings from customers' calorimetres once a year and the rest of the time it forms bills using "estimates", the complex and allegedly illegal formulas the company uses for calculating the bills and the lack of accountability and the practices of the so-called "heating accountancy firms", which act as middle-men between Toplofikatsiya and its customers.
At the same time, Bulgaria has a rapidly expanding renewable energy market. Growth in the sector has surpassed forecasts and has notably increased prices and strain on the electrical grid in the past few years. Investment in wind and solar power installations between 2008 and 2012 in Bulgaria is estimated at more than 4 billion euros, which needs to be repaid by surcharges on electricity prices over the next years. Since 2005, electricity prices for industrial consumers, along with other utilities, have doubled or tripled. In 2011, SCEWR rejected demands by regional monopolies to increase power prices, but a string of severe price spikes occurred in 2012 as a consequence of renewable energy charges. In response, the government drastically cut preferential feed-in tariffs for solar power with 50%, and with 22% for wind power. SCEWR also increased power transmission fees by 50 per cent in an attempt to curb green energy production. These measures led to a drop in electricity exports and withdrawal of investment projects, but prices continued to rise slowly in the following months. Subsequent inflation caused by higher production costs was recorded as the highest for the past four years.
Electricity costs are one of the main expenditures for Bulgarian citizens. Local analysts estimated that with rising living costs, almost 100 per cent of the average Bulgarian household's monthly income would be spent on utilities, food, transportation, healthcare and education. Currently 85 per cent of household monthly incomes are spent on basic necessities. Prices in Bulgaria amount to 49 per cent of the European Union average, At the same time average salaries are the lowest among European Union members at 768 leva (393 euro) for September 2012. The minimum wage is ten times lower than that of some member states, amounting to 310 leva (159 euro), or about 1 euro per hour. Twenty-two per cent of the labour force are employed on a minimum wage. For the past three years, incomes have marked almost no change, while prices have increased significantly. Austerity measures encouraged by the European Union and the International Monetary Fund during the recession have resulted in "catastrophic" social consequences according to the International Trade Union Confederation. The government of Boyko Borisov strictly imposed austerity measures and sustained fiscal stability, but also delayed government payments to private companies, and was criticised for worsening corruption and media freedom indicators, political authoritarianism and general economic stagnation. As a consequence, the support for Borisov and his centre-right Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) party has been steadily declining since 2010. A major blow to GERB's popularity came after their decision to cancel the Belene Nuclear Power Plant project, which was believed to be a way to reduce electricity costs and create jobs. Mass protests for political or social causes are relatively uncommon in Bulgaria, but have become more frequent since 2007, when the issue of the preservation of Strandzha Mountain nature areas came to the forefront.
Escalation.
Initial phase.
In late January 2013, protests occurred in Blagoevgrad after consumers received electricity bills that were two times higher than those for the previous month. Protesters symbolically burned their bills. A protester explained that her bill amounted to 310 leva, of which only 128 leva were for electricity consumption and the remainder were various tariffs and taxes. Some of the earliest protests also took place in Sandanski.
On 10 February, demonstrations occurred in Sofia, Plovdiv, Varna, Burgas, Ruse, Veliko Tarnovo, Shumen, Blagoevgrad, Sandanski, Silistra, Yambol, Gotse Delchev, Belene, Montana, Pazardjik, Dobrich and Kardzhali. The same day, two EVN utility vehicles were set ablaze in Plovdiv. Demonstrators in Sofia gathered in front of the Ministry of Economy, Energy and Tourism and threw snowballs at minister Delyan Dobrev. One protester was stabbed in Varna on 13 February 2013. The authorities of Kranevo also voiced discontent at the electricity prices, after communal services costs almost doubled in comparison to the same period of the previous year. The mayor of Kranevo said that his village was not an exception, and most localities in the municipality had the same issues.
By mid-February tens of thousands of people were on the streets, demanding nationalisation of the private regional monopolies, removal of subcontractors, assigning traffic and distribution to NEK EAD (the state-owned power distribution company), declassifying all contracts between the state and energy companies and more liberal combined heat and power usage laws, among others.
On 17 February, a fictitious declaration supposedly written by the three foreign power companies and dismissing the protester demands while calling on them to accept their own responsibility for the situation that had transpired, was circulated in the social media and caused further anger against the energy providers. According to analysts, in the initial phase of the demonstrations, more than 50% of the discontent was fuelled by the supposed abuses of the monopol companies, with only 15% traceable to anti-government feelings.
Anti-government movement.
On 17 February, a national demonstration against monopolies gathered 10,000 people in Plovdiv, 8,000 (up to 30,000 by other estimates) in Varna and a smaller number in other cities. In total, 100,000 people protested all over the country in 35 cities and towns. Key motorways and transport routes in the country were blocked; rocks, bottles and eggs were thrown against Gendarmerie units, the Ministry of Economy and the National Assembly in the capital. People chanted "mafia" and "resignation", and carried slogans such as "This is not a protest, it's a process - the struggle for a new Bulgaria", "Down with GERB" and "Janissaries, the end is coming". They gave the government one more week to respond to their demands. Clashes occurred near ČEZ's headquarters in Sofia.
Some media sources and protesters have used the term "Bulgarian Spring" as a moniker for the demonstrations.
On 18 February mass demonstrations continued all over the country. In Sofia, they escalated into civil resistance and protesters attempted to attack the National Assembly. The crowds were pushed back to Eagles' Bridge (the starting point of the protest), and after their demands to begin immediate talks with government representatives remained unanswered, they moved towards the National Palace of Culture. Clashes with police and Gendarmerie units on Hristo Botev boulevard left two police officers injured and six patrol vehicles were damaged. Eleven people were arrested. In Veliko Tarnovo, one man set himself on fire and later died in a hospital. The same day Boyko Borisov dismissed finance minister Simeon Dyankov, although this did not reduce public tensions. Dyankov was unpopular among the population because of his abrupt manners and strong insistence on austerity. According to some commentators, football fans gradually started to dominate the demonstrations and contributed to their escalation by steering them in a chaotic and violent direction.
On the same date, around 30 people led by members of the "No to the EU" coalition (Bulgarian: Коалиция "Не на ЕС") gathered in Sofia and burned a European Union flag, protesting against the EU's supposed discriminatory treatment of Bulgarians and its "toleration of the ethnic minorities in the country", expressing the sentiment that the country needs to exit the economic and political union.
On 19 February, which marked 140 years of national hero Vasil Levski's execution, violent clashes between protesters and police occurred in Sofia. Seven people, including two Gendarmerie officers, were injured during a police charge on protesters at Eagles' Bridge. 25 people were arrested, with the four minors among them quickly released. According to eyewitness accounts, a group of around 20 hooded provocateurs inflamed the situation by throwing firecrackers and rocks at police officers. In the ensuing commotion, the police is alleged to have retaliated against peaceful protest participants. Some pundits have made claims that the agent provocateurs were actually doing GERB's bidding, with the heads of police and the Interior Ministry deliberately attempting to spark a confrontation. President Rosen Plevneliev was booed at during his speech at the Levski Monument. For the first time in history civilians were not allowed to lay flowers at the site. The number of demonstrators in Varna was around 8,000.
On 20 February, on the 11th day of the protests, Boyko Borisov announced that his cabinet would resign, expressing shock due to the violent scenes between protesters and police that he had witnessed and stating that he would never feel comfortable remaining in charge when there is such tension between regular citizens and police. The resignation was put to a vote in Parliament on the next morning, with 209 MPs voting "for" and 5 "against". A rally gathered in front of the Parliament building in support of Borisov and his government during the debates. Information surfaced in the media that the rally was staged, although GERB's press centre denied the allegations. Borisov expressed gratitude to his sympathizers, but also requested them to discontinue further demonstrations, so that social harmony is not compromised.
According to analysis conducted by the information agency BGNES, Borisov is the first Bulgarian prime minister (since Zhan Videnov in 1997) to step down due to hunger fuelled discontent and protests related to the general state of the economy.
The assessments of political scientists and sociologists regarding Borisov's choice to relinquish power have been mixed. Evgeniy Daynov was critical, maintaining that the timing and the way in which Borisov went about his decision were ill-chosen, creating the impression of a weak and indecisive leader in addition to allowing him to refrain from addressing potentially valid demands. Others such as Kantcho Stoychev characterized it as the only correct and wise move given the difficult circumstances and were optimistic regarding Borisov's chances to retain his influence in politics and continue to work for the betterment of the country. Boriana Dimitrova and other analysts emphasized that Borisov's resignation was reflective of a good intuitive reading of the situation and caught analysts, political parties and even the protesters themselves by surprise, with the forces in opposition suffering from their own legitimacy issues which would make them ill-equipped to provide quick solutions to the systemic crisis. In Nikolov's contention, the stepping down of Borisov essentially turned the social crisis into a political one. Klisarov has ascribed more cynical motives to Borisov's quick