1918 popular assembly in Montenegro
The Great People's Assembly of the Serb People in Montenegro (), commonly known as the Podgorica Assembly (, ), was an "ad hoc" popular assembly convened in November 1918, after the end of World War I in the Kingdom of Montenegro. The committee convened the assembly with the aim of facilitating an unconditional union of Montenegro and Serbia and removing Nikola I of Montenegro from the throne. The assembly was organised by a committee supported by and coordinating with the government of the Kingdom of Serbia. The unification was successful and preceded the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a unified state of South Slavs by mere days. The unification was justified by the need to establish a single Serbian state for all Serbs, including Montenegro whose population as well as Nikola I felt that Montenegro belonged to the Serbian nation and largely supported the unification.
Nikola I criticised the Podgorica Assembly's elections and resolutions, arguing both were illegitimate and unlawful while his government was in exile in France. Opponents of the unconditional union, known as the Greens for the colour of paper used for pro-independence candidates, supported either full independence of Montenegro or a federation or a confederation with Serbia and other South Slavs where Montenegro would be an equal partner.
Following the resolutions on the unification and the deposition of the Nikola I, the Greens resorted to insurrection to fight pro-unionist Whites, likewise named after the color of the paper used to print Podgorica Assembly pro-unionist candidate lists. The ultimately unsuccessful insurrection became known as the Christmas Uprising. Some of the Greens continued their political struggle for a federal common South Slavic state through the establishment of the Montenegrin Federalist Party in 1923. The issue of the legality and legitimacy of the Podgorica Assembly has been debated since its convening. The resolution of the Podgorica Assembly was annulled by the Parliament of Montenegro following the breakup of Yugoslavia and the 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum. In its resolution, the parliament declared the Podgorica Assembly unlawful and illegitimate, describing the unification resulting from the Podgorica Assembly as a coup d'état.
Background.
Montenegrin independence and alliances.
The Kingdom of Montenegro was an independent country in the Balkans until World War I. Ruled by King Nikola, who wielded practically absolutist powers, Nikola considered Montenegro the remnant of the medieval Serbian Empire left unconquered following the expansion of the Ottoman Empire in Europe. He viewed the Montenegrins as free Serbian people who would eventually defeat the Ottomans in the context of resolving the Eastern question and revive the Serbian medieval empire in the Balkans, with him as the supreme leader of the South Slavs inhabiting the area. Nikola firmly believed that Montenegro and the Kingdom of Serbia should unite, a view shared by a slim majority of Montenegro's population. The prevailing sentiment in Montenegro was that Montenegro should lead the unification. Contemporary Serb writers Simo Matavulj and Marko Car likened Montenegro's role in the South Slavic unification to the leading role of Piedmont in the Unification of Italy. Nikola's support for unification was tempered by his desire to ensure the continued rule of his Petrović-Njegoš dynasty and to expand Montenegro before any unification, the latter intended to ensure a better negotiating position for Montenegro as an equal partner to the territorially larger Serbia.
Following the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the subsequent July Crisis, and the Austro-Hungarian declaration of war against Serbia, Montenegro witnessed widespread popular support for Serbia. In response, Montenegro entered into a military treaty with Serbia on 4 August 1914, just two days before declaring war on Austria-Hungary. According to the treaty, the Montenegrin Army fell under the command of the Royal Serbian Army's High Command, with Nikola I retaining a nominal position as supreme commander. The treaty mandated that two-thirds of Montenegro's forces be stationed in Pljevlja in the north to support a Serbian offensive aimed at capturing Sarajevo, while the remainder defended borders of Montenegro. Additionally, Serbia was to receive and distribute aid from the allied Entente powers. Serbia outlined its war aims in the Niš Declaration, emphasizing the post-war unification of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which marginalised Montenegro in the proposed state-building process. In 1915, Montenegro sought support from the Russian Empire for its aspirations to expand along the Adriatic Sea and its hinterland between the Mat and Neretva rivers – encompassing Herzegovina, southern Dalmatia, and the city of Shkodër – but these efforts were unsuccessful. The Entente pressured Montenegro to align its war aims with those of Serbia and abandon any separate ambitions.
Military defeat.
From the outset of the war, Montenegro faced shortages of equipment and food. The first clash of interests between Montenegro and Serbia occurred in June 1915 when Nikola ordered the army to capture Shkodër. Although the Serbian government disapproved of this move, it refrained from confronting Nikola to avoid potentially increasing support for him among the Montenegrin population. After Serbia's military defeat in the 1915 Serbian campaign, the Royal Serbian Army suffered significant losses, reducing its size to a level comparable to that of the Montenegrin forces. To prevent the Montenegrin allies from becoming the senior Entente-allied fighting force in the area, Serbia sought to weaken the Montenegrin army similarly. Consequently, the bulk of the Montenegrin forces were ordered by the Royal Serbian Army's High Command to move to the north of Montenegro, concentrating around the Sandžak region. This left the southern border, including Lovćen Mountain between the Austro-Hungarian Bay of Kotor and the Montenegrin capital, thinly defended.
In November–December 1915, while the Montenegrin forces were shielding the Royal Serbian Army during its Great Retreat from Serbia through Montenegro and Albania to Greece, Austro-Hungarian forces advanced across Lovćen in the Montenegrin campaign. Towards the end of December, anticipating the imminent loss of the city, the king, government officials, members of parliament, representatives of the Serbian High Command, and foreign embassies were evacuated from the nation's capital of Cetinje to Podgorica. On 19 January, Nikola and most of the government left Monetenegro. Acting against the Nikola's instructions, the remaining government ministers declared themselves the new government and surrendered to Austria-Hungary. They later attributed the surrender to Nikola's departure. Accusations regarding the surrender were exchanged between members of the government-in-exile and the king. Prime Minister Lazar Mijušković resigned from his post after one such dispute, expressing support for union with Serbia over the preservation of Montenegrin independence. Andrija Radović was appointed by Nikola I to succeed Mijušković.
Throughout the war, most Entente powers did not completely trust Montenegro as an ally due to persistent rumours of covert diplomatic arrangements. These rumours were encouraged by Serbia, which even used a forged agreement alleged to have been concluded by Montenegro and Austria-Hungary. Instead of confronting Nikola for fear of pushing Montenegro to the opposing camp, the Central Powers chose to work to channel their support through Serbia. The Kingdom of Italy, despite being part of the Entente, supported Montenegrin independence, viewing the prospective unified South Slavic state as a threat to its interests in the Balkans and the Adriatic. Italy exploited the so-called Montenegrin question to extract concessions from Serbia. The United States did not proactively engage in the issue of Montenegrin independence before the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, failing to obtain international support for the restoration of Montenegro's independence. By 1918, Nikola shifted his approach to Yugoslavism, advocating first for a Yugoslav federation and then a confederation as the common South Slavic state, with Montenegro as one of its constitutive elements. In an interview in the final days of the war, Nikola expressed hope that U.S. President Woodrow Wilson would ensure Montenegro's independent political future.
Montenegrin Committee.
In August 1916, Radović drafted a memorandum to Nikola proposing the unification of Montenegro and Serbia, arguing that independent Montenegro could not sustain itself after an Entente victory. Radović's plan suggested that Nikola renounce his throne in favor of Prince Regent Aleksandar of Serbia, who would then be succeeded by Nikola's son, Danilo, Crown Prince of Montenegro. The proposal envisioned alternating rulers from the Serbian and Montenegrin royal dynasties on the throne of the proposed union state. Initially hesitant, Nikola eventually received encouragement from Italy (whose king, Victor Emmanuel III, was his son-in-law) to reject the offer.
Nikola ultimately declined to endorse the memorandum in January 1917, leading to Radović's resignation. Radović then emerged as a leading advocate for unification. Radović expressed his determination to sway Montenegrins against Nikola to Serbia's ambassador to Paris, Milenko Radomar Vesnić. Subsequently, Radović collaborated with Serbia to establish the Montenegrin Committee for Unification. Its inaugural proclamation was submitted for approval to Serbia's prime minister, Nikola Pašić, who advised Radović to avoid mentioning "Yugoslavia" as the new state and instead suggested using the term "other Serbian lands". Initially, the committee comprised former government ministers Pero Vučković, Danilo Gatalo, and Janko Spasojević, along with district court member Miloš Ivanović.
Adriatic Troops.
In September 1918, the Entente powers initiated their northward advance at the Salonica front, gradually displacing the Central Powers and reclaiming the territory of the occupied Kingdom of Serbia. Upon the insistence of General Louis Franchet d'Espèrey, the Royal Serbian Army was positioned on the western flank of the advance after reaching Skopje. This strategic maneuver aimed to ensure the army's arrival in Montenegro ahead of either supporters of Nikola or Italian forces, perceived as a threat by Serbia due to Italy's demand for the establishment of an Italian condominium in Montenegro, excluding Serbian presence.
The Royal Serbian Army contingent assigned Colonel Dragutin Milutinović the task of gaining control of Montenegro. Milutinović's force, initially known as the Scutari Troops (), named after the city of Shkodër, later adopting the name Adriatic Troops (). The Adriatic Troops were composed of soldiers from the Yugoslav Division (recruited from Austro-Hungarian lands) and Serbian paramilitaries from the Kosovo region, under the leadership of Kosta Pećanac. Milutinović, instructed by Prince Regent Aleksandar, was tasked with preventing the return of Nikola I to Montenegro by any means necessary. Accompanied by Spasojević, a member of the Montenegrin Committee, and Svetozar Tomić, head of the Montenegrin section of the Serbian Foreign Ministry, Milutinović established the Central Executive Committee for the Unification of Serbia and Montenegro in Berane on 28 October. This committee, comprising Spasojević, Tomić, and Berane mayor Milosav Raičević, was responsible for organizing a popular assembly and establishing the rules for the election of assembly delegates.
In the latter part of October, while the Adriatic Troops were stationed in Berane, Montenegrin insurgents () under the leadership of Jovan Radović gained control of much of the countryside. The Adriatic Troops advanced towards Podgorica, defeating an Austro-Hungarian force on the city outskirts between 30–31 October. Two days later, Radović's insurgents seized Nikšić. Austro-Hungarian forces abandoned the Montenegrin capital and withdrew from the country on 4 November, two days before the Adriatic Troops reached Cetinje. After securing Cetinje, they proceeded to Nikšić, Kolašin, and Bar. The tense atmosphere at political rallies promoting unification prompted Milutinović to request reinforcements to maintain order during the election. Milutinović ordered the disbandment of the insurgents on 12 November.
Election.
Rules.
The legality and legitimacy of the election rules drafted by Tomić, as well as the election itself, were at the forefront of disagreement between unionists and independentists in Montenegro in early interwar period. The latter argued that the rules were unlawful because they were not formulated by any Montenegrin legislative body and because they contradicted then existing laws and the 1905 Constitution of Montenegro. They also considered them illegitimate due to the short preparation time provided, lack of oversight over voter registers or election results, and absence of a minimum voter turnout requirement. In contrast, the unionists saw the process and the popular assembly as a form of plebiscite that legitimised the new assembly. At the time, this move was justified by the fact that two-fifths of pre-war parliamentarians were refugees abroad. Critics have pointed out that the "ad hoc" institution of the Great People's Assembly, resembling a popular assembly, was borrowed from Article 129 of the 1903 Constitution of Serbia. Montenegrin ambassador to the United States, Anto Gvozdenović, raised concerns at the Paris Peace Conference about the lack of proportional representation in the election rules.
The election rules, adopted in Berane on 7 November 1918, outlined the process for selecting the popular assembly's delegates. It was stipulated that the elected delegates would convene in