Capture of Barcelona by the Nationalist faction (1939)
The fall of Barcelona was the capture of Barcelona, until then in the Republican zone, by the Nationalists; it took place on January 26, 1939, during final phases of the Spanish Civil War. The event was part of the Catalan Offensive, which wiped out the Catalan enclave of the Republic. The offensive unfolded since late December 1938; the Republicans were offering some resistance, but they were not in position to mount any larger counter-offensive and there was no major battle fought either in western Catalonia or on approaches to Barcelona.
Initially Republican leaders intended to defend Barcelona, and the ultimate line of resistance was planned along the Llobregat. However, on January 20 and as contingency option the prime minister Juan Negrín ordered preparations to would-be evacuation. On January 23, when the supreme Republican military commander general Rojo informed the government that effective defence of the Llobregat was unlikely, the evacuation began. The central and the autonomous Catalan governments left Barcelona on January 23–24 and power vacuum started to emerge. Eventually Barcelona was declared an open city and apart from isolated skirmishes, there was no combat on the streets.
The fall of Barcelona preceded the fall of entire Catalonia, which took place in early February 1939. For the Republicans it marked the loss of vital industrial production and some 200,000 of troops; also, it enhanced the spirit of defeatism, already ruling among most segments of the population. However, the fall of Barcelona and the fall of Catalonia did not mark the end of the Republic. The government moved to the central-southern zone, initially to Madrid, and the war continued until April 1, 1939.
Catalonia offensive.
Following 30 months of the civil war, in late 1938 the Republican-held part of Spain (one third of national territory) was inhabited by almost 9m population, compared to almost 15m in the Nationalist-held zone. The Republican part was divided into 2 separated zones. The larger one, some 130,000 km2 and almost 6,5m people, comprised southern part of the Mediterranean coast, part of New Castile, La Mancha and eastern Andalusia, with 10 provincial capitals. The smaller one, Catalonia except its western belt, already controlled by the Nationalists, was some 25,000 km2. Nominally it hosted some 2,5m people, yet including refugees the figure was probably higher; the area comprised 3 provincial capitals, Barcelona, Tarragona and Girona. Since October 1937 Barcelona hosted key Republican state structures, including the government, the president and the rump parliament; besides, it was home to the autonomous Catalan government and the exiled autonomous Basque government. Also, the supreme Republican military command was based in Barcelona.
In early November 1938 the Battle of the Ebro terminated with Nationalist troops regaining all territory lost since July. Though at that point there was some unclarity in their high command as to direction of future offensive, later that month it was already agreed that the next target should be Catalonia, with the objective of overrunning the entire enclave. Before December the first sketchy plan of the campaign was already in place, worked down to details during the following weeks. The Nationalists were organized in 2 armies, North (commander Fidel Dávila, 19 divisions) and Levante (Luis Orgaz, 9 divisions), 28 divisions in total; the overall command was with Francisco Franco. Official intendancy data listed 332,000 troops, including reserve units. Initial plans envisioned start of the offensive around December 15, yet it was postponed a few times. It is not clear when the Nationalist general staff envisioned seizure of Barcelona or the end of the campaign.
Republican troops in Catalonia were organized in Grupo de Ejércitos de la Region Oriental (GERO) under command of Juan Hernández Saravia; however, its operations were under direct supervision of overall commander of Republican army, general Vicente Rojo, who also resided in Barcelona. GERO was composed of 2 armies, East (Juan Perea Capulino, 9 divisions) and Ebro (Juan Modesto, 11 divisions), 20 divisions in total. Nationalist intelligence estimated that GERO numbered some 150,000 soldiers in 65 mixed brigades (comparable to regiment) or 260 battalions; present-day historian offers similar estimates, with the overall strength of 220,000 troops and 140,000 in frontline combat units. The Nationalists enjoyed great advantage in terms of armour and aviation, but it was massive especially in case of firepower: in terms of artillery pieces and mortars they outnumbered the Republicans 5:1. Also, Republican divisions were mostly under strength. Geography favoured the defenders; numerous hilly ranges and mid-size rivers, high waters at this time of the year, formed natural obstacles.
The Nationalist offensive in Catalonia commenced on December 23, 1938; the point closest to Barcelona, held by the Nationalists, was some 120 km away. Operations commenced in extreme western Republican salient projecting into Nationalist lines in-between the Segre and the Ebro. Most fightings took place along some 50-km long frontline in the county of Garrigues. Until the year-end the Nationalists overran the salient; it was only at this point that in first days of 1939 another offensive was launched north-east of Lleida, in the county of Noguera. By January 5 the Republican front collapsed, and the Nationalists broke into operational space. Re-organised Republican troops were not in position to mount a counter-offensive and were capable merely of slowing down the enemy advance; it progressed in course of numerous minor engagements, but with no major battle fought. Though after 2 weeks of combat the Nationalists were still no closer than 110 km to Barcelona, their offensive was now progressing along some 150-km long frontline from Tremp at the Pyrenean foothills in the north to Tortosa on the Mediterranean coast in the south.
Barcelona, January 5 to 15.
In the very first days of 1939 daily life in Barcelona did not differ much from the earlier wartime period. The Catalan industry, since the summer of 1936 on revolutionary footing, was in decline, yet contemporary scholar concludes that "industria de guerra catalana siguió funcionando relativamente bien hasta el mismísimo final del conflicto". In late 1938 its output was some 40% of this from the pre-war period; most factories kept operating, in some cases with production ongoing until mid-January. Like everywhere in Republican zone, food was subject to rationing; some authors claim that Barcelona dwellers until then lived rather comfortably, but some claim that the city was suffering from hunger and there are accounts featuring teenage girls approaching strangers in cafeterias and offering themselves in exchange for food. The annual inflation rate was some 260%, but given there was little to buy and food was to large extent purchased on the black market anyway, monetary problems did not matter much. Municipal services kept operating and newspapers were being issued. Cinemas remained open, with screenings of pre-war foreign (e.g. "Beloved Enemy" with David Niven) or Spanish (e.g. "Rinconcito madrileño" with Luis Prendes) movies.
The press were fairly accurately reporting frontline developments, yet contrary to facts they claimed that their own troops were doing well, remained in excellent spirits and kept inflicting heavy losses upon the enemy. Popular Front parties started publishing repeated calls for males to volunteer for either combat troops or fortification units, though with at best moderate response on the part of the population. To enhance the spirit of resistance, some newspapers published horror stories of hundreds of thousands people already murdered in political purges in the Nationalist zone. Defeatism was treated as offence; on January 8 a well-known writer Eduardo Zamacois was sentenced to 6 years in prison for the spirit of "derrotismo" in his novels. To introduce a more serene tone, on January 6 the president declared amnesty for all prisoners above 60 years of age.
Nationalist troops were reporting taking hundreds of prisoners every day and strength of the Republicans was dwindling dramatically. On January 5 the Republican Ministry of Defence issued a decree which broadened conscription to males born in 1901 ("quinta de 1922") and these who complete 18 years of age in the first quarter of 1939, even though they had not undergone any military training at all; they would form part of a theoretical "quinta de 1942". It is not clear how many new conscripts were pressed into line, yet it is known that many of these called defaulted or went into hiding, usually in premises of their relatives. For these who did show up there were not many rifles available, as even frontline units reported shortages of arms and munitions. The Nationalist intelligence estimated that Republican human reserves in Catalonia were 45.000 men aged 37–41 and 34.000 men aged 41–44.
Around January 10 the situation at the front became so dire that the Republican command started to fear total breakdown and collapse of organised military resistance. On January 12 the government broadened the conscription even further, to "reemplazos de 1915 a 1921", effectively calling to arms men in their mid-40s. All war-related industry was declared militarised, rearguard units were to be subject to review to send all fit men to frontline units, Batallones de Obras y Fortificaciones were dissolved and their members incorporated into infantry. Retired governmental employees were called to service in public sectors with shortages of labour force. Trade unions called women to fill in vacancies created by males departing for the front. Young activists, e.g. from JSU, roamed the streets and called to arms, e.g. interrupting music in cafeterias or showings in cinemas.
In early January it was clear to Republican officials that the Nationalist advance was not a local offensive to gain some territory, but an attempt to overrun the entire Catalonian enclave. All active political forces represented in Barcelona seemed united behind the governmental policy of resistance and there were no official voices of dissent heard, e.g. about commencing talks on truce or surrender. On January 8 the Barcelona CNT-UGT liaison committee recommended mobilising all industry workers except these who were absolutely necessary to ensure military production. The Communists focused on recruitment to army units, the Anarchists talked rather about their own militia. PSUC declared all their members mobilised under the military discipline. Some propaganda squabbles between the Communist and the Anarchist press continued. On the other hand, on January 13 the executive committees of the Socialist UGT and the Anarchist CNT had their first ever joint sitting; both declared total support for governmental efforts.
Last days of Republican Barcelona.
Sunday, January 15.
The Nationalists seized one of 3 Catalan provincial capitals still controlled by the Republicans, Tarragona, located some 80 km away from Barcelona. At that moment the closest point to Barcelona they controlled was Santa Coloma de Queralt, already some 65 km away from the capital. The news was made public the same day and made enormous impact among the population. Until the day some tended to trust the official propaganda and though probably very few if any believed in Republican victory, they might have calculated that it was months before the Nationalists might reach "Ciudad Condal", or even that the Republican resistance might lead to some kind of truce. The fall of Tarragona marked a dramatic change and most residents realized that Barcelona was now under direct threat. In some political groups, e.g. within the Catalanist ERC, the idea that the fall of Catalonia was not only inevitable but also imminent, started to take roots.
For the first time parties and unions began to talk not about defending Catalonia, but rather about the need to fortify the city, anticipating the expected siege of the Catalan capital. Both civilian (Negrín) and military (Rojo) leaders started to consider mounting an ultimate defence line along the Llobregat river, in its lower section flowing directly at the outskirts of Barcelona. However, in parallel and still rather as contingency, in utmost secrecy Negrín commenced works on schemes of evacuation. Newspapers doubled their propaganda efforts. The Nationalists were usually referred to as foreign invaders on Spanish soil, with focus on Moroccan, Italian and German units. The local Republican advance in Extremadura, commenced on January 5 some 800 km away, was put on equal footing with the Nationalist one in Catalonia and at times even occupied more space in the papers. Following a few months of no arms supplies from the USSR, on January 15 the first Soviet ship with additional deliveries, requested by Negrín's envoy to Moscow Hidalgo de Cisneros in early December, arrived in Bordeaux; some weapons would reach Catalonia before its fall, but it is not clear whether they would reach Barcelona.
Monday, January 16.
The government declared all males