Municipal elections in Turkey 
The Turkish local elections of 2019 were held on Sunday 31 March 2019 throughout the 81 provinces of Turkey. A total of 30 metropolitan and 1,351 district municipal mayors, alongside 1,251 provincial and 20,500 municipal councillors were elected, in addition to numerous local non-partisan positions such as neighbourhood representatives (muhtars) and elderly people's councils.
The governing Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) contested the elections in many provinces under a joint People's Alliance. Likewise, the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the İYİ Party entered some of the races under the Nation Alliance banner. The Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) did not openly announce support for either alliance, but did not field candidates in some areas to improve chances of opposition candidates. The strategic voting and the refraining from fielding candidates by the HDP in contested areas like Ankara, and Istanbul allowed the opposition parties to gain a majority in these cities, through cooperation.
Campaigning was described as distinctly negative and divisive, with the opposition criticizing the government for Turkey's economic downturn, misuse of public funds and corruption. In response, the government alleged that the opposition parties were acting in the interests of 'foreign powers and terrorists'. Particular controversy surrounded the AK Party's allegations of financial fraud against the opposition's Ankara mayoral candidate Mansur Yavaş, which later turned out to have been made by an unverifiable source. The use of video footage of the Christchurch terrorist attack by AK Party leader and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan during his election rallies additionally received international condemnation and caused diplomatic relations between Turkey and New Zealand to sour. Five people were killed and two were injured during political violence on election day, in two separate incidents in Gaziantep and Malatya. The election was criticized by observers due to excessive media bias in favour of the governing People's Alliance.
The members of the Nation Alliance were initially beset with issues concerning candidate selection and inner-party divisions, stemming from their general election loss in June 2018. However, both the CHP and the İYİ Party collectively managed to outperform expectations, securing 'shock' victories in Turkey's major metropolitan areas. These included winning control of both Ankara and Istanbul, Turkey's capital and largest city respectively. The CHP also held control of İzmir, Turkey's third largest city, and now governs 5 of Turkey's 6 largest population centres (the only exception being Bursa, where the governing coalition narrowly won). The Communist Party won control of a provincial capital, namely Tunceli, for the first time. In provinces where the AK Party and MHP contested as separate parties, there was a substantial swing from AK Party candidates to the MHP. Nevertheless, AK Party leader and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan claimed victory, announcing that the People's Alliance had secured over 50% of the vote and thus maintained support from the majority of the electorate (final results actually gave the People's Alliance just under 50%, while the Nation Alliance won 38%).
The election was beset by a number of controversies, including an unexplained results blackout on election night just when the opposition were on the verge of victory in Istanbul. The Electoral Board also invalidated the successful election of by the approved candidates from the pro-Kurdish HDP and following awarded the mayorships to the AK Party. The Istanbul mayoral election, where CHP candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu defeated AK Party candidate and former Prime Minister Binali Yıldırım by just under 14,000 votes (0.17%), remained disputed for two weeks after the vote. This result was made public after a blackout, by which point the CHP candidate was up by more than 24,000 votes. Numerous recounts, electoral complaints, legal disputes, alleged corruption, accusations of terrorist involvement and police operations took place after the election, initiated mainly by the AK Party. İmamoğlu was sworn in as mayor, though a new election was held on 23 June. The result was an unexpected landslide victory for İmamoğlu, who defeated Yıldırım by over nine points, 54.2% to 45%.
Background.
Turkey holds local elections every five years in the final Sunday of March. The last election, held on 30 March 2014, resulted in a victory for the governing Justice and Development Party (AK Party), which won control of both Istanbul and Ankara, Turkey's top two cities. The main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) came second, winning control of İzmir, Turkey's third largest city. The elections were the first test of support following widespread antigovernmental protests in Summer 2013 and a corruption scandal in December 2013. The elections resulted in numerous allegations of electoral fraud, as well as re-runs in districts such as Yalova and Ağrı where recounts and fraud allegations failed to return a decisive winner.
The 2019 elections followed two landmark elections that were held on 24 June 2018, namely a presidential vote and a parliamentary vote, where the incumbent President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was re-elected with 52.59% of the vote. With his re-election, he assumed widely expanded executive powers that were approved by voters in a highly controversial constitutional referendum in 2017. His AK Party lost its majority in the Grand National Assembly but retains its majority with support from the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), together with which the AK Party forms an electoral alliance named the People's Alliance. The 2019 local elections were the last scheduled elections to be held in Turkey until 14 May 2023.
Early election speculation.
Following the election of the 27th Parliament of Turkey on 24 June 2018, the AK Party government publicly announced its intention to bring the local elections forward from March 2019 to November 2018. Although the opposition claimed they were ready for a local election, they did not publicly back the government's call. It was speculated that the government's desire for an early election was related to the sharp economic downturn that took place shortly after the June 2018 elections, with fears that it would lead to a reduction in the AK Party's vote share.
The dates of local elections are enshrined in the Constitution of Turkey, meaning that any motion to hold them on a different date would require a constitutional amendment. This would require a two-thirds majority in the Grand National Assembly or a three-fifths majority along with approval in a referendum. The People's Alliance between the AK Party and MHP only held 57% of the seats, making the proposal unrealistic. The government subsequently dropped plans to bring the poll forward.
Positions elected.
The 2019 local elections were the second to be held following the 2013 Turkish local government reorganisation, which merged several municipalities and substantially reduced the number of councillors and mayors elected. Mayors and councillors are elected separately. District municipalities consist of two types; actual district municipalities (of which there are 921) and 397 town municipalities that serve even smaller settlements in rural provinces. The elected positions are shown below.
In addition to these partisan positions, numerous local non-partisan positions such as neighborhood presidents (muhtars) and elderly people's councils were elected. According to 2018 figures, the number of muhtars due to be elected is 50,229.
Municipal changes since 2014.
Removal of mayors for malpractice.
Following the 2016 Turkish coup d'état attempt on 15 July 2016, over 90 mayors from the Kurdish Nationalist Democratic Regions Party (DBP), were removed from office by the Interior Ministry and were temporarily replaced by government-appointed trustees. Most of these mayors were removed from office due to alleged support for Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Several DBP district party executives were also suspended from office on terrorism charges. In addition, four AK Party mayors and one MHP mayor were removed after being arrested for allegedly aiding the Gülen movement, which is known by the Turkish Government and its supporters as the Fethullah Gülen Terrorist Organisation (FETÖ), who were accused of perpetrating the coup.
The removal of mayors and district party executives began with a state of emergency decree on 1 September 2016, with the district Kaymakam being given the role of acting mayor in some instances. As of 14 October 2018, four AK Party mayors, one MHP mayor and 94 DBP mayors have been removed from office.
In addition to removal on the grounds of national security, a number of mayors have been removed from office on corruption charges. In these cases, municipal councillors retained the right to appoint a successor, as opposed to the Interior Ministry appointing a trustee. On these grounds, the CHP mayors of Ataşehir and Beşiktaş, both districts of Istanbul, were removed from office on 8 December 2017 and 4 January 2018, respectively. The CHP slammed the decisions as politically motivated, but the CHP majorities in both councils were able to elect a CHP successor in their place.
'Fatigue' resignations of AK Party mayors.
On 30 May 2017, shortly after a controversial declaration of victory in the 2017 constitutional referendum and election as AK Party leader, President Erdoğan made a statement claiming that his party was suffering from 'metal fatigue' and called on poorly-performing party provincial executives to leave their posts. Seven AK Party provincial chairmen resigned their posts by the end of 2017 in response to Erdoğan's call. The intention of the AK Party executive to 'regenerate' the party resulted in pressure on some of the party's more controversial, long-serving or poorly-performing mayors to resign.
On 23 September 2017, Istanbul Mayor Kadir Topbaş, in office since 2004, resigned. This was followed by Düzce Mayor Mehmet Keleş on 2 October. On 18 October, the Mayor of Niğde, Faruk Akdoğan, resigned. On 23 October, the Mayor of Bursa, Recep Altepe, announced his resignation. On 27 October, Ankara Mayor Melih Gökçek resigned after weeks of unsuccessful negotiations with Erdoğan to retain his office. On 30 October, Balıkesir Mayor Edip Uğur also resigned after initially refusing to heed to the party executive's pressure. Making an emotional resignation statement, Uğur stated that his resignation was forced and that his family had received threats in the event he continued to resist.
On 18 September 2018, the AK Party Mayor of Ordu Enver Yılmaz announced his resignation. His resignation was seen as non-related to the 'metal fatigue' regeneration drive but due to personal disagreements with high-ranking party official and deputy leader Numan Kurtulmuş, who is an MP for Ordu.
Defections between parties.
A number of mayors switched parties between 2014 and 2019. A number of these defections were down to the formation of the İyi Party, which took away substantial support from the Nationalist Movement Party. A total of 10 municipal mayors switched to İYİ between the party's establishment on 25 October 2017 and 2019. The Mayor of Mersin, Burhanettin Kocamaz, switched to İYİ from the MHP on 4 December 2018, becoming the party's first metropolitan mayor.
The Mayor of İnhisar in Bilecik, Ayhan Ödübek, joined CHP in 2018 having resigned from MHP in 2016. On 9 May 2017, Mayor Mustafa Gül of Kemer, in Antalya, resigned from MHP and joined CHP. On 20 October 2018, Mayor Rasim Daşhan of Şaphane, in Kütahya, resigned from CHP and joined AK Party. On 13 November 2018, Mayor Gökhan Demirtaş of Gülüç, a small town in the Ereğli district of Zonguldak, resigned from CHP and joined AK Party.
Parties and alliances.
Due to the first-past-the-post system used to elect mayors, the elections were preceded by several inter-party negotiations and calculations of tactical voting to improve the chances of defeating the candidates of certain parties. Three broad alliances were formed in the run-up to the vote. Unlike in parliamentary elections where electoral alliances have legal foundations and affect the translation of votes into seats, the alliances formed for local elections do not have any legal foundations and merely consist of parties withdrawing their candidates in support for another.
The table below shows which party within the two alliances are contesting each provincial capital district. If the alliance agreement has not extended to that provincial capital and both parties of the alliance are contesting, then 'both' is shown in that alliance's column.
* The Felicity Party (SP) was not part of the Nation Alliance in this election, but both Nation Alliance parties supported the SP candidate in Şanlıurfa due to a higher chance of winning.
^ In Iğdır, the Nation Alliance did not exist and the İYİ Party supported the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) candidate, who was the joint candidate of the People's Alliance. The İYİ Party announced its decision was because they would prefer the MHP candidate winning, as opposed to the HDP candidate.
People's Alliance (AK Party and MHP).
The People's Alliance