Protests against the impeachment of President Pedro Castillo 
Following the ousting of president of Peru, Pedro Castillo on 7 December 2022, a series of political protests against the government of president Dina Boluarte and the Congress of Peru occurred. The demonstrations lack centralized leadership and originated primarily among grassroots movements and social organizations on the left to far-left, as well as indigenous communities, who feel politically disenfranchised. Castillo was removed from office and arrested after announcing the illegal dissolution of Congress, the intervention of the state apparatus, and the forced establishment of an "emergency government", which was characterized as a self-coup attempt by all government institutions, all professional institutions, and mainstream media in Peru (and by the international community in general) while Castillo's supporters said that Congress attempted to overthrow Castillo. Castillo's successor Dina Boluarte, along with Congress, were widely disapproved, with the two receiving the lowest approval ratings among public offices in the Americas. Among the main demands of the demonstrators are the dissolution of Congress, the resignation of Boluarte, new general elections, the release of Castillo, and the formation of a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution. It has also been reported that some of the protesters have declared an insurgency in Punos's region. Analysts, businesses, and voters said that immediate elections are necessary to prevent future unrest, although many establishment political parties have little public support.
The Boluarte government would respond to protests by calling the protests a "threat to democracy" and announcing a national state of emergency on 14 December, suspending some constitutional rights of citizens, including the right preventing troops from staying within private homes and buildings, the right to freedom of movement, the right to freedom of assembly, and the right to "personal freedom and security" for 30 days. The Armed Forces and Police have been documented using severe force against the protesters, resulting in at least 60 deaths, over 600 injuries, over 380 arrests and two massacres in Ayacucho and Juliaca. The extrajudicial executions, use of torture and violence against detainees has also been reported. The government would deny that authorities acted violently and would instead praise officers and troops for their actions. Some right-wing groups and the Boluarte government would instead use the "terruqueo" fear mongering tactic to label some of the protesters as terrorists; a practice that dates back to the internal conflict in Peru and has been condemned by United Nations experts. United Nations Special Rapporteur Clément Nyaletsossi Voule said that there was no evidence that terrorist groups were involved in the protests. "Terruqueos" by government officials provided impunity to authorities and increased the risk of violence. Human rights organizations have criticized the response of the Boluarte government and authorities as well as the government's inclusion of the Armed Forces in responding to the protests due to the history of troops killing protesters with impunity. Multiple ministers resigned from Boluarte's cabinet throughout the series of protests following acts of violence perpetrated by authorities. Since at least December 2022, opposition protesters often chant the slogan «Dina asesina» (‘Dina the murderer’) and even sing a song of the same name. The Attorney general of Peru, Patricia Benavides, announced investigations on 10 January 2023 for the alleged crimes of genocide, aggravated homicide, and serious injuries against President Dina Boluarte, Prime Minister Alberto Otárola, Minister of the Interior Víctor Rojas, and Minister of Defense Jorge Chávez.
Coverage of the protests by the media in Peru was also criticized by the majority of Peruvians, who believed that media organizations were biased against the demonstrations. The two massacres that authorities perpetrated against the majority-indigenous populations in southern Peru did not receive coverage by national media. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights would condemn violent acts carried out by some demonstrators against media personnel. Violent far-right protesters, such as La Resistencia, would also attack investigative media outlets critical of the government. Pro-Castillo protesters also tried to assault points such as the Colonel FAP Alfredo Mendívil Duarte Airport, which led to clashes between civilians and the military.
Fujimorism would ultimately consolidate governmental power into Congress with the assistance of the Constitutional Court of Peru. The majority of Peruvian institutions, including all branches of government and the media, adopted authoritarian practices during the protests. The politicization of the armed forces also raised concerns about a developing civilian-military government in Peru. Congress, with one-third of its members belonging to a far-right bloc, would reject all attempts of reform, including the advancing of general elections, constitutional proposals and motions to impeach Boluarte. On 9 March 2023, the state of emergency in Lima was lifted as protests waned, while the Supreme Court of Peru would further rule on 18 May 2023 that protesting in Peru was illegal and that it was not protected by the constitution. Calls for future protests in July 2023 were made amidst the controversial verdict of the Supreme Court.
Background.
"Centralismo".
Since the independence of Peru from the Spanish Empire, the economic elite in Lima engaged in a practice known as "centralismo", which involved focusing their power on the coastal regions while the rural provinces were governed by existing serfdom practices by "hacienda" landowners. This practice has continued throughout Peru's history and has resulted with large levels of economic inequality, political alienation and other disparities in rural regions, with Lima acquiring the majority of socioeconomic benefits in the nation. "Centralismo" also contributed to systemic racism in Peru since the wealth and education centralized in Lima created a perception amongst Limeños that rural indigenous individuals were inferior.
As globalization intensified through the twentieth century, the gap between urban and rural areas increased, with larger cities increasing their ability to connect to the economy and increasing their wealth while smaller cities experienced resource and human capital flight towards the larger cities. Many Peruvians living in rural areas could not vote until 1979 when the constitution allowed illiterate individuals to vote. Despite this, between 1919 and 2021, eleven of eighteen democratically elected presidents of Peru were from Lima. Wealth generated between 1990 and 2020 was not equally distributed throughout the country. As a result, there were significant disparities in living standards between the more-developed capital city of Lima and similar coastal regions, while rural provinces remained impoverished. By the 2020s, the existing disparities in Peru caused a "globalization fatigue" according to Asensio, resulting in a polarization between rural and urban areas that saw differing priorities with lifestyle, economics and politics. This divide created by "centralismo" would be a contributing factor to the protests.
Obstructive Congress.
During the presidencies of Ollanta Humala, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and Martín Vizcarra, the right-wing Congress led by the daughter of the former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori, Keiko Fujimori, obstructed many of the presidents' actions. The political legacy of the Fujimori family was assumed by Keiko after her father Alberto, who instituted "Plan Verde" and oversaw the Grupo Colina death squad during the internal conflict in Peru, was sentenced to prison for human rights abuses. During their majority in congress, Fujimorists "earned a reputation as hardline obstructionists for blocking initiatives popular with Peruvians aimed at curbing the nation’s rampant corruption" according to the Associated Press. According to Walter Albán, head of Transparency International Peru, Congress has been infiltrated by criminal groups that obstruct reforms to maintain their status and parliamentary immunity, while Human Rights Watch said that Congress was more focused on personal gain and vote trading instead of issues facing the nation.
President Humala would go on to serve a weak presidency due to the obstructionist practices of the Congress. After losing the 2016 presidential election to Kuczynski, Keiko Fujimori led her party Popular Force in the unicameral Congress, with the right-wing legislators obstructing efforts by President Kuczynski. After experiencing obstruction by Congress and various scandals, President Kuczynski resigned from the presidency. Martín Vizcarra, Kuczynski's first vice president, then assumed office in March 2018. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru, President Vizcarra was impeached in September 2020 and a month later removed from office. Thousands of citizens then protested against Vizcarra's impeachment.
President of Congress, Manuel Merino, faced criticism regarding how he hastily pushed for impeachment proceedings against Vizcarra, especially since he would assume the presidency upon Vizcarra's removal. Renowned reporter Gustavo Gorriti reported on 12 September 2020 that Merino had contacted the Commanding General of the Peruvian Navy, Fernando Cerdán, notifying him that he would attempt to impeach Vizcarra and assume the presidency. Minister of Defense Jorge Chávez confirmed that Merino had tried to establish support with the military. President Merino would resign after five days due to mass disapproval.
Francisco Sagasti was made President of Congress on 16 November and thus succeeded Merino as president on 17 November per the presidential line of succession, since both vice presidential positions were vacated by Vizcarra in 2018 and Mercedes Aráoz in May 2020.
Castillo presidency.
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The election will be flipped, dear friends.
 —Keiko Fujimori
Sagasti served as president until Castillo was elected in the 2021 general election, with Fujimori losing her third consecutive presidential bid. The 2021 election saw many right-wing candidates, with business groups, political parties and the majority of media organizations in Peru collaborating with Fujimori's campaign by appealing to fear when discussing political opponents. Some broadcast television channels openly supported Fujimori's candidacy as well. Reuters wrote that "El Comercio", one of the largest media organizations in South America, "has generally backed Fujimori". Fujimori received support from Lima's elite, evangelical Christians, businesses, media organizations, and the armed forces. A large far-right bloc in Congress was also elected, comprising one-third of the legislature's seats.
In contrast, Castillo was supported by working class and indigenous Peruvians who were affected by "centralismo", with Castillo receiving support in areas outside of Lima and other large cities."" In May 2021, "Americas Quarterly" wrote: "Life expectancy in Huancavelica, for example, the region where Castillo received his highest share of the vote in the first round, is seven years shorter than in Lima. In Puno, where Castillo received over 47% of the vote, the infant mortality rate is almost three times that of Lima's." Then-professor of Public Policy Gonzalo Banda stated that although Castillo was accused of being linked to communist terrorism, "in places where terrorism caused the most bloodshed, Castillo won by a lot." Asensio writes that Castillo, being recognized as a "true Peruvian" by his supporters, was able to establish support by saying he would reverse the favoritism of Lima and defending regional rights.
Multiple attempts to prevent Castillo from the entering the office of the presidency or to later remove him occurred, beginning shortly after election results were determined. Following reports of Castillo's apparent victory, Fujimori and her supporters made claims of electoral fraud, leading obstructionist efforts to overturn the election with support of citizens in Lima. Many business groups and politicians refused to recognize Castillo's ascent to the presidency, with those among the more affluent, including former military officers and wealthy families, demanded new elections, promoted calls for a military coup, and used rhetoric to support their allegations of fraud. Far-right groups of former soldiers, including La Resistencia, also allied with political parties like Advance Country, Popular Force, and Popular Renewal in an effort to remove Castillo, with some veteran leaders seen directly with Rafael López Aliaga and Castillo's former presidential challenger Keiko Fujimori, who signed the "Madrid Charter" promoted by the Spanish radical right political party Vox. These groups directed threats towards Castillo government officials and journalists, whilst also calling for a coup d'état and insurgency.
During Castillo's presidency, Congress was dominated by right-wing parties opposed to him, with legislators attempting to impeach multiple times using political avenues. Due to broadly interpreted impeachment wording in the Constitution of Peru (1993), Congress can impeach the president on the vague grounds of "moral incapacity", effectively making the legislature more powerful than the executive branch. In February 2022, it was reported that Fujimorists and politicians close to Fujimori organized a meeting at the Casa Andina hotel in Lima with the assistance of the German liberal organization Friedrich Naumann Foundation, with those present including President of Congress Maricarmen Alva, at which plans to remove Castillo from office were discussed. Alva had already shared her readiness to assume the presidency if Castillo were to be vacated from the position and a leaked Telegram group chat of the board of directors of Congress that she heads revealed plans coordinated to oust Castillo.
By December