1981 murder of former president of Bangladesh in Chittagong, Bangladesh
Ziaur Rahman, the sixth president of Bangladesh, was assassinated by a faction of officers of Bangladesh Army, on 30 May 1981, in the southeastern port city of Chittagong. Rahman went to Chittagong to arbitrate in a clash between the local leaders of his political party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). On the night of 30 May, a group of officers commandeered the Chittagong Circuit House, a government residence where Rahman was staying, shooting him and several others.
Background.
Ziaur’s presidency.
Ziaur Rahman's tenure as the President of Bangladesh began on 21 April 1977 by taking over the presidency from Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem. He said with a hint of creating competition in the country's politics, ;templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" / ;"I will make politics difficult for the politicians."
Less than 24 hours after taking office as president of Bangladesh, Zia announced a confidence referendum to gauge public views on his rule. Critics suggested the confidence vote was his bid to legitimize his presidency.
Referendum and election.
The referendum held on 30 May 1977 shocked political commentators and observers. According to the Election Commission of Bangladesh, Zia received 98.87% of the vote, with only 1% of voters opposing his views, raising serious questions about the process.
With the plebiscite moot, Zia announced presidential elections the following year. It was the first presidential election held in Bangladesh after the political revolution.
Zia entered the election race as the candidate of the Nationalist Front, a six-party coalition that included Islamist parties like the Muslim League on one side and minority-led parties like the Federation of Scheduled Castes on the other. His main rival was General MAG Osmani, the commander-in-chief of the Bangladesh Liberation Army in 1971, who was supported by the Democratic Alliance, a platform of the Awami League and some left-wing parties.
A group of parties led by Ataur Rahman boycotted the elections, including the Democratic League, the Islamic Democratic League, Jatiya Dal, the Jatiya League and the Krishak Sramik Party.
Allegations of election rigging.
In the presidential election held in 1978, Zia got about 76% of the votes and General Osmani got 21% according to the figures shared by the authorities. Osmani's supporters have claimed that the election was rigged and ballot boxes were stuffed across the country. However, there was no concrete evidence of election rigging.
Compromise with opponents of independence.
On 31 December 1975, about 11,000 war criminals were released, including 752 convicts, by canceling the 'Bangladesh Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order, 1972'. Zia took several controversial steps to discipline the army and consolidate power, and to gain the support of some right-wing political parties such as the Jamaat-e-Islami.
Article 38 of the Constitution was amended on 22 April 1977. Other parties including the Muslim League and Jamaat-e-Islami were granted constitutional legitimacy as well as their return. Religion-based politics was also allowed during this period. A special 'Citizenship Act' was enacted in the 5th Amendment of the Constitution on 5 April 1978. Under which Ghulam Azam was allowed to enter the country and Abbas Ali Khan became the Ameer of the Jamaat in 1979, giving legitimacy to the politics of Bangladesh.
Zia very controversially appointed anti-independence figure Shah Azizur Rahman as Prime Minister. who, though a Bengali, went to the United Nations as Pakistan's representative in 1971 and said, ;templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" / ;
Validation of the "Indemnity Act, 1975".
Zia had appointed several people accused of killing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman abroad. Including, Major Dalim, Major Rashid and Major Faruque were given jobs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in later years they were appointed ambassadors of Bangladesh to African and Middle Eastern countries.
The Indemnity Ordinance (which granted immunity from legal action to those involved in the assassination of President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the coup and other political events between 1975 and 1979) was promulgated by President Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad in 1975, which was converted into an Act of Parliament by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party on 9 July 1979 through the Indemnity Act, 1979. The Act was added as the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution that year.
National anthem debate.
Prime Minister Shah Azizur Rahman said in a secret letter to the Cabinet Division,
 ;templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" / ;"A song written by Rabindranath Tagore is the Indian national anthem. He is not a citizen of Bangladesh. The Muslim Ummah is worried that a song written by a poet from the Hindu community is the national anthem. National Anthem needs to be changed as this song is against the spirit of our culture."
In the Prime Minister's letter, instead of "Amar Sonar Bangla", "Prothom Bangladesh" was proposed as the national anthem. After receiving this letter from the Prime Minister, the Cabinet Division issued instructions to broadcast the Prothom Bangladesh song on radio, television and all government programs. The song started singing along with the national anthem at the Presidential functions. But after Zia's death in 1981, the initiative stalled.
Rise and death of Colonel Taher.
Zia had long been in touch with a popular army officer, Colonel Taher. Colonel Taher headed the Jasad-created “Ganobahini”, a semi-military group within the army. When Zia was under house arrest during the 3 November 1975 coup, he asked Taher over the phone for help in his release.
Taher presented a 12-point demand aimed at uniting the soldiers. These 12 clauses were mainly made to protect the interests of the sepoys. Col. Taher and Jasad initiated a plan to free Zia and implement 12 points from Zia for the sake of sepoys.
Thousands of leaflets were circulated in the cantonment on the initiative of Jasad. Propaganda is being done that Khaled Musharraf is an ‘agent of India’ and that Khaled rose to power in India's conspiracy. In this situation, the enraged lower-ranking sepoys staged a counter-coup on November 7 with the help of the Jasad Gana Bahini.
Enraged soldiers continued to kill officers in this coup. The mutineers freed Ziaur Rahman from his Dhaka cantonment house arrest and brought him to the headquarters of the 2nd Field Artillery. That morning, Major General Khaled Musharraf, Colonel Khandkar Nazmul Huda and Lt. Col. ATM Hyder were killed by angry soldiers at the headquarters of the 10th East Bengal Regiment established by themselves in Sher Bangla Nagar in response to the counter-coup.
Meanwhile, Zia hugged Colonel Taher and thanked Taher for saving his life. Zia also said that he is ready to give his life for Colonel Taher and Jas. Zia then gave a radio address without the president's permission and claimed to be the chief martial law administrator. He later backed down in the face of protests and became deputy military law administrator. Zia signed the 12-point demand of the Revolutionary Soldiers' Organization and People's Army at 07:45 on 7 November.
But the situation changed rapidly after the coup. Zia refused to meet the demands of the soldiers. Meanwhile, Colonel Taher was also angered by Zia's indifference. Zia refused to accept Taher's secret demands.
Zia's indifference to the soldiers' demands made them suspicious of Zia. As a result, the soldiers became very angry and started killing the officers by entering their quarters. On such days, officers would be seen dramatically fleeing the cantonment wearing burqas with their families.
Forced, Zia continued to oppress the soldiers. Col. Taher was arrested and imprisoned on 24 November on charges of inciting the so-called 'elected' government installed on 7 November, the army. Rob, Jalil and other Jasad leaders were also arrested.
Taher was hanged on 21 July 1976, on 'Zia's order' in a farcical trial. He was not shown the indictment or given the opportunity to defend himself or consult with a lawyer and, aware of the farce of the trial, Sayem failed to suspend Justice Taher's death sentence. Because Zia was the main power holder in the name of Sayem. Three decades after Taher's execution, the court termed the death sentence as illegal and premeditated murder. The court observed Taher's execution had happened according to Major General Zia's plan.
Mass executions in armed forces.
More than 20 military coups are reported to have taken place against Ziaur Rahman during his rule. During this time, the armed forces of Bangladesh were heavily politicised, making it susceptible to coups and mutinies. Accordingly, Zia's government faced five attempted coups between November 1975 and September 1977.
On 2 October 1977, members of the army and air force were sentenced to death by a special military tribunal formed on the orders of the then army chief General Ziaur Rahman for their involvement in the coup d'état of a section of the military in Dhaka.
Between 1,100 and 1,400 soldiers were executed by hanging or firing squad in the two months following the coup. At that time soldiers were executed only in Dhaka and Comilla Central Jails. 121 people were sentenced to death in Dhaka and 72 people in Comilla. Apart from this, more than five hundred soldiers were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment for their involvement in the incident.
Regarding the October coup, the famous journalist Anthony Mascarenhas mentioned in his book A Legacy of Blood, ;templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" / ;During the next two months, 1143 soldiers were executed according to the official records of Bangladesh. In Bangladesh at that time, almost all prisons were hanged. Almost all the progressive organizations of the country, including the international human rights organization Amnesty International, protested it at that time. Allegations were made that extrajudicial executions were being carried out without regard to any law.
A report titled "Bangladesh Executions: A Discrepancy" in "The Washington Post" on 10 February 1978, said, ;templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" / ;In a secret cable sent to the State Department on January 19, 1978, the Charge d'Affaires of the American Embassy in Dhaka stated that according to his information, 217 military personnel were killed in the aftermath of the coup attempt.
Alfred E. Bergensen noted in the report,
"We think maybe 30-34 of them were executed before the military court was set up."
A report in "The Sunday Times of London" on 5 March 1978, said, ;templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" / ;About 600 soldiers have been executed since last October. This blood vessel is only partially uncovered. In a report last week by Amnesty International... a former senior Air Force officer told The Sunday Times that more than 800 army personnel had been convicted in military tribunals following the coups in Bogra on 30 September and in Dhaka on 2 October. Kangaroo court is not much different from military court in some respects. About 600 army personnel have been executed by firing squad or hanging in Dhaka.
A report in the "Mumbai Economic and Political Weekly" on 25 March 1978, said, ;templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" / ;Although Amnesty is only prepared to say that at least 130 people and possibly several thousand have been executed, some well-informed sources in Dhaka say the number could be as high as 700. The then Log Area Commander Colonel MA Hamid in his book 'Tinti sena obbhutthan o kichu na bola kotha (Three Army Coups and Unsaid Things)' mentions, ;templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" / ;"Every night from 3rd to 5th October, soldiers were taken from Army and Air Force barracks to torture camps, they never came back. All over the cantonment wails. Rolls of tears. How many soldiers, Air Force hanged, how many lives were lost, 'secret murders'." There is no account of the victims...Moreover, many soldiers died in inhumane torture after being arrested...According to official accounts, 1,143 soldiers were hanged in just two months, including 561 airmen. Even the dead bodies of the unfortunate soldiers were not given to their relatives... Their relatives still find the dead bodies of their loved ones. No one heard their pleas, they did not get justice... Where so many bodies were hidden is also a mystery. . Whether it was a planned assassination or a coup d'état has yet to be determined. Many believe it was a pre-planned massacre."
Conflict and discontent in the army.
After Ziaur Rahman's ascension to power, there was dissatisfaction in the army due to extrajudicial firing, sentencing, killing or disappearance of army personnel, military and civilian officials in the name of suppressing coups and rebellions. Also the provision of more privileges and promotion to Pakistan-returned officers in the army, created conflict among the freedom fighter officers.
Rezaul Karim Reza, the then major of the army, said,
 ;templatestyles src="Template:Blockquote/styles.css" / ;
General Ibrahim also reported receiving similar information from the accused in the military court.
However, Major Reza also said that "there were demands to remove 'pro-Pakistan' ministers including Prime Minister Shah