Failed military coup in Turkey
In the evening of 15 July 2016, a faction within the Turkish Armed Forces, organized as the Peace at Home Council, attempted a coup d'état against state institutions, including the government and president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. They attempted to seize control of several places in Ankara, Istanbul, Marmaris and elsewhere, such as the Asian side entrance of the Bosphorus Bridge, but failed to do so after forces and civilians loyal to the state defeated them. The Council cited an erosion of secularism, elimination of democratic rule, disregard for human rights, and Turkey's loss of credibility in the international arena as reasons for the coup. The government said it had evidence the coup leaders were linked to the Gülen movement, which is designated as a terrorist organization by the Republic of Turkey and led by Fethullah Gülen, a Turkish businessman and a well-known Islamic scholar who lived in exile in Pennsylvania. The Turkish government alleged that Gülen was behind the coup (which Gülen denied) and that the United States was harboring him. Events surrounding the coup attempt and the purges in its aftermath reflect a complex power struggle between Islamist elites in Turkey.
During the coup attempt, over 300 people were killed, and more than 2,100 were injured. Many government buildings, including the Turkish Parliament and the Presidential Palace, were bombed from the air. Mass arrests followed, with at least 40,000 detained, including at least 10,000 soldiers and 2,745 judges (who were arrested the next morning on 16th July), for being affiliated with the coup attempt. 15,000 education staff were also suspended and the licenses of 21,000 teachers working at private institutions were revoked after the government stated they were loyal to Gülen. More than 77,000 people have been arrested and over 160,000 fired from their jobs, on reports of connections to Gülen.
There were many reactions against the coup attempt, both domestically and internationally. The main opposition parties in Turkey condemned the attempt, while several international leaders—such as those of the United States, NATO, the European Union, and neighboring countries—called for "respect of the democratic institutions in Turkey and its elected officials." Many international organizations also opposed the coup. The United Nations Security Council, however, did not denounce the coup after disagreements over the phrasing of a statement. Iran opposed the coup and advised Erdogan to defeat the coup plotters.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said the head of United States Central Command, General Joseph Votel, was "siding with coup plotters", after Votel criticized the Turkish government for arresting the Pentagon's contacts in Turkey.
In March 2017, Germany's intelligence chief said Germany was unconvinced by Erdoğan's statement that Fethullah Gülen was behind the failed coup attempt. The same month, the British Parliament's Foreign Affairs Select Committee said some Gulenists were involved in the coup d'état attempt but found no hard evidence that Fethullah Gülen masterminded the failed coup and found no evidence to justify the United Kingdom designating the Gülen movement as a "terrorist organization".
On July 18, 2016, historian Michael Rubin compared the coup attempt to previous ones, highlighting several key differences and its overall absurdity. Unlike previous coups, which typically occurred in the early morning hours between 3 and 4 a.m. while the population was asleep, this attempt took place at 9 p.m. Furthermore, there was no civilian resistance in prior coup attempts. This coup also stands out as no politicians were arrested, a stark contrast to previous events where hundreds were detained. The coup was announced by a female TV anchor, a stark contrast to past coups where military commanders publicly claimed responsibility on national television. 
Background.
Gülen movement.
Since the 1970s, followers of the influential cleric Fethullah Gülen had assumed increasingly important positions within the Turkish state apparatus. Gülen several times advised his followers to take key positions in society and government, if necessary with a secret identity to avoid opposition from the laicistic Turkish army and government. Nevertheless, at the start of the 21st century, Gülen's followers achieved crucial positions of power in Turkey (and beyond) with a vast network of newspapers, TV channels, schools, associations, lobby organizations, financial institutions and positions within the state such as the army and the judiciary. Initially, the then Prime Minister Erdogan seemingly tolerated the power of the Gülen movement because of common interests such as limiting the undemocratic political power of the military, but also because of impotence and fear of Gülen's power within Turkey.
A series of events eventually led to a rift between Erdogan and Gülen. For example, prosecutors that allegedly were aligned with the Gülen movement tried to arrest the intelligence chief Hakan Fidan for the peace negotiations with the PKK, and by extension PM Erdogan subsequently, as the Turkish secret service is directly subordinate to the prime minister of Turkey. During this period (2010-2013), state secrets were leaked, fraud was committed with the entrance exams for government employees (KPSS), a change of power occurred at the Supreme Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK) and (sex)tapes of both government members and opposition members were leaked. Following these events and other incidents, the Turkish government decided to designate the Gülen movement as parallel state and FETÖ (Fethullahist Terror Organization). Alleged Gülen supporters were fired or arrested. The coup attempt that followed is therefore also described by some analysts as a last desperate attempt by Gülenists to retain power.
Kemalism.
It is widely reported that Kemalist ideology played a huge role in motivating the 15 July 2016 coup attempt, like all previous political interventions in the history of Turkey's military coups. Since the establishment of multiparty democracy in Turkey in 1946, the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK), together with the judiciary, have viewed themselves as guardians of Kemalist ideals and the secular Turkish nationalist state established under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk against political parties that have promoted a larger role for Islam and minorities in public life. The military and judiciary have regularly intervened in politics to block or ban popular parties representing conservative Muslim Turks, attempting to relax the restrictions on traditional religious practices, such as women's wearing of headscarves. The military has toppled four elected governments: by coups in 1960 and 1980, and by military decisions in 1971 and 1997. The military has also banned several major political parties. In 1998, Erdoğan, then-mayor of Istanbul, was banned for life from politics and jailed because he had read a religious poem by Ziya Gökalp several years before, at a public meeting. In 2007, the military expressed its opposition to the election of Abdullah Gül, of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), as president, by issuing an e-memorandum. Still, Gül was eventually elected when the AKP won both a referendum on the matter. Also, a snap election, and the party returned with a larger majority in the parliament.
The military cited erosion of secularism as one of the reasons for the coup in the statement published on the day of the coup.
AKP–Gülen alliance and "Ergenekon".
As opposed to previous political interventions by the Turkish military, Turkey's AKP government and pro-state media maintain that the 15 July 2016 coup attempt was not motivated by allegiance to Kemalist ideology, but rather to the vast political, economic, and religious network led by U.S.-based Muslim cleric Fethullah Gülen. Between 2007 and 2012, high-profile Kemalists, including high-ranking officers of the Turkish Armed Forces, faced a series of trials and purges, under reports of involvement in a secret society codenamed "Ergenekon." Supported by Islamist (both pro-Gülen and pro-Erdoğan) prosecutors, security officials, and media, the purges allowed lower-rank Islamist officers to assume high-ranking military positions. They were seen as a bid by Turkey's civilian leaders under President Erdoğan to establish dominance over the military. In these trials in 2013 – viewed as "sensational" and "one of the biggest in recent Turkish history" – 275 people, including senior military officers, journalists, lawyers, and academics, were said to be involved in the so-called "Ergenekon" conspiracy, reportedly plotting a coup in 2003/04 against then–Prime Minister Erdoğan. Additionally, some military officers were said to be involved in a separate reported plot, Sledgehammer. Simultaneously, Erdoğan promoted lower-ranking officers up the chain of command, ensuring that the military chief of staff was loyal to him and thereby demoralizing the army.
The AKP's alliance with Gülen started to collapse during 2013 as Gülenists targeted the AKP using corruption charges. After the split, Erdoğan decided it would be advantageous to rehabilitate the army. The "Ergenekon" convictions were overturned in April 2016 by the Court of Cassation, which ruled that the existence of the network was unproven.
Role of corruption.
In 2013, law enforcement efforts to fight corruption, which had led to the 2013 corruption scandal in Turkey, were faulted by Erdoğan. The anti-corruption efforts were a source of tension between the Gülenists and the AKP. In political analysis in the months prior to the coup attempt, the incidence of corruption was reported to be "rife" in Turkey. Following the coup attempt, some coup leaders cited corruption as a reason for their actions.
Immunity bill.
On 13 July, less than two days before the coup was launched, Erdoğan signed a bill giving Turkish soldiers immunity from prosecution while taking part in domestic operations. The bill requires cases against commanders to be approved by the prime minister, while district governors may sign cases against lower-ranking soldiers. The immunity bill was seen as part of the "détente" between the government and the armed forces. The latter has increasingly been taking over military operations in Kurdish-inhabited areas from police and paramilitary units.
Events.
Attempted takeover.
On 15 July 2016, as reported just before 23:00 EEST (UTC+3), military jets were spotted flying over Ankara, and both the Fatih Sultan Mehmet and Bosphorus bridges in Istanbul were closed.
Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yıldırım said military action was being "taken outside the chain of command" and it was an "illegal attempt" to seize power by "part of the military". He further said that those involved "will pay the highest price." Local media also reported tanks in Istanbul's Atatürk Airport. It was reported that Internet users within Turkey were blocked from accessing Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube. Twitter later stated that it had "no reason to think we've been fully blocked". Some hostages were taken at military headquarters, including the Turkish Chief of the General Staff Hulusi Akar. At around 21:00, the coupists had invited Salih Zeki Çolak, the commander of the Turkish Land Forces to the military headquarters. When he arrived, he was immediately apprehended. Abidin Ünal, head of the Turkish Air Force, who had been attending a wedding in Istanbul, was abducted from there by soldiers who descended from a helicopter. The coupists then tried to force Akar to sign the coup declaration, almost strangling him using a belt in the process. He refused and was then taken to the Akıncı Air Base and other commanders at the headquarters. The military also entered the Justice and Development Party's offices in Istanbul and asked people to leave.
Early reports said President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was safe in Marmaris, south-west Turkey, where he had been on holiday.
From around 23:00 to midnight, helicopters bombed the police special forces headquarters and police air force headquarters in Gölbaşı, just outside of Ankara. The attacks left 42 dead and 43 injured. Türksat headquarters in Gölbaşı was also attacked, killing two security personnel.
At around 23:50, soldiers occupied Taksim Square in central Istanbul.
At 00:02, it was reported by Reuters that soldiers were inside the buildings of the state broadcaster, the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT), in Ankara. During the coup attempt, soldiers forced anchor Tijen Karaş to read out a statement saying that "the democratic and secular rule of law has been eroded by the current government" and that Turkey was now led by the Peace at Home Council who would "ensure the safety of the population." The statement read in part: "Turkish Armed Forces have completely taken over the administration of the country to reinstate constitutional order, human rights and freedoms, the rule of law and general security that was damaged. [...] All international agreements are still valid. We hope that all of our good relationships with all countries will continue." The plotters said they had "done so to preserve democratic order, and that the rule of law must remain a priority". The statement also ordered temporary martial law ("sıkıyönetim"), and said a new constitution would be prepared "as soon as possible". TRT was