Ethiopia’s Anti-Graft Campaign is Rife with Ethnic Tensions · Global Voices
Locals refer to this building on the outskirts of Addis Ababa as “Steal Display.” They allege a mid-level government official openly looted public funds to build it. Photo sourced from <PERSON> blog.
Last week, the Ethiopian government announced the arrests of ‘top officials’ accused of ‘misdirecting public funds’ to ‘maximize their private interests,’ employing favored euphemisms for corruption. The names of those arrested were held back until later in the week, however, with one writer on Facebook comparing the delay to a suspenseful drama series.
Ultimately, when a state-backed media website revealed the list of ‘top officials’ as 48 junior government bureaucrats, middlemen and investors, the news was less groundbreaking.
On Twitter, some complained that the government had overhyped the corruption story with ‘breaking news,’ noting the list of names released did not include a single top official.
Ruling party affiliated FanaBC reported detention of top officials who are suspected of corruption in #Ethiopia. Names aren't mentioned yet.
— <PERSON> (@befeqe) July 25, 2017
The highest official called out so far is the former chief executive officer of Capital Roads Authority (Addis Ababa), a position that is nowhere near as powerful as claimed by government media.
Ethiopian Prime Minister <PERSON> launched a highly publicized campaign targeting government and state-owned company officials suspected of corruption. The campaign has led to the arrest and prosecution of hundreds of officials since January 2017.
Even though the government regularly publicizes these kinds of corruption cases, it has not convinced Ethiopian citizens of its sincere interest in ‘cleaning house.’ According to Transparency International’s most recent Corruption Perceptions Index, Ethiopia is listed among countries whose public perceive the pervasiveness of rampant corruption in the public sector.
Online public cynicism regarding the ongoing anti-corruption campaign shares an overwhelming opinion summarized in <PERSON> blog:
There are practically no non-corrupt officials. Those arrested are corrupt, and most of the top officials who are leading the anti-corruption campaigns are also corrupt. There’s no difference between the corrupt and non-corrupt officials. 960
The only difference is that those who were arrested have not secured the loyalty of senior functionaries that can shelter them.
One factor fueling public cynicism is that infrastructure projects are often delayed or stagnate while contractors, subcontractors, and government cronies grow wealthier.
Arresting and prosecuting junior officials won’t change anything said <PERSON> in a post on his widely circulated blog.
Another writer on Facebook recently pleaded with the Ethiopian government to stop the anti-graft campaign. He sarcastically warned that if authorities do not stop, Ethiopia will soon become a stateless society. In his view, Ethiopian corruption has permeated so many fields that it is a feature of the Ethiopian condition.
The pressure to launch an ongoing anti-graft campaign was driven by protests that began in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, over alleged expropriation of farmlands around Addis Ababa. <PERSON> wrote:
“Who said that the Oromo demands are about arresting a select few corrupt and depraved officials or their (questionable, because nepotistic) connections? The indictment of the # OromoRevolution is directed at the system, not some junior officials, or their wives, whom the system is disposing of as collateral damage in its combat with the Oromos.”
Corruption and Ethnic Politics Intersect
Some observers believe Ethiopia’s crackdown on a few mid-level officials is politically motivated. Many have complained about the discriminatory application of Ethiopia’s anti-corruption laws.
Such kind of charges have been used to settle within-party division in the past.
— <PERSON> (@befeqe) July 25, 2017
Ethiopia is a one-party state in which the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) monopolizes power. The EPRDF, however, is a coalition of four ethnic-based parties. The four parties purport to represent particular ethnic groups, but they share the same ideology, political association, and policy preferences.
Authorities from these four parties – Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM) and Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) – are currently Ethiopia’s top leaders. However, the TPLF is the core of the EPRDF, holding absolute power over the last quarter of a century. 960