Die globalen Militärausgaben werden bis 2020 fast 2 Billionen Dollar (SIPRI) erreichen. Sollten die Militärausgaben der Länder nicht auf internationaler Ebene besteuert werden, um einen globalen Fonds für Flüchtlinge zu speisen?
Eine Ausgezeichnete Idee, nur welche Instanz soll die Steuer eintreiben?
Unter der Schirmherrschaft der UNO könnte man eine Solche einrichten, oder unter der G20. Wer nicht mitmacht wird vom Handel mit der G20 ganz ausgeschlossen.
Ich meine, wir bauen immer mehr, und immer furchtbarere Waffen, um die Welt sicherer zu machen, und dann sagen wir wir seien eine intelligente Spezies.
Leider ist das Ganze utopisch, wir schaffen es ja nicht mal Milliardäre und multinationale Konzerne anständig zu besteuern. Ich kann mir den Lachanfall vorstellen an dem Putin erstickt, wenn eine neue Instanz eine solche Steuer von ihm einzufordern versucht.
Etwa so:
Man bedenke auch den eigentliche Zweck von Kriegen, Profit.
In Kriegen wird Material produziert, verkauft, gekauft und verschlissen und Infrastruktur wird zerstört, so wie sich das im Kapitalismus gehört. Das ist etwa so wie bei Elektronik Produkten, die kaum ein halbes Jahr funktionieren bis man sie ersetzen muss. Das nennt man 'Obsoleszenz'. Nach dem Krieg wird wieder aufgebaut, wiederum mit dem Zweck Profite zu erwirtschaften. In den Flüchtlingsströmen werden dabei Frauen und Mädchen abgefangen, verschleppt, gefoltert, zu Tode gequält, missbraucht, verkauft und versklavt. Männer und Frauen werden zu günstigen Arbeitssklaven, ohne Rechte, ohne Sicherheit, ohne Perspektive. In Afghanistan hat der CIA den größten Produzenten für Opiate errichtet, bis der Taliban die Felder abbrannte und daher ausgelöscht werden musste. Das ging natürlich voll in die Hosen. Wir hatten das ja schon mal in Vietnam / Laos.
Stell dir vor, Afghanistan produziert heute 90% des Weltweit gehandelten Opiums, das sind hunderte von Tonnen, hunderte von Lastwagen, in einem Land mit wenig Strassen ins Ausland. Der CIA und die NSA können mit ihren Satelliten die Haare auf unserem Kopf zählen (naja, fast), aber diese Lastwagen finden sie nicht. Die Felder müssen unglaubliche Ausmaße haben, auf Google Maps kann ich aber nichts finden, wie geht das denn? Von Lagerhäusern in der Größe von Turnhallen will ich gar nicht reden.
Oder hast du die Mär vom 'War on Terror' etwa geglaubt.
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2386629/
Opium, the CIA and the Karzai Administration
Peter Dale Scott, a former Canadian diplomat and English Professor at the University of California, Berkeley, is the author of Drugs Oil and War, The Road to 9/11, and The War Conspiracy: JFK, 9/11, and the Deep Politics of War. His book, Fueling America's War Machine: Deep Politics and the CIA’s Global Drug Connection is in press, due Fall 2010 from Rowman & Littlefield. He wrote this article for the Asia Pacific Journal. Alfred McCoy's important new article for TomDispatch (March 30, 2010) deserves to mobilize Congress for a serious revaluation of America's ill-considered military venture in Afghanistan.  The answer to the question he poses in his title – "Can Anyone Pacify the World's Number One Narco-State?" – is amply shown by his impressive essay to be a resounding "No!" . . . not until there is fundamental change in the goals and strategies both of Washington and of Kabul. He amply documents that • the Afghan state of Hamid Karzai is a corrupt narco-state, to which Afghans are forced to pay bribes each year $2.5 billion, a quarter of the nation's economy; • the Afghan economy is a narco-economy: in 2007 Afghanistan produced 8,200 tons of opium, a remarkable 53% of the country's GDP and 93% of global heroin supply. • military options for dealing with the problem are at best ineffective and at worst counterproductive: McCoy argues that the best hope lies in reconstructing the Afghan countryside until food crops become a viable alternative to opium, a process that could take ten or fifteen years, or longer.  (I shall argue later for an interim solution: licensing Afghanistan with the International Narcotics Board to sell its opium legally.) Perhaps McCoy's most telling argument is that in Colombia cocaine at its peak represented only about 3 percent of the national economy, yet both the FARC guerillas and the right-wing death squads, both amply funded by drugs, still continue to flourish in that country.  To simply eradicate drugs, without first preparing for a substitute Afghan agriculture, would impose intolerable strains on an already ravaged rural society whose only significant income flow at this time derives from opium.  One has only to look at the collapse of the Taliban in 2001, after a draconian Taliban-led reduction in Afghan drug production (from 4600 tons to 185 tons) left the country a hollow shell. On its face, McCoy's arguments would appear to be incontrovertible, and should, in a rational society, lead to a serious debate followed by a major change in America's current military policy.  McCoy has presented his case with considerable tact and diplomacy, to facilitate such a result. The CIA's Historic Responsibility for Global Drug Trafficking Unfortunately, there are important reasons why such a positive outcome is unlikely any time soon.  There are many reasons for this, but among them are some unpleasant realities which McCoy has either avoided or downplayed in his otherwise brilliant essay, and whic
https://historynewsnetwork.org/article/125230
Office of Justice Programs
Abstract Covert CIA operations in Afghanistan, for example, have transformed South Asia from a self-contained opium zone into a major supplier of heroin for the world market. The author reviews President Carter's policies in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, Drug Enforcement Administration efforts, heroin production and trade in South Asia, the role of Pakistan in supporting the Mujahideen resistance fighters in Afghanistan, and involvement of Pakistan in channeling U.S. aid to the Afghan resistance. He emphasizes the role of the CIA in U.S. foreign policies toward the region and its complicity in the narcotics trade. He also examines the significance of host government corruption in relation to CIA operations.
https://www.ojp.gov/ncjrs/virtual-library/abstracts/cia-connection
The U.S. Quietly Released Afghanistan’s “Biggest Drug Kingpin” From Prison. Did He Cut a Deal?
Before his arrest, Haji Juma Khan worked with the CIA and the DEA while aiding the Taliban and trading tons of heroin and opium.
https://theintercept.com/2018/05/01/haji-juma-khan-afghanistan-drug-trafficking-cia-dea/
https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2019/investigations/afghanistan-papers/afghanistan-war-opium-poppy-production/
War profiteering - Wikipedia
Person or company profiteering from war or conflict "Uncle Sam with Empty Treasury" illustration following World War I A war profiteer is any person or organization that derives unreasonable profit from warfare or by selling weapons and other goods to parties at war. [1] The term typically carries strong negative connotations. General profiteering , making a profit criticized as excessive or unreasonable, also occurs in peacetime. [2] An example of war profiteers were the "shoddy" millionaires who allegedly sold recycled wool and cardboard shoes to soldiers during the American Civil War . Some have argued that major modern defense conglomerates like Lockheed Martin , Boeing , BAE Systems , General Dynamics , and Raytheon fit the description in the post-9/11 era. [3] This argument is based in the political influence of the defense industry , for example in 2010 the defense industry spent $144 million on lobbying and donated over $22.6 million to congressional candidates, [4] as well as large profits for defense company shareholders in the post-9/11 period. [5] History [ edit ] American Revolution [ edit ] There were a number of food riots during the American Revolution against profiteering merchants, there were more than thirty riots in the period between 1776 and 1779. [6] In 1777 a mob of Boston women beat the merchant Thomas Boylston and confiscated his stock for hoarding coffee and sugar to drive up the price. In East Hartford, Connecticut a mob of twenty women and three men took 218lbs of sugar from a Mr. Pitkin's. In Beverly, Massachusetts a mob of 60 women and some additional men forced local merchants to charge the same price for sugar in American paper money and gold coin. [7] Industrial Revolution [ edit ] Whitney's gun factory in 1827 In 1798, [8] American inventor Eli Whitney received a government contract to manufacture 10,000 muskets in less than two years. After failing to produce a single musket, he was called to Washington to defend his expenditure of the treasury funds before a committee that included both John Adams and Thomas Jefferson . Believing to demonstrate the ingenuity of interchangeable parts, Whitney earned widespread support and has been incorrectly credited with inventing the idea of interchangeable parts. However Merritt Roe Smith concluded that this demonstration was staged by marking the parts beforehand, so they were not as interchangeable as he made them seem. Eventually Whitney was able to accomplish his goal of 10,000 muskets with interchangeable parts at a relatively low cost in the next 8 years, and later produced more than 15,000 in the following 4 years. [9] Military–industrial complex [ edit ] A prominent example of the impact arms-producing industries have over American policy is evident in the case of Lockheed Martin donating $75,000 to House Armed Services Committee chair Representative Mac Thornberry (R-TX). Rep. Thornberry later passed a bill through the House of Representatives that would benefit Lo
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_profiteering
Iraq for Sale: The War Profiteers - Wikipedia
2006 American film Iraq for Sale: The War Profiteers Directed by Robert Greenwald Produced by Robert Greenwald Sarah Feeley Jim Gilliam Devin Smith Starring Bud Conyers Janis Karpinski James Logsdon Bill Peterson Shane Ratliff Edward Sanchez Cinematography Nick Higgins Edited by Carla Gutierrez Sally Rubin Music by Tree Adams Distributed by Brave New Films Release date September 1, 2006 ( 2006-09-01 ) Running time 75 minutes Country United States Language English Iraq for Sale: The War Profiteers is a 2006 documentary film made by Robert Greenwald and Brave New Films . Produced while the Iraq War was in full swing, the film deals with the alleged war profiteering and negligence of private contractors and consultants who went to Iraq as part of the US war effort. [1] Specifically, the film claims four major contractors - Blackwater , K.B.R.- Halliburton , CACI and Titan [ citation needed ] - were over-billing the U.S. government and doing substandard work while endangering the lives of American soldiers, Iraqi civilians, and their own employees. [1] These corporations were tasked with “virtually everything except the actual killing,” [2] including food, laundry, housing, security, intelligence gathering and interrogation. [3] Synopsis [ edit ] The film starts with the events of March 2004 in Fallujah , where four Blackwater contractors were ambushed, set afire, their burned corpses dragged through the streets and then finally displayed hanging from a bridge. [4] In interviews, two of the contractors’ families contend that Blackwater, in search of higher profit, neglected to provide proper support and protection to their employees, [4] including maps, decent translators, an armored vehicle, and sufficient security personnel (their convoy was short a machine gunner). [4] [5] The families contend that with such support, their loved ones might be alive today. [5] Iraq for Sale then takes contractors Titan and CACI to task for providing “interrogation support” for the notorious Abu Ghraib prison . These civilian contractors were outside the chain of military command, and were never held accountable for the amply documented, unsupervised torture they initiated. [2] According to interviews with survivors, Halliburton subsidiary KBR was responsible for the 2004 Iraq KBR convoy ambush deaths of six drivers who the corporation irresponsibly put into dangerous zones - zones which were supposed to be off limits to civilians. [6] Also, in interviews, Halliburton’s former employees charge that while the company had a sole contract to provide purified water for US troops, they actually distributed contaminated drinking water. [4] Greenwald and Brave New Films document that at the time of production, the corporations in question had made more than tens of billions of dollars from their contracts in Iraq. [5] In part this was because the companies were working under “cost-plus” contracts, which reimbursed whatever they spent in expenses, plus extra, for profit.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq_for_Sale:_The_War_Profiteers
Military spending: 20 companies profiting the most from war
Lockheed Martin, Boeing and Raytheon top list of companies profiting from war, according to highest weapons sales data reviewed by 24/7 Wall Street.
https://eu.usatoday.com/story/money/2019/02/21/military-spending-defense-contractors-profiting-from-war-weapons-sales/39092315/
War Profiteering Is Real. We Need to End It. - Inequality.org
The prospect of war with Iran is terrifying. Experts predict as many as a million people could die if the current tensions lead to a full-blown war. Millions more would become refugees across the Middle East, while working families across the U.S. would bear the brunt of our casualties. But there is one set of people who stand to benefit from the escalation of the conflict: CEOs of major U.S. military contractors. This was evident in the immediate aftermath of the U.S. assassination of a top Iranian military official on January 2. As soon as the news reached financial markets, these companies’ share prices spiked. Wall Street traders know that a war with Iran would mean more lucrative contracts for U.S. weapons makers. Since top executives get much of their compensation in the form of stock, they benefit personally when the value of their company’s stock goes up. I took a look at the stock holdings of the CEOs at the top five Pentagon contractors (Lockheed Martin, Boeing, General Dynamics, Raytheon, and Northrop Grumman). Using the most recent available data, I calculated that these five executives held company stock worth approximately $319 million just before the U.S. drone strike that killed Iranian leader Qasem Soleimani. By the stock market’s closing bell the following day, the value of their combined shares had increased to $326 million. War profiteering is nothing new. Back in 2006, during the height of the Iraq War, I analyzed CEO pay at the 34 corporations that were the top military contractors at that time. I found that their pay had jumped considerably after the September 11 attacks. Between 2001 and 2005, military contractor CEO pay jumped 108 percent on average, compared to a 6 percent increase for their counterparts at other large U.S. companies. Phebe Novakovic, CEO of General Dynamics, saw her personal stock holdings in the company expand by $1.2 million on the day after the assassination of an Iranian military leader. (Photo by Andrew Spear/Getty Images) Congress needs to take action to prevent a catastrophic war on Iran. De-escalating the current tensions is the most immediate priority. But Congress must also take action to end war profiteering. In 2008, John McCain, then a Republican presidential candidate, proposed capping CEO pay at companies receiving financial bailouts. He argued that CEOs relying on taxpayer funds should not earn more than $400,000 — the salary of the U.S. president. That commonsense notion should be extended to all companies that rely on massive taxpayer-funded contracts. Senator Bernie Sanders, for instance, has a plan to deny federal contracts to companies that pay their CEOs excessively. He would set the CEO pay limit for major contractors at no more than 150 times the pay of the company’s typical worker. Currently, the sky’s the limit for CEO pay at these companies — and the military contracting industry is a prime offender. The top five Pentagon contractors paid their top executives $22.5 million on
https://inequality.org/great-divide/war-profiteering-iran/
Politics of Heroin
The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade, Afghanistan, Southeast Asia, Central America Alfred W. McCoy Chicago: Lawrence Hill, 2003 710 p. Subject, Methods, Database: A historical study of the opium and heroin trade and its political context, based on primary and secondary sources, including interviews with some of the key players of the developments in Indochina in the 1950s through 1970s. Content: The book falls into four main parts. Following a preface that illuminates the fascinating story behind the story and a brief introduction on the history of heroin, the first part deals with the cross-Atlantic heroin trade from the 1940s through 1970s, with special emphasis on the Mafia and Marseille based Corsican syndicates. The second part, taking up some 300 out of 530 pages (not counting the notes), describes in great detail the development of the Asian opium trade from colonial times up to the end of the Vietnam War. In the third section McCoy critically reviews the U.S. wars on drug from Nixon to Clinton, while the fourth part specifically addresses the question of CIA involvement in drug trafficking in the context of covert warfare in Afghanistan and Nicaragua during the 1980s and 1990s. Opium had become a major commodity in world trade before it was outlawed early in the 20th century as a result of increased medical awareness of addiction and a global temperance movement. Prohibition drove opium into an illicit economy eventually controlled by upland drug lords and urban crime syndicates. By the late 1990s, 180 million people, or 4.2 percent of the world's adult population, were using illicit drugs worldwide, including 13.5 million for opiates, 14 million for cocaine, and 29 million for amphetamines. These figures, Alfred McCoy suggests, are the outcome of a long process of ill-fated political intervention, starting with the promotion of opium use in China and among the Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia by European colonial powers. Britain fought two successful wars in 1839 and 1858 to force the Chinese empire to lift the ban on opium that had been in effect since 1729, while revenues from state-licensed opium dens contributed significantly to colonial finances. During and shortly after World War II, McCoy claims, the United States spoiled a unique opportunity to eliminate heroin addiction as a major social problem when the "radical pragmatism" of its intelligence agencies, the OSS and its successor, the CIA, enabled the "Sicilian American Mafia" and the Corsican underworld of Marseille to revive the international narcotics traffic. The alliance, directed against the Italian and French Communist parties, "put the Corsicans in a powerful enough position to establish Marseille as the postwar heroin capital of the Western world and" cemented "a long-term partnership with Mafia drug distributors" (p. 47). Half way around the globe, in Burma, the CIA was guided by the same anti-Communist rationale when it provided support to
http://www.organized-crime.de/revmcc01.htm
CIA activities in Laos - Wikipedia
CIA activities in Laos started in the 1950s. In 1959, U.S. Special Operations Forces (Military and CIA) began to train some Laotian soldiers in unconventional warfare techniques as early as the fall of 1959 under the code name "Erawan". [1] Under this code name, General Vang Pao , who served the royal Lao family, recruited and trained his Hmong and Iu-Mien soldiers. The Hmong and Iu-Mien were targeted as allies after President John F. Kennedy , who refused to send more American soldiers to battle in Southeast Asia , took office. Instead, he called the CIA to use its tribal forces in Laos and "make every possible effort to launch guerrilla operations in North Vietnam with its Asian recruits." General Vang Pao then recruited and trained his Hmong soldiers to ally with the CIA and fight against North Vietnam. [2] The CIA itself claims that the CIA air operations in Laos from 1955 to 1974 were the "largest paramilitary operations ever undertaken by the CIA." [3] For 13 years, the CIA paramilitary officers from what is now called Special Activities Center directed native forces against North Vietnamese forces to a standstill. The CIA particularly organized Hmong people to fight against the North Vietnamese-backed Pathet Lao . The Pathet Lao were the communists in Laos . The CIA-backed Hmong and Iu Mien guerrillas used Air America to "drop 46 million pounds of foodstuffs. ... transport tens of thousands of troops, conduct a highly successful photo-reconnaissance program, and engage in numerous clandestine missions using night-vision glasses and state-of-the-art electronic equipment." [3] This was the largest paramilitary operation in which the CIA participated, spanning 13 years until the Afghanistan War . The CIA was responsible for directing natives of Laos to fight the North Vietnamese. Although such efforts were ended at the 1973 signing of the Paris Peace Accords , the CIA believed it a success as it managed to fight the enemy to a standstill and combat the communist threat. [3] They saw it as a victory and as an accomplishment. The director at the time, Richard Helms , called it superb and discussed the amount of manpower required, and that the CIA did a good job in supplying it. Along with funding anti-communist militias, the CIA also conducted a massive bombing effort in Laos from 1964 to 1973. 580,000 bombing missions took place over the nine-year campaign, but it is not known how many of them were dropped by the United States Air Force and how many were dropped by the CIA. [4] For the CIA, this was the largest paramilitary operation they had to date. By the summer of 1970 the CIA owned airline Air America had two dozen twin-engine transports, two dozen STOL aircraft and 30 helicopters dedicated to the operations in Laos. This airline employed more than 300 pilots, copilots, flight mechanics, and airfreight specialists flying out of Laos and Thailand. [3] Although the bombing campaign was only formally disclosed to the American public in 1969,
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CIA_activities_in_Laos
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Allegations_of_CIA_drug_trafficking
https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1990/11/22/heroin-laos-the-cia/
https://www.urd.org/en/project/opium-poppy-production-in-afghanistan/
https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/jan/09/how-the-heroin-trade-explains-the-us-uk-failure-in-afghanistan
https://www.voanews.com/south-central-asia/un-survey-finds-37-spike-afghan-poppy-cultivation
https://time.com/5042560/libya-slave-trade/
'It Was As if We Weren’t Human.' Inside the Modern Slave Trade Trapping African Migrants
Tens of thousands of men and women crossing the Saharn desert find themselves trapped in a cycle of extortion, imprisonment, forced labor and prostitution
https://time.com/longform/african-slave-trade/
https://www.un.org/press/en/2017/sc13094.doc.htm
https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2017/11/29/how-the-eu-is-responsible-for-slavery-in-libya
Human-Trafficking
Human Trafficking is the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of people through force, fraud or deception, with the aim of exploiting them for profit. Men, women and children of all ages and from all backgrounds can become victims of this crime, which occurs in every region of the world. The traffickers often use violence or fraudulent employment agencies and fake promises of education and job opportunities to trick and coerce their victims.
https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/human-trafficking/human-trafficking.html