Greece's invisible minority - the Macedonian Slavs

Summary: In January, Greece ratified an agreement with the newly renamed Republic of North Macedonia. There are some who argue this is the first step towards recognising the existence of a Macedonian language and ethnicity - and yet Greece has denied the existence of its own Macedonian minority for decades, says Maria Margaronis. Will something now change?

Mr Fokas, 92, stands straight as a spear in his tan leather brogues and cream blazer, barely leaning on the ebony and ivory cane brought from Romania by his grandfather a century ago. His mind and his memory are as sharp as his outfit. A retired lawyer, Mr Fokas speaks impeccable formal Greek with a distinctive lilt: his mother tongue is Macedonian, a Slavic language related to Bulgarian and spoken in this part of the Balkans for centuries. At his son's modern house in a village in northern Greece, he takes me through the painful history of Greece's unrecognised Slavic-speaking minority. Mr Fokas takes care to emphasise from the start that he is both an ethnic Macedonian and a Greek patriot. He has good reason to underline his loyalty: for almost a century, ethnic Macedonians in Greece have been objects of suspicion and, at times, persecution, even as their presence has been denied by almost everyone. Most are reluctant to speak to outsiders about their identity. To themselves and others, they're known simply as "locals" (dopyi), who speak a language called "local" (dopya). They are entirely absent from school history textbooks, have not featured in censuses since 1951 (when they were only patchily recorded, and referred to simply as "Slavic-speakers"), and are barely mentioned in public. Most Greeks don't even know that they exist. That erasure was one reason for Greece's long-running dispute with the former Yugoslav republic now officially called the Republic of North Macedonia. The dispute was finally resolved last month by a vote in the Greek parliament ratifying (by a majority of just seven) an agreement made last June by the countries' two prime ministers. When the Greek Prime Minster, Alexis Tsipras, referred during the parliamentary debate to the existence of "Slavomacedonians" in Greece - at the time of World War Two - he was breaking a long-standing taboo. The use of the name "Macedonia" by the neighbouring nation state implicitly acknowledges that Macedonians are a people in their own right, and opens the door to hard questions about the history of Greece's own Macedonian minority. When Mr Fokas was born, the northern Greek region of Macedonia had only recently been annexed by the Greek state. Until 1913 it was part of the Ottoman Empire, with Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia all wooing its Slavic-speaking inhabitants as a means to claiming the territory. It was partly in reaction to those competing forces that a distinctive Slav Macedonian identity emerged in the late 19th and early 20th Century. As Mr Fokas's uncle used to say, the family was "neither Serb, nor Greek, nor Bulgarian, but Macedonian Orthodox". In the end, the Slav Macedonians found themselves divided between those three new states. In Greece, some were expelled; those who remained were pushed to assimilate. All villages and towns with non-Greek names were given new ones, chosen by a committee of scholars in the late 1920s, though almost a century later some "locals" still use the old ones. In 1936, when Mr Fokas was nine years old, the Greek dictator Ioannis Metaxas (an admirer of Mussolini) banned the Macedonian language, and forced Macedonian-speakers to change their names to Greek ones. Mr Fokas remembers policemen eavesdropping on mourners at funerals and listening at windows to catch anyone speaking or singing in the forbidden tongue. There were lawsuits, threats and beatings. Women - who often spoke no Greek - would cover their mouths with their headscarves to muffle their speech, but Mr Fokas's mother was arrested and fined 250 drachmas, a big sum back then. "Slavic-speakers suffered a lot from the Greeks under Metaxas," he says. "Twenty people from this village, the heads of the big families, were exiled to the island of Chios. My father-in-law was one of them." They were tortured by being forced to drink castor oil, a powerful laxative. When Germany, Italy and Bulgaria occupied Greece in 1941, some Slavic-speakers welcomed the Bulgarians as potential liberators from Metaxas's repressive regime. But many soon joined the resistance, led by the Communist Party (which at that time supported the Macedonian minority) and continued fighting with the Communists in the civil war that followed the Axis occupation. (Bulgaria annexed the eastern part of Greek Macedonia from 1941 to 1944, committing many atrocities; many Greeks wrongly attribute these to Macedonians, whom they identify as Bulgarians.) When the Communists were finally defeated, severe reprisals followed for anyone associated with the resistance or the left. "Macedonians paid more than anyone for the civil war," Mr Fokas says. "Eight people were court-martialled and executed from this village, eight from the next village, 23 from the one opposite. They killed a grandfather and his grandson, just 18 years old." Mr Fokas was a student in Thessaloniki then - but he too was arrested and spent three years on the prison island of Makronisos, not because of anything he'd done but because his mother had helped her brother-in-law escape through the skylight of a cafe where he was being held. Most of the prisoners on Makronisos were Greek leftists, and were pressed to sign declarations of repentance for their alleged Communist past. Those who refused were made to crawl under barbed wire, or beaten with thick bamboo canes. "Terrible things were done," Mr Fokas says. "But we mustn't talk about them. It's an insult to Greek civilisation. It harms Greece's good name." Find out more Listen to, or download, the BBC World Service documentary Macedonia: What's in a Name? (September 2018) Tens of thousands of fighters with the Democratic Army, about half of them Slavic-speakers, went into exile in Eastern bloc countries during and after the civil war. About 20,000 children were taken across the border by the Communists, whether for their protection or as reserve troops for a future counter-attack. Many Slavic-speaking civilians also went north for safety. Entire villages were left empty, like the old settlement of Krystallopigi (Smrdes in Macedonian) near the Albanian border, where only the imposing church of St George stands witness to a population that once numbered more than 1,500 souls. In 1982, more than 30 years after the conflict's end, Greece's socialist government issued a decree allowing civil war refugees to return - but only those who were "of Greek ethnicity". Ethnic Macedonians from Greece remained shut out of their country, their villages and their land; families separated by the war were never reunited. Mr Fokas's father-in-law and brother-in-law both died in Skopje. But, he points out, that decree tacitly recognised that there were ethnic Macedonians in Greece, even though the state never officially recognised their existence: "Those war refugees left children, grandchildren, fathers, mothers behind. What were they, if not Macedonians?" It's impossible accurately to calculate the number of Slavic-speakers or descendants of ethnic Macedonians in Greece. Historian Leonidas Embiricos estimates that more than 100,000 still live in the Greek region of Macedonia, though only 10,000 to 20,000 would identify openly as members of a minority - and many others are proud Greek nationalists. The Macedonian language hasn't officially been banned in Greece for decades, but the fear still lingers. A middle-aged man I met in a village near the reed beds of Lake Prespa, where the agreement between Greece and the North Macedonian republic was first signed last June, explained that this fear is passed down through the generations. "My parents didn't speak the language at home in case I picked it up and spoke it in public. To protect me. We don't even remember why we're afraid any more," he said. Slowly the language is dying. Years of repression pushed it indoors; assimilation is finishing the job. And yet speaking or singing in Macedonian can still be cause for harassment. Mr Fokas's son is a musician; he plays the haunting Macedonian flute for us as his own small son looks on. He and a group of friends used to host an international music festival in the village square, with bands from as far away as Brazil, Mexico and Russia. "After those bands had played we'd have a party and play Macedonian songs," he says. "None of them were nationalist or separatist songs - we would never allow that. But in 2008, just as we were expecting the foreign musicians to arrive, the local authority suddenly banned us from holding the festival in the square, even though other people - the very ones who wanted us banned - still hold their own events there." Greece's position At the last minute, the festival was moved to a field outside the village, among the reeds and marshes, without proper facilities - which, Mr Fokas's son points out, only made Greece look bad. "And do you know why the songs are banned in the square but not the fields outside?" his father adds. "Because around the square there are cafes, and local people could sit there and watch and listen secretly. But outside the village they were afraid to join in - they would have drawn attention to themselves by doing that." The ratification of Greece's agreement with the Republic of North Macedonia - and, as some argue, its implicit recognition of a Macedonian language and ethnicity - is a major political breakthrough which should help to alleviate such fears. But the process has also sparked new waves of anger and anxiety, with large, sometimes violent protests opposing the agreement, supported by parts of the Orthodox church. An election is due before the end of the year. Greece's right-wing opposition has been quick to capitalise on nationalist sentiments, accusing the Syriza government of treason and betrayal. For Greece's Slavic-speakers, who have long sought nothing more than the right to cultural expression, the time to emerge from the shadows may not quite yet have arrived. Mr Fokas has been referred to by his first name to protect his identity Update 1 March 2018: The language used in this story has been clarified in two places. An error concerning a change to the Macedonian constitution has been removed, and extra information regarding Greece's position with regard to its Slavic-speaking community has been added, including a link to a letter to the BBC from the country's ambassador to the UK. You may also be interested in: It's more than 25 years since Yugoslavia broke into pieces and the republic of Macedonia came into being. Until a few weeks ago, the new country lacked an official, internationally agreed name, because of Greece's objections to the name "Macedonia". And for nearly all that time one man was working to solve the problem. Read: The man who has focused on one word for 23 years (August 2017) Join the conversation - find us on Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and Twitter.

जनवरी में, ग्रीस ने उत्तरी मैसेडोनिया के नए नाम वाले गणराज्य के साथ एक समझौते की पुष्टि की। कुछ लोग हैं जो तर्क देते हैं कि यह एक मैसेडोनियन भाषा और जातीयता के अस्तित्व को मान्यता देने की दिशा में पहला कदम है-और फिर भी ग्रीस ने दशकों से अपने स्वयं के मैसेडोनियन अल्पसंख्यक के अस्तित्व से इनकार किया है, मारिया मार्गारोनिस कहती हैं। क्या अब कुछ बदलेगा?


Isle of Man pair swim to shore after kayak capsizes

Summary: A man and a child were forced to swim back to shore after their kayak capsized off the west coast of the Isle of Man.

The pair had set out from Niarbyl beach before the boat flipped at about 15:15 BST on Monday. The man, in his 30s, and his stepson spent several minutes in the water before managing to get back to land. They were then treated for the effects of cold water by coastguards, but did not need hospital treatment. Port Erin lifeboat crew then recovered the kayak and towed it back to the harbour. Coastguards from Peel and Port Erin also helped during the incident.

आइल ऑफ मैन के पश्चिमी तट पर उनके कयाक के पलट जाने के बाद एक आदमी और एक बच्चे को वापस तट पर तैरने के लिए मजबूर होना पड़ा।


Kele Okereke reveals solo debut

Summary: Kele Okereke has revealed details of his debut solo album.

Going it alone with his band Bloc Party currently on hiatus, the singer will release The Boxer on 21 June, preceded by single Tenderoni on 14 June. On announcing the news Okereke said: "The key for the sound of the record was to make things as harsh and as physical as I could make it." He has already revealed details of a number of UK live appearances including Manchester's Warehouse Project (12 June) and August's Reading and Leeds festivals. The album was recorded with producer XXXchange in New York. Speaking to the BBC last October on the immediate future of Bloc Party, drummer Matt Tong said: "Unfortunately that is going to be it for the time being."

केले ओकेरेके ने अपने पहले एकल एल्बम के विवरण का खुलासा किया है।


Viewpoint: Zawahiri's bid for al-Qaeda comeback presses Obama

Summary: President Barack Obama said in May that al-Qaeda was "on the path to defeat", but now it seems the terrorist threat has grown, with the US temporarily shutting diplomatic outposts across the Middle East. Former US state department spokesman PJ Crowley looks at why.

Nineteen US embassies were closed after hints of a terrorist plot were revealed during an intercepted conversation between al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri and Nasir al-Wuhayshi, the leader of al-Qaeda's franchise in Yemen. In May, Mr Obama described the "future of terrorism" as one of recurrent plots by a dangerous but less capable al-Qaeda and its affiliates and sympathisers against US interests and diplomatic facilities around the world. That future is happening now across the Middle East. Political concerns The extraordinary US security response, which in essence took most of the nation's regional diplomatic capability off line, may be warranted. But it comes at a cost. This strategy concedes the initiative to al-Qaeda and is not a sustainable course every time there is "chatter" within extremist networks. But given the political furore following last September's attack in Benghazi, the White House and state department have little choice but to respond decisively. The interception of the conversation is significant. It shows that unlike his predecessor, Bin Laden, Mr Zawahiri is apparently not as concerned about being overheard. Mr Zawahiri understands the risks of communicating in real time. But he is also aware that in today's world, the smaller a terrorist leader's digital footprint, the lower his global influence. Osama Bin Laden communicated through intermediaries, and while he retained strategic importance he was largely irrelevant as the dramatic transitions began in the Arab world. A short time later, he was dead. Mr Zawahiri undoubtedly recognises that al-Qaeda has lost ground in recent years. Al-Qaeda double duty Assuming there is real capability behind the plot and not just aspiration, Mr Zawahiri can look at the regional landscape - a civil war in Syria, sectarian violence in Iraq, political turmoil in Egypt, a leadership vacuum in Libya, government officials worried about staying in power - and see the potential for a comeback. However, seeing opportunity and taking advantage of it are two different things. The core al-Qaeda members are under relentless pressure. Officials in Yemen have suggested they have already disrupted a potential maritime plot. It is unclear if this was the primary effort, or one among many options. Nonetheless, public acknowledgement of the plot by itself raises the costs of the US presence in the Middle East, an al-Qaeda objective. The Zawahiri phone call shows the new al-Qaeda: the core leadership still in play but no longer at the centre of the action, with the strongest operational capacity found in al-Qaeda's affiliate, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). Mr al-Wuhayshi wears two hats, according to the Long War Journal. He is AQAP's leader and also al-Qaeda's general manager. There is no indication the intelligence behind this plot has been made to sound dramatic for political reasons. The administration's response has received bipartisan support in Washington, with little of the political acrimony that followed the Benghazi attack. Stuck on Middle East A real-world reminder of the on-going threat may quiet widespread concern regarding global surveillance programmes under the National Security Agency (NSA). Contentious programmes such as this one played no role in discovering this plot. Yet critics surely will point to the conversation between two known terrorist leaders as precisely the targets that the NSA should be focusing on, rather than on communications between innocent civilians. For all of the Obama administration's talk about pivots and resets away from the Middle East, the region keeps occupying the bulk of its foreign policy attention. One way or another, the most significant chapter in the Obama foreign policy legacy will be written here. The plot certainly complicates the president's narrative that the terrorist threat, while still potent, can be managed at a level of vigilance below the threshold of war. Mr Obama's strategy is to become more selective regarding the use of American military force; help allies like Yemen deal with threats within their own borders (a tall order given Yemen's limited governance capability); and rely on good intelligence and improved defences to disrupt major plots before they mature. The next few weeks will be a stern test of this approach. No further news will be a significant achievement. Mr Obama hinted in May that this war against al-Qaeda, like all wars, will end at some point. But Mr Zawahiri's call suggests Mr Obama will not be in a position to declare "mission accomplished" any time soon. PJ Crowley is a former US assistant secretary of state and now a professor of practice and fellow at the George Washington University's Institute of Public Diplomacy and Global Communication.

राष्ट्रपति बराक ओबामा ने मई में कहा था कि अल-कायदा "हार की राह पर था", लेकिन अब ऐसा लगता है कि आतंकवादी खतरा बढ़ गया है, क्योंकि अमेरिका ने मध्य पूर्व में राजनयिक चौकियों को अस्थायी रूप से बंद कर दिया है। अमेरिकी विदेश विभाग के पूर्व प्रवक्ता पी. जे. क्राउली देखते हैं कि क्यों।


Tory leadership race: Your views on leadership candidates' debate

Summary: Brexit and Islamophobia dominated the second TV debate faced by the Conservative Party leadership contenders. The five remaining candidates met for the Our Next Prime Minister debate on BBC One, during which they answered questions from members of the public. But what did viewers make of their answers?

Speaking on a special programme which went out across BBC Local Radio in England on Tuesday evening, some callers felt none of the hopefuls were clear enough on how to move the country forward. "They still don't live in the real world," said one woman. It was the second time most candidates had gone head-to-head on TV, following a debate held on Channel 4 on Sunday. However, it was the first to feature current frontrunner Boris Johnson. The BBC had received thousands of questions, with other topics debated including the HS2 high speed rail project, public spending and climate change. But, of course, Brexit dominated discussion in the debate, hosted by Emily Maitlis. On the question of Brexit The deadline for exiting the European Union and whether that would be a no-deal scenario, were both issues put to the candidates. Some viewers said they felt none of the hopefuls were clear enough on how to move the country forward. Owen Reed, 19, from Bedworth, stood for the Tories in the local elections, but said he had now joined the Brexit Party. He felt the candidates were not strong enough about leaving on 31 October and believes there has been a swing publicly in favour of no-deal, which he felt has not been recognised. "From the debate tonight it became clear that time and time again they are not listening," he said. "They are all going to Theresa May's deal again, they just want to change it cosmetically." Chris Edwards, 34, from Colchester, felt none of the candidates "seem to believe in leaving the EU". "They were all saying leaving without a deal is basically Armageddon but we should prepare for it just in case," he said. "It was in British law that we were supposed to leave on 29 March... I feel like the chance has gone." But Mr Edwards believes Mr Johnson has the best chance of securing a deal on 31 October, if he has the right cabinet. "If he can get Jacob Rees-Mogg and Esther McVey in the cabinet they would be the real structure... and he could just be the celebrity," he added. Robert Dugmore, 63, from Birmingham, said he found the debate "profoundly depressing". "Whichever of those gentlemen gets elected at the end of July, nothing has changed in parliament," he added. "They are going to go in, they don't have a majority, what are they going to do if they can't get it through? "All they were doing was demonstrating the impossibility of the situation, they were kicking it around and I thought none of them were better than what we just got rid of." Tackling Islamophobia Among those who appeared during the debate posing questions to the candidates was Abdullah Patel from Gloucester, speaking from a studio in Bristol. An imam, he said he had seen the everyday impact of "Islamophobic rhetoric" and asked whether candidates accepted that words have consequences. Mr Patel said he had assumed the candidates would not answer his question, but was pleased with the promise of action. "Boris answered by speaking about his grandfather then going on to Iran and dodging the question, Gove used it to have a dig at Jeremy Corbyn and Jeremy Hunt thought it was the right time to start speaking about his own family rather than actually addressing the question and to be honest it is nothing less than I expected," he said. On Wednesday it emerged Mr Patel had shared controversial tweets about Israel. He said he was sure he had not criticised his Jewish "brothers", but stood by criticism of Israeli policy. A BBC spokesperson said: "Had we been aware of the views he expressed there he would not have been selected." Mr Patel has also been suspended as deputy head of a girls' school in Gloucester. Was there a winning candidate? Boris Johnson might be the current favourite, but viewers had mixed opinions on whether there was an overall winner. Mr Johnson's place in the lead was secured in the latest round of voting, securing 126 votes - 12 more than in the first round and 80 more than Mr Hunt who was in second place with with 46 votes. Amy Green, 36, who is chair of her local Conservative association in Leeds, said: "I think Boris came head and shoulders above the rest of the candidates. "He didn't get drawn into a lot of the back and forth like the other candidates did. He is clear with his ideas and his policy. "A big Brexiteer, somebody who really campaigned hard for Vote Leave and I like that, that he has a commitment to take us out at the end of October, come what may." Marian Peat, 65, from Nottingham, a self-confessed Boris Johnson fan, said she felt he was treated unfairly compared to other candidates. "The presenter was just going on about what he has said in the past," she said. Rory Stewart was the "most impressive", according to David Savage from Essex. The 74-year-old said: "All the others were making all sorts of promises, with no possibility of having them costed out properly, about reducing tax and all this sort of thing, and he did actually say, 'Let's be realistic about all this'." But for Martin Letts, 76, from Southampton, Mr Hunt, the current foreign secretary, was the winner: "I think Jeremy Hunt came over as a statesman... his body language was very good. "I think Jeremy came over as the most diplomatic statesman and he could therefore stand up to EU negotiations." But it was not a view shared by Chris Gray, 74, from Gosport - although she was unimpressed by all of the candidates. "They still don't live in the real world," she said. "I picked up on the fact that they kept having digs at Jeremy Corbyn, I think perhaps they are running a bit scared of him. "It was a lot of waffle. They are just not dealing with the proper issues." What happens next? The candidates face the next round of eliminations on Wednesday, with the final two likely to be known by the end of the week. And although the winner will become the country's next prime minister, the only people eligible to vote will be Conservative Party members. None of the candidates in the debate said they would be keen to take the country to another general election while the issue of Brexit still looms. But that was not something Elliott Curtis, 43 from Malmesbury, Wiltshire, found acceptable. "It was a good debate tonight but I think the final vote and say should be down to the general public to vote on the next PM," he said.

कंजर्वेटिव पार्टी के नेतृत्व के दावेदारों द्वारा सामना की गई दूसरी टीवी बहस में ब्रेक्सिट और इस्लामोफोबिया हावी रहे। बाकी पांच उम्मीदवार बीबीसी वन पर अवर नेक्स्ट प्राइम मिनिस्टर बहस के लिए मिले, जिसके दौरान उन्होंने जनता के सदस्यों के सवालों के जवाब दिए। लेकिन दर्शकों ने अपने जवाबों के बारे में क्या कहा?


The Morning Show: Will Gompertz reviews Aniston and Witherspoon's Apple TV drama ★★☆☆☆

Summary: Apple has made some good products over the years, real game-changers like the original 1984 all-in-one Macintosh, as well as all those nifty "i" gadgets: the iMac, the iPod, the iPhone and so on.

Will GompertzArts editor@WillGompertzBBCon Twitter Of course, there have been misses along the way. Remember the Newton? The Pippin? And what about the 2006 iPod hi-fi? It was the tech giant's attempt to muscle in on the lucrative speaker-doc market. But it was too late to the party, received lukewarm reviews, and was withdrawn a year later. The consumer expects Apple to be a leader not a follower. Lesson learnt? Possibly not. This Friday (1 November) saw the launch of Apple TV+, the company's £4.99-a-month original content streaming and download service. This marks the Cupertino-based company's entry into an already crowded and highly competitive marketplace with established players such as the BBC's iPlayer, Netflix, Hulu and Amazon Prime. Disney is on its way too with a back-catalogue that puts Apple's handful of shows in the shade. It means the modest amount of initial content Apple is offering will have to be very good indeed to lure punters away from the competition. Or, maybe, boast one of those innovative twists on which the organisation's reputation and fortune are built. Well, there's not anything particularly fancy about the perfectly serviceable interface and user experience. And judging by the first three episodes of its starry blockbuster launch drama The Morning Show, it could find itself back in iPod hi-fi territory. The opening episode is as bad as anything I've seen since we entered this golden age of telly, which, arguably, started in 1994 with Friends (still the most popular show on Netflix). There is a connection… Rachel (Jennifer Aniston) and her sister Jill (Reese Witherspoon - Season Six, Feb 2000) are back in Manhattan together. But they've changed their names to Alex and Bradley respectively and aren't sisters at all, but TV news journalists. Alex is the successful co-anchor of The Morning Show, while Bradley has flown in from West Virginia where she was plying her trade as a reporter with a nose for hard news and an appetite for a fight. The action (I use the term loosely) starts at around 03:00 when Chip Black (Mark Duplass), The Morning Show's executive producer, receives a call bearing bad news from his boss (there are a lot of calls throughout, all on iPhones funnily enough). "We're destroyed," say Chip gloomily into the receiver. He phones The Morning Show's co-anchor Mitch Kessler (Steve Carell). "Someone better be dead, buddy," growls Mitch, which, to be fair, is exactly my reaction when the BBC Radio 4's Today Programme calls me at some unearthly hour. And then Alex's alarm goes off and she gets up and goes to work in a bit of a daze. Only to be confronted by Chip standing awkwardly with his hands in his trouser pockets making them look like jodhpurs. He is a picture of anguish. "Oh my god, who died?" asks Alex. Chip gulps. Nobody, it turns out. Something much worse as far as Alex is concerned. Mitch, her co-host and "TV husband" on the morning news show for the past 15 years, turns out to be a workplace "sexual predator". We don't know Mitch, we don't know the show (although it appears to be referencing NBC's Today Show, from which host Matt Lauer was fired in 2017 following allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denies), we don't know Alex, and what we've seen of Chip so far is enough to suggest we don't want to know him either. This is a problem. Because The Morning Show lurches straight into high-drama mode with Alex taking the lead through gritted teeth and fighting back tears because her beloved Mitch has been summarily fired. Which leaves you thinking... so what. It's all too soon. We're not on board yet. We're not invested in the characters or the story. It's only a few minutes in and we don't care. It's like having Christmas in July, we're not ready. The upshot of which is that the terrible script, laboured directing, and wooden acting are cruelly exposed. The dialogue is clunkier than a misfiring moped, written with an ear not of tin but of stone. I don't know if you remember Victoria Wood's spoof soap opera Acorn Antiques, but if you do it is just like that but not as funny. That is to say, it is amateurish, which is remarkable given the cost ($300m, or £232m, for 20 episodes according to Bloomberg, a figure contested by the drama's director Mimi Leder) and the star cast. None of that matters, though, if you haven't got the basics right, which in the world of TV means one thing above all else, and that is the writing. A script riddled with cliches such as those pouring from Mitch's mouth as he sulks at home with his squad while watching Alex explain to America why he isn't beside her, won't do: "Everything's changed and they forgot to send me the memo." Or "Since the dawn of time men have used their power to attract women." Or "I didn't hold a gun to anyone's head. It was consensual. Most of them came on to me." Steve Carell is a decent actor, but even he cannot make these lines land. Nor can Aniston and Witherspoon when it's their turn to deliver speeches designed to establish their characters but are so inelegantly crowbarred into the boilerplate plot that they have the opposite effect. The cliches don't stop with the script. The characters are straight out of central casting, which is hopeless given the show's ambition to explore the 21st Century entertainment industry post #MeToo, #OscarsSoWhite and #TimesUp. We have Cory Ellison (Billy Crudup) the know-it-all male boss who only cares about ratings and his career. We have Alex, seen as an ageing anchor whose vulnerability and newly found righteousness might just be the thing that brings the viewers back to a tired show. And we have the relationship between an older man and younger woman. So far, so Network. The difference being Network was made in 1976 when a TV newsroom drama felt fresh. Not so much 43 years later, when the subject is so common it has become a genre. It's not all terrible. The third episode is not nearly as bad. The contrived plot set-ups are in place, the dialogue is more focused, and the characters are beginning to show signs of life. But problems remain. This is supposed to be a contemporary piece about gender politics. And yet the two female lead characters are depicted as emotionally volatile women making decisions on impulse, while their male boss from whom they seek to wrest control is portrayed as intellectual, analytical and psychologically stable. The show's muddled thinking is evident again when a character is introduced claiming Mitch sexually assaulted her. Surely this provides some real drama at last to lift us out of Alex's tedious contract negotiations? But no. We hardly see or hear a word from the alleged victim. Her story is deemed not important. Instead, it's all about Alex again and how she is or isn't going to handle the interview with Mitch's accuser. The poetry of Robert Frost is evoked at one point, and there's a nod towards the famous queuing scene in Annie Hall, suggesting the show's creators know what good writing looks like. But they are woefully short of the mark in the first three episodes that are currently available to see. Maybe the next seven eps are going to be a knock-out. It is certainly moving in the right direction. But all I can do at this juncture is paraphrase the old-time Hollywood mogul Sam Goldwyn and say: Apple TV+ has raised writing to a new low. Recent reviews by Will Gompertz Follow Will Gompertz on Twitter

ऐपल ने पिछले कुछ वर्षों में कुछ अच्छे उत्पाद बनाए हैं, वास्तविक गेम-चेंजर जैसे मूल 1984 ऑल-इन-वन मैकिनटोश, साथ ही साथ वे सभी निफ़्टी "आई" गैजेट्सः आईमैक, आईपॉड, आईफ़ोन आदि।


'Why I don't want to host Christmas dinner'

Summary: For some, it is probably the thing you look forward to the most about Christmas Day - the food. A turkey with all the trimmings, cooked to perfection and leaving you as stuffed as the bird you've just devoured.

By Katie ThompsonBBC News But putting on a festive feast for all the family is no mean feat. Some might say it is a true test of being a proper grown-up. So is it any wonder that many of us are dodging this responsibility, even in our 30s and 40s, and still going home to mum and dad's for our Christmas dinner? Why are some people reluctant to step up to the plate and host? 'It would be carnage' Newlyweds Laura and Joe Hyland enjoy going to their respective parents' houses and "being treated like kids again". From opening big sacks of presents to tucking into a huge spread, they say part of the "magic" of Christmas is going back home and not having to worry about slaving over a hot stove. "It is too stressful to host it here," says Laura, 30. "We don't want to. We don't even consider it. We just turn up and eat it. "There are high expectations of the cooking. Everyone really looks forward to Christmas dinner so it has got to be good. I can't even make a roast dinner - I still go to mum for that on a Sunday." "I get treated like a kid on Christmas Day," says Joe, 29. "I get presents, I get fed, we play games - the magic returns. Going home is nostalgic. "It would be like a bit of our Christmas was being taken away if that changed. "There are about 18 people around a big massive table when I go home. It would be carnage if we did that." The couple, who live in Harborne, Birmingham, alternate where they go each year, to Laura's parents in Chester or Joe's family in Lichfield, Staffordshire. But when will the time come for that to change? Both say they are not in a hurry to take on the burden of hosting and want to "delay being an adult". "There is nothing stopping us [from hosting]," admits Joe, an accountant. "Maybe it is a generational thing, a millennial thing. Maybe we are being selfish? "I imagine when our parents were our age they had been making their own Christmas dinner for years." "When we have children I think we will start hosting, but not before," says Laura. "As we don't have kids yet I think there is an expectation for us to do the travelling too. I think it suits everyone. It suits us and our families." Joe adds: "I don't get stressed on Christmas Day. I don't even get out of my pyjamas. But if I was hosting I would be stressed. "I hope it does not make it worse. I look forward to Christmas. I don't want to have to stress about it." 'I am still the 'child' at Christmas' Jessica Tickner goes back to her family home in Burton-upon-Trent, Staffordshire, for her Christmas feast. But she does not just retreat there for her yuletide dinner, she spends the majority of her two-week Christmas break there. "I am still the 'child' who goes home for Christmas," says the 31-year-old. "I love every minute of it. It is still the same. I am not ready for that to stop. I am quite happy to put it off for as long as possible. "It is nice to not having to do anything and being looked after. I secretly think they [Mum and Dad] quite like looking after me, even at my age. "I don't have to do any shopping for it or buy anything. "I look forward to it and some home comforts." One of the main reasons she says she does not want to host is the expense that comes with it. A turkey, sides, starters, puddings, festive nibbles, crackers and alcohol does not come cheap. The English and drama teacher adds: "The cost is an issue. There is a lot of money involved and I can't afford it. Even for a small family it is expensive. "If I did not feel like it would set me back too much then I would definitely do it. It would be nice to do it without worrying about the financial side of it." She also questioned whether her culinary skills were up to the job of putting on dinner for a family-of-six, her partner, parents, brother and grandmother. "There is the worry of ruining Christmas dinner. There is a lot of pressure on it being as good as Mum and Dad's and to get it right. "Unless everyone was happy to wait for a long time on the day for me to do it, they might be disappointed. "If everyone chipped in and brought a course, that would make it less stressful." She thinks the role of Christmas Day head chef could be coming her way before long, though. "I have got a feeling in the future I will be the host, but I think it would take a bit of practice. "I don't think my Mum particularly enjoys hosting so I don't think it would cause any upset. "I think they would like it if I offered. I know if I did though my dad would end up cooking anyway. They would take over. "They would definitely give me a bit of stick and some jibes about the cooking, but it would just be in jest and a bit of banter." 'The pressure is huge' Katy Hughes, an art and photography teacher, makes the two-hour journey from Birmingham to her family home in Higher Sutton, Macclesfield, every year. "It is not questioned," she says. "There has never been a conversation about it - it is a given, the unspoken. We all go because that's what we've always done. "I don't want to host Christmas." Like many others her age, the 32-year-old does not want that tradition to change any time soon. She cites both practical reasons - not owning a big enough house - alongside the sentimental pull of happy childhood memories of being at home with the whole family for Christmas dinner. "It is a Christmas tradition to go home," she says. "All the family will come together for Christmas Day. It is a bit of a treat. "It is like a mini break, going home, being with the family. They live in the countryside. It is completely different from where I am living. "It's a routine now and we kind of stick to that routine." She is intimidated by the thought of hosting Christmas herself. "I feel like it would be a real big pressure if they came here," she says. "My Mum and Dad go to so much effort on the day. The food is really lovely. Sometimes they will do a test run of the courses. "The pressure of living up to that is huge. I would feel like I would have to do just as good a job, if not better. The have definitely raised the bar." Some might consider the more practical reasons, or excuses, a handy way of dodging the responsibility. Katy, who lives in a two-bedroom terraced house, adds: "My house is too small. I don't even have enough room to fit everyone around my table. "There is not enough room for them all to sleep here either so I would be conscious they would then have to drive two hours home. It probably would not be very stress free. "If my circumstances were different, I would definitely like to [host] one day and I really like the idea of it when I have a big enough house and am at a different stage in my life. But at this moment in time, it is not practical. "I don't think I could do it to the standard I would like to."

कुछ लोगों के लिए, यह शायद वह चीज है जिसका आप क्रिसमस के दिन सबसे अधिक इंतजार करते हैं-भोजन। सभी टुकड़ों के साथ एक टर्की, जिसे पूरी तरह से पकाया जाता है और आपको उस पक्षी की तरह भर देता है जिसे आपने अभी खाया है।


RHI inquiry: Emails sent to DUP were 'of type' leaked to media

Summary: Emails sent by the Ulster Farmers' Union's (UFU) chief executive to a DUP adviser and circulated within the party were of a type leaked to the media at the height of the scandal into NI's flawed green energy scheme.

By Conor Macauley & Jayne McCormackBBC News NI The evidence was heard at the Renewable Heat Incentive (RHI) inquiry. The UFU's Wesley Aston gave evidence. The scheme was set up in 2012 to boost uptake of eco-friendly heat systems, but huge subsidies left taxpayers with a £490m bill. Its failings led to the establishment of a public inquiry in January 2017. Mr Aston has been the chief executive of the UFU since 2015, and is a former policy director. The inquiry heard details of emails Mr Aston forwarded about the scheme to ex-DUP adviser Andrew Crawford in January 2017. 'No reason to hide' At that time, the debacle over the handling of RHI had exploded into the public domain. Mr Crawford, a one-time employee of the union was by then a very senior DUP special adviser, who would resign within weeks over claims he was involved in delaying cost controls to the scheme. The emails showed the level of contact there had been in summer 2015, between another UFU official, Chris Osborne and Stormont civil servants about the plan to cut lucrative RHI subsidies. Mr Crawford sent the emails to other party advisers, Richard Bullick and John Robinson, saying that Mr Aston was "content for us to use this info". Mr Aston told the inquiry that the UFU was given "no indication" about what Mr Crawford or the DUP would do with the emails. He said that because the emails contained information that the union "had no reason to hide"; he was happy to share them and would have done the same had any special adviser asked. Inquiry counsel Donal Lunny asked if Mr Aston thought the DUP might use the emails to "shift the focus" from Mr Crawford on to the department, but he said it did not occur to him at the time. Mr Lunny said the emails were of a type subsequently leaked to several media outlets, including the BBC and the News Letter. When the UFU was asked for comment by the News Letter journalist Sam McBride, who was writing a story about the emails, Mr Crawford was copied into its responses. Mr Aston said he had done this because the DUP adviser "was the subject of the statement". It was purely out of courtesy and not a case of validating the union's answers with Mr Crawford, he added. Mr Lunny asked Mr Aston if when he sent on the UFU response to the journalist's questions to Mr Crawford, he sought to establish whether the emails referred to, were in fact the ones he had released to the DUP. The inquiry counsel suggested that would've been a "natural" thing to have done. But Mr Aston replied: "It may have been obvious now, but at the time no." 'Tarnishing' Mr Aston later said he regretted what happened in summer 2015, which saw a spike in applications before cost controls were introduced - but that it was not a consequence of the UFU's making. It had asked for a delay to cost controls at that time, as "a grace period for those people who had committed to the scheme", he said. He also told the panel that what should have been a good scheme has ended up "tarnishing" the farming industry. "It's in all our interests to learn lessons going forward," he added. Earlier on Tuesday, another senior UFU official said farmers were unlikely to contact Northern Ireland's biggest agricultural union with concerns about lucrative payments on the RHI scheme. Poultry farmers made up the majority of RHI claimants. Chris Osborne, who is a senior policy officer with responsibility for renewable energy, said he had never been contacted by anyone worried about receiving big payments from the scheme, and their potential to make it unsustainable. Inquiry chairman Sir Patrick Coghlin said he did not think farmers were "exceptional" in that respect. Mr Osborne conceded that from an early stage, he understood the RHI tariff was higher than the cost of renewable fuel. He said he also could see how it would be attractive to some agriculture sectors with a high heat demand, such as dairy, pigs, poultry and mushrooms. 'Alarmed' He accepted that he also knew that there was no tiering in the Northern Ireland scheme, unlike in the Great Britain scheme which did have tiering - and this made it potentially more lucrative. Mr Osborne said the UFU had made its 12,000 members aware of the potential benefits of the scheme - but that the absence of tiering had not caused him any alarm. Mr Lunny asked the official why he had not been alarmed about the scheme's flaw. He put it to Mr Osborne: "(The flaw) would give rise to the ill you didn't want to arise, which was over-incentivisation, an uncompetitive sector and a renewable heat market that wasn't robust or likely to be prolonged. "So wouldn't that have been what the industry and the union - if it really was concerned about the things you say it was - ought you not to have been alarmed by what you knew?" Mr Osborne said he could not recall exactly why the UFU was not alarmed, but that it was not receiving feedback from the Enterprise Department, which ran the scheme, or from farmer claimants "on the ground" about the high rate of return. He said there had been a slow uptake of the incentive and it had been under budget for the first couple of years. He also said he believed the initial £25m budget over four years was finite and "when the money was spent, the budget was gone and that was it". 'Naivety' Later, Mr Osborne told the inquiry the UFU should have made the Enterprise Department aware of so-called "gaming" of the RHI scheme taking place. Gaming refers to the running of multiple small boilers, rather than one larger one, to maximise subsidy. In his witness statement, Mr Osborne said the union was told in March 2016 that some claimants were keeping their small boilers running all the time to generate more profit. However, when asked if the UFU flagged that claim with the Enterprise Department, Mr Osborne said he had not, because the "general assumption" was that Stormont officials would have been aware of it already. He said with hindsight, he accepted there had been "naivety" on the part of the union to not raise the concerns. He said by March 2016, the scheme had been closed, but that it would have been useful information for the department. Inquiry counsel Donal Lunny said the scheme had only been closed to new applicants, and there were still thousands of claimants - some of whom had got in before the restrictions came into effect - who were going to stay on the scheme for a long period of time. Mr Osborne said quite a few claimants were using the RHI scheme legitimately and were not abusing it. Mr Lunny replied: "But you were being told of actual overuse." Mr Osborne again conceded it should have been brought to the department's attention. 'Grace period' On Tuesday afternoon the inquiry was told the UFU met the Enterprise Department in July 2015 and was told by officials that the scheme was badly over budget, had no "closure button" and no cost controls. Mr Osborne said he did not recall there being a great sense of "urgency" to what they were telling the UFU, and that they would find the money RHI required. The UFU had asked the enterprise department for a "grace period" to allow farmers who had already invested money and applied to the scheme to get accredited before the changes came in that autumn. He also said it was at that meeting that the union warned civil servants about the danger of a spike in applications. In summer 2015, enterprise officials were working to bring the scheme's overspend under control, but the industry was aware changes were coming and was advising people to get on the initiative before the changes took effect. The warning concerned "40 new sheds" in which new RHI-registered heating systems would be fitted were "in the pipeline". Mr Osborne said he was not sure that the union used the word "spike", but he was confident it would have been clear that there was likely to be an increase in applications before the subsidies were cut. Mr Osborne was also asked about the union's stance in a recent public consultation about the long-term future of the scheme. 'Voting for Christmas' The UFU called for a return to the uncapped scheme, which at one point threatened to leave Northern Ireland taxpayers with a bill for almost £500m. Inquiry panellist Dr Keith MacLean asked why the union had tied itself to an option that went back to "bumper returns". Mr Osborne said to pick any of the other tariff options presented in the public consultation would have been akin to "turkeys voting for Christmas". He accepted that the union knew the government was never going to revert to the uncapped scheme. He said it was, in part, an opening gambit in what was expected to be a future negotiation about tariff levels. He said the UFU also did not want to compromise a legal challenge to the tariff changes being run by a collective of boiler owners, of which it is a member. 'Wracking my brains' Later, he also told the inquiry the union was not tipped off by Andrew Crawford that the scheme was closing in February 2016. But Mr Osborne said he could not remember how the union found out about the emergency shutdown. "I've been wracking my brains for the last number of weeks and months and indeed years trying to recall but I still can't remember," he said. The oral evidence sessions are due to finish at the end of October.

अल्स्टर फार्मर्स यूनियन (यू. एफ. यू.) के मुख्य कार्यकारी द्वारा एक डीयूपी सलाहकार को भेजे गए और पार्टी के भीतर प्रसारित किए गए ईमेल एन. आई. की त्रुटिपूर्ण हरित ऊर्जा योजना में घोटाले के चरम पर मीडिया में लीक हो गए थे।


Coronavirus: A mum's life inside the first US containment zone

Summary: This week the US declared its first coronavirus "containment zone" in New Rochelle, a city in Westchester County, New York state. So far, the state has reported 325 cases, the most in the US, and 148 of them are in Westchester County.

By Joshua NevettBBC News Tamar Weinberg and her family are among the residents living within New Rochelle's one-mile (1.6km) containment zone, which will remain in place until 25 March. None of her family have shown symptoms of the coronavirus, but have been self-isolating since last week, when the first case in the community was reported at their synagogue. Speaking to the BBC from home, Ms Weinberg described her fears and frustrations on the second day of New Rochelle's lockdown. "I've been in quarantine since last Wednesday, so as far as I'm aware, I don't even see the containment zone. I've been confined to my property. It's been kind of a mess here. There have been a lot of inefficiencies in terms of testing. At home, it gets a little bit stir crazy, especially when we're trying to control the kids. Nobody prepared for this. It's like any natural disaster or accident. You wake up, you could get in a car accident and not have any clue. It's akin to that, you don't expect that things could change literally in a second. It's such a weird dynamic. I'm living in this bubble and going on social media; that's my interaction right now. It's business as usual in the real world, and it's so hard to get my head around that reality. My reality is this bubble. I've been frozen in my own tracks. There is a silver lining of community in general. We have a tremendous support network of neighbours, members of the community, friends and family. They have truly supported us during this time. Thanks to social media, it has been anything but isolating. In some ways, I feel more connected than ever. Internally, it's really beautiful. Containment is not sustainable As the outbreak grows in our community, we have to trust that we're going to maintain an honour system. The National Guard was rolled out for two things. Number one is to make sure that people have a meal to eat. Number two is to make sure that places with large gatherings, such as synagogues, churches, schools, are completely decontaminated, disinfected and cleaned. I think that that response is appropriate. It's not something we can do on a national roll out. As a member of a congregation, I think that's helpful. But there's only so much that can be done. It's not going to stop the spread anywhere. This is something that ebbs and flows, it's more of a ripple effect. As people get better, others will get sick. It [the containment strategy] is not sustainable. A mother's touch As a parent, I'm already isolated as it is, and then I have to further isolate [from my kids]. That's the challenge that a lot of people don't understand. I find myself hugging my children without thinking, but I have to think twice now. For me, I have to maintain some sort of honour system to keep a distance. I have to be cognisant, and make sure I do not have any contact with them. When I find myself hugging my child, I think to myself, wait a minute I shouldn't. But at this point I don't have regrets, because my children need me. The school has been absolutely amazing. They erected this virtual learning website at incredibly short notice. Who could have predicted this would happen? My children have had virtual classes, every day. They can see their classmates across the area [on camera]. There are activities, so the teacher might record an eight-minute video explaining what to do, and the kids follow it. There are lots of fitness and gym classes, too. I've seen them doing mountain climbing, which is the cutest thing ever. It's good for them. It's a glorified vacation with an educational component. Riding out the coronavirus storm For myself, I'm going to take all the precautions and minimise contact. I'll be staying indoors for the moment. If I had any exposure [to the coronavirus], I want to make sure I ride that storm, and ride it without the risk to my neighbours and friends. I'm hoping that, after next week, life will resume as normal next week. I'll be coming out of my ripple. I'm hoping that in due time, we'll all be able to ride this storm together. We'll come out the other side healthier and stronger as a people." You may also be interested in:

इस सप्ताह अमेरिका ने न्यूयॉर्क राज्य के वेस्टचेस्टर काउंटी के एक शहर न्यू रोशेल में अपना पहला कोरोनावायरस "नियंत्रण क्षेत्र" घोषित किया। अब तक, राज्य में 325 मामले सामने आए हैं, जो अमेरिका में सबसे अधिक हैं, और उनमें से 148 वेस्टचेस्टर काउंटी में हैं।


Papua New Guinea police mobile numbers made public

Summary: A police chief in Papua New Guinea has released the mobile phone numbers of senior colleagues and told people to call them personally for help - even if it's the middle of the night, it's reported.

By News from Elsewhere......as found by BBC Monitoring National Capital District Metropolitan Supt Benjamin Turi has publicised the mobile numbers of more than a dozen local commanders in the hope it will reduce police misconduct and improve community relations, according to Radio New Zealand International. "Policing commanders can be called anytime of the night to assist," he says. "We are here to serve our people, regardless of when and what time." He says not all police station commanders are happy about what he has done, but he had no choice because people were calling him throughout the night for help. More than 1,600 complaints of police abuse have been reported over a seven year period in Papua New Guinea, the website notes. Forty-one officers in the capital city, Port Moresby, have been suspended on misconduct charges since October. Next story: China publishes 'verified living buddha' list Use #NewsfromElsewhere to stay up-to-date with our reports via Twitter.

पापुआ न्यू गिनी में एक पुलिस प्रमुख ने वरिष्ठ सहयोगियों के मोबाइल फोन नंबर जारी किए हैं और लोगों से कहा है कि वे मदद के लिए उन्हें व्यक्तिगत रूप से कॉल करें-भले ही यह आधी रात हो।


Covid: From boom to bust - why lockdown hasn't led to more babies

Summary: For those who thought that lockdown would leave couples with little else to do than procreate, there was a surprise - not a baby boom but a baby bust. Research shows that the US is facing the biggest slump in births in a century and in parts of Europe the decline is even steeper.

By Stephanie HegartyPopulation correspondent When Frederike moved in with her parents to care for an elderly relative at the beginning of the pandemic she thought of it as a gift, a chance to spend time with her family. But a few months in, the 33-year-old from Germany started to feel a deep sense of loss. Frederike is single and realised that the pandemic was robbing her of the chance to meet someone and start a family. "Time feels really precious at the moment and my life has been put on hold," she says. She tried online dating but going on walks in winter in sub-zero temperatures doesn't encourage romance. Now, when she's feeling low the same thought swirls obsessively inside her head: "When this is over I'm going to be infertile. "I'm sitting indoors in the years when I can have a child." For those who study population the baby bust was not a revelation. "Having seen how bad the pandemic was I'm not surprised," says Philip N Cohen, professor of sociology at the University of Maryland. "But it is still just shocking to see something like this happen in real time." In June last year economists at the Brookings Institute in the United States estimated that US births would fall by 300,000 to half a million babies. At the same time a survey of fertility plans in Europe showed 50% of people in Germany and France who had planned to have a child in 2020 were going to postpone it. In Italy 37% said they had abandoned the idea altogether. A US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) report indicates an 8% drop in births in the month of December. Early data from Italy suggests a 21.6% decline at the beginning of the year and Spain is reporting its lowest birth rate since records began - a decline of 20%. Nine months on from the start of the pandemic France, Korea, Taiwan, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have all reported monthly birth figures for December or January that were their lowest in more than 20 years. Google search terms Joshua Wilde and his team at the Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research in Germany predicted this decline and their research shows the effect - in the US at least - is likely to go on for months. They looked at the prevalence of Google search terms in the US - like the pregnancy test "Clearblue" or "morning sickness". In October they predicted that by February there would be a 15.2% decline in births. Now they see that slump extending until August. It would be the largest fall in births in more than a century, lasting longer than the effect of the 2008 recession or even the Great Depression in 1929. Typically, recessions and pandemics see a decline in births then a rebound, Wilde says. "You would imagine that when the first wave ended, everyone would be like, oh boy, you know, time to have all those kids that we were going to have." But this time it's different. "What I'm finding is no. People, if they're waiting, they're waiting for a really long time." And some will have decided not to have that child at all. This makes sense to Steve. For the past three years he has been having the same conversation over and over again with his wife. She wants another child, a little sister for their two boys. He is happy with their family of four. "So every year I come up with excuses," he says. He has tried to convince her that the economic situation in Nigeria where they live is too unpredictable but she wasn't buying it - until now. "For the first time, because of Covid-19, she has actually agreed that she is done." For a middle-class couple like Steve and his wife children are a choice. But not for everyone. The UN's sexual and reproductive health agency says the pandemic has caused nearly 12 million women in 115 countries to lose access to family planning services. It could result in 1.4 million unintended pregnancies. In Indonesia alone, the government predicts half a million more babies will be born because of the pandemic. During lockdown the government sent cars around towns and cities blasting a message from loudspeakers. "Dads, please control yourself," the message said. "You can have sex. You can get married. But don't get pregnant." The country's national family planning agency says up to 10 million people stopped using contraception because they couldn't access clinics or pharmacies in that time. So why are Europe and the US facing a baby bust? One theory is that people are having less sex. A report from the Kinsey Institute at the University of Indiana in the US found that 40% of people surveyed, regardless of gender or age, reported a decline in their sex life during the pandemic. A smaller survey in China yielded similar results. In South Asia, a survey reported no decline. But we should be careful about reading too much into these studies, says Marieke Dewitte, a psychologist and sexologist at the University of Maastricht. "People react very differently to how this pandemic affects their sexuality and their relationship," she says. "For some people stress increases sexual desire and for other people it kills sexual desire." What is more convincing is the firm and established link between economics and babies. Throughout history in different countries, economic confidence has led to a rise in births and uncertainty to a decline. The study of European adults' fertility plans found people in Germany, France and the UK who lived in the areas worst affected by Covid-19 were more likely to postpone having children. At the same time a number of wealthier northern European countries that have dealt relatively well with the pandemic, such as the Netherlands, Norway, Denmark and Finland, are reporting little or no decline in births in December or January. 'A high price' This is all part of a much greater trend towards declining births - which worries some people. In the future if there are fewer people of working age, there will be less tax revenue generated to pay for pensions and healthcare for old people who in turn are living longer. There are solutions to this problem - increasing the retirement age for example or encouraging immigration - but those have political implications. Many countries have tried to increase the numbers of babies born with little success. Once birth rates decline it's difficult to convince women to have more babies. "After the large recession of 2009 there may have been some rebound but not back up to the level it was," says Prof Philip Cohen. "Certainly in the United States fertility rates never recovered to their pre-recession levels." In this context women are older by the time they start thinking of having children, the window of time they have to conceive is shorter. Frederike feels she's running out of time, but she is optimistic at least. She's thinking about freezing her eggs or having a child with a gay friend - but considering too, that she may not have children at all. That has given her a sense of control. "I'm happy to be doing this to protect older people, but it's quite a high price."

उन लोगों के लिए जो सोचते थे कि लॉकडाउन से जोड़ों के पास प्रजनन के अलावा और कुछ नहीं होगा, एक आश्चर्य था-एक बेबी बूम नहीं बल्कि एक बेबी बस्ट। शोध से पता चलता है कि अमेरिका एक सदी में जन्मों में सबसे बड़ी मंदी का सामना कर रहा है और यूरोप के कुछ हिस्सों में गिरावट और भी अधिक है।


Coronavirus: A week of socially-distanced political bloopers

Summary: On Monday, I inadvertently spread a bit of happiness amongst BBC Newsline's viewers when I had to momentarily dive off-screen to rescue my microphone, which blew over in a gust of wind.

Mark DevenportPolitical editor, Northern Ireland@markdevenporton Twitter On Tuesday, members of Westminster's Northern Ireland Affairs Committee enjoyed some unscheduled light relief courtesy of Claire Hanna's daughter, who interrupted the South Belfast MP in the midst of her interrogation of government minister Robin Walker (the brief interregnum in the proceedings was handled beautifully by committee chair Simon Hoare). On Thursday, BBC News NI's programme The View shared with a wider audience what a few of us had already been privileged to witness - our esteemed colleague Gareth Gordon's head being turned into a potato on a webcast of Inside Politics Q&A, courtesy of his exuberant daughter Ella. Apart from being enjoyable in their own right, these bloopers all have something in common - they are all consequences of the strange new ways in which we are adapting to work through a pandemic. But the wind is the wind and couldn't a reporter's microphone blow over at any time? True, it has happened to me in the past. However, the chances of my Monday mishap were increased by the way our camera crews are having to work right now. Due to social distancing, our camera operators don't pin personal microphones on reporters and our journalists and contributors aren't meant to handle gear like microphones, which will then be used by multiple members of staff. So whilst the wind at Stormont has always been strong, there's currently more opportunity for it to do its worst (note to editors - more sandbags for our stands, please!). Whether it's unscheduled interruptions to politicians attending committees, radio guests disappearing into the online ether or home-working presenters being drowned out by their dogs, there will be glitches from time to time. A prediction - when our children return to school in the autumn, there will be plenty of things which don't go smoothly. However, as Voltaire put it, the perfect should not be the enemy of the good. In amongst the dodgy Zoom calls with muted colleagues and long traipses around one-way systems in previously deserted office corridors, we are all discovering new ways of coping which may yet stand us in good stead. A senior lawyer confessed to pinching himself at the realisation that he can (and did) appear in front of the Irish Supreme Court all day, and was still able to take his lunch in his kitchen in County Down halfway through the proceedings. These new ways of working may not always be ideal and point up the deficiencies many of us struggle with when it comes to broadband. Lord Sugar also had a point when he asked Jeremy Vine how new employees are expected to learn the tricks of their trade without being able to observe more experienced colleagues operating within a shared workspace. Nevertheless, when the pandemic is over and we are thinking about how to tackle traffic congestion and global warming, or looking to save on the cost of office space or improve the design of our cities, we shall remember what we achieved now and consider which of the remarkable advances we can bank. Inside Politics calls in on East Antrim Next week's Inside Politics Q&A will, sadly, not be presented by Mr Potato Head. However we do have an exciting development as my Carrickfergus born-and-bred colleague Jayne McCormack is stepping in to present our East Antrim edition. Her guests will be DUP Junior Minister Gordon Lyons, Alliance MLA Stewart Dickson and UUP Assembly Deputy Speaker Roy Beggs. If you have any questions for our panel please email Inside.Politics@bbc.co.uk or tweet using our hashtag #bbcip

सोमवार को, मैंने अनजाने में बीबीसी न्यूज़लाइन के दर्शकों के बीच थोड़ी खुशी फैला दी जब मुझे अपने माइक्रोफ़ोन को बचाने के लिए कुछ समय के लिए ऑफ़-स्क्रीन गोता लगाना पड़ा, जो हवा के झोंके में उड़ गया।


The Indian woman using her body to fight for equality

Summary: Imagine a young woman beginning a performance standing naked on a stage. In conservative Indian society, it is very hard to imagine but for playwright and actor Mallika Taneja, the body is the most powerful tool in the battle for women's equality. She told the BBC's Ayeshea Perera what motivates her.

"The first time I performed naked in a truly public space ...it was great fun. "There was a camera person there and if you watch his footage you can see a jerk when the lights come on because he literally fell over in shock. And someone in the audience said 'Aiyo!'," Mallika Taneja recalls, laughing. But although it is the most talked about aspect of her play, the 33-year-old says nudity is not the point of her piece. Thoda Dhyan Se (Be a little careful) is meant to provoke people into thinking about whether women's clothing really has any correlation with sexual violence. It is also, in a sense, an expression of something she says motivates a lot of her work - the impact of a single body in any given situation. "What does it take for a group to be dispersed? Just one person dissenting. "A single body can stand in the middle of a crowd and bring it to a halt," she says. "For example, if a group of people are running one way, all it takes is just one person running the other way to disrupt the flow." The opening scene - where she stands naked and looks at her audience for a full eight minutes - is an example of that. In every performance she has done in the last four years, she says, those first minutes have been met with a silence that "fills the room". In that moment, Ms Taneja adds, as she watches her audience watch her, she is aware that although outnumbered, she is the most powerful body in that space. But she is also the most vulnerable. "As a woman in particular, I find the entire concept fascinating. What is it about our bodies that terrifies people so much, that it always has to be hidden away and regulated?" Performing naked on stage is still an unnerving experience for her. She is very strict about not allowing mobile phones and other recording devices inside the hall. Notably, in the four years that she has performed the play, not a single photograph or video of her nudity has surfaced online. As the play goes on, Ms Taneja wears more and more clothes, even putting on a helmet at some point, each time explaining to her audience that as a woman, she needs to "be a little careful". "Be a little careful" is a phrase which though often used with concern, is still a subtle form of victim shaming in cases of sexual assault. Women are often asked why were they out that late at night? Why were they alone with men? Why were they dressed a certain way? They are constantly told that if something happens to them, then they are also partially responsible, that they should have "been a little careful". It is this attitude that Ms Taneja is attempting to challenge, using her own body as a weapon. "Women identify with the piece easily, but what is important is that many men say it has been an eye-opener for them. Some of them say that after watching the play, they feel horrible about being male. But that is not the point of my piece, it's not to make them feel bad, it's to start conversations." Her preference for solo work is partly inspired by her own lifestyle. Ms Taneja is unmarried, lives by herself and does not work a regular nine-to-five job but pays her own bills through her theatre work. She concedes that success, and the financial security that has come with it, has given her a lot more power to resist. "No-one - not my father, no-one in my family - questions my lifestyle or my work," she says. This sort of fiercely independent existence is not as rare as it once was, but is still by no means the norm in India. If unmarried, many women would be expected to continue living in their parental homes. But it is exactly this type of rebellion - unseen yet significant - that is seeing so many young Indian women come out of the shadows and assert their rights. And this is what Ms Taneja says she also tries to capture in her work. "We do have the power to say no. Yes there will be consequences, and it is easier for some of us to do it than others, but finally it is up to us. If we don't say no to the things happening to us, who will?" If a woman says no even once, she adds, then they will have made their contribution to the cause of equality. And while she acknowledges the importance of larger movements to bring people together, she reiterates that finally, change will only happen when the individual has decided to take a stand. In 2012, India saw that happen. The horrific Delhi gang rape prompted hundreds of thousands of women to come out on to the streets, shouting that they had put up with enough. India's tough new rape laws and a complete change in the way rape was reported and talked about, were direct consequences of that anger. Ms Taneja's play was prompted by her own anger towards a similar case that took place a year later in Mumbai when a photojournalist was gang-raped while on assignment. "What is the fight for? Our bodies and everything they carry," she says. She does get asked some tough questions though. A lot of women who have watched her play ask her if she would have performed the piece if she had not been slim. "I don't know the answer to that. This is the body I have always had. All I can say to them is 'I hope so'. But having said that, I am aware that I have a type of body that is more 'acceptable' to society," she says thoughtfully. She concedes that with every performance it has become easier, and standing in front of strangers is always better than seeing someone she knows in the audience. But there are still off days. "Sometimes I just don't feel good. Sometimes I have my period. But I still have to go out there, stand up straight and do it," she says. "But it is my body and I refuse to lose control of it." This story is part of a series about Indian women fighting for equality

कल्पना कीजिए कि एक युवा महिला मंच पर नग्न होकर प्रदर्शन शुरू कर रही है। रूढ़िवादी भारतीय समाज में, यह कल्पना करना बहुत मुश्किल है, लेकिन नाटककार और अभिनेत्री मल्लिका तनेजा के लिए, महिलाओं की समानता की लड़ाई में शरीर सबसे शक्तिशाली उपकरण है। उन्होंने बीबीसी की आयशा परेरा को बताया कि उन्हें क्या प्रेरित करता है।


Queen Elizabeth II’s birthday 2016: What can we learn about long life?

Summary: The Queen is celebrating her 90th birthday this week yet there are few signs that she is slowing down. Last year alone she carried out 306 engagements in the UK and 35 abroad. What does the Queen's good health tell us about longevity?

By Claire BatesBBC News Magazine Good genes The Queen can thank her mother, who lived to 101, for passing on good genes. According to Prof Sarah Harper, from the Oxford Institute of Population Ageing, just over half your chance of living a long life is dictated by luck of birth. "If you have parents and grandparents who made it into their eighties and nineties there is a chance you have inherited good genes. You are more likely to have a strong immune system and are less likely to develop chronic diseases such as cancer and cardiovascular problems. "Genes also influence if we have obsessive behaviours, such as taking more risks or to eat or drink too much." The Queen's father, George VI, died at 57 while her paternal grandfather, George V, died at 70. However, both died from smoking-related diseases. Her paternal grandmother lived to 85, while her maternal grandfather and grandmother lived to 89 and 75 respectively. Avoided bad habits Half of long-term smokers die prematurely, losing an average 10 years of life. Smoking causes heart disease, lung cancer and chronic bronchitis, among others. However, the Queen was never tempted to take up the habit, according to her former press secretary, Dickie Arbiter. "People smoked a lot more when the Queen was younger," he says. "Both her father and her sister smoked, but it never attracted her. It was something that just didn't appeal." According to Vanity Fair, Prince Philip gave up cigarettes on his wedding day, because Elizabeth's father's addiction to cigarettes had caused her anguish. The Queen apparently also has a healthy approach to alcohol. "She doesn't drink a lot," says Arbiter. "If she's having a drink she will usually just have one. Two is very rare." This would be well within NHS guidelines. The NHS advises that men and women should not consume more than 14 units of alcohol a week and this should be spread across three days or more. A standard glass of wine (175ml, 12%) is about two units. Drinking more than this raises the risk of heart and liver disease as well as mouth, throat and breast cancer. More coverage In pictures: Queen at 90 in 90 images How will the Queen's birthday be celebrated? Special report Sensible eating Darren McGrady, who was the Queen's personal chef, told People magazine last year that she keeps a close eye on her figure. He said when she isn't entertaining she sticks to simple meals like grilled chicken with salad. "She's very disciplined. No starch is the rule. No potatoes, rice or pasta for dinner," he said. Neither the Queen nor Prince Philip has a reputation for overindulging at mealtimes, according to royal historian Kate Williams. "It's important as they have to attend a lot of formal dinners and banquets." Obesity, which is caused by a poor diet and lack of exercise, reduces your life expectancy between three and 10 years. It's a major risk factor for heart disease and strokes as well as diabetes and some cancers. Overweight and obese children are more likely to become obese adults, but this wasn't an issue for the young princess, according to Williams. "She had a very healthy childhood. She and Margaret had a governess and had lessons in the mornings but then dancing, playing and horse riding in the afternoon. "During the war they lived on rations liked everyone else. Her Majesty still prefers to eat simple food afterwards, like meat with veg, not processed foods." Marriage Marriage has been found to have a protective effect on health, as long as it's a happy one. Researchers at NYU Langone Medical Center found a successful marriage reduced a spouse's risk of cardiovascular disease by 5% compared with a single person, but a strained marriage increased it. The Queen and Prince Philip, who is five years older, have been married for 68 years. In 2012 Elizabeth paid tribute to her husband during her Diamond Jubilee celebrations calling him her "constant strength and guide". "She has a strong marriage," says Arbiter. "There has only been one man in her life and that's Philip." Other long-lived British monarchs Stayed physically active The Queen exercises every day to help her bear the strain of her physically demanding job. "She rides once or twice a week when she's at Windsor and walks during the day. If she doesn't have time to walk the dogs in the morning she will walk them in the afternoon," Arbiter says. "Unlike many modern workers she doesn't sit at a desk all day. During an investiture [a ceremony where she bestows honours such as OBEs] she is standing for up to 90 minutes." Harper says evidence suggests the best exercise is constant activity, rather than spending half an hour doing the same thing like running on a treadmill. After a long day the Queen is careful to get a good night's rest. "She sleeps around seven hours a night and is woken around 7.30am in the morning," Arbiter says. A study from the University of Warwick found those who slept less than six hours a night or more than nine hours had an increased chance of dying prematurely compared with those who got between six to eight hours a night. Coped with stress Stress can take years off a person's life. A study published in the British Medical Journal found even low-level stress increased the risk of heart attacks and strokes by 20%. So how has the Queen coped with the responsibility as head of the Royal Family, life in the public eye and a busy work schedule? "I don't think the Queen does stress," Arbiter says. "She's been doing this job for so long she is conditioned against it. She can get angry if something doesn't go right, but as it's often out of her control there is no point becoming stressed about it." Harper points to a Whitehall study that found the higher a person's status in the civil service, the healthier and longer lived they were. It found if you are more in control of your life, you have a better chance of living longer. "The Queen is an interesting case as there are some aspects of her life that aren't in her control," says Harper. "However, she does apply control in all the areas where she is free to make decisions. She chose to marry Prince Philip despite some disapproval. It's known that she makes all the daily decisions in her household, such as checking the daily menus." Kept mentally alert As head of state in the UK as well as 15 countries in the Commonwealth, the Queen has much to occupy her mind. "She reads a lot, she gets government papers from countries all over the world," says Arbiter. "She gets her red box of government papers every day apart from Christmas Day. She reads and answers correspondence, she prepares for audiences and talks to all sorts of different people. She has receptions that range from health to the arts and politics and spends the first hour of garden parties meeting and talking to people. Her schedule is pretty relentless." A study from the Rush Medical Centre in Chicago found mental stimulation was linked to a slower rate of cognitive decline, although more research is needed. Faith and charity The Queen is titled the Defender of the Faith in the UK and is a committed Christian. She has written a foreword to the book The Servant Queen and the King She Serves, which has been published to celebrate her 90th birthday. She wrote: "I have been - and remain - very grateful to you for your prayers and to God for his steadfast love. I have indeed seen his faithfulness." Religious belief has been linked to a longer life, although scientists aren't entirely sure what the connection is. "It could be that religious faith, especially in the West, comes with a community and support network. On the other hand faith may make you feel more positive about life and death. Studies have found that optimists live longer than pessimists," says Harper. Helping others can also boost longevity. A review in BioMed Central found those who did volunteer work could reduce their early mortality rate by 22%. They also benefited from reduced levels of depression. "Caring for others, such as doing charity work, can make you feel valued and positive about yourself. It's also important to have a purpose in life. We work not just to earn money but to contribute to society," Harper says. The Queen is patron of more than 600 charities and organisations, including Great Ormond Street Hospital, Cancer Research UK and the RSPCA. Research from the Charities Aid Foundation in 2012, found that she had helped them raise £1.4bn. Subscribe to the BBC News Magazine's email newsletter to get articles sent to your inbox.

महारानी इस सप्ताह अपना 90वां जन्मदिन मना रही हैं, फिर भी कुछ संकेत हैं कि उनकी गति धीमी हो रही है। पिछले साल ही उन्होंने यू. के. में 30 और विदेशों में 35 कार्यक्रम किए। महारानी का अच्छा स्वास्थ्य हमें दीर्घायु के बारे में क्या बताता है?


Plans for Velindre Cancer Centre in Whitchurch, Cardiff

Summary: An outline planning application is due to be submitted for a new cancer centre in Cardiff.

Velindre NHS Trust wants to build a new Velindre Cancer Centre on land north of Whitchurch Hospital playing fields. It would include a specialist cancer treatment centre, facilities for learning, research and development. Access is proposed from the Coryton interchange and emergency access via Hollybush Estate.

कार्डिफ में एक नए कैंसर केंद्र के लिए एक रूपरेखा योजना आवेदन जमा किया जाना है।


JFK anniversary: The myth and reality

Summary: The assassination of John F Kennedy means that we all get to decide how his story should have ended, and thus plot an alternative trajectory for the country he so fleetingly led. The events in Dallas exactly 50 years ago made JFK as much a myth as a man, one of history's most endlessly malleable figures.

Nick BryantNew York correspondent He was a politician "cut down in his prime", in the words of the well-worn narrative, whom Americans and others around the world could mould into the president they yearned him to be. For those who continue to idolise him, he is the charismatic leader, tempered by his personal experience of war, who would have extricated America from the horror of Vietnam. The liberal-minded reformer who would have dismantled segregation and repaired the country's racial breach. The visionary who might have saved America from the long national nightmare of Watergate, and also its central villain, Richard Nixon, whom he had defeated in the 1960 election. For them, the wounds of Dallas have yet to heal. To his detractors, however, Kennedy was a playboy president, who enlarged America's involvement in Vietnam, regarded civil rights cynically as a political problem to manage rather than a moral issue to champion and whose presidency is almost as noteworthy for its 1,000 nights as its 1,000 days. Perhaps Dallas even saved him from a lifetime of tawdry tabloid headlines, and the lurid details being made public of his affairs with Hollywood starlets, like Marilyn Monroe, and the Mafia moll, Judith Campbell Exner. Killed at the age of just 46, having become America's youngest elected president less than three years earlier, few other historical figures have attracted so many "what ifs". Consider the black-and-white photo (below) that emerged during the 1992 presidential campaign, which showed the young Bill Clinton meeting Kennedy on the lawns of the White House in 1963. It was a huge boon for the Clinton campaign, for it looked almost as if Kennedy was handing the torch to the next generation of Democratic leaders, and that the Arkansan's success was somehow preordained. But in the 1995 novel Idlewild, the name of New York's international airport before it became a memorial to the slain president, the author Mark Lawson imagined an alternate history. With Kennedy and Marilyn Monroe living to see old age, the Clinton campaign tries its damnedest to suppress the photo out of fear of associating their candidate with a disgraced former president. Certainly, it is hard to visualise Kennedy as a presidential pensioner. And given our rapacious appetite for scandal, he would unquestionably have become the target of character assassins in the media - a far cry from the early 60s when his peccadilloes went unreported. Leaving aside the counter-factuals, even the facts of Kennedy's career are widely misunderstood. His victory in the 1960 presidential election was not contingent on the phantom ballots of dead voters in Chicago spirited up by the city's then mayor Richard J Daley. Kennedy would have beaten Vice-President Richard Nixon even without Illinois in his column. It is also worth remembering that the polls suggested strongly that President Dwight Eisenhower would easily have won a third term had not the US constitution restricted him to two. It pained Kennedy that he did not beat Nixon more convincingly - his hair's breadth victory margin in the popular vote was just 112,827 votes - and that the electorate did not love him more. Back then, Kennedy was not regarded as a passionate liberal. Nor did he ever become one. Rather, he was a calculating pragmatist, famed for his cool detachment and emotional aloofness, who tried to straddle the divide which then existed in the Democratic party between northern progressives and southern segregationists. When southerners backed his bid to become the vice-presidential nominee at the 1956 Democratic convention, Kennedy said that for the rest of his life he'd be singing "Dixie", a great anthem of the states of the old Confederate south where segregation still prevailed. When Lyndon Johnson emerged as his main rival for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1960, he positioned himself as more of a reformer. From his first run for office in 1946 to his last in 1960, he did whatever was politically necessary to win. Colleagues on Capitol Hill, where Kennedy had served for 14 years as a congressman and senator, regarded him as wholly unqualified for the presidency. Lyndon Johnson, the famed Master of the Senate, was especially withering, describing his junior colleague as a "young whippersnapper, malaria-ridden and yellow, sickly, sickly". Eleanor Roosevelt, FDR's widow, regarded him as a lightweight, an apologist for Joe McCarthy, the head of the communist witch-hunt, and a stooge of his father, Joe Kennedy. The New Frontier, rather than being a carefully thought-out programme, was a slogan designed to revive memories of the New Deal. JFK was no FDR. But it is the style of the Kennedy years that we recall as much as their substance. JFK's Camelot - a phrase shrewdly introduced by Jackie Kennedy in her first interview after her husband's death - was staggeringly beautiful, and more than met the visual demands of the television age. After Harry Truman and Eisenhower, the Kennedys brought some much-needed glamour to the White House. Partly because of his celebrity and youth, Kennedy is seen as the leader who ushered in American modernity. But much of his modern-day appeal is explained by the fact that he also recalls a more innocent time: the post-war, pre-Dallas phase when America was animated by a sense of possibility before the pessimism of the late-Sixties and Seventies took hold. It was also a less violent time, of course, when US presidents could still be driven through the streets of even hostile cities in an open-top limousine. Multiple shootings were a rarity. Most Americans would not have understood what was meant by the term "terrorism." Scholars have not been so easily seduced by the style and iconography of the Kennedy years. Indeed, with no other president is there such a wide discrepancy between his public and academic reputation. In terms of domestic legislation, his record of achievement was relatively meagre. On civil rights, he was a bystander for the first two-and-half years of his presidency, and had never wanted to lead the great social revolution of his age because he feared it would split the Democratic Party. His reckless womanising unquestionably distracted him from the affairs of state. Having boosted America's involvement in Vietnam in the early part of his presidency, he called for a reduction in the number of military advisors before his death. But we simply do not know whether this would have led to a wider withdrawal or whether he would have escalated the war. Kennedy, after all, was a Cold Warrior who had promised that America would bear any cost in its defence of freedom. Nikita Khrushchev, who regarded him as a novice, also needled. Unimpressed with Kennedy at their first summit meeting in Vienna in 1961, and also the botched handling of the Bay of Pigs debacle the same year, the Soviets were emboldened to build the Berlin Wall and position nuclear warheads in Cuba. Kennedy's speeches could be brilliant, and inspired thousands to enter public service, not just in America but also around the world. That may be his greatest legacy, hard though it is to measure. His inaugural address, where he challenged Americans not to ask what the country could do for them but what they could do for their country, ranks amongst the best. He is one of the few US presidents most of us can quote, even if it is just four words: "Ich bin ein Berliner." At times, however, his rhetoric was considered inadequate. James Meredith, whose determination to register as the first black student at University of Mississippi led to one of the climactic battles of the civil rights era, submitted his application in anger at Kennedy's failure during his inaugural address to denounce the evil of segregation. The creation of the Peace Corps. The Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. The space programme. The peaceful resolution of the Cuban Missile crisis, when the world came perilously close to nuclear annihilation. All are positive entries in the historical ledger. By his time of his death, he was also becoming a more serious and substantial figure - a truly grown-up president. However, the historical inventory includes major negatives. On healthcare, it took the legislative skills of Lyndon Johnson to enact Medicare providing coverage for the elderly. On civil rights, his early inaction as president led white segregationists to believe they could prolong segregation, and prompted black protesters to adopt more provocative tactics and make more radical demands. At the beginning of the 60s, a more peaceful transition towards a more equitable society looked possible. By the time of his death, even his promise of the most far-reaching civil rights bill in history could not quell black unrest. Much of the coverage surrounding the 50th anniversary of his assassination is similar in reverential tone to the period following his death, when eulogies understandably lapsed into idolatry. But one of the reasons why so many words have been penned - adding to the 40,000 books weighing down library shelves for decades - is because we are still trying to pinpoint the essence of the man. For all his easy charm, he could be frustratingly enigmatic. Even close friends often found it difficult to divine his true motivations and character. When two of his dearest pals, Kenny O'Donnell and Dave Powers, published a joint memoir, they rather aptly entitled it "Johnny, we hardly knew ye". In a survey of the Kennedy historiography, New York Times editor Jill Abramson complained that, for all the books that have been written, no author has yet produced a superlative biography on JFK, partly because he remains so elusive. It helps explains his continuing fascination. Fifty years after the trauma of Dallas, we are still trying to evaluate precisely who he was. In late-1963, as he prepared to seek re-election, my sense is that Kennedy was still in the process of making that determination himself. Follow @BBCNewsMagazine on Twitter and on Facebook

जॉन एफ कैनेडी की हत्या का मतलब है कि हम सभी को यह तय करने का मौका मिलता है कि उनकी कहानी कैसे समाप्त होनी चाहिए थी, और इस तरह उस देश के लिए एक वैकल्पिक प्रक्षेपवक्र की साजिश रची जाए जिसका उन्होंने इतने क्षणभंगुर तरीके से नेतृत्व किया था। ठीक 50 साल पहले डलास में हुई घटनाओं ने जे. एफ. के. को एक आदमी के रूप में एक मिथक बना दिया, जो इतिहास की सबसे अंतहीन लचीली हस्तियों में से एक है।