The country that blends endangered frogs

Summary: Peru is one of the most biodiverse nations on earth. Its weird and wonderful wildlife makes it a hotspot for the illegal trade in live animals - and the country's ecological police are struggling to cope. Some readers may find parts of this story disturbing.

By Linda PresslyBBC News, Lima On a counter at the popular Mayorista market in Lima, stand two small, glass aquariums, containing dozens of toads and frogs. The frogs are from the Andes mountains, and some of the species are endangered. The stallholder works quickly, taking orders from a stream of customers who perch on stools or stand watching her work. Making a "frog shake" takes a few minutes. First the stallholder grabs a frog from the tank. She cuts its neck with a knife and skins it as easily as if she is peeling a banana. Then she puts it into a pan on a small stove with some liquid. Next the bubbling concoction is poured into a liquidiser with the other ingredients - powdered maca, a medicinal Peruvian root, vitamins, fruit and honey. The stallholder stops the blender and tastes the thick green mixture, her face a picture of concentration. She spoons in more honey, gives it a final whizz and pours it into a tin jug. "It's very good for anaemia and for chest complaints," says a customer. It is also known as a kind of Andean Viagra. "It's good for that too," he agrees. "But for anyone who's ill, if you take it three or four times a week, you will feel better very quickly." The amphibian "smoothie" originated among indigenous communities in the Andes, but its popularity has spread. Here, it costs five Peruvian soles - just under $2. "I sell maybe a 100 a day," the stallholder says. And she is well aware some of the frog species are under threat. "We all know that, but well… When they disappear, they disappear. But while we have them, we can help people with this drink." A couple approach the stall with a small lidded, plastic box. They buy two frogs to take away. The woman explains she will make her own frog shake at home following an old family recipe, and use it to treat a lung complaint. The stallholder has been fined several times for selling the frog drinks, but she has continued to trade - and customers continue to believe, without any scientific evidence, that the drinks benefit health. In Peru it is illegal to sell, transport or profit from wildlife. People caught with species listed in the Convention of the International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) or the corresponding Peruvian decree may be jailed. "Every day we find five or six listed animals in local markets," says Maj Jose Miguel Ruiz, of Peru's ecological police. "Last week at the airport six drugged toucans were discovered. They had been put in a tube, and were being sent abroad." But in practice prison sentences are rare - Ruiz says there were only seven in Lima last year. At another market in the north of the city, the Santa Luzmilla market, Ruiz and his team, together with officers from the Forestry and Wildlife Authority, have raided Gladys Permudes' shop. Outside there are baby rabbits and chickens in cages. There is also a sad-looking parrot, and some parakeets - and these are CITES-listed. The shopkeeper says she paid $50 for the parrot, and is planning to teach it to speak. "I've seen how a parrot becomes an attraction for customers in other shops - I'm not selling it," she says. The parakeets, however, are for sale. Ruiz confiscates the birds, and tells Gladys Permudes she will have to come to the police station. It is live trafficking that causes most concern. Peru's myriad species of birds and animals are coveted by collectors both at home and abroad. Most of this furry and feathered contraband on sale in Lima comes from Peru's Amazon territory, especially the Loreto region. The Belen market in Iquitos, the regional capital, is a riot of colour, music and smoke. Stalls are stacked with tropical produce, and there is bush meat galore - caiman, jungle deer, and peccary (an animal from the pig family). Indigenous communities in Peru are permitted to hunt for subsistence, but the selling of bush meat is a grey area. Live animals are also for sale here. A man selling fruit is holding an iguana. He produces a grubby washing up bowl from underneath a table loaded with bananas - in it are turtles, iguanas, and four baby black caiman - an endangered species. He tells a story about one of the big buyers who comes to the market, buys the animals, drugs them, then sends them to Colombia. A woman standing nearby chips in to say she has carried wildlife to Lima in her luggage, and nothing happened at the airport. Peru does have a legitimate wildlife business. In the region of Loreto, there are indigenous communities farming turtles and peccary for export. These are projects that enable people to make a living, and encourage conservation. Loreto is also known for its export of farmed ornamental, aquarium fish. But Rainer Schulter, a German biologist and frog expert who has lived most of his adult life in Peru, believes legal wildlife commerce is often a cover for illegal activity. "They put a false bottom in the tank of aquarium fish for export. Under that, they put frogs, rare turtles, lizards… I would say nearly all illegal frogs travel like that with the fishes." Schulter says buyers - often Germans, in his experience - buy frogs for $5 from the communities around Iquitos. But collectors will pay at least $100 for rarer species on the international market. There are some who say the authorities are overzealous in their attempts to catch wildlife traders. "A hotel here had a caiman skull that was given to the owner by his grandfather well before CITES was in existence," says Richard Bodmer, a British biologist and expert in the Amazon region who has made his home in Iquitos. "The ecological police confiscated the skull, because they would get funds from abroad if they did confiscations. It's degrading the culture here. Anybody who even thinks of owning an animal is illegal. But this is part of nature." The Obama administration is concerned about trafficking from South America - the US is the second largest market for illegal wildlife products after China. Recently the government announced the imminent deployment of an officer from the US Fish and Wildlife Service to Lima. But Bodmer argues that the biggest threat to the Amazon's wildlife - climate change - is being ignored. "This year, two million animals will die from the flooding," he says. "I see groups coming down here wanting to close everything in Belen market, when their countries - such as in North America - are producing all this carbon which is killing two million animals." Threats to Peru's wildlife are immense - deforestation, over-hunting and climate change have left their mark. Trafficking is an additional pressure. At the Ecological Police HQ in Lima, Maj Ruiz has completed the paperwork on his detainees from the markets. One elderly man arrested with two squirrel monkeys has been allowed to go home on account of his age. Gladys Permudes, the shopkeeper selling endangered parakeets, is held for 24 hours and released by the judge the next day. And it is business as usual for the stallholder making "frog shakes". "In some cases we make one or two, even 10 visits to shops, and we stop the selling," sighs Fabiola Munoz, director of of the Forestry and Wildlife Authority. "But one month later, somebody opens a new store opposite." She has one message to anyone thinking of buying a tropical pet or wildlife product that may come from Peru: "If it isn't certified, don't buy it." Listen to Linda Pressly's documentary Peru's Wildlife for Sale on Assignment on the BBC World Service, or Crossing Continents on Radio 4. Subscribe to the BBC News Magazine's email newsletter to get articles sent to your inbox.

पेरू पृथ्वी पर सबसे अधिक जैव विविधता वाले देशों में से एक है। इसका अजीब और अद्भुत वन्यजीव इसे जीवित जानवरों के अवैध व्यापार के लिए एक हॉटस्पॉट बनाता है-और देश की पारिस्थितिक पुलिस इससे निपटने के लिए संघर्ष कर रही है। कुछ पाठकों को इस कहानी के कुछ हिस्से परेशान कर सकते हैं।


Jersey hospital cancels 13 non-urgent operations

Summary: A number of operations had to be cancelled at Jersey General Hospital due to a large number of patients needing intensive care beds.

There were 13 non-urgent operations cancelled on Monday, the hospital said. The Jersey health service said it needed to make sure anaesthetists who provide intensive care support were available. It said they were rescheduling all the operations and no other appointments were affected. The hospital said one person was moved to the UK at the weekend for treatment at an intensive care unit. It added operations were back to normal on Tuesday.

जर्सी जनरल अस्पताल में कई ऑपरेशन रद्द करने पड़े क्योंकि बड़ी संख्या में रोगियों को गहन देखभाल बिस्तरों की आवश्यकता थी।


Driver with baby clocked doing 105mph on A11 at Wymondham

Summary: Police officers who clocked a motorist doing 105mph were "shocked" to find a baby in the front passenger seat of the car.

The driver of the Vauxhall Insignia was stopped by officers from the Norfolk and Suffolk roads policing team on Sunday at about 19:15 BST. On social media, the team said the 12-month-old baby was strapped in a car seat in the front of the vehicle. A force spokeswoman said the driver had been reported for speeding offences. If successfully prosecuted, the motorist faces a minimum fine of £100 and three fixed penalty points. Related Internet Links Speeding penalties - GOV.UK

जिस पुलिस अधिकारी ने एक मोटर चालक को 105 मील प्रति घंटे की रफ्तार से दौड़ाते हुए देखा, वह कार की अगली यात्री सीट पर एक बच्चे को देखकर "हैरान" हो गए।


How Malaysia’s government collapsed in two years

Summary: It was seen as a historic turning point - an election that overturned a party which had been in power for more than 60 years. But less than two years later, the new government is out, and the old ruling party back in power. So why did a coalition whose victory had ignited such hopes for change in Malaysia collapse so quickly?

By Jonathan HeadSouth East Asia correspondent Malaysia has a new prime minister after a week of unprecedented political turmoil and uncertainty. Muhyiddin Yassin is an unassuming career politician who was ejected from the then-government party Umno in 2016. He joined forces with political heavyweights Mahathir Mohammad and Anwar Ibrahim to form a multi-party, multi-ethnic coalition called Pakatan Harapan (PH). Together they rode a wave of public anger over corruption to inflict the first-ever election defeat on the Umno-led coalition Barisan Nasional (BN). But the events of the past week - in which Mr Muhyiddin brought down the government by defecting with more than 30 MPs, and forming an alliance with his old party - have been a shattering blow to those who saw the 2018 election as a watershed, a new beginning for the country. "I am sorry for failing you. I tried. I really tried to stop them", tweeted Syed Saddiq, a telegenic young Malay politician whose stunning victory in a Johor seat in 2018 was seen as emblematic of the hunger for change. A member of Mr Muhyiddin's party, Syed Saddiq, is refusing to join him in working with Umno. There have been protests against what is being called a "backdoor government". "This is utter betrayal," said lawyer and activist Fadya Nadwa Fikri. "People didn't vote for this." Pakatan was an eclectic coalition, bringing together the reformist Keadilan party of Anwar Ibrahim, the main ethnic Chinese party, the DAP, and two anti-Umno Malay parties, Amanah and Bersatu. The last was led by Mahathir Mohamad, the veteran former prime minister whose backing was crucial to reassuring ethnic Malays that it was safe to abandon the ruling party. Pakatan was also supported by a network of civil society organisations which had been campaigning for years against corruption and abuses of power. Right up to polling day on 9 May 2018 they could not be sure they would succeed in dislodging Barisan. But there was a tangible sense of excitement, of possibilities. Mr Mahathir had campaigned wittily on the theme of then-prime minister Najib Razak and his wife Rosmah as a pair of thieves. The rising cost of living, and in particular an unpopular sales tax, played into the hands of the opposition. And the Malay vote, normally reliably pro-government, was split three ways, between Pakatan, Barisan and the Islamic party PAS. When I encountered people at polling stations showing me their Umno veterans' cards, but telling me they were voting for the opposition, it seemed momentum was moving that way. There was jubilation when Mr Najib conceded the next day. He was the first prime minister from his party to lose an election. So what went wrong for the Pakatan government? It was always going to be an uneasy coalition. Mr Mahathir and Anwar Ibrahim had a tortuous history going back 30 years. Mr Anwar, at one time Mr Mahathir's protégé and designated successor, blames him for his first five-year term in prison. The two men eventually reconciled and agreed that Mahathir Mohamad, who led the election campaign, would be prime minister if they won, but hand over to Anwar Ibrahim after two years. But exactly how and when that would happen was left unsaid. There were other personality clashes, and differences over how the coalition would deal with an increasingly harsh economic climate. "We have the same problem of dissatisfaction as we see in many countries," says Ibrahim Suffian, from the Merdeka Centre for Opinion Research. "We have economic growth, but wages have not caught up with the cost of living, particularly among the Malay population, particularly among the young. "The economy is not generating enough jobs that pay well. That was the challenge the coalition faced, because when they entered government they found that most of the cupboards were bare, and that they had enormous debts that they had to deal with." Malaysia has been defined by ethnic politics since independence in 1957, and the creation of a Malaysian federation in 1963. Ethnic Malays make up just over half the population; so called "bumiputera", which include other indigenous groups on the Malay peninsular and on Borneo, make up about 68%. The largest and most successful minority are the Chinese, who migrated to Malaysia during British colonial rule. Race riots in 1969 persuaded the government that policies favouring bumiputera, and in particular Malays, were essential. Umno defined itself as the party that looked after the Malays, who tended to be economically less successful than the Chinese. Mahathir Mohamad's 22-year rule in the 1980s and 90s was marked by generous pro-Malay projects, funded by impressive export-led growth. The downside was rising cronyism and corruption. But Malays still expect government largesse. It was partly the fear that the Pakatan government, with a large Chinese component, would cut back on that generosity, that has eroded its support among Malays. A quick trip to a low-income neighbourhood in Gombak, just outside Kuala Lumpur, illustrated this disenchantment. Here the futuristic highways and high-rises around the city centre give way to drab concrete apartment blocks and rows of small workshops and car-repair garages. Mohammad Amin, who is building a small café, told me he and his neighbours felt ethnic Malays were not being taken care of as well as in the past. Muhammad Tarmizi described poorer people in the area as being unable to meet the cost of their most basic daily needs. This government is not looking out for kampung - village - folk, for the Malays, he said. Although Umno's reputation was badly damaged by the revelations about huge sums of money that went missing in the 1MDB financial scandal, some of it ending up in Mr Najib's personal bank account, the party has been quick to exploit public disappointment over the state of the economy. So it's little surprise that Pakatan has now lost five out of the last six by-elections. In one contest, in the strategic state of Johor, PH saw its vote drop by more than half. The crisis broke over the succession. Anwar Ibrahim and his supporters pressed Mr Mahathir for a date, suggesting the two-year anniversary of the election in May. The prime minister refused to be drawn. Mr Anwar's camp backed off, leaving the decision with Dr Mahathir. But the growing tension within the coalition persuaded Mr Muhyiddin to break away and team up with the other side. As with every previous crisis in the past 40 years there was an overriding assumption - inside and outside Malaysia - that whatever happened, Mahathir Mohamad, the master manipulator, was pulling the strings, exploiting every twist in a bewilderingly fast-moving drama to ensure he came out on top. When he stunned the country by tendering his resignation, many of the political factions rushed out to express their support for him to stay in the job. Even Mr Anwar assured his supporters that, contrary to rumour, Mr Mahathir had not been behind what he was calling a coup against the coalition. But by the end of the week it was clear that the 94 year-old maestro had miscalculated. Malaysia's constitutional monarch, King Abdullah, whose role it is to invite a candidate to form a new government, declared that Mr Muhyiddin had the numbers, and would be sworn in as the country's eighth prime minister. Mr Mahathir has challenged this and could try to bring the new government down once parliament meets again. But incumbency, and the blessing of a revered monarch, are powerful assets for Mr Muhyiddin, which will certainly attract waverers to his side. "The King cannot make political decisions," says Mustafa Izzuddin at the National University of Singapore. "But he can play the role of honest broker, bringing the warring sides together. Even then it is unprecedented for a king to do so in Malaysia. "But Malaysian politics are in uncharted waters, so revolutionary methods may have been necessary. And the King may have seen Muhyiddin as the most trustworthy and steady of the candidates." It is worth recalling too that Mr Mahathir has a history of conflict with Malaysia's sultans, something that may have been a factor in the King's choice. Back in 1983 and 1993 he pressed for constitutional changes that imposed limits on royal power. "In the earlier crisis the role of leading royal resistance to Mahathir was played by the then-Sultan of Pahang, the current king's father," says Clive Kessler at the University of New South Wales. "Memories and resentments linger on and are not easily forgotten or set aside." So after less than two years in opposition, Umno is back in power. There are understandable fears that the investigations and trials of Mr Najib, who is still a significant and visible party figure, will be shelved. Mr Anwar, the man who believed he was destined to be prime minister back in the 1990s, and believed he was promised the job this year, has once again been thwarted. His repeated career setbacks, over more than two decades, might have come from the plot of one of the Shakespeare tragedies that he read to pass the time while he was serving his two terms in prison. And Mr Mahathir, one of the most remarkable political survivors of modern times, appears to have run out of road. As he absorbed the shock of finding himself outmanoeuvred, his wife of 63 years Siti Hasmah put her arms around his waist, in a fierce, protective hug, perhaps hoping that now, a little before his 95th birthday, he might finally retire.

इसे एक ऐतिहासिक मोड़ के रूप में देखा गया-एक ऐसा चुनाव जिसने एक पार्टी को उलट दिया जो 60 साल से अधिक समय से सत्ता में थी। लेकिन दो साल से भी कम समय बाद, नई सरकार बाहर हो गई, और पुरानी सत्तारूढ़ पार्टी फिर से सत्ता में आ गई। तो फिर जिस गठबंधन की जीत ने मलेशिया में बदलाव की ऐसी उम्मीदों को प्रज्वलित किया था, वह इतनी जल्दी क्यों गिर गया?


Coronavirus: The childcare 'jigsaw' parents are facing this summer

Summary: With kids off school and lockdown easing, childcare has become a summer issue for many parents returning to work. There have been warnings of a "perfect storm" for working parents - of rising costs and providers closing. So how are parents managing?

By Hazel ShearingBBC News "I absolutely love my job," says 32-year-old Sharleen Smith, from Great Yarmouth. "I want to do my work." Sharleen hated working from home during lockdown and was delighted to return to her magazine's office last month. But as the summer holidays approached, she became increasingly concerned about what to do with her seven-year-old daughter, Kourtney. Every day she checked to see whether Kourtney's usual summer holiday club would open. Eventually it announced it would, but only for two weeks - leaving her and her partner with a four-week black hole over the summer holiday. "I don't want to be dramatic but it has been terrifying for me," says Sharleen, who has mild autism and says she has lost sleep over the issue of childcare. "The unknown is the scariest thing possible." Her solution involves a mix of friends, family and a nursery that is accepting older children. But this summer isn't cheap. The holiday club is twice its usual price, and the nursery is double that. Sharleen is one of many parents struggling with a "childcare jigsaw" during the school holidays, with many providers unable to operate under coronavirus guidelines, according to Coram Family and Childcare Trust. Research suggests mums appear to be doing most of the family childcare during lockdown, and are able to do less uninterrupted work compared to dads. "As lockdown restrictions start to ease, many parents are being asked to go back to work but are facing the same childcare shortages they have been battling since lockdown began," says the charity's head Megan Jarvie. "This summer more than ever, we are at risk of seeing parents having little choice but to give up work completely." Holiday clubs have been particularly affected by government guidance being issued at "short notice", says Ms Jarvie. Guidance published at the start of July - three weeks before most schools finished - said clubs must keep children in consistent bubbles of 15. This was later slightly relaxed after clubs pointed out the same children do not necessarily attend on the same days - but for many providers that came too late. 'Left in front of screens' "We need clear daylight of six weeks to be able to mobilise our camps - and that would really be cutting it fine," says Neil Greatorex, founder of holiday club chain Barracudas. This is the first summer in almost three decades he has not been able to open his sites. He says earlier guidance would have given him time to work out which of his 46 camps could run. He thinks lots of parents will "struggle" this month. "The service they rely on just isn't going to be there in the same way it normally is. A substantial part of the provision that is there throughout the UK is going to be missing." In Cambridge, Panash Shah decided he would run his three holiday clubs this summer, but has had to increase fees to pay for extra cleaning and around 20 additional members of staff needed to supervise the bubbles. After a "desperate rush" to work out logistics once the guidance was published, he says he has only allowed parents to book one-week blocks, rather than odd days here and there. Panash thinks this has "scared off" parents who may only need childcare for two days and do not want to book the whole week at an increased price. "What happens to those children? Will they be maybe potentially left in front of screens all day?" he asks. "Or would grandparents or other family members step in?" Clare Freeman, of the Out of School Alliance, which supports holiday clubs, says the fact that grandparents "may be unable to help due to health concerns" will add to parents' woes. "Even leaving children with friends is problematic as we are being advised not to mix households," she says. Rising costs In Cheshire, Gemma, a travel agent who did not want her surname to be used, has looked after her two children while on furlough. But with her colleagues starting to return to work, and her partner working full-time, she is not sure what she will do if she is asked to go back over the summer. She says she was told she will be put on unpaid leave if she can't come in. Holiday clubs near her have limited spaces, and their usual childminders aren't taking on any more work. Childminders who are available are double the price, she says, costing more than £60 a day. "I'm only on minimum wage anyway, so if and when I do go back to work and I have to start using a more expensive childminder it's probably pointless me going to work for the day." Gemma's usual childminders may be fully-booked, but half an hour's drive away in Warrington, Melanie Han is struggling to find business. "Usually I've got a very, very long waiting list," the childminder says, explaining that she thinks demand has slipped because parents are either at home themselves or are worried about the virus. She knows other childminders who have stopped working altogether. A recent survey conducted by the Professional Association for Childcare and Early Years (PACEY) suggested that around 40% of childminders were unsure if their businesses would be able to survive - particularly if the end of the furlough scheme in October leads to more redundancies. "I'm advertising on everything, and nobody's coming back to me. That would suggest there's no childcare needed, but in some areas it's really busy," Melanie says. Local demand Last week, Labour warned of a "perfect storm" of providers closing down and rising childcare costs. PACEY estimates that nine out of 10 early years childcare settings are open, but on average are only half are full. Ms Freeman puts local variations down to "demographics of different areas": "The decision of a local large employer regarding shutting down, or conversely recalling all furloughed staff back to work, will have a big effect on the local demand for childcare." Back in Great Yarmouth, Sharleen is relieved that she has found childcare, even if it is costing a lot more. But she is also aware, because she works early hours, that she will need to find childcare for Kourtney between 07:00 and 08:30, when school starts again. She used to use the school's breakfast club, but that's not due to go ahead. "I am worried about that," she says. "I'm just actively trying to find a childminder that I can potentially take her to do the mornings. But I have got to a stage where there's not really much I can do about it at the moment."

बच्चों के स्कूल जाने और तालाबंदी में ढील के साथ, कई माता-पिता के काम पर लौटने के लिए बच्चों की देखभाल एक ग्रीष्मकालीन मुद्दा बन गया है। कामकाजी माता-पिता के लिए एक "सही तूफान" की चेतावनी दी गई है-बढ़ती लागत और प्रदाताओं के बंद होने की। तो माता-पिता कैसे प्रबंधन कर रहे हैं?


Obituary: Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe's first post-independence leader

Summary: As independent Zimbabwe's first prime minister, and later its president, Robert Mugabe promised democracy and reconciliation.

But the hope that accompanied independence in 1980 dissolved into violence, corruption and economic disaster. President Mugabe became an outspoken critic of the West, most notably the United Kingdom, the former colonial power, which he denounced as an "enemy country". Despite his brutal treatment of political opponents, and his economic mismanagement of a once prosperous country, he continued to attract the support of other African leaders who saw him as a hero of the fight against colonial rule. Robert Gabriel Mugabe was born in what was then Rhodesia on 21 February 1924, the son of a carpenter and one of the majority Shona-speaking people in a country then run by the white minority. Educated at Roman Catholic mission schools, he qualified as a teacher. Winning a scholarship to Fort Hare University in South Africa, he took the first of his seven academic degrees before teaching in Ghana, where he was greatly influenced by the pan-Africanist ideas of Ghana's post-independence leader Kwame Nkrumah. His first wife Sally was Ghanaian. In 1960, Mugabe returned to Rhodesia. At first he worked for the African nationalist cause with Joshua Nkomo, before breaking away to become a founder member of the Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu). In 1964, after making a speech in which he called Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith and his government "cowboys", Mugabe was arrested and detained without trial for a decade. His baby son died while he was still in prison and he was refused permission to attend the funeral. In 1973, while still in detention, he was chosen as president of Zanu. After his release, he went to Mozambique and directed guerrilla raids into Rhodesia. His Zanu organisation formed a loose alliance with Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union (Zapu). During the tortuous negotiations on independence for Rhodesia, he was seen as the most militant of the black leaders, and the most uncompromising in his demands. On a 1976 visit to London, he declared that the only solution to the Rhodesian problem would come out of the barrel of a gun. Conciliatory But his negotiating skills earned him the respect of many of his former critics. The press hailed him as "the thinking man's guerrilla". The Lancaster House agreement of 1979 set up a constitution for the new Republic of Zimbabwe, as Rhodesia was to be called, and set February 1980 for the first elections which would be open to the black majority. Fighting the election on a separate platform from Nkomo, Mugabe scored an overwhelming and, to most outside observers, unexpected victory. Zanu secured a comfortable majority, although the polls were marred by accusations of vote-rigging and intimidation from both sides A self-confessed Marxist, Mugabe's victory initially had many white people packing their bags ready to leave Rhodesia, while his supporters danced in the streets. However, the moderate, conciliatory tone of his early statements reassured many of his opponents. He promised a broad-based government, with no victimisation and no nationalisation of private property. His theme, he told them, would be reconciliation. Later that year he outlined his economic policy, which mixed private enterprise with public investment. He launched a programme to massively expand access to healthcare and education for black Zimbabweans, who had been marginalised under white-minority rule. With the prime minister frequently advocating one-party rule, the rift between Mugabe and Nkomo widened. After the discovery of a huge cache of arms at Zapu-owned properties, Nkomo, recently demoted in a cabinet reshuffle, was dismissed from government. While paying lip service to democracy, Mugabe gradually stifled political opposition. The mid-1980s saw the massacre of thousands of ethnic Ndebeles seen as Nkomo's supporters in his home region of Matabeleland. Confiscation Mugabe was implicated in the killings, committed by the Zimbabwean army's North Korean-trained 5th Brigade, but never brought to trial. Under intense pressure, Nkomo agreed for his Zapu to be merged with - or taken over by - Zanu to become the virtually unchallenged Zanu-PF. After abolishing the office of prime minister, Mugabe became president in 1987 and was elected for a third term in 1996. The same year, he married Grace Marufu, after his first wife had died from cancer. Mugabe already had two children with Grace, 40 years his junior. A third was born when the president was 73. He did have some success in building a non-racial society, but in 1992 introduced the Land Acquisition Act, permitting the confiscation of land without appeal. The plan was to redistribute land at the expense of more than 4,500 white farmers, who still owned the bulk of the country's best land. In early 2000, with his presidency under serious threat from the newly formed Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by former trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai, Mugabe lashed out against the farmers, seen as MDC backers. His supporters, the so-called "war veterans", occupied white-owned farms and a number of farmers and their black workers were killed. Foreign aid The action served to undermine the already battered economy as Zimbabwe's once valuable agricultural industry fell into ruin. Mugabe's critics accused him of distributing farms to his cronies, rather than the intended rural poor. Robert Mugabe - key dates 1924: Born. Later trains as a teacher 1964: Imprisoned by Rhodesian government 1980: Wins post-independence elections 1996: Marries Grace Marufu 2000: Loses referendum, pro-Mugabe militias invade white-owned farms and attack opposition supporters 2008: Comes second in first round of elections to Tsvangirai who pulls out of run-off amid nationwide attacks on his supporters 2009: Amid economic collapse, swears in Tsvangirai as prime minister, who serves in uneasy government of national unity for four years 2017: Sacks long-time ally Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa, paving the way for his wife Grace to succeed him November 2017: Army intervenes and forces him to step down Robert Mugabe: From liberator to tyrant In pictures: The life of Robert Mugabe Zimbabwe moved rapidly from being one of Africa's biggest food producers to having to rely on foreign aid to feed its population. In the 2000 elections for the House of Assembly, the MDC won 57 out of the 120 seats elected by popular vote, although a further 20 seats were filled by Mugabe's nominees, securing Zanu-PF's hold on power. Two years later, in the presidential elections, Mugabe achieved 56.2% of the vote compared with Mr Tsvangirai's 41.9% against a background of intimidation of MDC supporters. Large numbers of people in rural areas were prevented from voting by the closure of polling stations. With the MDC, the US, UK and the European Union not recognising the election result because of the violence and allegations of fraud, Mugabe - and Zimbabwe - became increasingly isolated. The Commonwealth also suspended Zimbabwe from participating in its meetings until it improved its record as a democracy. In May 2005, Mugabe presided over Operation Restore Order, a crackdown on the black market and what was said to be "general lawlessness". Some 30,000 street vendors were arrested and whole shanty towns demolished, eventually leaving an estimated 700,000 Zimbabweans homeless. Squabbling In March 2008, Mugabe lost the first round of the presidential elections but won the run-off in June after Mr Tsvangirai pulled out. In the wake of sustained attacks against his supporters across the country, Mr Tsvangirai maintained that a free and fair election was not possible. Zimbabwe's economic decline accelerated, with inflation rates reaching stratospheric levels. After hundreds of people died from cholera, partly because the government could not afford to import water treatment chemicals, Mugabe agreed to negotiate with his long-time rival about sharing power. After months of talks, in February 2009 Mugabe swore in Mr Tsvangirai as prime minister. It came as no surprise that the arrangement was far from perfect, with constant squabbling and accusations by some human rights organisations that Mugabe's political opponents were still being detained and tortured. Mr Tsvangirai's reputation also suffered by his association with the Mugabe regime, despite the fact that he had no influence over the increasingly irascible president. The 2013 election, in which Mugabe won 61% of the vote, ended the power-sharing agreement and Mr Tsvangirai went into the political wilderness. While there were the usual accusations of electoral fraud - UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon asked that these be investigated - there was not the widespread violence that had marked previous polls in Zimbabwe. Successors It was an election that saw Robert Mugabe, at the age of 89, confirm his position as the undisputed power in the country. His advancing years, and increasing health problems, saw much speculation as to who might replace him. But the manoeuvring among possible successors revealed how fragmented Zimbabwe's administration was and underlined the fact that it was only held together by Mugabe's dominance. Mugabe himself seemed to delight in playing off his subordinates against each other in a deliberate attempt to dilute whatever opposition might arise. With speculation that his wife, Grace, was poised to take control in the event of his death in office, Mugabe announced in 2015 that he fully intended to fight the 2018 elections, by which time he would be 94. And, to allay any doubt remaining among possible successors, he announced in February 2016 that he would remain in power "until God says 'come'". In the event it wasn't God but units of the Zimbabwe National Army which came for Robert Mugabe. On 15 November 2017 he was placed under house arrest and, four days later, replaced as the leader of Zanu-PF by his former vice-president, Emmerson Mnangagwa. Defiant to the end Mugabe refused to resign, But, on 21 November, as a motion to impeach him was being debated in the Zimbabwean parliament, the speaker of the House of Assembly announced that Robert Mugabe had finally resigned. Mugabe negotiated a deal which protected him and his family from the risk of future prosecution and enabled him to retain his various business interests. He was also granted a house, servants, vehicles and full diplomatic status. Ascetic in manner, Robert Mugabe dressed conservatively and drank no alcohol. He viewed both friend and foe with a scepticism verging on the paranoid. The man who had been hailed as the hero of Africa's struggle to throw off colonialism had turned into a tyrant, trampling over human rights and turning a once prosperous country into an economic basket case. His legacy is likely to haunt Zimbabwe for years.

स्वतंत्र जिम्बाब्वे के पहले प्रधान मंत्री और बाद में इसके राष्ट्रपति के रूप में, रॉबर्ट मुगाबे ने लोकतंत्र और सुलह का वादा किया।


Colin Thubron returns to Damascus after 50 years

Summary: It is 50 years since writer Colin Thubron published his portrait of Damascus, in which he recounted his travels around the Syrian capital and explored the history of the city. A lot has happened since then - not least the civil war. Recently Thubron returned to Syria to see what was left of the place he recalled so fondly.

The city that comes into view is of course bigger than I remember - its population must have quadrupled. Since I was here its suburbs have swamped the Old City that I loved, and even inside its walls a rash of restaurants and boutique hotels has appeared. But they're all closed now, or empty. It's a city at war. Whole streets are fenced off by tank blocks and razor wire. Less than a mile away from my empty hotel I can see burnt-out tenements still in rebel hands. This is perhaps the oldest continuously inhabited city on earth. In the Muslim world it had grown open and tolerant. A quarter of its people belong to Christian and other minorities, including Alawites, a sub-sect of the Shia, who dominate the government and army. However reluctantly, the Damascenes cling to the regime of Bashar al-Assad. The Islamist alternative, just outside the walls, might be fatal to them. Fifty years ago I was almost alone here, because tourists hadn't yet come. Now I'm alone because they're gone. Yet I see an Old City miraculously intact. It's escaped the devastation of Aleppo. But late every night the regime's artillery opens up on the enemy suburbs. It sounds like far-off thunder. In the dark I stand outside my hotel, listening, wondering how this can continue. Once a week a defiant mortar-shell flies the other way. By day I wander the alleys and monuments that had so fascinated me as a young man. Sometimes I find myself gazing through his eyes, remembering the youthful enchantment of entering an old mosque or a sultan's tomb. I'm more wary now, and old. The sentries rarely frisk me. In the great bazaars, still bustling, the shopkeepers stare at me with hope, as if I might be the vanguard of returning foreign business. I'm surrounded by ethnic complexity. I glimpse russet hair, and green or hazel eyes. But there's a darker and more homogeneous influx - rural immigrants, refugees. In the lanes of the Old City an odd quiet descends. I think it was always like this. But now there are more windows boarded up, more doors padlocked. Behind them, out of sight, I know, are marble-paved courtyards, fountains, lemon trees. I find the home of a student I once knew, but I can see through the windows that it is derelict, the courtyard piled with builders' rubble. I check to ensure that I'm not being followed. People speak with me more cautiously than they did. Once I could barely walk down a street without an invitation to coffee (from Christians) or tea (from Muslims). But those voices have gone. "We can't see an end to it," people say now. "We've become like Baghdad or Kabul or Tripoli. This war will never end. And prices go up all the time." Find out more They talk of suicide bombs, of children killed, houses wrecked. But the deepest wounds, I think, are in people's psyches. They seem to be losing hope. There is a sweetness of old custom still, and hospitality. If I linger long enough at a door or enquire strenuously for an absent family, somebody probably will ask me in. "But Syria's just the toy of foreign powers," they routinely say. "Here, have some coffee, you are our guest… But Syria is bleeding." My friends may have gone, but the buildings I loved are still here. The only damage I find is to the mausoleum of a warrior sultan against the Crusaders, which has taken a mortar bomb through its dome. Then I come with trepidation on the city's greatest monument - the 8th-Century Ommayad Mosque. The first great mosque in Islam, it was built in the shell of a Roman temple to Jupiter. Its sister mosque in Aleppo was wrecked months ago. I find the huge spaces still unblemished. A shrine contains the supposed head of John the Baptist. Worshippers are caressing its gilded bars, Muslims and Christians venerating it together. Above all, the mosaics in the courtyard arcades still shine undamaged. They're beautiful things, in emerald green and gold. In the absence of any living figure portrayed, they depict an idyllic river flowing among palaces lit with mother-of-pearl lanterns - an image of the Barada perhaps, the river that feeds Damascus, or a foretaste of the Koranic paradise. The head of Syria is Damascus, reads the biblical Book of Isaiah, and Damascus is still the head of Syria. But it's a different Syria, and a tense city. Its gates and railings are plastered with outsize photos of soldier-martyrs, and the bazaars hung with portraits of Bashar al-Assad, who looks justifiably a bit concerned. His notional Shia faith elicits Iranian support. "You see these people everywhere nowadays," a man complains to me. "The Shia are walking tall now…" And now I start to see them too. Iraqis and Iranians, mainly, praying at the supposed tombs of Mahomet's family. They clutch at the barred cenotaph that separates them from the buried head of their martyred Imam Hussein, and trail through the Bab al-Saghir cemetery just outside the city walls. I come here too. More than 40 pilgrims to its shrines were killed by bombs, and now the graveyard's patrolled by heavily-armed soldiers. Here Mahomet's muezzin Bilal, the first man to summon the faithful to prayer, is buried in a little green-domed tomb. And suddenly at noon the call to prayer arises, whose plangent cadence, relayed from minaret to minaret, had entranced me all those years ago. But now its cry of "Allahu Akbar" resonates differently among the gravestones, and I wish I could love the sounds as I once did. It's not the army that controls this country, I think, but the Mukhabarat, the feared intelligence service. I was taking a careless snapshot of the city from a hillside suburb when two plainclothes men appeared behind me. They escorted me to a room immured among poor houses. There my captors multiplied to five, and were deferential at first. They spoke formulaic English, and my tourist Arabic had gone. You are our guest, you have nothing to fear. What are you doing here? How did you get here? I answer that my visa was granted by their Ministry of Information. They demand my passport and camera. The passport bears an entry stamp from the Syrian frontier with Lebanon. The camera they scroll through avidly. It shows photos of Damascus alleys, of posters stuck to the city gates - martyrs, slogans. Their suspicion grows. They scroll back to leftover photos of a holiday on Lundy Island in the Bristol Channel. There's a shot of a pretty woman in headphones in the cockpit of a helicopter. "Who is this?" "This is my wife." "What she doing in airplane? Why has she these on her ears?" "These are headphones. She is going to Lundy Island." "She listening to MTN or Syriatel?" These are Syrian network providers. "No. There is no Syriatel on Lundy Island. She is listening to the pilot." They stare harder, their suspicion fomented. They scroll back to shots of Highland cattle and seals gazing at the camera from the sea. "What are these?" "These are seals." "Why are they looking?" But now they have summoned a fox-faced officer who looks senior. I'm driven to a guarded compound deep in the city. A thin, tiled stairway leads into a warren of sordid passageways. There's little light and an acrid smell I can't identify. I'm put in a prison cell, but the iron door is left open and it's lined with filing cabinets. Three different portraits of Bashar al-Assad hang on the walls, festooned with tinsel. I am afraid now. The questioning grows more intense. I have the telephone number of the Ministry of Information official who granted my visa, but nobody rings it. A thug in a black vest lumbers in and out, as if mutely playing bad cop, while different interrogators come and go. At last I'm taken to a huge room where a uniformed officer sits at a desk with his back to the light. There's no more talk of Lundy Island or seals. "I have just returned to a city I once loved," I say, as if to emphasise the sadness between that time and this. He lays my passport and the camera on his desk, within reach. "I think these are holiday snaps," he says. But it is only an hour later that I am free, after Fox-face drives me to the Ministry of Information, where my official - an elegant woman behind another huge desk - describes it all as a misunderstanding. Further reading Zahed Tajeddin had always wanted to live in Aleppo's historic old town, in one of the city's ancient houses, with a front door opening into a corridor that leads to courtyard with a fountain and jasmine climbing up the walls. As a teenager he would explore the old houses just before they were demolished, scampering through courtyards and over crumbling rooftops. He finally managed to buy one for himself, after making a career as a sculptor and archaeologist, in 2004. Return to Aleppo: The story of my home during the war Join the conversation - find us on Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat and Twitter.

50 साल पहले लेखक कॉलिन थुब्रोन ने दमिश्क का अपना चित्र प्रकाशित किया था, जिसमें उन्होंने सीरिया की राजधानी के आसपास की अपनी यात्राओं का वर्णन किया था और शहर के इतिहास का पता लगाया था। तब से बहुत कुछ हुआ है-कम से कम गृह युद्ध तो नहीं। हाल ही में थुब्रोन यह देखने के लिए सीरिया लौट आए कि उस जगह में क्या बचा था जिसे उन्होंने इतने प्यार से याद किया था।


Why air traffic control still needs the human touch

Summary: With 2.2 million flights a year to look after and 200,000 square miles (518,000 sq km) of airspace under its watchful eye, there's rarely a quiet moment when you're on duty at National Air Traffic Services (Nats).

By Zoe KleinmanTechnology reporter, BBC News In November 2011 life got a little easier for some of the organisation's 1,900 air traffic controllers when a bespoke new computer-based tool called iFACTS was introduced to the main control room at its Hampshire headquarters. Years in the making, the rigorously tested software has been designed to take some of the complex manual calculations out of air traffic control. "iFACTS, based on Trajectory Prediction and Medium Term Conflict Detection, provides decision-making support and helps controllers manage their routine workload, increasing the amount of traffic they can comfortably handle," trumpets the Nats website. What this means is that iFACTS uses data from both aircraft and Nats itself to calculate flight paths, ascent and descent details. It can also identify potential collisions, working around 18 minutes ahead of real time, and spot any unexpected behaviour by individual aircraft, highlighting potentially dangerous situations in the sky. It has been a big success, according to Nats. So why is it nowhere to be seen in their most demanding operation of all? In the London control room, all five of the capital's airports are under separate supervision from the rest of Nats' domain, which includes Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and most of England. This small area of the south east sees by far the largest concentration of air traffic, and the 18 minute window required by iFACTS is a luxury here, explained Nats General Manager Paul Haskins. "It would light up like a Christmas tree," he said. " It's designed to manage large airspaces." "It would think every flight was on a collision course. It's not like the States - Chicago airport has nothing around it for 300 miles (482km). In the UK airports are very close." For this reason there is one key difference between the London and national air traffic control rooms - and the first clue is the noise. In the London area there's a constant low-level clacking noise in the background, reminiscent of the typing pools of yore. It is not the click of a computer mouse but the shift of brightly coloured plastic holders, organised in rows in front of each air traffic controller. Each holder contains a printed strip that represents one aircraft. Details such as the pilot's call sign, speed, altitude, destination and a short-hand scribbled record of all instructions issued, are on the strips. As the aircraft nears its destination or leaves the airspace, the controller manually moves the strip further down the desk until it is no longer under Nats guidance - either because it has descended below radar - 600ft (183 metres) in London - or successfully made its way into somebody else's domain. "I wouldn't say any controller is better than technology," said Mr Haskins. "But in the London control room the controllers can move more aircraft." "Do you redesign the airspace around the technology or do you redesign the technology to fit the airspace?" With a missed slot on a Heathrow runway costing its owner £500,000, Nats cannot afford to slow down. iFACTS may one day be able to speed up, but there is no such thing as a beta launch in this frontline sector. "When you implement technology in air traffic... it has to be 99.999 percent working," said Mr Haskins. "It takes a lot longer to develop." So although none of the air traffic controllers actually have eye contact with their charges - Nats HQ is about 70 miles (112km) from London, in Swanwick, Hampshire - their presence is still very much required. Part of that need for the human touch is psychological, admitted Mr Haskins. "Controllers and pilots talk to each other. I've got a piece of kit that knows what the controller is doing and the autopilot is also filing data. Couldn't they just talk to each other?" he said. "Well yes - but to have an aircraft with 400 people in the air and no person looking after it just doesn't sound right. Would you want to get on board a UAV (unmanned aerial vehicle)?" As well as wanting to know they are there, plenty of actual people want to be air traffic controllers themselves. Nats receives 1,000 applications for every 20 places on its four-year training scheme. Candidates must pass initial psychometric tests, and successful recruits face an extra 18 months under human supervision if they wish to work on the London beat. Perhaps the happiest marriage between man and machine exists among the organisation's 1,000 engineers. "These days they aren't the guys with the spanners," said Paul Haskins. "They're the guys with the laptops."

देखभाल के लिए एक वर्ष में 22 लाख उड़ानों और 200,000 वर्ग मील (518,000 वर्ग कि. मी.) हवाई क्षेत्र के साथ, जब आप राष्ट्रीय हवाई यातायात सेवा (नैट्स) में ड्यूटी पर होते हैं तो शायद ही कभी कोई शांत क्षण होता है।


Roman Polanski: Film's dark prince

Summary: BBC News profiles legendary film director Roman Polanski.

The life of the Polish-French director has been as tortuous and full of incident and tragedy as one of his dark films. His 2002 drama The Pianist, a story of a virtuoso's escape from a Warsaw ghetto during World War II, won the prestigious Palme D'Or award at Cannes and also the best director Oscar. The Paris-born director had himself survived the Nazi atrocities committed in the Krakow ghetto, but lost his mother in a concentration camp gas chamber. He went on to study at the prestigious Polish State Film College in Lodz and came to international prominence with his feature debut Knife in the Water in 1962. A claustrophobic thriller set on a weekend yacht trip, the film angered communist officials but won the critics' prize at the Venice Film Festival. Polanski moved to Hollywood and scored a major box office success with Rosemary's Baby. Family tragedy Starring Mia Farrow as a woman who dreams she has been impregnated by the devil, the tense, uneasy 1968 film heavily influenced the horror genre with its psychological tone. Tragedy overwhelmed Polanski the following year when his heavily pregnant wife Sharon Tate was brutally murdered, along with four others, by killers acting on the orders of radical cult leader Charles Manson. Dubbed the crime that "killed" the spirit of the 1960s by some, the murders were part of Manson's deranged efforts to start a race war in America. The traumatised Polanski left for Europe, and made his return to film with an oppressive and gloomy version of William Shakespeare's Macbeth in 1971. He returned to Hollywood in 1974 to make Chinatown, considered by many the peak of his US film career. Jack Nicholson played JJ Gittes, a detective in the Philip Marlowe mould, in a California-set thriller shot through with the darker aspects of predecessors like The Maltese Falcon and The Big Sleep. Polanski gave himself a cameo as a hood who slashes Nicholson's nose. The film was nominated in 11 other categories in the 1974 Oscars, taking home just one prize - for best original screenplay. Jumps bail But three years later, Polanski was plunged into controversy when he was charged with having unlawful sex with a 13-year-old girl at Jack Nicholson's house in Los Angeles. Maintaining the girl was sexually experienced and had consented, Polanski spent 42 days in prison undergoing psychiatric tests, but chose to jump bail and flee the US in 1978 - first to Britain and then immediately to France. The filmmaker has lived there ever since, unable to return to the US for fear of arrest and imprisonment. He even avoided making films in the UK because of the danger of extradition. Polanski's attempts to have the case dismissed failed in 2009, when a court in Los Angeles rejected his request to have a hearing heard outside the Los Angeles court system. He later mixed arthouse projects like 1992's Bitter Moon featuring Hugh Grant and 1994's Death and the Maiden, with Hollywood-friendly films. Return to form He made the Harrison Ford-vehicle Frantic in 1988, and in 1999 the supernatural thriller Ninth Gate, which featured Johnny Depp. Polanski's decision to direct The Pianist caused much debate, as the story of musician Wladyslaw Szpilman paralleled Polanski's own wartime experiences. But for many critics, the film - which starred best actor Oscar-winner Adrien Brody as Szpilman - heralded a long-overdue return to form. In the ultimate showbiz accolade, the film won the best director Oscar for Polanski at the 2003 Academy Awards. Harrison Ford collected the statue on Polanski's behalf. In 2005, he directed Oliver Twist, a film which he felt mirrored his own life as a young boy having to fend for himself in World War II Poland. Four years later, Polanski was due to be awarded a life-time achievement award at Zurich Film Festival but he was arrested by Swiss police at the request of US authorities, on a decades-old warrant. He was allowed to remain in Switzerland, living under house arrest, after posting $4.5m (£2.9m) bail. He was freed after nine months, but production was delayed on his next film, 2010's political thriller The Ghost Writer, starring Ewan McGregor and Pierce Brosnan. It went on to win six awards at the European Film Awards in 2010, including best director, and Polanski won the Silver Bear for best director after the film made its debut at the 60th Berlinale. In 2011, Polanski made Carnage, based on Yasmina Reza's play Gods of Carnage. It starred Christoph Waltz, Kate Winslet and Jodie Foster, telling the story of two couples whose children get into a fight at school and the chaos that ensues. He premiered Venus in Fur at the 2013 Cannes Film Festival, which starred his wife, Emmanuelle Seigner. In 2014, the United States requested Polanski's extradition from Poland after he made a high-profile appearance at the opening of a Jewish museum in Warsaw, Poland. He was questioned by Polish prosecutors, acting on a US request and agreed to comply with the Polish justice system as it examined the matter. The next chapter in Polanski's saga played out in October 2015 when a court in Krakow ruled against a US request to extradite the now 82-year-old film director. Judge Dariusz Mazur said the request was "inadmissible". The decision is not legally binding, as prosecutors can now appeal the ruling, and so the saga continues.

बीबीसी न्यूज ने महान फिल्म निर्देशक रोमन पोलांस्की की प्रोफाइल बनाई है।


Jersey care 'abuse victim tortured with electric shocks'

Summary: A man was tortured with electric shocks as a boy when he was put in care in Jersey in the 1940s, an inquiry heard.

John Doublard, now 79, said he was subjected to the treatment by boys twice his age, who were "tyrants". Appearing at the independent Jersey Care Inquiry, Mr Doublard said he was sent to the Jersey Home for Boys on two occasions, aged seven and eight. The inquiry is investigating abuse allegations in the care system from 1945 to the present day. Mr Doublard said the boys tortured him with electric shocks to his legs or genitals. The attacks would leave him screaming, but he said that despite that no member of care home staff responded, the inquiry heard. The inquiry continues.

एक आदमी को 1940 के दशक में एक लड़के के रूप में बिजली के झटके से प्रताड़ित किया गया था जब उसे जर्सी में देखभाल में रखा गया था, एक जांच में सुना गया।


Grammy-winning producer Detail charged with rape

Summary: Grammy Award-winning producer Detail, who has worked with stars like Beyonce, Lil Wayne and Nicki Minaj, has been charged with raping five women and sexually assaulting another.

The attacks are alleged to have taken place between 2010 and 2018, the Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office said on Thursday. Detail, real name Noel Christopher Fisher, has helped craft hits including Beyonce's 2013 song Drunk in Love. He denies all of the allegations. The 41-year-old was arrested on Wednesday and held on bail believed to be worth around $6.3m (£4.8m). Prosecutors added that most of the alleged incidents - with women aged between 18 and 31 at the time - took place at his home. If convicted, he could face a maximum of 225 years behind bars. The Detroit producer has also worked with Jennifer Lopez, Wiz Khalifa, Future and Beyonce's former Destiny's Child bandmate Kelly Rowland. Follow us on Facebook, or on Twitter @BBCNewsEnts. If you have a story suggestion email entertainment.news@bbc.co.uk.

बियॉन्से, लिल वेन और निकी मिनाज जैसे सितारों के साथ काम कर चुके ग्रैमी पुरस्कार विजेता निर्माता डिटेल पर पांच महिलाओं के साथ बलात्कार और एक अन्य के यौन उत्पीड़न का आरोप लगाया गया है।


Man charged with Nottingham kidnap and assault

Summary: A man has been charged with kidnapping and attacking a man who was kept against his will in a car.

The victim managed to escape from the attack in Bestwood Road, Nottingham, on the evening of 15 February, Nottinghamshire Police said. A 22-year-old man from the city has been charged with kidnap and assault by beating and is currently in police custody. He is due to appear at Nottingham Magistrates' Court later. Follow BBC East Midlands on Facebook, Twitter, or Instagram. Send your story ideas to eastmidsnews@bbc.co.uk.

एक व्यक्ति पर अपहरण और उस व्यक्ति पर हमला करने का आरोप लगाया गया है जिसे उसकी इच्छा के खिलाफ कार में रखा गया था।


Legal high awareness event held in Aberdeen

Summary: The first event by Police Scotland to raise awareness among hundreds of schoolchildren about the dangers of legal highs has been held in Aberdeen.

Substances officially known as "new psychoactive substances" are marketed at young people and presented in bright packaging. The latest official UK figures show 68 deaths were linked to legal highs in 2012, up from 10 in 2009. The event was held at extreme sports social enterprise Transition Extreme. It is hoped it can be rolled out across Scotland. Insp Kevin Wallace said: "Our officers attend incidents where young people have put themselves at risk having taken these substances. "The long-term effects of new psychoactive substances and the health impact these substances could have is still so unknown. "Our message is clear. We do not know what is in these substances so to keep safe do not take them."

सैकड़ों स्कूली बच्चों के बीच कानूनी ऊंचाइयों के खतरों के बारे में जागरूकता बढ़ाने के लिए पुलिस स्कॉटलैंड द्वारा पहला कार्यक्रम एबरडीन में आयोजित किया गया है।


Child treated in hospital after fall from limousine

Summary: A child has been taken to hospital after falling from a limousine in Powys.

Police said the child received hospital treatment following the incident, at 13:15 BST on Saturday on the A470 between Caersws and Carno. The road was closed on Saturday afternoon, with diversions in place. Dyfed-Powys Police asked for anyone who witnessed the child falling from a black Rolls Royce limousine to contact them.

पॉव्स में एक लिमोजिन से गिरने के बाद एक बच्चे को अस्पताल ले जाया गया है।


Gregory's Girl: John Gordon Sinclair and Clare Grogan go back to school

Summary: It was the movie that changed the Scottish film industry and made stars of its two unknown leads. In a BBC Scotland documentary John Gordon Sinclair and Clare Grogan go back to the school in Cumbernauld where Gregory's Girl was filmed .

By Steven BrocklehurstBBC Scotland news website Clare and Gordon - as Sinclair is known - first met in the summer of 1980, when as raw Glaswegian 18-year-olds they made a low budget film which changed their lives. Director Bill Forsyth's much-loved film was made at Abronhill High, as well as other locations around the new town of Cumbernauld. More than 30 years on and the school is earmarked for closure but the two stars, who are now both 50, went back to class to reflect on the film's lasting success and the unexpected turns their careers have taken since. Sinclair, who had been a member of the Glasgow Youth Theatre, had worked with Forsyth before. But he says he had started as a trainee apprentice electrician when Forsyth offered him the part of Gregory, so he was worried about missing his work. Grogan was working as a waitress, though not in a cocktail bar, she jokes. Forsyth, she says, was a regular in the Spaghetti Factory in Gibson Street and told her he wanted her in his film. Grogan says: "I said 'what kind of film are you talking about?'" But Forsyth overcame her suspicions and she first met Sinclair in a read-through at Pollok House in Glasgow. He says Grogan was an "exotic creature to me" and describes her as a Glasgow "west end trendy". She says Sinclair "seemed like the tallest person in the world - and he was wearing flares". In the film Gregory is infatuated with Dorothy (Dee Hepburn), the football team's female striker, but it is Susan (Grogan) who is the girl he should be looking for. When it came out in 1981, the naturalistic coming-of-age comedy struck a chord around the world and the young stars were soon whisked off to America and ferried from interview to interview by limo. By this time Grogan was also enjoying success with her band Altered Images. "Literally the summer I left school I got signed to Epic records and made the film," says Grogan. But she says she didn't tell the record company she was making a film and she did not tell the director she was in a band. "I didn't think it was particularly relevant," she says. Grogan's career with the band led to a string of hits including Happy Birthday and I Could Be Happy. In the video for Altered Images' 1983 single Bring Me Closer, Sinclair was brought in to play a James Bond-type character. Sinclair had also had a hit record the previous year when he was the lead voice on the Scotland football team's World Cup record We Have a Dream. The pair were living a superstar lifestyle hanging out with pop stars of the day such as Spandau Ballet and Wham. "Looking back I don't think we realised what a lucky position we were in," says Sinclair. The pair admit they "took it all for granted". "It was the naivete of youth and the arrogance of youth as well," Grogan says. Quite soon Grogan says she got "weary" of that environment and being away from home so much. "All you really felt like was that wee person from Glasgow. From the moment I left school my life was extraordinary," she says. A few years ago she tried to put those experiences in a book for children in an attempt to explain to her daughter Ellie about the joys and pitfalls of success. She says she wrote Tallulah and the Teen Stars because she got "so depressed" with young people wanting to be famous for the sake of it. "I wanted to explain to Ellie that it was all right to have fantastic dreams and aim for them, as long as you recognise there is some work involved in that," she adds. Call the shots Sinclair has also turned to writing in recent years, although his first novel Seventy Times Seven, is perhaps darker than Grogan's children's book. His is a crime thriller set in Northern Ireland and America. Sinclair says he likes writing as it allows him to "call all the shots" like a director and "play all the characters" like an actor. However, the pair have kept acting throughout all their other diversions. As well as comedy and drama, Sinclair won an Olivier award for the stage musical She Loves Me and starred in The Producers. There is also the small matter of the Gregory's Girl sequel he made in 1999. Next year he can be seen in Brad Pitt's World War Z, which was partly filmed in Glasgow. Grogan, who appeared in shows such as Red Dwarf and EastEnders, will play the mother of Glasgow gangster in The Wee Man. She says that after filming finished on Gregory's Girl all those years ago she felt "bereft". "I did not know how I would keep it going," she says. "I'd had a little taste of it and wanted to keep it going." The versatility that both Sinclair and Grogan have shown means they have managed pretty well. When Clare Grogan Met John Gordon Sinclair is on BBC Two Scotland at 22:00 on Tuesday 11 December and available on the iPlayer for seven days after that.

यह वह फिल्म थी जिसने स्कॉटिश फिल्म उद्योग को बदल दिया और इसके दो अज्ञात नायकों के सितारे बना दिए। बीबीसी स्कॉटलैंड के एक वृत्तचित्र में जॉन गॉर्डन सिनक्लेयर और क्लेयर ग्रोगन कंबरनॉल्ड के उस स्कूल में वापस जाते हैं जहाँ ग्रेगरीज गर्ल को फिल्माया गया था।


Knitwear artist kits out Antony Gormley sculptures

Summary: Two of sculptor Antony Gormley's iron men, which normally stand on a beach wearing nothing but rust and barnacles, have been given a multi-coloured make-over by a guerrilla knitwear artist.

By Ian YoungsArts reporter, BBC News Part of Gormley's Another Place series, the life-size figures have been on Crosby beach in Merseyside since 2005. The head-to-toe crocheted outfits were added by New York-based artist Olek. "I feel that barnacles provide the best cover-up, but this is very impressive substitute!" Gormley said. One figure was given a pink, purple and green crocheted jumpsuit, while the other was clad in white, grey and black. Polish-born 34-year-old artist Agata Oleksiak, known as Olek, has previously surprised New Yorkers by giving the Wall Street bull similar treatment. She has also covered everything from cars and grand pianos to an entire apartment and its contents in her trademark colourful crochet. She said her outfits for the Gormley sculptures were "transforming old into new". "I think it is his most successful installation," she said. "The pieces have been there for a while and people stop paying attention to them. "By covering them and giving them a new skin, I made them more alive... besides, it is a public work and needs an interaction with a viewer." Gormley, who won the Turner Prize in 1994, installed 100 of the figures over a two-mile stretch of the beach. The outfits were spotted by the Liverpool Confidential website at the weekend. Olek added that she had wanted to dress all of the figures but was only in the area for one night, "travelling in a crocheted taxi from London across UK". She is now back in the US, installing a crocheted exhibition in Raleigh, North Carolina, before shows in Montreal and at the Smithsonian American Art Museum in Washington DC.

मूर्तिकार एंटनी गोर्मली के दो लोहे के लोग, जो आम तौर पर समुद्र तट पर जंग और बार्नाकल के अलावा कुछ नहीं पहनकर खड़े होते हैं, उन्हें एक गुरिल्ला बुने हुए वस्त्र कलाकार द्वारा बहु-रंगीन मेकअप दिया गया है।


Ampthill python sssstuck under oven rescued by fire crew

Summary: An 8ft (2.4m) long snake that became stuck under a large oven has been rescued by firefighters.

Venus, a reticulated python, escaped from her tank on Friday morning in Ampthill, Bedfordshire. She had become confused because of the hot weather and buried herself underneath the range cooker, Bedfordshire Fire and Rescue said. The crew who went to her aid said she was "very heavy, very fast but now very safe in her tank". Related Internet Links Bedfordshire Fire and Rescue Service

एक 8 फीट (2.4 मीटर) लंबा सांप जो एक बड़े ओवन के नीचे फंस गया था, उसे अग्निशामकों द्वारा बचाया गया है।


How did we get to this welfare state?

Summary: We think of the welfare state as a creation of the 20th Century but its roots stretch back to Elizabethan times. It's a history littered with benefit crackdowns, panics about "scroungers" and public outrage at the condition of the poor.

By Brian WheelerPolitical reporter In an 1850 investigation into the life of the poor, Charles Dickens described how the inmates of a Newgate workhouse skulked about like wolves and hyenas pouncing on food as it was served. And how a "company of boys" were kept in a "kind of kennel". "Most of them are crippled, in some form or another," said the Wardsman, "and not fit for anything." Dickens sparked outrage with his powerful evocations of workhouse life, most famously in the novel Oliver Twist, but the idea that you could be thrown into what was effectively prison simply for the crime of being poor was never seriously challenged by the ruling classes in Victorian times. There was no welfare state, but the growth of workhouses had been the product of a classic British benefits crackdown. Since Elizabethan times and the 1601 Poor Law, providing relief for the needy had been the duty of local parishes. Life was not exactly easy for itinerant beggars, who had to be returned to their home parish under the law, but their condition was not normally seen as being their own fault. They were objects of pity and it was seen as the Christian duty of good people to help them if they could. But by the start of the 19th century, the idea that beggars and other destitutes might be taking advantage of the system had begun to take hold. The "idle pauper" was the Victorian version of the "benefit scrounger". 'Extortion and perjury' The Victorians were concerned that welfare being handed out by parishes was too generous and promoting idleness - particularly among single mothers. "The effect has been to promote bastardy; to make want of chastity on the woman's part the shortest road to obtaining either a husband or a competent maintenance; and to encourage extortion and perjury," said the 1832 Royal Commission into the operation of the poor laws. The 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act that followed aimed to put a stop to all that. Conditions in workhouses were deliberately made as harsh as possible, with inmates put to work breaking stones and fed a diet of gruel, to make the alternative, labouring for starvation wages in factories or fields, seem attractive. The shame of dying in the workhouse haunted the Victorian poor. Shame also stalked the drawing rooms of polite society, whenever a writer like Dickens or Henry Mayhew exposed the living conditions of the "great unwashed", half-starved and crammed into stinking, unsanitary slums. But the driving force of the Victorian age was "self help" and the job of aiding the poor was left to voluntary groups such as the Salvation Army and "friendly societies", who focused their efforts on the "deserving poor", rather than those deemed to have brought themselves low through drink or moral turpitude. It would take a war to make the alleviation of poverty for the masses the business of the national government. The appalling physical condition of the young men who were enlisted to fight in the 1899 war between the British Empire and Dutch settlers in South Africa (the Boers), which saw nine out 10 rejected as unfit, shocked the political classes and helped make a war that was meant to be over quickly drag on for three years. 'War socialism' David Lloyd George won a landslide election victory for the Liberal Party in 1906 with a promise of welfare reform. A means-tested old age pension was established for those aged 70 or more (the average life expectancy for men at that time was 48). A national health system was set up, to be run by voluntary bodies, and, in 1911, the president of the board of trade, Winston Churchill, introduced a limited form of unemployment insurance and the first "labour exchanges," forerunners of today's job centres. It would not take long for the failings of the new system to be exposed. The disaster of mass unemployment in the 1930s and botched attempts to provide assistance through the dreaded "means test" left a deep scar on the consciousness of the working class that would pave the way for the birth of the welfare state as we know it, at the end of the Second World War. Liberal politician Sir William Beveridge - the father of the modern welfare state - wrote in his best-selling report, published at the height of the war, about the need to slay the five giants: "Want, Disease, Ignorance, Squalor and Idleness". The public's imagination was captured by the idea of "winning the peace" and not going back to the dark days of the 1930s after all the sacrifices of wartime. Labour was swept to power in a promise to implement the Beveridge report, a task made easier by "war socialism" - a country united to fight for a common good and a massive state bureaucracy in place to run it. 'Benefit dependent' A national system of benefits was introduced to provide "social security" so that the population would be protected from the "cradle to the grave". The new system was partly built on the national insurance scheme set up by Churchill and Lloyd George in 1911. People in work still had to make contributions each week, as did employers, but the benefits provided were now much greater. When mass unemployment returned at the start of the 1980s, the system ensured nobody starved, as they had in the 1930s. But the shame experienced by working class men, in particular, who had lost their job and were not able to provide for their families, captured in era-defining TV drama Boys from the Blackstuff, was an uncomfortable echo of the Great Depression. As a new century approached and mass unemployment became a fact of life, old scare stories about a class of "idle paupers" taking advantage of an over-generous welfare system returned. Anxiety about a permanent "underclass" of "benefit dependent" people who had never had a job - coupled with a sense that the country could not go on devoting an ever greater share of its national income to welfare payments - began to obsess politicians on the left and right. The new Beveridge? The defining TV drama, in an era where a life on benefits had lost much of its stigma, was Shameless, as the "benefits scrounger" became both an anti-establishment folk hero and a tabloid bogey figure. Labour made efforts to reform the system to "make work pay" but it was the coalition government, and work and pensions secretary Iain Duncan Smith, that confronted the issue head-on. To his critics, Duncan Smith is the spiritual heir of the Victorian moralists who separated the poor into "deserving" and "undeserving" types - and set out to demonise and punish those thought to have brought it all on themselves. But to his supporters, Duncan Smith is the new Beveridge. The great social reformer surely never envisaged a welfare system of such morale-sapping complexity, they argue, where it often does not pay to work. "The state in organising security should not stifle incentive, opportunity, responsibility," wrote Beveridge in his report. "In establishing a national minimum, it should leave room and encouragement for voluntary action by each individual to provide more than that minimum for himself and family." The Conservative government is committed to achieving full employment, seeing work as the answer to many of society's ills. It has avoided the criticism levelled at the Thatcher government of the 1980s, that it allowed millions to rot away on benefits as a "price worth paying" for economic recovery. But cuts to in-work benefits such as tax credits have handed ammunition to those on the left who accuse the government of trying to balance the nation's books on the backs of the working poor. The debate opens up a new chapter in the story of Britain's welfare state, although many of the characters and themes have a very familiar ring to them.

हम कल्याणकारी राज्य को 20वीं शताब्दी की रचना के रूप में देखते हैं, लेकिन इसकी जड़ें एलिजाबेथ के समय तक फैली हुई हैं। यह एक ऐसा इतिहास है जो गरीबों की स्थिति पर लाभकारी कार्रवाई, "स्क्रॉन्गर" के बारे में दहशत और सार्वजनिक आक्रोश से भरा हुआ है।


Girl, 5, taken to hospital after fall from window in Perth

Summary: A five-year-old girl has been taken to hospital after falling from a window in Perth.

The incident happened in the Tulloch area of the city at about 07:15. A Police Scotland spokeswoman said the girl was taken by ambulance to Ninewells Hospital in Dundee. There is currently no information available on the child's injuries.

पर्थ में खिड़की से गिरने के बाद एक पांच वर्षीय लड़की को अस्पताल ले जाया गया है।


Man bailed over Darlaston pub stabbing

Summary: A teenager who was arrested on suspicion of attempted murder after a man was stabbed outside a pub has been released on bail.

The injured 21-year-old remains in a critical condition in hospital following the stabbing on Forge Road, Darlaston, Walsall, on Wednesday night. A 19-year-old handed himself into West Midlands Police on Friday, the force said. A man arrested on suspicion of affray has also been released. The victim was injured in the leg during a fight, according to police. Follow BBC West Midlands on Facebook, on Twitter, and sign up for local news updates direct to your phone.

एक पब के बाहर एक व्यक्ति को चाकू मारने के बाद हत्या के प्रयास के संदेह में गिरफ्तार किए गए एक किशोर को जमानत पर रिहा कर दिया गया है।


National Library of Wales: Thirty jobs at risk

Summary: Thirty jobs are at risk at the National Library of Wales.

Staff at the library in Aberystwyth, Ceredigion, which employs about 225 people, have received details of a proposed new structure. A consultation is running until 15 February. The Welsh Government said it could not increase its revenue support. In September, an independent review found the library faced a threat to its financial viability and said its finances needed "urgent attention". At the time, chief executive and national librarian Pedr ap Llwyd said it was down to "systematic, historic underfunding by Welsh Government". He said the library's position was "unsustainable" and faced a "real threat" to its future. The library is both a registered charity and a Welsh Government-sponsored body. It is funded by a combination of grant in aid allocated by Welsh Government and income secured through its commercial, fundraising and charging activities. Mr ap Llwyd has been asked to comment. A Welsh Government spokesman said: "We know this is a very difficult period for the culture and heritage sector and talk of any job losses is a real concern. "We have been able to protect the library's grant-in-aid from any reductions, but due to unprecedented budget pressures it has not been possible to increase revenue support. "It is now a matter for the library to make decisions as to how it can operate effectively within available budgets." Related Internet Links The National Library of Wales

वेल्स के राष्ट्रीय पुस्तकालय में तीस नौकरियां खतरे में हैं।


Life inside a mobile telephone 'not spot'

Summary: While some people can download entire movies to their mobile telephones in seconds, there are others who can neither make a call nor send a text. These are the inhabitants of so-called 'not spots'. So is silence still golden in the information age?

By Laurence CawleyBBC Inside Out Neville Jamieson is a man most people hope could be reached in an emergency. He is a heart surgeon at Addenbrooke's Hospital in Cambridge. But when he gets about five miles (8km) from his Suffolk home, the mobile telephone provided by the hospital - which has the necessary security measures to give access to patient information - loses reception. He has entered one of England's numerous mobile telephone 'not spots'. Mr Jamieson, of Cowlinge, Suffolk, has two other mobile telephones, each with a different network provider. One works off broadband, which has been intermittent and does not work in the garden, while the third has reception only sporadically in certain areas of the house. Why do 'not spots' exist? For more: Mobile Operators Association Asked what he does if he is expecting an issue with a patient during the evening, Mr Jamieson said: "I'll sit in the living room by the landline telephone and stay there." But he does not want to be chained to his living room. "I'm available on a 24-hour basis," says Mr Jamieson. "A phone in your pocket is just perfect. So please give us a mobile signal that works." For thousands of years, farmers managed perfectly well without mobile telephones. But the industry has changed, says George Gittus, who farms in Little Saxham, near Bury St Edmunds. Most people think farmers only need a mobile telephone if they get into trouble out on their land. Not so. "Nowadays, like many businesses in the urban environment, farming is able to control a lot of what it does via mobile phone," says Mr Gittus, "We've got computer controlled systems that work via a mobile phone." Mr Gittus's piggery systems and the control system for the farm's bio gas plant both work via mobile telephone. "Not only can I not control them without a mobile telephone signal, I also cannot get the alarm signals that they send about potential pollution and other situations like that." But such systems only work if the farmer can get a signal. And that, says Mr Gittus, is not always guaranteed. Mr Gittus said rural Britain was at risk of being left behind in what he described as "phone poverty". So what is the future for these remote 'not spots'? The picturesque village of Blakeney might have the answer. It is one of a number of villages in which Vodafone has installed a series of discreet mini phone masts, creating a reliable network in an area of salt marsh where a traditional mast would not have been allowed. Dr Robert Matthews, of Vodafone, said: "Without a mast you can't use your mobile phones. "In the past people have objected to our structures for whatever reason and these objections and concerns have led to the fact that we haven't been able to develop our network as quickly as we'd like." Delicatessen owner Nick Howard said the new system was "revolutionary". "It means we can get hold of suppliers to sort out for restocking purposes, customers can get hold of us and place orders. "It has made a huge difference."

जबकि कुछ लोग सेकंडों में अपने मोबाइल टेलीफोन पर पूरी फिल्म डाउनलोड कर सकते हैं, कुछ ऐसे भी हैं जो न तो कॉल कर सकते हैं और न ही कोई संदेश भेज सकते हैं। ये तथाकथित 'नॉट स्पॉट्स' के निवासी हैं। तो क्या सूचना के युग में मौन अभी भी सुनहरा है?


'Conspiracy' to remove Somawansha

Summary: There is a conspiracy to remove Somawansha Amarasinghe as the leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) says the breakaway group of the JVP.

Secretary General of National Freedom Front (NFF) Nadana Gunatilake said the conspirators are planning to oust the JVP leader in the National Conference of Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) on Tuesday. He accused a JVP group "supported by the United National Party (UNP)" of JVP trying to capture power in the JVP. The NFF leaders who were senior leders of the JVP was forced to leave the party because of the same group he said. Nanadana Gunatilake and Wimal Weerawansha formed the NFF on 12 May after leaving the JVP. Wimal Weerawansa then the propaganda secretary of JVP accused the party of conspiring against him. The JVP is due to hold its Fifth National Conference on Tuesday. The party is scheduled to appoint the senior leaders at the party convention.

जे. वी. पी. से अलग हुए समूह का कहना है कि जनता विमुक्ति पेरामुना (जे. वी. पी.) के नेता के रूप में सोमवंशा अमरसिंघे को हटाने की साजिश है।


Claiming Delhi's streets to 'break the cage' for women

Summary: Young female students in the Indian capital, Delhi, are fighting to assert their right to public spaces with a campaign called Pinjra Tod (Break The Cage). The BBC's Geeta Pandey joins them for a night as they go out to "claim the streets" and fill them with their "dreams and desires".

Just as night falls, about 60 young women and men begin marching through some of Delhi university's premier colleges. Many are carrying posters, they shout slogans, halt outside women's hostels, recite poems and break out into impromptu dances. "We don't need no false protection, you can't cage half the nation," they sing. One young man plays a drum hanging around his neck, while a woman wearing a red sari gives a lively speech. At regular intervals, the participants - Delhi university students past and present - whistle and clap in approval or chant "shame, shame". The issue that has brought all these men and women out on to the streets is what is called the "curfew hour" in women's hostels - the deadline by which residents must return to their rooms. "It is discriminatory," says Devangana Kalita, a 26-year-old researcher and co-founder of the Pinjra Tod movement. "Curfews and deadlines in the name of providing protection and safety are actually mechanisms of reproducing patriarchy. We are saying this is not about women's safety really, this is about moral policing." Students say most women's hostels - whether run by the university or privately-owned - follow curfew hours. Some lock their gates as early as 6:30pm or 7:30pm while a few allow students to remain out until a little later. They say while curfew times are stringently enforced in women's hostels and those who break them run the risk of being expelled, hostels for men, which also have curfew hours on paper, rarely enforce them. Libraries and laboratories in the university are open until much later - till midnight or in some places, even until 2am - and curfew hours mean women have no access to them. "The university infantilises you," says Ms Kalita. "They don't see you as equipped to handle your safety on your own, they say we will be your guardians, they impose these restrictions on you so they can mould you into a particular kind of a girl who is saleable in the marriage market, who does not cross boundaries. "But tonight, we are out to claim the streets, to fill the streets with the audacity of our dreams and desires," she adds. Shambhawi Vikram, a 23-year-old arts student, who lives in a private hostel - which are called PGs or "Paying Guest" hostels - says the restrictions are "humiliating" but being locked up can also be dangerous and life-threatening. "Two years ago, there was an earthquake in Delhi. As our building shook, all of us who lived on the lower floors rushed out, but 20 students who lived on the fourth and fifth floors were stuck, because they were locked up. It was frightening, they all ran out into the balcony and looked at us. We could only look at them. We all felt so helpless." Rafiul Rahman, a 23-year-old postgraduate student who is among the protesters, says the march to claim the streets is "unprecedented" and "historic". "Something like this has never happened before in the university. It's crazy to lock up women after 7pm. You have to question and challenge irrational norms." Mr Rahman says whenever he steps out at night, there are a lot of men sitting and smoking and drinking chai, "but you don't see a single woman - and that must change". Campaigners say that the idea that locking up women will keep them safe is very flawed logic. "You can't keep women safe by keeping them away, it does not make any sense. Streets will be safer only when we have more women on the streets," Mr Rahman says. With their night walk, Ms Kalita says, "we are trying to create a new imagination, about what public spaces could be like". Protests by students in the past have forced the authorities to relax timings somewhat, but the Pinjra Tod campaigners say that's not enough. The campaigners are using social media to mobilise students - and others - across Delhi and beyond to broaden their movement for freedom. Ms Vikram says in India, women across ages and class live in cages and they have to fight to escape these prisons throughout their lives. "Some 40-50 years ago, women had to break the cage to get in to university, today we are trying to break the cage to get to the library after 7pm. "Even Cinderella could stay out until midnight. Why can't we," she asks?

भारतीय राजधानी दिल्ली में युवा महिला छात्र पिंजरा तोड़ (पिंजरे को तोड़ें) नामक एक अभियान के साथ सार्वजनिक स्थानों पर अपने अधिकार का दावा करने के लिए लड़ रही हैं। बीबीसी की गीता पांडे एक रात के लिए उनके साथ शामिल होती हैं क्योंकि वे "सड़कों पर दावा करने" के लिए बाहर जाती हैं और उन्हें अपने "सपनों और इच्छाओं" से भर देती हैं।


Early engine repairs for Isle of Man Manannan ferry

Summary: Repair work on the Isle of Man's ferry is to take place earlier than planned, after one of its four engines was damaged by discarded fishing gear.

The Steam Packet company said the Manannan fast craft had been operating on reduced power since June. Repairs had been scheduled to take three days during September, but a revised plan means the boat will be repaired in just one day, on 6 August. Passengers booked to travel on this day are asked to contact the ferry company. The Manannan runs from Douglas to Liverpool.

आइल ऑफ मैन की नौका पर मरम्मत का काम योजना से पहले होना है, क्योंकि इसके चार इंजनों में से एक मछली पकड़ने के उपकरण को फेंकने से क्षतिग्रस्त हो गया था।


How surveillance society solved a murder with no body

Summary: Two years ago, Suzanne Pilley disappeared on her way to work in the centre of Edinburgh. Her body was never discovered but her killer was convicted last month after his movements were traced by a range of surveillance devices. On Wednesday, David Gilroy was sentenced to a minimum of 18 years before he can apply for parole.

By Steven BrocklehurstBBC Scotland news website CCTV footage, mobile phone records, emails, shop receipts - our everyday routine leaves an "electronic footprint". David Gilroy went to great lengths to cover his tracks after he killed Suzanne Pilley in May 2010. But an extraordinary police investigation tracked his movements in the smallest of detail. CCTV footage from a supermarket two days before Suzanne's disappearance shows the pair buying groceries for a meal near her flat. What looks on the screen to be an unremarkable domestic scene is in fact his last desperate attempt to resurrect the relationship. Gilroy, a married man, had been having a secret relationship with his work colleague for about a year but she had been trying to end it. That night they had a massive row and two days later he killed her. At 08:19 on Tuesday 4 May, Suzanne's final commute to work was captured by CCTV cameras which track virtually every bus passenger in the Scottish capital. She had spent the night with a new man whom she had recently met. Suzanne got off the bus at 08:49 and was picked up by other CCTV cameras as she walked the last part of her journey to work. She was seen going into a supermarket before she finally disappeared from view. Specialist CCTV analysts looked at images from 84 cameras in the area and built up a case that a tiny image of Suzanne could be seen from a distant camera as she entered her work. Gilroy had spent the previous few weeks besieging her with numerous texts and voicemails, desperate to continue their relationship. Police were able to recover everything left on her phone, even though the phone itself has never been found. Gilroy knew there were no CCTV cameras at the place where he and Pilley worked. However, CCTV cameras on properties outside the building show him going in and out of the basement garage. The man who quickly became a suspect had arrived at work by bus but later made excuses to go home and collect his car. Later he was caught by CCTV having just bought four air fresheners. Police believe Gilroy lured Suzanne to the basement and killed her. He then hid her body in a stairwell before later transferring it to the boot of his car. Specialist cadaver dogs were used to search the basement and garage of the building. They found areas of interest but no DNA or forensics. Before Gilroy went home he went to his computer and arranged an appointment which would require him to drive about 130 miles to Lochgilphead in rural Argyll the next day. The killer then went home and acted naturally. CCTV images even caught him attending a school concert and a restaurant that evening. Police reconstructed Gilroy's trip to Argyll on 5 May through CCTV at various places along the route, such as when he stopped for petrol. Officers had to trawl for CCTV footage from hundreds of cameras - not just on the main route to Lochgilphead but surrounding roads as well. It was a route Gilroy took regularly but on this occasion he went much further north than the direct route and police were suspicious. Gilroy's mobile phone was later seized by police, along with his car. Experts found that the phone had been switched off between Stirling and Inveraray and the same on the way back. Police suspected Gilroy had deliberately switched his phone off to conceal his movements while he did a "reccy" for a site to dispose of Suzanne's body. He repeated this on his way back when he actually buried the body. But Gilroy did not realise that his car would provide more clues that he had been driving along rough forest tracks. Damage to the suspension, scrape marks on the underside of the car and vegetation attached to the car were all clues of his off-road activities. Police reckoned that the average time for the journey between Tyndrum and Inveraray was 36 minutes. CCTV analysis of the time taken by Gilroy indicated that he took five hours and eight minutes. Footage from CCTV also showed that an umbrella on the back parcel shelf of his car, probably put there when Suzanne's body was placed in the boot, disappeared from view on the return journey, having been placed back in the boot. Despite extensive searches, Suzanne's body was never found. However, due to the cumulative evidence built up in the police investigation, Gilroy was convicted at the High Court in Edinburgh last month. On Wednesday, he was given a life sentence with a minimum of 18 years before he can apply for parole. Suzanne Pilley: The Woman Who Vanished will be shown on BBC One Scotland on Wednesday 18 April at 22:45.

दो साल पहले, सुज़ैन पिली एडिनबर्ग के केंद्र में काम करने के लिए जाते समय गायब हो गई थी। उसका शव कभी नहीं मिला था, लेकिन उसके हत्यारे को पिछले महीने दोषी ठहराया गया था, जब उसकी गतिविधियों का पता कई निगरानी उपकरणों द्वारा लगाया गया था। बुधवार को, डेविड गिलरॉय को पैरोल के लिए आवेदन करने से पहले कम से कम 18 साल की सजा सुनाई गई थी।