NI Civil service boss apologises over RHI 'failings'

Summary: The head of Northern Ireland's civil service has apologised for "multiple failings" by Stormont in NI's flawed green energy scheme.

By Jayne McCormack & Conor MacauleyBBC News NI David Sterling was appearing at the Renewable Heat Incentive (RHI) inquiry. The scheme was set up in 2012 to boost uptake of eco-friendly heat systems, but huge subsidies led to a £490m bill for Northern Ireland taxpayers. When problems with RHI emerged in 2015, Mr Sterling was working in Stormont's finance department. He was appointed interim head of the civil service in June 2017. On Thursday, he offered a "profound and unequivocal" apology for the mistakes made, and promised that lessons would be learned to prevent it from ever happening again. He said any recommendations the inquiry makes will be implemented quickly and fairly. But the inquiry's chair Sir Patrick Coghlin pointed out that two previous enterprise projects had resulted in similar flaws and that the civil service had a lot of convincing to do. 'Convincing to do' He said the panel needed to be reassured that "third time round" there would be effective learning. Mr Sterling said he understood that the public might be "cynical and sceptical" about his apology, but the civil service was "serious" about ensuring there was no repeat. He said the civil service was already changing in response to what it had learned. But he added that it was unfair to judge all 23,000 civil servants on the problems generated by one badly handled scheme. He also said he was sorry to his fellow civil servants for the damage done to their reputation by the scandal. The change process is being led by the top civil servant in the finance department, Sue Grey, a former Whitehall official with experience in investigating allegations of improper ethics in public life. Mr Sterling said the Information Commissioner had also been asked for a set of principles to which civil servants should comply, and they were now being circulated to all staff. He was asked what the most surprising piece of evidence he had heard. Mr Sterling said it was the amount of knowledge around about the abuse of the scheme which officials had not been alerted to. But the panel pointed out that they had been told. 'Regret over minutes claim' Inquiry panellist Keith MacLean said officials had been told about allegations of abuse but had failed to listen. He said it seemed some people had "their eyes closed and their ears blocked". Mr Sterling also said he "regrets" telling the inquiry in March that minutes of departmental meetings were frequently not taken in a bid to frustrate Freedom of Information requests, because the two largest political parties - the DUP and Sinn Féin - were sensitive to criticism. Inquiry counsel David Scoffield said the absence of record-keeping is one of the public's "key concerns" as a result of what the inquiry has uncovered. But the civil service boss said it was more likely that the bad practice originated due to a concern that "sensitive issues being discussed" by ministers might "find their way into the public domain, whether by leak or other disclosure". Also on Thursday, Mr Sterling said he did not try to blame a colleague for problems surrounding a green energy scheme, in order to get the top job. In 2016, when the scandal became public knowledge, he was the finance department's permanent secretary. His department, and the enterprise department - which set up the scheme - were involved in plans to cut the ill-fated scheme's costs. Mr Sterling said the suggestion that he had tried to blame the enterprise department's top civil servant, Andrew McCormick, for the mess in 2016 was "grossly unfair". The following year, both were the only shortlisted candidates for the vacant position of head of the civil service. Mr Sterling was appointed in June 2017 on an interim basis. 'Grossly unfair' He rejected a suggestion by former DUP special adviser Timothy Cairns, that in January 2016 moves were afoot to blame the enterprise department, and that there might have been a "connection" to the appointment process. Mr Sterling said he had known Mr McCormick for 18 years and considered him a "friend and a colleague". "I would absolutely refute any suggestion that I would do anything to try and pin the blame on him particularly to try and gain some personal advantage in a competition which hadn't even launched. "There wasn't even a vacancy at that stage." Mr Sterling said when he wrote to Mr McCormick in January 2016 seeking answers to what had gone wrong with the scheme, he was conscious that he (Mr Sterling) had been the permanent secretary in enterprise when the scheme was designed and implemented. Because of that, he said he was aware he "bore some responsibility" for what had happened. He said the letter that had been written would have been sent by any head of finance in similar circumstances. He said any suggestion that he'd done it to gain an advantage was "grossly unfair". "It's just not in my nature to do something like that," he said. Also on Thursday, Mr Sterling said he does not recall a DUP special adviser telling him he had a relative on a controversial green energy scheme. At that point, the department was being led by DUP minister Arlene Foster, whose special adviser was Andrew Crawford. The inquiry has discovered that three of Mr Crawford's relatives were claimants and had 11 boilers between them. Mr Crawford, in his evidence, said he had informed Mr Sterling in 2015 that his brother was on the scheme. 'No formal system' But the civil service boss said he had no memory of any such conversation, and that he believed he would have recalled it. He said it would have been prudent for Mr Crawford to record his family connection to the scheme as a potential conflict of interest. There was no form for him to do that at the time, but Mr Sterling said it would have been possible to record it in some fashion. He told the inquiry there is still no formal system in place for special advisers to record a conflict of interest. But Sir Patrick said: "You're still working on this three years later?" Mr Sterling said it had been included in work going on between the parties during talks processes last year, as part of a paper called transparency, governance and accountability. "We're working on the basis that seeking agreement with incoming ministers would see such an agreement in place," he added. Mr Sterling also denied claims he had ever had a row with Mr Crawford and accused him of keeping the scheme open for the benefit of his family. The inquiry was also told Mr Sterling was not aware that Mr Crawford was making suggestions to a DUP colleague in the enterprise department about plans to introduce cost controls to the scheme in summer 2015. The colleague was another special adviser, Timothy Cairns. The enterprise department had set up the scheme, and Mr Cairns was involved in discussions with officials to get its budget under control. In an email exchange, Mr Crawford made a suggestion that the amount of hours on a higher tariff be doubled and bigger boilers be eligible, so that the poultry industry did not lose out from the scheme changes. 'Throttle the costs' Poultry farmers made up the majority of claimants on the scheme. Inquiry panellist Keith MacLean said the effect of the suggestion would have been to undermine plans to "throttle the costs". The idea was quickly rejected by officials because of its cost implications. Mr Sterling said he was not aware of the contact and he should have been told, as should Mrs Foster have been. Sir Patrick said it was "worrying" that neither Mr Sterling, nor the permanent secretary in the enterprise department, Andrew McCormick, were aware of what was taking place. "Where's the control that flows from the fact that spads (special advisers) are paid public money?" Sir Patrick asked. Mr Sterling said if special advisers did not inform officials about what they were doing, it was difficult for civil servants to know. Later, Mr Sterling admitted he knew a DUP adviser removed a reference to the poultry industry being the root cause of the RHI spike from a key government paper. The term that Andrew Crawford removed was contained in a draft paper to be sent to the then Office of the First and Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM), seeking the ultimate closure of the scheme in February 2016. The paper referred to the "wholesale uptake" of RHI boilers by poultry farmers and how it had contributed in large part to the pressure on the budget. Mr Crawford has told the inquiry he accepts he should not have taken it out. 'Let it go' He said he was concerned about the inference it created and because he believed there were also other industries that had contributed to the huge numbers getting into the scheme. The spike in applications - about 800 - did the most damage to the public purse in the context of the RHI budget. Mr Sterling said he did not think it was worth "having a major set-to" with the special adviser to put the reference back in. It had been put in the paper by the enterprise department, which had set up the scheme. The finance department had then removed it, on the basis of advice from Mr Crawford. 'Intense period' Mr Sterling said he was not aware at the time of the significance of the poultry reference and that if Mr Crawford wanted it removed, to "let it go". He said his priority was ensuring changes were agreed by the executive in order to get the scheme closed. He admitted with hindsight, it would have been sensible to explore the issue before allowing the removal to go ahead. Sir Patrick put it to him: "Can we take it he removed it because of the political aspect of being a Spad or because of his personal family connections, you don't remember any reasoning?" Mr Sterling replied no, that it was an intense period of time and there was a lot going on. In his written evidence to the inquiry, published on Wednesday, Mr Sterling said there should be a review of the role of Stormont special advisers before any return to devolution. The inquiry's oral hearings are due to end on Friday, after 111 days of evidence heard by the panel. Its final witness will be Sir Malcolm McKibbin, David Sterling's predecessor who was head of the NI civil service for seven years.

उत्तरी आयरलैंड की सिविल सेवा के प्रमुख ने एन. आई. की त्रुटिपूर्ण हरित ऊर्जा योजना में स्टॉर्मोंट द्वारा "कई विफलताओं" के लिए माफी मांगी है।


Conservatives and independents to run Scottish Borders Council

Summary: A new administration has been unveiled on Scottish Borders Council.

A coalition of Conservatives and independents is to replace the previous SNP/Lib Dem/independent alliance. The Tories won most seats last week with 15, ahead of the SNP on nine, eight independents and two Lib Dems. The administration has to be officially approved by full council on 18 May. It will see newly elected Conservative Shona Haslam take over as leader from independent David Parker. Conservative group leader Michelle Ballantyne said she was delighted with the proposed coalition. "We have worked hard to ensure that our administration will use the skills of its members to deliver the best services for the people of the Borders," she said. "At last week's local elections, the Scottish Borders voted for change and the new administration will bring a fresh approach to providing that change. "We have a lot of new members and we are not going to be afraid to use their skills from the outset." Independent group leader Sandy Aitchison said he was also pleased with the outcome. 'New opportunities' "It is fantastic to have 19 new elected members with fresh thinking and new ideas," he said. "All of us in the new administration are keen to make the most of the new opportunities and energy of the council." Ms Ballantyne is set to take up a position as a list MSP in the weeks to come but she has yet to decide whether she will continue in her role as a councillor after taking on that post. Former leader David Parker will move to the role of convener, with responsibility for health. Ms Ballantyne said: "We are delighted that David will be appointed to the role of convener, a not insignificant position, that is vital for the smooth and effective running of the council. "David will play an integral part in assisting the new administration in embracing the challenges ahead."

स्कॉटिश सीमा परिषद पर एक नए प्रशासन का अनावरण किया गया है।


Boy stuck up tree in York cat rescue

Summary: A young boy who attempted to rescue his pet cat from a tree had to be saved by fire crews after getting stuck himself.

North Yorkshire Fire and Rescue Service said the cat-tastrophe happened in the centre of York on Friday night. Fire crews rescued both the boy and his pet by a whisker using a 13.5m (44ft) high ladder. Both were unhurt after the unfur-tunate incident. A spokesperson for the service said the boy was given some advice about the dangers involved. You might also be interested in:

एक युवा लड़का जिसने अपनी पालतू बिल्ली को पेड़ से बचाने का प्रयास किया, उसे खुद फंसने के बाद अग्निशमन दल द्वारा बचाया जाना था।


The girls stolen from the streets of India

Summary: The death of a student who was gang-raped on a Delhi bus has prompted anguished soul-searching about the place of women in Indian society. The widespread killing of female foetuses and infants is well-documented, but less well-known is the trafficking of girls across the country to make up for the resulting shortages.

By Natalia AntelavaBBC World Service, Delhi Rukhsana was sweeping the floor when police broke into the house. Wide-eyed and thin, she stood in the middle of a room clutching a broom in her hand. Police officers towered above her, shouting questions: "How old are you? "How did you get here?" "Fourteen," she replied softly. "I was kidnapped." But just as she began to say more, an older woman broke through the circle of policemen. "She is lying," she shouted. "She is 18, almost 19. I paid her parents money for her." As the police pushed the girl towards the exit, the woman asked them to wait. She leaped over towards the girl and reached for her earrings. "These are mine," she said, taking them out. A year ago, Rukhsana was a 13-year-old living with her parents and two younger siblings in a village near India's border with Bangladesh. "I used to love going to school and I loved playing with my little sister," she remembers. Her childhood ended when one day, on the way home from school, three men pushed her into a car. "They showed me a knife and said they would cut me into pieces if I resisted," she said. After a terrifying three-day journey in cars, buses and on trains, they reached a house in the northern Indian state of Haryana where Rukhsana was sold to a family of four - a mother and her three sons. For one year she was not allowed to go outside. She says she was humiliated, beaten and routinely raped by the eldest of the three sons - who called himself her "husband". "He used to say, 'I bought you, so you do as I tell you.' He and his mother beat me. I thought I would never see my family again. I cried every day," she said. Tens of thousands of girls disappear in India every year. They are sold into prostitution, domestic slavery and, increasingly, like Rukhsana, into marriage in the northern states of India where the sex ratio between men and women has been skewed by the illegal - but widespread - practice of aborting girl foetuses. The UN children's agency Unicef says it's a problem of "genocide proportions" and that 50 million women are missing in India because of female foeticide and infanticide - the killing of baby girls. The Indian government disputes this estimate, but the reality of life in Haryana is hard to argue with. "We don't have enough girls here," the woman who bought Rukhsana cried as she tried to convince the police to let her stay. "There are many girls from Bengal here. I paid money for her," she wailed. There are no official statistics on how many girls are sold into marriage in the northern states of India, but activists believe the number is on the rise, fuelled both by demand for women in the relatively wealthy north, and poverty in other parts of India. "Every house in northern India is feeling the pressure, in every house there are young men who cannot find women and who are frustrated," says social activist Rishi Kant, whose organization Shakti Vahini (or Power Brigade) works closely with the police to rescue victims. In just one area, the Sunderbans in the South 24 Parganas district of West Bengal, the BBC visited five villages all of which had missing children, mostly girls. According to the latest official data, almost 35,000 children were reported missing in India in 2011 - and over 11,000 of them were from West Bengal. Police estimate that only about 30% of cases are actually reported. Trafficking peaked in the Sunderbans after a deadly cyclone destroyed rice paddies around the area five years ago. Local farm worker, Bimal Singh - like thousands of people - was left without income, and so he thought it was good news when a neighbour offered his 16-year-old daughter Bisanti a job in Delhi. "She went on a train. She told me 'Father, don't worry about me, I will come back with enough money so that you can marry me." They never heard from her again. "The police have done nothing for us. They came once and knocked on the door of the trafficker but they didn't arrest him. They don't treat me well when I go to them, so I am afraid to go to the police," Singh says. In a Calcutta slum we manage to meet a man who sells girls for a living. He doesn't want to give his name, but speaks openly about the trade. "The demand is rising, and because of this growing demand I have made a lot of money. I now have bought three houses in Delhi. "I traffic 150 to 200 girls a year, starting from age 10, 11 and older, up to 16, 17," he says. "I don't go to the source areas, but I have men working for me. We tell parents that we will get them jobs in Delhi, then we transport them to placement agencies. What happens to them after that is not my concern," the man says. The man says he makes around 55,000 rupees ($1,000; £700) from each girl. Local politicians and police, he says, are crucial to his operation. "Police are well aware of what we do. I have to tell police when I am transporting a girl and I bribe police in every state - in Calcutta, in Delhi, in Haryana. "I have had troubles with authorities but I am not afraid - if I go to jail I now have enough money to bribe my way out." The head of the Criminal Investigation Unit in charge of anti-trafficking in West Bengal, Shankar Chakraborty, describes police corruption as "negligible" and says his unit is "absolutely resolute" in its determination to tackle the problem of trafficking. "We are organising training camps and awareness campaigns. We have also recovered many girls, from different areas of the country. The fight is on," he says. The very existence of his unit, he adds, shows the government's resolve and activists agree that police are now more aware of the problem. Every police station in West Bengal now has an anti-trafficking officer. But their caseloads are overwhelming, and resources are scarce. "Simply changing the police will not give results. When we rescue a child together with the police, then what?" says Rishi Kant from Shakti Vahini. "What we need is fast rehabilitation. We need social welfare and judiciary systems that work." Rishi Kant says there is a need for fast-track courts - like the court being used to try the suspects in the latest gang-rape case - to prosecute perpetrators, and make it more difficult for them to get out on bail. Even greater, some argue, is the need for a change in attitudes. Two weeks before the notorious Delhi rape case, a group of influential local elders, all of them men, came together in a Haryana village to discuss what they called the most pressing issues their communities face - rape, illegal abortions and marriage laws. One speaker addressed what he called an "alarming" increase in rape cases. "Have you seen the suggestive ways that girls ride scooters?" he said. "There is no modesty in the way women dress or act any more." Another man spoke about the roots of female foeticide. "These days the society has become very educated and the girls from this educated society have started eloping. When girls bring shame on their own parents and behave like that - who would want a girl?" he asked. Rupa, a 25-year-old woman was trafficked to Haryana from Bihar. She was sold as a wife to a man who failed to find one in his own community. The family forced her to have two abortions until she was finally pregnant with a baby boy. In India, the cycle of abuse carries on. Natalia Antelava's Assignment airs on 10 January at 09:05, 13:05, 16:05 and 20:05 GMT on BBC World Service. You can also listen via iPlayer or download a podcast. You can follow the Magazine on Twitter and on Facebook

दिल्ली की एक बस में सामूहिक बलात्कार की शिकार एक छात्रा की मौत ने भारतीय समाज में महिलाओं के स्थान के बारे में आत्म-खोज को प्रेरित किया है। कन्या भ्रूणों और शिशुओं की व्यापक हत्या अच्छी तरह से प्रलेखित है, लेकिन कम प्रसिद्ध देश भर में लड़कियों की तस्करी है ताकि परिणामी कमी को पूरा किया जा सके।


Jobcentre Plus security guard stabbing: Teen charged

Summary: A teenager has been charged with stabbing a security guard at a job centre in Liverpool.

The victim, in his 40s, was stabbed in the back at the Jobcentre Plus in Childwall Valley Road, Belle Vale on Monday. An 18-year-old from Liverpool has been charged with wounding with intent, assault by beating and possession of an offensive weapon in a public place. He will appear at Liverpool Adult Remand Court later. The victim has since been discharged from hospital.

एक किशोर पर लिवरपूल में एक नौकरी केंद्र में एक सुरक्षा गार्ड को चाकू मारने का आरोप लगाया गया है।


A hermit's Christmas: Simplicity, solitude and silence

Summary: For many of us, Christmas is a time of hustle and bustle, bright lights, music and over-indulgence. But for Rachel Denton, this Yuletide will be a period of silence and contemplation. Not so different from her everyday life - Sister Rachel is a hermit.

By Bethan BellBBC News Forget about the notions of unwashed bearded men living in caves. Her hermitage is a modest end-of-terrace house in rural north Lincolnshire, which she shares with her dog, a Chihuahua-cross called Mr Bingley. And although she lives a quiet, simple life, she does occasionally interact with others. She has a Twitter account - the biography reads: "Hermit, scribe, printer - tweets are rare, but precious!" - and a website through which she sells her hand-illuminated greetings cards: "There is not much call for rush mats and rosaries these days - the traditional industries of the hermitage." She rises early, spends hours at prayer, goes to work, tends her garden, walks. It's a life of self-restraint many would find difficult, but Sister Rachel doesn't conceal her delight at the way she lives. "I get up, I go to sleep. I'm grateful for being alive. And that's enough. I'm with God every day. "I really do have a lovely life. It's wonderful. I really do enjoy myself." Her weekly treat is a brief lie-in on Sunday mornings when she listens to Radio 4's Something Understood - a music, prose and poetry programme with a spiritual theme, broadcast at 06:05. Every evening she listens to The Archers. Her face lights up as she discusses the machinations of the nefarious Rob, and she was delighted when Helen was found not guilty of his attempted murder. When not animated by the goings-on in Ambridge, she exudes a sense of quietude and determination. Or as she puts its: "I'm reclusive and stubborn". But she also laughs a lot. The desire for solitude may have stemmed from childhood - she was deaf when she was young, before an operation restored her hearing, suddenly introducing noise into her life. One of six children, she was brought up in Stockport, where her father was a university lecturer. She describes the life of hermitage as "one of becoming ever more sensitive to God-in-this-place. Which might involve appreciating the loveliness of a flower, or the dance of the light through a window, or the still-life of a mundane object suddenly striking in its random beauty. Or more likely, the meticulous job of recycling waste items, or weeding the raspberry canes." She's keen to point out the practicalities - being a hermit is not a romantic lifestyle. The most important thing for those wanting to embark on eremitical living is self-sufficiency, she says to people who email her asking for tips. "You need to be able to support yourself. So you need an income. I always say being a cleaner is a very good job for a hermit, because you generally go to homes when the householders are out. "Part of me would love to live in a cave on a mountain and see nobody ever and not have a Facebook and Twitter account, but the reality is that if I'm to earn my own living, technology enables me to do that." Raised Catholic, she went to university where she "had boyfriends and all of that", and then entered a convent for a year as a Carmelite nun - something her father thought "was a waste" of her academic potential. She enjoyed the silence and solitude - but found she couldn't bear the communal living. "I had to have a word with God," she says. "I said 'you might want me to become a nun, but that's not going to happen'. "So I took God with me. You know, being a hermit is much harder than being a nun. A nun has a built-in community, somewhere to live." On leaving the convent, she didn't embark on a solitary life straight away. She trained as a teacher, eventually becoming deputy head of a school in Cambridge where she taught maths and science. Since taking the leap into her new life in 2001, she has been somewhat feeling her way. At first, she didn't wear anything distinctive, but now she dresses in a scapular - a long garment suspended from the shoulders, a bit like a severe pinafore. She admits, that although she is guided by her rules of life, there are times when she has to make it up as she goes along. As she embarked on her new path, she sought the blessing of the Most Rev Malcolm McMahon, then the Catholic Bishop of Nottingham. "He said: 'We don't do hermits.' He didn't know anything about it - although he did grow to like having a hermit in the diocese: it gave him kudos with the other bishops." For those first five years she was "incognito", but following her Solemn Profession in 2006 - an official commitment to life-long hermitage at a special Mass - there has been interest. Christmas has its own rituals for the hermit. "On Christmas Eve I always listen to the Festival of Nine Lessons on the radio, then a period of quiet after that. "The high point is midnight mass at the local church." The day itself will be spent "quietly at the hermitage [her house]. Preparing Christmas dinner - although on a less epic scale than most people - reading, listening to carols, probably a walk, a DVD in the evening. "Very relaxed, no timetable." Advent is a busier time: "I lay out my crib and decorate the hermitage day-by-day." She also sees God in secular celebrations. "There is lots of talk about the "true spirit of Christmas" and a sort of regret that we might be losing that. Of course things can get out of hand on the commercial front, but I do think there is room for lots of the 'peripheral' celebrations. "Father Christmas and the John Lewis Christmas adverts - God is with us in that stuff too." So does she ever get lonely? "Never. My brother said he thought I'd not last two years as a hermit - but it's been 15 years and I still love it." Loneliness at Christmas Sister Rachel enjoys her solitude - but she's in the enviable position of choosing to be alone. Charities warn an increasing number of people are experiencing isolation. Age UK says there are more than a million people who'll be lonely on Christmas Day. The organisation offers a befriending service. The Mental Health Foundation points out that Christmas only accentuates the isolation some feel. Which? has a list of groups that can help alleviate loneliness. She says her family were fine with her choice, if a bit puzzled. After all, they had "already been through the whole nun thing". At first she had to be quite firm about putting people off coming to visit her in her former council house near Market Rasen (a home she was able to afford to buy thanks to getting on the property ladder in Cambridge at an opportune time). They didn't understand she wanted to be alone. Over the past couple of years, she's been forced to accept more company than she's used to - as she needed treatment for cancer, something she found, she says, "fascinating". "All the scientific bits of the treatment, I was really interested in. "What I found hard was not being on my own and having to accept help. And what I couldn't bear is the pain. Pain is a terrible thing, and for some people there's no escape from it." Cancer didn't shake her faith. If anything, the year she was ill - "lost in the radiological mists of time" - was "almost magical. I could indulge in being silent and alone. God was just there". "It was interesting when I got cancer because you make a bucket list and my bucket list was to spend my life as a hermit." How will she mark the end of the year and the beginning of the next? As might be expected - "quietly". New Year's Eve night is spent in prayer vigil, a practice common in many monasteries and convents. "I like to think of folks partying the night away whilst I am praying for them," she says. And she couldn't be happier.

हम में से कई लोगों के लिए, क्रिसमस हलचल, उज्ज्वल रोशनी, संगीत और अति-आनंद का समय है। लेकिन राचेल डेंटन के लिए, यह यूलेटाइड मौन और चिंतन का समय होगा। अपने रोजमर्रा के जीवन से इतना अलग नहीं है-सिस्टर राचेल एक संन्यासी है।


Duke and Duchess of Cambridge make second visit to Northern Ireland

Summary: The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge are visiting Northern Ireland on Tuesday for the annual garden party at Hillsborough, County Down.

Prince William and Catherine are joining about 2,500 guests at the party which is being hosted by the Secretary of State Theresa Villiers. The visit is only the second time the royal couple have visited Northern Ireland together. Their previous visit was in March 2011, weeks before their wedding.

ड्यूक और डचेस ऑफ कैम्ब्रिज मंगलवार को हिल्सबोरो, काउंटी डाउन में वार्षिक उद्यान पार्टी के लिए उत्तरी आयरलैंड का दौरा कर रहे हैं।


SNP conference: Three questions facing the party

Summary: SNP members are to gather in Aberdeen for their Autumn conference, which opens on Sunday afternoon. At a tumultuous moment in UK politics, what are the biggest questions facing Scotland's dominant political party?

By Philip SimBBC Scotland News Imminent election As with the other conferences this season, this gathering is taking place under the shadow of an election. The date has not yet been named, but don't doubt for a second that the parties are in campaign mode. This might sound very basic, but the big electoral question the SNP is facing is how many people will vote for them. Rounding up a bit, SNP candidates won half a million votes in 2010, then 1.5 million in 2015, then a million in 2017. Based on those fairly wild fluctuations, what can party chiefs realistically expect their vote to do this time around? Should it be going up, down, or staying the same? Perhaps this is why party president Ian Hughton urges members in his conference report to "maximise the conversations we have on the doorsteps in every community" and gather "essential data" in Activate, the party's voter database. With the SNP still performing strongly in opinion polls, the big challenge is getting people who are minded to vote for them to actually turn up at a polling station and draw a cross in a box. In terms of actual messages, expect to hear a lot at conference about the two main pillars of the party's platform: Brexit and independence. The SNP will be keen for a big win to underline Scottish opposition to Brexit, and the nation's desire for a second independence ballot. Independence - in a while? Talk of independence is more or less guaranteed at an SNP conference. But there are rather more question marks at the moment over the chosen method of delivering it - indyref2. As it stands, there is no actual debate on the conference agenda about a new referendum - neither how to secure it, or how to win it. At the party's last conference, in April, there were spirited exchanges over the party's economic offering in any future referendum. For all that the membership actually inflicted a minor defeat on the leadership, there was a feeling of everyone moving forward together: it was tangible, steps were being taken to strengthen the case for independence and deliver and win indyref2. This time round, barring a topical or emergency resolution, it seems mentions of indyref2 will be restricted to Nicola Sturgeon's keynote speech, and a panel session where Keith Brown, Kate Forbes and Mhairi Black will discuss "Scotland's future". This may have been to ward off the efforts of some members who are pressing for a referendum as soon as possible - or, if the standoff with Westminster over holding one continues, a "plan B" for delivering independence. MP Angus MacNeil and Inverclyde councillor Chris McEleny were very public about their plans to table a motion suggesting that independence could be delivered via a majority win in an election, rather than a referendum. When this motion was rejected, they said they would instead lodge an amendment to some other motion, to include their plan. They now apparently won't have that chance, as there are no motions about independence to amend. There are reports that the pair may attempt to protest about this by opposing the agenda as a whole. Questions about the timing of indyref2 and what is being done to deliver it have swirled around SNP conferences since, well, indyref1. But the party rarely proves itself to be as divided as its opponents hope. Twitter tirades aside, time and again the vast bulk of the membership prove themselves to be firmly behind Nicola Sturgeon. Still, the leader is taking a tougher line with what rebels there are. Whereas previously she has politely asked for "patience" and urged members to keep the faith, her comments in the build-up to this conference have been stark: there is no shortcut to independence. Forget Plan B. Or to put it another way, "keep playing with the heid". Get the groundwork done, and we'll have a referendum when we're sure we can win it. Brexit blockage The question of indyref2, like everything else in politics right now, is tangled up in the web of Brexit. The SNP position on Brexit isn't a difficult one to sum up: they're against it. But beyond that, typically for this topic, things get complicated. If it's a straight choice up against no-deal, the SNP would call off Brexit tomorrow. But they are also in favour of having a new referendum on EU membership, in which they would campaign enthusiastically to Remain. The question is, where exactly does this rank in their priorities? Would they accept having the so-called "People's Vote" before indyref2, for example? And what would that do to Ms Sturgeon's goal of holding the independence poll before the 2021 Holyrood election? The leadership's position is that Scotland is entitled to a fresh choice on its future, regardless of what happens with Brexit. But "what happens with Brexit" is still going to be very important. Basically, in order to offer Scotland a choice, you need to know what the two different options are. Brexit Secretary Mike Russell calls it the "thesis and antithesis"; what exactly are people choosing between? From the party's position, it's difficult to actually call a referendum on Scotland's membership of the UK while it remains so unclear what the UK would look like on polling day. After all, Nicola Sturgeon doesn't just want to have a referendum - she wants to win one. Having such a huge uncertainty hanging over the campaign would make that a risky prospect. Hence why she's happy to roll up her sleeves and get involved in the Brexit debate, using the SNP's weight as the third party at Westminster. The two constitutional questions now go hand in hand - one can't be settled until the other is.

एसएनपी के सदस्य अपने शरद सम्मेलन के लिए एबरडीन में इकट्ठा होने वाले हैं, जो रविवार दोपहर से शुरू होता है। ब्रिटेन की राजनीति में उथल-पुथल के समय, स्कॉटलैंड के प्रमुख राजनीतिक दल के सामने सबसे बड़े सवाल क्या हैं?


Stormont: How has the NI Executive fared six months on?

Summary: Appearing before a Stormont committee together in May, just months into heading up Northern Ireland's response to Covid-19, Arlene Foster joked that she and Deputy First Minister Michelle O'Neill had been seeing so much of each other, they were practically in the same household.

By Jayne McCormackBBC News NI Political Reporter It was a light-hearted and unexpected moment from the first minister, given their parties had only agreed to return to government together in January after three years of bitter stalemate. Sources close to Robin Swann recall that his first-day brief as the new health minister included notes on what his role would be in the event of a pandemic. Two months later, the executive he sits on imposed an unprecedented lockdown across Northern Ireland while trying to present a united public health message and protect people from coronavirus. Quite the challenge for a five-party executive only finding its feet again. Credibility of message 'damaged'? The first couple of months of lockdown had their bumpy moments, with splits between Sinn Féin and other parties over the timing of school closures, the question of when to lift lockdown measures and calls for an all-island approach to tackling the virus. However, the general consensus appeared to be that they were staying on message and joint press briefings from Ms O'Neill and Mrs Foster twice a week were watched by many. Those conferences have been brought to an abrupt halt over the furore regarding the deputy first minister's attendance at the funeral of republican Bobby Storey. Sinn Féin insists neither its vice-president nor other party members in attendance breached Covid rules, but the DUP leader said she could not stand at a podium next to Ms O'Neill when "credibility of the executive's messaging" had been damaged. That being said, there is no sense this crisis will lead to an imminent collapse. Such is the unique set-up of Northern Ireland's political system that the biggest unionist and nationalist parties must share power together in the executive and the DUP has already insisted it will not walk out of Stormont, perhaps mindful that the public might not forgive another stalemate so soon after the last one, especially with a deadly and invisible virus still in our midst. The stand off and political tensions will likely remain until the outcome of a police investigation and any other potential inquiries. Some have drawn parallels with the lead-up to the collapse of Stormont in 2017, after the Renewable Heat Incentive (RHI) scandal led to the late Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness taking Sinn Féin out of the executive he shared with the DUP. New decade, same approach? When the parties reached a deal to restore power-sharing six months ago, they pledged that any new administration would operate differently. A public inquiry into what went wrong with the RHI scheme exposed failings regarding transparency and accountability within Stormont departments, as well as conduct of special advisers and civil servants. So are things different now? With the summer months upon us, a theoretical "school report card" for Stormont might show a mixed bag of results for the first term. When it emerged that funding to continue free school meals for vulnerable children over the summer months had been held up briefly - due to a dispute between the DUP and Sinn Féin over the long-delayed Troubles pension - it appeared to some that old habits were beginning to leak through. In the wake of the RHI inquiry's findings, a new code of conduct for special advisers (Spads) took effect, but Traditional Unionist Voice leader Jim Allister has been trying to push legislation through Stormont that would put into statute tighter rules on Spads and the ministers who wield them. However, the head of the civil service, David Sterling, previously told two Stormont committees that the first and deputy first ministers believe the issues dealt with by the bill would be better handled by new non-statutory codes of conduct. Other challenges on horizon While the assembly is set to make Paul Kennedy the new Standards Commissioner later this month to oversee the conduct of MLAs, there is no such process under way yet to appoint commissioners to oversee the conduct of executive ministers. That pledge of a "robust" independent panel was contained in the New Decade New Approach deal, but the Executive Office says it hopes that competition can begin later this year. Other challenges are dawning at Stormont too, not least Brexit which the DUP and Sinn Féin remain openly at odds on. During last week's assembly debate on the motion calling for Michelle O'Neill and other Sinn Féin ministers to apologise for attending Mr Storey's funeral, the party's Stormont chief whip John O'Dowd remarked to the DUP benches that it was "as difficult for us to share power with you, as it is for you to share power with us". Arlene Foster and Michelle O'Neill still share a political household, but right now it seems they are in separate wings of the house.

कोविड-19 के प्रति उत्तरी आयरलैंड की प्रतिक्रिया की ओर बढ़ने के कुछ ही महीनों बाद, मई में एक साथ स्टॉर्मोंट समिति के सामने उपस्थित होते हुए, अर्लीन फोस्टर ने मजाक में कहा कि वह और उप प्रथम मंत्री मिशेल ओ 'नील एक-दूसरे को इतना देख रहे थे, वे व्यावहारिक रूप से एक ही घर में थे।


Local elections: Do voters care more about bins than Brexit?

Summary: It is the last set of elections before Britain leaves the EU - but will Brexit be a factor at local polls in England on 3 May? We looked at the contest in two very different London boroughs.

By Brian WheelerPolitical reporter "It is weird to say that problems with bins are more important than the number one challenge of a generation. The party must think people are idiots." Marx de Morais, pictured above, was once an enthusiastic member of the Conservative Party. The food designer and writer, who was born in the former East Germany, had been due to stand for the party in Camden, north London, on 3 May, but he says he grew tired of being told to "shut up" about Brexit by local Tory leaders, even when voters asked about it. "They said don't talk about it. Just talk about the bins, we don't care about Brexit," he says. "They are completely afraid that they will lose everything in Camden." What to look out for in May's local elections At the other end of the Conservative spectrum - and an hour's train ride east - Conservative MP Andrew Rosindell says Tory candidates in Havering will have "no qualms" about mentioning Brexit on the doorstep. Havering is a bit of an anomaly - it's a London borough but, says Mr Rosindell, it feels like part of Essex and probably has more in common with the Leave supporting towns across that county than Remain-supporting inner-London boroughs like Camden. "These local elections have nothing to do with Brexit," says the Romford MP. But, he argues, it would be perverse to confine the conversation to "grass verges and problems with dog mess on the pavements" when the country is going through such a momentous change of direction. As an ardent Brexiteer - in an area that voted strongly to Leave the EU - he believes the Conservatives have a compelling message for Leave voters from across the political spectrum, who he says are just keen to "get on with it". Bin collections will undoubtedly be the top priority for many of the millions of voters expected to go to the polls across England on 3 May - or council tax rises and cuts to local services. These are the things that local councillors can actually do something about. But local polls are also used by voters to send a message to the government of the day. The last time these council seats were contested, in 2014, UKIP broke through into local government for the first time, taking more than 150 seats from the Conservatives and Labour. The party also topped the poll in the European elections that were held on the same day. It was one of a series of shocks to the political establishment - a "political earthquake" to use the former UKIP leader Nigel Farage's phrase - that convinced David Cameron to hold a referendum. All of Mr Farage's dreams came true on 23 June 2016 - but the victory all but finished his party off, as its main reason for existence suddenly evaporated. It has seen an exodus of members, a string of ill-fated and in the most recent example, scandal-hit, leaders, and has only narrowly avoided bankruptcy. Interim leader Gerard Batten, who took over from the sacked Henry Bolton last month, says the party is now "back in the black" thanks to "generous donations" from local branches. But it is still very much in recovery mode. "I was appalled to find there were no plans in place for local elections. I have been trying to pull things together as best I can over the past few weeks. "I am now trying to get 740 candidates together so we can get a Party Election Broadcast." He adds: "We are doing everything we possibly can to get back in the battle and to give people a chance to vote for a real exit from the EU." Keith Darvill, Labour's Remain-supporting leader in Havering says he is "relieved" that the EU is not playing as big on the doorstep as it did in 2014, despite the best efforts of UKIP candidates in the area, who nearly wiped Labour out last time. "We don't really want it to become an EU local election," he says, and although he will debate the issue with voters if they bring it up - "I am not shy about it, people know my views" - he is focusing his party's campaign on local issues. In many parts of the country, particularly Remain-supporting outer London boroughs, the biggest noise about Brexit is likely to be coming from the party that wants to reverse it. The Lib Dems did not exactly set the world alight at last year's general election with their call for another EU referendum. But leader Sir Vince Cable thinks it will be different this time because "it has become much more clear what is at stake". The party believe they have a secret weapon that was not available to them at the general election - the votes of EU citizens living in the UK, who are allowed to take part in local elections. "We are reaching out to them to vote Lib Dem and help us support their rights and ultimately secure an exit from Brexit. Their support could make a vital difference in close council seats," says Sir Vince. The party has produced social media ads in 17 European languages, fronted by members of the European Parliament from those countries, encouraging EU citizens to register and vote Lib Dem. The Green Party is also campaigning to protect the rights of EU citizens living in the UK and is calling for a "people's poll" on the final Brexit deal to stop the government "marching us towards a national calamity". And Labour's London Mayor, Sadiq Khan, has made a direct appeal to the 1.1 million EU citizens living in London to vote Labour to "punish" Theresa May for Brexit "chaos". Labour hopes the support of EU nationals could swing the poll in their favour in key London battlegrounds like Brent, with an estimated 51,000 EU national residents, and Wandsworth, where 39,000 people from other EU countries live. But the main campaign group for EU nationals living in the UK, the 3million, has said many are still angry with Labour for voting to trigger Article 50 and may be reluctant to support a party that backs Britain's departure from the EU. And the recent sacking of frontbencher Owen Smith for saying Labour should campaign to remain in the single market after Brexit and push for a second referendum suggests the party is keen on keeping its Leave-supporting voters on side. Shadow Brexit Secretary Sir Keir Starmer told The Guardian he was determined not to let Labour "break apart" over Brexit and although he voted Remain and would do so again he did not believe there was a case for a second referendum. Some Labour members in Camden, where Sir Keir is one of the local MPs and 75% of those that voted in the referendum backed Remain, hold out hopes for a change of heart. English local elections - 3 May Lazzarro Pietragnoli, who chairs Camden Labour Party's Brexit working party, says Jeremy Corbyn's recent shift in policy on the customs union has been "very helpful". Speaking before Owen Smith's sacking, he said: "Now we can say on the doorstep the whole of the Labour Party is in favour of remaining in the customs union. "It is a clear position - it is not a solution to all of the problems - but we are able to go out on the doorstep with an answer to the many people raising the issue, who were saying the Labour Party is not a clear enough alternative to the Tories on Brexit." His own view is equally clear: "I think Brexit is wrong and I think Brexit should be stopped." But, he adds, "that is not the position of the Labour Party" and, he argues, it would be a mistake for the party to campaign for a second referendum at this stage, because those who voted Leave, including some of his Labour colleagues in Camden, had legitimate reasons for doing so and should not be treated as if they were "stupid". His hope, he says, is that having persuaded Eurosceptic colleagues on the Labour front bench to back a customs union, Sir Keir can now move them to a similar position on the single market. Mr Pietragnoli, an Italian citizen who has been living in the UK since 2003, argues that Labour's anti-austerity message is intrinsically linked to Brexit, with many of the jobs in the area, in universities and a French school, connected to Europe, not to mention the "physical link" of the Eurostar terminal at St Pancras. "It has always been a very open, inclusive and mixed borough," he adds, sounding not unlike his one-time Tory rival Marx de Morais. Mr de Morais has now quit the Conservative Party and joined the cross-party Open Britain campaign, which is opposed to Brexit. He says he would have felt "hypocritical" standing for a party that was in favour of a "hard" Brexit in area where so many of his fellow EU nationals - an estimated 19,000 - live and work. The pro-European leader of Camden Conservatives, Andrew Marshall, quit the party last February in protest at Theresa May's handling of the Brexit process and has since joined the Lib Dems, although he does not plan to stand on 3 May. The Conservatives know they are fighting a rearguard action in Camden - they used to run the borough, in coalition with the Lib Dems, but now, they admit privately, their main aim is to prevent it becoming a "one-party-state" like neighbouring, Labour-dominated, Islington. In the circumstances, there is little mileage in their candidates stirring up debate about Brexit on the doorstep, when they feel they have stronger cards to play. A Conservative Party spokesman said: "As the prime minister has made clear, EU citizens who have made their lives here have made a huge contribution to our society, we want them to stay and EU citizens living lawfully in the UK today will be able to stay. "But these local elections aren't about Brexit. They're about your council and bin collections, street cleaning, good local school places and how much you pay in council tax. "It's Conservative councillors and councils who have a proven record of providing good local services while keeping council tax down." Labour is focusing all of its national firepower on cuts to local services, with Jeremy Corbyn urging voters to use the local polls to "send an unmistakeable message to this government that enough is enough". "Austerity is a political choice. So when your children's school is losing teachers and sending begging letters or their youth centre is closed - that's because the Conservative priority is tax breaks for big business," he said at the party's local election launch. Unlike in 2014, Brexit is likely to be a background hum, at best, at these elections - certainly as far as the two main parties are concerned. There is too much at stake for Theresa May and Jeremy Corbyn - as they try to hold the competing factions in their parties together - for it to be any other way.

ब्रिटेन के यूरोपीय संघ छोड़ने से पहले यह चुनावों का अंतिम सेट है-लेकिन क्या ब्रेक्सिट 3 मई को इंग्लैंड में स्थानीय चुनावों में एक कारक होगा? हमने दो बहुत अलग लंदन बोरो में प्रतिस्पर्धा को देखा।


Coronavirus: Essex hospitals stop visitors amid pandemic

Summary: Three Essex hospitals have blocked visitors from seeing or accompanying patients in a bid to stop the spread of coronavirus.

Southend Hospital, Basildon University Hospital and Broomfield Hospital in Chelmsford brought in restrictions to "minimise the impact" of the pandemic. Exceptions will be made for women in labour, whose partners will be allowed, children, who will be allowed a parent, and end-of-life patients. The measure was introduced on Tuesday. The hospitals said they asked "for the public's help in respecting these rules". As of Tuesday there have been 88 confirmed cases of coronavirus in Essex with eight of those in Southend.

एसेक्स के तीन अस्पतालों ने कोरोनावायरस के प्रसार को रोकने के लिए आगंतुकों को रोगियों को देखने या उनके साथ जाने से रोक दिया है।


Brazil National Museum fire: Key treasures at risk

Summary: The National Museum of Brazil in Rio de Janeiro is a treasure trove which contains more than 20 million scientific and historical items. A massive fire spread through the 200-year-old institution on Sunday engulfing almost all of its rooms and gutting large parts of the building. Most of its priceless collection is thought to have been burnt. BBC News takes a look at some of the museum's most treasured items. It is not yet clear if they are among those destroyed.

1. Luzia The museum was home to Luzia, the nickname given to what are thought to be the oldest human remains found in the Americas. The remains were found in a cave in 1975 in in the state of Minas Gerais, north of Rio, by French archaeologist Annette Laming-Emperaire. Tests suggest the skull and bones belonged to a woman in her 20s who was just under five feet tall (1.5m). They are estimated to be 11,500 years old. 2. Bendegó The largest iron meteorite to be found in Brazil. Weighing 5,260kg (11,600lb) it was found by a boy looking for a lost cow in the state of Bahía in north-east Brazil in 1784. Transporting the meteorite turned out to be a major endeavour. An attempt to move it in 1785 by a cart pulled by 20 pairs of oxen ended in disaster when the cart ran out of control down a hill and landed in the bed of a stream. The meteorite was not recovered until more than a century later when a retired Brazilian naval officer was put in charge of getting it to Rio. It finally arrived in the National Museum in 1888 after a long journey by specially built cart, rail and ship. Partly due to its size and partly to its laborious transportation to Rio, the meteorite became famous beyond Brazil and in 1889 a wood reproduction was exhibited at the Universal Exposition in Paris. 3. Maxakalisaurus The reconstructed skeleton of a Maxakalisaurus was the biggest dinosaur on display at the National Museum in Rio. Parts of the skeleton of a Maxakalisaurus were found in Minas Gerais in 1998. The plant-eating giant lived 80 million years ago in the area now occupied by Brazil. A million people came to see the display, according to museum figures. The room housing the 13m-long (44ft) skeleton had just re-opened in July after termites ate through the base on which the Maxakalisaurus stood. The museum had resorted to crowd-funding to repair the damage. 4. Pompeii fresco A Roman fresco from the ancient city of Pompeii was one of the star exhibits of the museum's Greco-Roman collection. The fresco had survived the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in the year 79AD. 5. Pre-Columbian artefacts The archaeological section of the museum held more than 100,000 objects with a priceless collection of Brazilian artefacts dating back to pre-Columbian times. Funerary urns, Andean mummies, textiles and ceramics from across Latin America were also gathered throughout the 19th Century to be studied and displayed in the museum. Some of the items on display came from the personal collection of Emperor Pedro II of Brazil. 6. The building itself The museum is housed in a former palace which during colonial times was the official residence of the Portuguese royal family. The building in its current form dates back to the early 19th Century when a rich merchant donated it to the Portuguese royal family, which extended the manor house and turned it into the neoclassical São Cristóvão palace. After Brazil became independent from Portugal, the palace became the residence of Brazil's Emperor Pedro I. Pedro I's son, Pedro II, was born in the palace in 1825 and grew up there. The imperial family left the country after Brazil became a republic in 1889. In 1892, the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro, itself founded in 1818, moved into the palace. Millions of people have since visited its vast exhibits on anthropology, archaeology and natural history.

रियो डी जनेरियो में ब्राजील का राष्ट्रीय संग्रहालय एक खजाना है जिसमें 2 करोड़ से अधिक वैज्ञानिक और ऐतिहासिक वस्तुएं हैं। रविवार को 200 साल पुराने संस्थान में लगी भीषण आग ने इसके लगभग सभी कमरों को अपनी चपेट में ले लिया और इमारत के बड़े हिस्से को नष्ट कर दिया। माना जाता है कि इसका अधिकांश अमूल्य संग्रह जल गया था। बीबीसी समाचार संग्रहालय की कुछ सबसे क़ीमती वस्तुओं पर एक नज़र डालता है। यह अभी तक स्पष्ट नहीं है कि वे नष्ट होने वालों में से हैं या नहीं।


Leveson Inquiry: Rupert Murdoch's witness statement

Summary: Rupert Murdoch's witness statement to the Leveson Inquiry has confirmed that News Corporation's Management and Standards Committee (MSC) is "actively" co-operating with US Justice Department's inquiries into "suspected illegality".

Reports have suggested that the FBI began to investigate News Corporation companies over claims of phone-hacking and illegal payments to officials in the past. The written statement , dated 12 April 2012, was published as Mr Murdoch gave evidence on Wednesday. The 53 page document states that: "Since July 2011, the MSC, working with a legal team, has actively co-operated with the Metropolitan Police as well as with the United States Department of Justice, turning over evidence of alleged or suspected illegality, and responding to all requests for information." Mr Murdoch also said that co-operation with the Metropolitan Police regarding UK-based allegations into phone-hacking, is "continuing to date". The statement goes on to say that while Mr Murdoch did not dictate an editorial stance or interfere with the work of his editors, he "participated actively in discussions about editorial matters and who should receive political endorsements". Labour has said emails released to the inquiry on Tuesday show Culture Secretary Jeremy Hunt fell short in his impartial "quasi-judicial" role in ruling on News Corporation's bid to fully take over broadcaster BSkyB. On his own dealings with Mr Hunt, Mr Murdoch said in his statement: "To the best of my recollection, I neither sought to discuss nor did I discuss the BSkyB proposal to make an offer with Jeremy Hunt, his junior ministers or political advisers." Mr Murdoch's statement also shows he discussed with Education Secretary Michael Gove plans for News International to sponsor an academy school in Newham, east London in 2010. Among other points, Mr Murdoch said: Mr Murdoch concluded his written statement by saying that his company had been his life's work and expressed his "strong sense of responsibility" for everything it does and has failed to do.

लेवेसन जाँच के लिए रूपर्ट मर्डोक के गवाह के बयान ने पुष्टि की है कि समाचार निगम की प्रबंधन और मानक समिति (एमएससी) "संदिग्ध अवैधता" में अमेरिकी न्याय विभाग की जाँच में "सक्रिय रूप से" सहयोग कर रही है।


Neyland search continues for missing swimmer

Summary: A search is continuing for a man who went missing in the sea in Pembrokeshire over the weekend.

Dyfed Powys Police received reports of a man entering the water in Neyland on Sunday afternoon but he has so far not been found. A woman attempted to assist the man in the water but returned to shore alone. A large-scale search of the area including police, fire and coastguards was launched just before 16:00 BST on Sunday. The search was scaled back on Sunday evening to be resumed on Monday.

सप्ताहांत में पेम्ब्रोकेशायर में समुद्र में लापता हुए एक व्यक्ति की तलाश जारी है।


MSPs reject move to ban alcohol ads near schools

Summary: MSPs have voted down a members bill which would have resulted in a ban on alcohol advertising within 200 metres (656ft) of schools.

Richard Simpson also wanted licensed shops in problem areas to mark cans and bottles so they could be traced. He told MSPs there was a problem with "proxy" purchasing for teenagers. However, ministers argued that the issue could be better dealt with through the government's alcohol misuse strategy. When the members bill was scrutinised at committee stage, BMA Scotland expressed concerns about some aspects of it but it supported the section aimed at banning alcohol advertising around schools. Figures analysed specially for the Scottish government in 2009 estimated that Scotland had the eighth highest level of alcohol consumption in the world. The World Health Organisation has linked alcohol to more than 60 types of disease, disability and injury.

एम. एस. पी. ने एक सदस्य विधेयक पर मतदान किया है जिसके परिणामस्वरूप स्कूलों के 200 मीटर (656 फीट) के भीतर शराब के विज्ञापन पर प्रतिबंध लगा दिया जाता।


£70m Milford Haven docks revamp may bring 600 jobs

Summary: Plans for a £70m regeneration of Milford Haven dock which could create up to 600 jobs have moved a step closer.

Outline planning permission has been granted for a mixed development of retail, leisure and commercial units to complement the docks. Heritage facilities including trails and the museum will be improved. It is still the largest fishing port in Wales and along with facilities for the fishing industry will also be improved.

मिलफोर्ड हेवन डॉक के 70 मिलियन पाउंड के पुनर्जनन की योजना जो 600 नौकरियों का सृजन कर सकती है, एक कदम और आगे बढ़ गई है।


Punctuation protest against far right trolls on Twitter

Summary: How controversial can a series of parenthesis marks be?

By BBC TrendingWhat's popular and why Over the past few days, Twitter users may have noticed an increase in the number of fellow users who have surrounded their names with ((( ))). The symbols appear harmless enough but have become controversial after an investigation revealed that they were being used by a small minority of white supremacists to target Jewish writers with anti-Semitic abuse. The use of ((( ))), also called "an Echo", have now been re-appropriated by the supporters of Jewish writers to show solidarity. The Anti-Defamation League has also added them to its online database of hate symbols. Journalists receive abuse The problem was first brought to the public's attention by the deputy Washington editor of the New York Times, Jonathan Weisman, in May 2016. He received the cryptic tweet "Hello (((Weisman)))" after he shared a link to a recent article he had written about the emergence of fascism in the United States. The Twitter account which sent this original message has since been deleted but there is an archived version of the exchange. Weisman found himself deluged with anti-Semitic tweets after receiving this "Echo", and he certainly wasn't the only Jewish journalist targeted. Writers such as Jeffrey Goldberg and James Fallows from The Atlantic, Max Fisher from the New York Times, and the Boston Globe's Michael Cohen started to notice these symbols appearing around their names in November 2015. Columnist Julia Ioffe regularly receives photoshopped images of her head superimposed onto Auschwitz detainees, with her name surrounded by ((( ))). Far Right echoes The journalists Cooper Fleishman and Anthony Smith traced the first use of the symbol to a group of right-wing social media users called "the alt-right". White supremacist and far-right podcast programmes which support this movement, describe the "(((echo)))" as a visual representation of the fact that "All Jewish surnames echo throughout history". Their investigation claimed that this obscure group of white supremacists were using a Google Chrome extension called "Coincidence Detector", to search social media for Jewish users and then compiling a database of people who they could then target for abuse. Since the Mic.com investigation was published, Google has removed Coincidence Detector from its app store for breaching its terms and conditions on hate speech. Before it was taken down, the extension reportedly had 2,500 users who had generated a list of 8,800 names. Jonathan Greenblatt, the chief executive of the Anti-Defamation League, an American organisation which monitors fascist and far-right groups online, says that the "echo symbol is the online equivalent of tagging a building with anti-Semitic graffiti or taunting someone verbally. Over the past several weeks, the echo symbol has been used by white supremacists and others as part of a pattern of harassment against a group of journalists." Solidarity and support Since social media became aware of Coincidence Detector, many Twitter users have changed their name to include parentheses as a way of showing solidarity, and also disrupting to the effectiveness of the Chrome extension. This call to action was initiated by Yair Rosenberg, a senior writer at the online Jewish magazine the Tablet. "Want to raise awareness about Anti Semitism, harassed Jews and mess with the Twitter Nazis?" he tweeted. "Put ((( ))) around your name". His followers were quick to respond and over the past few days their replies have been shared or liked hundreds of times. Blog by Hannah Henderson, UGC and Social News Next When Muhammad Ali took on Superman You can follow BBC Trending on Twitter @BBCtrending, and find us on Facebook. All our stories are at bbc.com/trending.

कोष्ठक चिह्नों की एक श्रृंखला कितनी विवादास्पद हो सकती है?


Black Lives Matter 'not just a fleeting moment'

Summary: The death of George Floyd in the US sparked a raft of protests across the world. However, it came at a time when millions were in lockdown due to the coronavirus pandemic, making some people nervous about attending street demonstrations.

Nineteen-year-old journalism student Malaika Gangooly, from Essex, together with three friends, decided to set up their own local Black Lives Matter protest in Chelmsford rather than risk travelling to London. A month on, she tells us in her own words why she feels it has created a legacy. 'I was the only pupil of colour' My parents are both from Calcutta in India, but they always moved around - my dad had a shipping business, so they moved to Suffolk. I was born in Ipswich and brought up in Felixstowe and then we moved to Chelmsford when I was 11. At primary school I was the only person of colour and had a different sounding surname. I think when you are eight or nine, you have such a thick skin and you don't realise you are being discriminated against. Some of the other kids would try to pinch my nose and cover my mouth - I realised then it was bullying but I didn't know why. My parents have always supported me and I can tell they are proud of me. My dad has always been very motivated - he has always worked through whatever has come his way and he has fought a lot of battles. 'The truth was on camera' George Floyd's death shook me up massively and the reason why it has caused one of the biggest civil rights movements is because it was filmed. People know it happens, but they never see it. This was the truth on camera for the entire world to see. Although I've been to marches before, I have never organised one. I was messaging my friend one night and we were gutted we couldn't go to London because of coronavirus so we decided to organise a socially distanced protest in Chelmsford. We put out messages on our own social media accounts and had just 10 days to organise it in. We created a Chelmsford for Black Lives Instagram account and got nearly 2,000 followers. It was a massive challenge as we wanted to keep as safe as possible. We warned everyone multiple times before and during the event to wear PPE and made it clear they had to keep socially distanced. People were sent out in small groups of six. I also made a speech at the start about the heightened coronavirus risk to the black community. 'I am getting a lot of hate online' The main thing was that it was completely peaceful - we always knew we'd have threats. During the march there were about 15 men outside a pub who started shouting "Go back to Africa" but the police formed a barricade. Some random men telling me to go back to where I came from - it doesn't affect me. I was born here, I belong here. I think I am a very passionate person and I want to make a difference - you are never going to please everyone. I try to keep politics out of it - when people say BLM is to do with leftist ideology, I say it's just to do with basic human rights. The backlash I have received personally has been awful. I was the one doing the interviews and it was my face being seen and I received so much racism. Some of the comments have been ridiculous, but it has just motivated me. The fact that I am getting a lot of hate online purely for fighting for equality shows why change has to happen. When people ask 'Why are you doing this and why now?', all I'd have to do is show them the comments I've got on social media. 'We knew we had done the right thing' I think we were always conscious the march wouldn't be enough. We all did a kneel and a few guys started crying. They were so overwhelmed as they had been waiting for this moment to come in Chelmsford for so long - that's when we knew we had done the right thing. We really wanted to make sure it wasn't just a fleeting moment - I want it to have had a lasting impact on Essex, so we have many more things planned. You might also be interested in: The mission will never be over in Chelmsford and we are hoping to make the protest an annual event. My biggest ambition is simply for it to have sparked up a conversation across generations of people about black history and racism in general. It is often so difficult for older generations to understand that they are part of the problem, it is all about acceptance and moving on and fighting for change. I've been asked to speak at an Amnesty International conference in November on organising the protest and about the Black Lives Matter movement as one of their inspirational speakers. I am working alongside the mayor of Chelmsford as we are thinking of starting an anti-racism campaign and putting on events to make Chelmsford a really racially inclusive city. We are also putting together educational resources to hand out in schools - so many teachers from around the country have been DM'ing us. We've also been asked to do a talk at our old sixth form at Moulsham High School and a lot of our teachers came to the protest and had a chat with us and we'll be distributing resources there. It's the nicest feeling. I am also working on a video project, interviewing owners of black-owned businesses in Chelmsford. They are so often overlooked and I want people to realise how hard they have to work just to be equal to everyone else. 'Children asked to have their photos taken with us' Something that really moved me was when at the end of the march all these children started running up to me and the other organisers. They asked to have their photos taken with us - it was so cute and good to know that we are inspiring the younger generation. Another thing that has really resonated is that so many of my old teachers have messaged me, saying "you're my hero". My old English teacher told me I was a role model and said if there had been more voices like mine out there when he was growing up there would be fewer problems now. As told to Zoe Applegate Find BBC News: East of England on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter. If you have a story suggestion email eastofenglandnews@bbc.co.uk

अमेरिका में जॉर्ज फ्लॉयड की मौत ने दुनिया भर में विरोध प्रदर्शनों का एक बेड़ा खड़ा कर दिया। हालाँकि, यह ऐसे समय में आया जब कोरोनावायरस महामारी के कारण लाखों लोग लॉकडाउन में थे, जिससे कुछ लोग सड़क प्रदर्शनों में भाग लेने से घबरा गए थे।


Man dies after Glasgow street stabbing

Summary: A man has died in hospital after he was stabbed on a Glasgow street.

The 32-year-old was discovered on Boydstone Road, Pollok, at about 13:25 on Tuesday. The man, who has not been named, was taken to the city's Queen Elizabeth University Hospital where he was pronounced dead a short time later. A Police Scotland spokeswoman said inquiries into the incident were ongoing and urged anyone with information to contact officers.

ग्लासगो की सड़क पर चाकू लगने से एक व्यक्ति की अस्पताल में मौत हो गई है।


Why India man was lynched over beef rumours

Summary: A 50-year-old man in northern India was killed in a mob lynching on Monday night allegedly over rumours that his family had been storing and consuming beef at home. BBC Hindi's Salman Ravi went to Dadri in the state of Uttar Pradesh to find out more.

It was around 10.30pm on Monday night and the nine-member Akhlaq family had been preparing to go to bed after dinner. Mohammad Akhlaq, a farm worker, was already asleep in a room next to his 22-year-old son, Danish, when a frenzied mob, wielding sticks, swords and cheap pistols burst into their home, accusing the family of having slaughtered a cow and consuming it. "They came from everywhere. Over the walls, through the gate...They just barged into the house, shouting that we had slaughtered a cow," says his 75-year-old mother, Asghari Akhlaq. "I asked them how can we bring a cow into the house without anyone seeing? We are the only Muslim family in this neighbourhood." Some meat found in the fridge, that the family insists is mutton, was held to be proof. Brutal mob Slaughter of cows is a sensitive issue in India as the animal is considered sacred by Hindus, who comprise 80% of the country's 1.2bn people. Uttar Pradesh is among a number of Indian states who have tightened laws banning cow slaughter and the sale and consumption of beef. The family's pleas of innocence fell on deaf ears. The mob was too large. Smashing their way into the house, they began dragging out members of the family, abusing and manhandling even the women. A group of the attackers made their way into the room where Mr Akhlaq was asleep. They bashed his head with a sewing machine lying nearby and dragged him and Danish out of the house. From that point the beating became even more brutal. Both Mr Akhlaq and Danish were beaten with bricks, kicked and stabbed repeatedly, his family members told the BBC. Some of the family's immediate Hindu neighbours had tried to intervene, telling the mob to leave the family alone, but to no avail. They then tried calling the police, but when they finally got there an hour later, it was too late. Mr Akhlaq was dead and Danish critically injured. "We were completely taken by surprise. Although it is true that we are the only Muslim family here, we have been living here for four generations and had never faced any issues before," Mr Akhlaq's elder brother, 55-year-old Jameel Ahmed told the BBC. Temple 'confusion' "It was only later that we got to know that an announcement that someone had slaughtered and eaten a cow had been made from the Hindu temple," his daughter Sajida told the AFP news agency. Pankaj Kumar who owns a shop near the temple premises confirmed to the BBC that he had heard the announcement from the temple as he was preparing to eat his dinner. "By the time I washed my hands, the mob had already converged on the house. There was nothing anyone could do," he said. While everyone agrees that the announcement came from the temple, there seems to be confusion over who had made it. Locals told the BBC that some unknown people had jumped into the temple and used the public address system, insisting that temple authorities had been "sick" and were therefore innocent. The priest of the temple and his assistant have been taken in for questioning by police, and six people have already been arrested based on the testimony of the family. Another four men are absconding. The arrests sparked further unrest. Protests against the police action soon turned violent with mobs setting fire to vehicles and vandalising shops nearby. Police had to resort to firing in the air to bring the situation under control. One person was injured. The situation in the area was still tense on Tuesday and additional forces have been deployed from neighbouring areas. Curfew had not been imposed, but streets were deserted and shops remained shut. "The situation is under control now" senior official Rajesh Kumar Yadav told the BBC. "We have made some arrests and are looking for those who are absconding." The local political representative of the area Sapbir Gujjar said the attack seemed to be politically motivated with an eye on upcoming state assembly elections. Mr Gujjar belongs to the regional Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) party led by Dalit leader Mayawati, which is fiercely opposed to the ruling BJP that swept the state in last year's parliamentary elections. "This has deliberately done by outside forces to polarise the community. There is no other explanation for why this family, who had been living here for so many years would suddenly be targeted. As the 2017 state elections get closer, these types of incidents will only increase," he said. Meanwhile Mr Akhlaq's family say they no longer want to live in Dadri. "We are still in shock that people we lived alongside for so long would do this to us. I just want to take my sisters and mother and move away from here," Mr Mohammed's eldest son Sartaj who was in Chennai when the attack took place told the BBC. "There is no place here for us now", his uncle agrees. "Already they have killed my brother. Who knows what will happen next?"

उत्तर भारत में सोमवार की रात को एक 50 वर्षीय व्यक्ति की भीड़ द्वारा पीट-पीटकर हत्या कर दी गई थी, कथित तौर पर इस अफवाह पर कि उसका परिवार घर पर गोमांस का भंडारण और सेवन कर रहा था। बीबीसी हिंदी के सलमान रवि अधिक जानकारी के लिए उत्तर प्रदेश राज्य के दादरी गए थे।


Heathrow Express rail strikes called off

Summary: A union has called off strikes on the Heathrow Express after a dispute over disciplinary action taken against two employees was resolved.

The Rail Maritime and Transport union had walked out twice and had scheduled two more strikes for this weekend. The industrial action had been in protest at the sacking of a driver and action against another worker. The Heathrow Express rail link runs from the west London airport to Paddington station.

दो कर्मचारियों के खिलाफ की गई अनुशासनात्मक कार्रवाई पर विवाद के हल होने के बाद एक यूनियन ने हीथ्रो एक्सप्रेस पर हड़ताल वापस ले ली है।


Did Britain meddle in a US presidential election?

Summary: When US President George HW Bush craved "a smoking gun" in 1992 to politically kneecap his White House challenger Bill Clinton, the British government delved into its files for damaging information. So, did the Bush camp solicit foreign interference to help him win an election - the very allegation that has seen President Trump impeached?

By Jude SheerinBBC, Washington "A guy like that doesn't deserve to be president," President Bush told his sister about Clinton. He viewed the young Arkansas governor, who was the same age as Bush's eldest son, as a scoundrel and felt confident he could roll over him. But the president sorely underestimated Clinton, a political thaumaturge whose ascent to the White House had been foreseen when he was aged just seven by his school teacher. To Bush's mystification, his saxophone-tootling challenger's popularity in opinion polls was even defying the gravity of revelations about his draft-dodging past. The Republican, a decorated World War 2 fighter pilot, dictated to his diary: "I'm tired of this guy lying and ducking on the draft and not coming clean." Bush had another problem - his campaign was as stale as the recession-sapped US economy. So he turned for inspiration across the Atlantic to his friend, UK Prime Minister John Major. The British premier's come-from-behind general election win in April 1992 was being touted by American conservatives as a blueprint for the US president. Bush had a very special relationship with Major, his brother-in-arms from the 1990-91 Gulf War, as has previously been revealed in transcripts of their private conversations obtained by the BBC. He once spoke of sending him "a love letter" and assured the British PM "obviously we're rooting for you" to beat Labour Party leader Neil Kinnock. Major, critics suspected, returned the favour. Two UK Tory panjandrums - architects of the PM's surprise victory - flew to Washington eight weeks before the US election and advised the Bush team to focus attacks on Clinton's character. The president's campaign hired an opposition research specialist to dig for dirt in Britain. What happened next was either a bureaucratic mishap, or an egregious act of political meddling by the UK in the internal politics of a friendly nation. At some point in early October 1992, the Home Office inspected its immigration nationality section to see whether Clinton had applied for British citizenship while at Oxford University from 1968-70 in order to escape the Vietnam draft. Briefing reporters on background, the department said its "comprehensive" check was conducted out of "sheer helpfulness" to the media, even though it usually always rebuffed journalists with the stock answer that it did not discuss individual cases. Nothing compromising on the Democrat was discovered, though it remains an open question how any such political bombshell, had it been excavated, would have been handled by Whitehall. That same month, a frustrated Bush would dictate to his diary that "we cannot get this smoking gun on Clinton". More on US presidents All Major could offer him were well wishes. The British premier called Bush on Air Force One during a last burst of campaigning two days ahead of November's election. "I wanted to wish you a great hurrah and all of my best for the home stretch," Major said, according to a transcript of their conversation at the Bush presidential library in Texas. But he had backed the wrong horse - Clinton trounced Bush. Returning to the White House a day after he lost, the humiliated one-term president grew emotional, according to biographer Jon Meacham. Bush dictated to his diary that he was thinking to himself: "How in God's name did this country elect a draft dodger?" A month later, when the Home Office publicly acknowledged having carried out the file check, the victorious Clinton did not hide his annoyance. "They should have more pressing business," he said of British officials when asked about the controversy during a morning jog in Little Rock, Arkansas. That very same day, 6 December 1992, Major wrote a letter of apology to the US president-elect. According to a copy of the correspondence, declassified only last year by the UK National Archives, the British premier said he was "disturbed by reports which have appeared about enquiries by our Home Office relating back to your time at Oxford". "I am only sorry," Major added, "that it has been played up now in a mischievous way. I hope the mischief will be short-lived." There is no indication that Clinton responded. Later that month, Major flew to Washington on an official working visit. He had hoped to mend fences with the president-elect during the trip. But Clinton declined to meet him - the Washington Post described it as a snub. With the so-called special relationship on ice, Labour MPs jeered the prime minister in the House of Commons in February 1993 as he denied taking sides in a US election. Margaret Beckett, the opposition's deputy leader, was among members of Parliament who shook her head sceptically at Major's explanation. "No I didn't buy it," the MP for Derby South tells the BBC, remembering that day in the chamber 27 years ago. "I thought at the very least there must have been a nod and wink [between the US and UK]. "And probably a bit more than a nod and a wink, 'if you can find something, George [HW Bush] might be rather grateful'. "Because it [the Home Office records search] seemed to me like the kind of thing most civil servants would be fairly wary about doing." Whosever idea it was, Beckett says, it was "quite a big mistake". In a statement to the BBC, Major - now a knight of the realm - denied approving the Home Office file search. His spokeswoman, Dame Arabella Warburton, says: "Sir John did, indeed, have a close working and personal relationship with President George HW Bush. "However, Sir John neither sanctioned, nor had any knowledge of, Home Office checks being carried out on George Bush's Presidential rival Bill Clinton." No-one in the Bush camp set any UK official to go rummaging for such skeletons in Clinton's closet, insists Charles Black, who was a senior adviser to the president's re-election bid. "I'm pretty confident that nobody in the campaign asked for it," he tells the BBC. "It didn't come up in the meetings I had with the [UK] Conservatives, so maybe somebody in the [US] government did." The two top Tory apparatchiks who flew to Washington were Sir John Lacy and Mark Fullbrook. Lacy died in 2009 and Fullbrook declined to comment to the BBC. James Pinkerton, who was deputy assistant to Bush and worked on the campaign, thinks his former boss' hands were clean. "Bush was an ethical, honest guy," he tells the BBC, "and if you said to him, we're going to do a dirty trick to help you win, he would've said, no." But despite his reputation for civility and decency, "the last gentleman" - as Bush's admirers call him - did not always measure up to the ideal of noblesse oblige. In his political life, he was fully prepared to fight dirty to win, as evidenced by the infamously race-baiting attacks he launched in 1988 to tar his then-Democratic challenger, Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis, as soft on crime. Bush effectively blamed his rival for the torture and rape of a white couple by a black felon, Willie Horton, who had failed to return to prison after being allowed out on a weekend-release programme. And as Ronald Reagan's deputy, Bush blatantly lied when insisting he was "out of the loop" on the administration's secret effort to trade arms with Iran for hostages in violation of its own policy. "I'm one of the few people who know the details," the vice-president had confided to his diary. George Herbert Walker Bush - who died one year ago, aged 94 - was an intensely competitive man. In 1980, as his dream of capturing the Republican presidential nomination began to slip away in the wake of defeat to Reagan in New Hampshire, Bush penned a revealing note to himself on a flight. "I WILL NEVER GIVE UP. NEVER. NEVER," it said in bold scrawl. He gave up three months later. Sidney Blumenthal, a historian and former Clinton White House aide, tells the BBC that "of course" the Home Office files search was done at the behest of the British government in cahoots with team Bush. He notes that former Bush chief of staff James Baker - who declined to speak to the BBC for this article - stated in a 1992 memo, cited recently by the New York Times, that the commander-in-chief would not have enlisted the UK to aid his campaign. "And yet somehow the Home Office went ahead," Blumenthal archly adds. "Hard to believe that they [the British government] would do this entirely unbidden." The UK action might be dismissed as the suspected rogue meddling of an over-zealous ally, except that it was mirrored by a simultaneous muck-raking exercise within the Bush administration. Just as the Republican president was making an issue of his rival's past opposition to the Vietnam War, a government warehouse in suburban Maryland was being scoured for damaging information on Clinton, and even his mother. This scandal came to be known as Passportgate. A stinging Department of State inspector general report would later implicate two Bush political appointees in having Clinton's documents unsealed. It was a fruitless bid to find out if the Democrat had ever considered renouncing his US citizenship during the Vietnam conflict. While the watchdog did not establish the White House had directly instigated the invasion of privacy, it found Baker was aware of the "heinous activity", yet did nothing to stop it. Baker was cleared three years later of any "criminal intent" in the matter by an independent counsel investigation set up under then-and-current US Attorney General William Barr. Beyond the suspicions, no concrete proof has emerged of collusion between Bush and Major in the US election of '92. But even if there was, isn't what President Trump allegedly did - brazenly soliciting the interference of a foreign government, Ukraine, to harm the election prospects of his potential White House challenger, Joe Biden - worse? Not under US campaign finance law, according to Ann Ravel, former commissioner of the Federal Election Commission. It is illegal for anyone to seek or accept anything of value from a foreign national in an American election, she points out. Ms Ravel, who led the federal regulator in 2015, tells the BBC: "It would be the equivalent of what we're seeing now [with Trump] because obviously it would be a request by the Bush White House for what is something of value to the campaign." Though so much about the Trump presidency is said to be unprecedented, foreign interference in elections - with the occasional connivance of unscrupulous US office-seekers - is as old as the American republic itself. As he pursued his own political ambitions, Founding Father Thomas Jefferson enabled outrageous French meddling in US internal affairs. When President George Washington infuriated Paris by forging a peace treaty with Great Britain in 1794, Jefferson briefed against his commander-in-chief to the French ambassador, who was trying to wreck the accord. As vice-president to John Adams in 1797, Jefferson was suspected of treason when he undercut his boss by sabotaging Franco-American peace talks, again via diplomatic back channels. How prescient that a decade earlier Adams had written to a friend in France: "As often as Elections happen, the danger of foreign Influence recurs." That letter was addressed to Jefferson. Follow @judesheerin More on US presidents .

जब अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति जॉर्ज एच. डब्ल्यू. बुश ने 1992 में अपने व्हाइट हाउस प्रतिद्वंद्वी बिल क्लिंटन को राजनीतिक रूप से घुटने टेकने के लिए "स्मोकिंग गन" की इच्छा जताई, तो ब्रिटिश सरकार ने हानिकारक जानकारी के लिए अपनी फाइलों में खोज की। तो, क्या बुश खेमे ने उन्हें चुनाव जीतने में मदद करने के लिए विदेशी हस्तक्षेप की मांग की-वही आरोप जिसने राष्ट्रपति ट्रम्प को महाभियोग में देखा है?


Wigtownshire wind farm rejection recommended

Summary: Councillors are being advised to refuse plans for a wind farm in Wigtownshire because of its "significant adverse impact" on the landscape.

Developer RES wants to construct 11 turbines at Glenchamber between New Luce, Kirkcowan and Glenluce. The firm said the project could generate enough power to meet the demand of 14,000 homes. However, planning officers have told the council to turn down the bid due to landscape issues. There is also concern about the proximity to four designated prehistoric archaeological sites. As part of the application, RES has proposed setting up an annual fund of £50,000 to invest in the communities near the development. Planning councillors will discuss the plans later this week.

पार्षदों को सलाह दी जा रही है कि वे परिदृश्य पर इसके "महत्वपूर्ण प्रतिकूल प्रभाव" के कारण विगटाउनशायर में एक पवन फार्म की योजना को अस्वीकार कर दें।


Who has been running your council?

Summary: Scotland's 32 local authorities will be holding elections on Thursday, 3 May.

More than 1,200 council seats will be up for grabs for the first time since 2007. Local authorities will use the Single Transferable Vote (STV) system, where electors rank candidates in order of preference. There will be no overnight counting. Votes will be counted electronically the day after polls close. Here are some helpful key facts on your local councils.

स्कॉटलैंड के 32 स्थानीय अधिकारी गुरुवार, 3 मई को चुनाव कराएंगे।