Could Brexit mean a referendum in Northern Ireland?

Summary: On the Falls Road, heart of Republican Belfast. there's a new sense of purpose. Sinn Fein pulled the plug on Stormont, did well in the elections and are now, like the Scottish government, demanding a referendum on their future destiny.

Mark MardellPresenter, The World This Weekend@BBCMarkMardellon Twitter Brexit - rejected by 55.8% of voters in Northern Ireland - is seen as just the latest imposition by England. It has given a new momentum to their whole reason for existing: the belief the island of Ireland should be one country. Everywhere down the Falls there are reminders of those who killed and died for a united Ireland: here a mural of a young man with a rifle, there a huge sepia portrait celebrating the provisional Irish government set up in 1922. But there are new signs too, lots of them. Sinn Fein's latest posters say West Belfast stands against Brexit. The referendum has changed politics here, as all over the UK, even on party night. The West is gyrating in a sea of joyous green on St Patrick's Day. The social club on the Falls Road in Belfast is packed full of people dancing and drinking. Some merely wear a token green T-shirt or badge, but several women are in elaborate emerald dress, men in bowlers or stetsons of the appropriate shade: any culture you like as long as its Irish. Inevitably one man is dressed as that most emerald of animals, a crocodile. Here even the plush is political. It's the greatest day of the year, says one woman: about Irishness, about all of Ireland. Does she feel British at all, I ask . "Not at all, definitely Irish." British as well as Irish? I ask another reveller. "No, no, pure Irish." And another tells me: "Irish 100%." What Mrs May calls the UK, the "precious union of nations… the most successful the world has ever known", is seen very differently here. They are in no doubt about Brexit, either - they are against it, unless you mean exiting from Britain, casting off what they see as the last shackles of the English Empire. "We're not the UK, we're Ireland. We should have the right to vote. Theresa May is a fascist," one man tells me. They fear a return to a real border between the Republic and Northern Ireland. "Borders! Nobody wants 'em. We're nationalists here. Loyalist don't want it. Business people don't want it." Hence the renewed demand for an all-Ireland referendum is being made by Sinn Féin as they look to exploit their success in the recent elections. You can believe they pulled out of Stormont in a row over an obscure environmental scheme if you want. But the real story is deeper. Martin McGuinness resigned as deputy first minister over the handling of the botched energy scheme that could cost £490m. But others forces were also in play. Sinn Fein activists were increasingly feeling they got little out of devolution, that their partners in government, the DUP, were treating them without respect. So they brought the whole thing crashing down. If they do not do a post-election deal in the coming weeks then there will have to be new elections or London will take over: that's called "direct rule". The prime minister appears to have ruled that out. The negotiations are a poker game but Sinn Fein has little to lose by blinking first. Their supporters want real movement on issues dear to their hearts, and a re-run of the election might see them increase their vote. The real thorny issues are old ones, about the role of the Irish language and what are known euphemistically as "legacy issues'': whether people should face criminal prosecution for what they did during the Troubles. The DUP's Nelson McCausland, who lost his assembly seat at the recent election, say this is not an opportunity for Sinn Fein, but a full stop. "There has been over a number of years within Sinn Fein a concern they had not delivered on their united Ireland dream. What they have used over the years is the European Union and European harmonisation to promote the idea that we are being harmonised with the Republic. Brexit puts a stop to that." Unionists hardly need to argue against the call for a referendum. The British secretary of state only needs to agree to one if, in the words of the act "it appears likely to him that a majority of those voting" want a united Ireland. Pretty hazy. And not a single opinion poll or commentator suggests there is that majority. But the next day I return to the Falls and find a different picture at a language school from the hard line espoused by some of those at the West social club. Five people and their teacher sit around the table practising their Irish conversation. Among them, Linda Ervine who's been learning the language for six years. "Because I am from the Protestant community I never had the opportunity to engage with the language and I fell in love with it." She says there are many links with her own heritage. "We've been very separate, British identity, Irish identity but in the last few years a Northern Irish identity is coming through more and more. For me I see myself as Irish and British, I don't see that as a contradiction." And there's the flood of people - including many Unionists and Protestants - applying for Irish passports in the wake of Brexit. The Belfast Newsletter newspaper's Sam McBride sees big changes under way. "Unionism is facing a crisis at the moment, a seismic change.," he said. "The fundamental question is that there is a significant number of Catholics who support the union with the United Kingdom - why are they not voting for unionist parties? I think the answer is the trappings of Orangism and Protestantism put those people off." There are straws in the wind across the border too. The cabinet in Dublin decided that eventually all Irish passport holders, including in the North, will be able to vote in presidential elections. The opposition party Fianna Fail is preparing is own white paper on plans for a united Ireland. But Republican commentator Chris Donnelly, like most observers on both sides of the divide, thinks there will not be a referendum, and it couldn't be won because many from that tradition feel more economically secure in the North. "I think Sinn Fein know in their heart of hearts they are 20, 25 years away from when a border poll could actually have a credible chance of being won. It's an example of "Hail Mary" politics. It's a lottery move, its not going to happen but it is keeping the issue alive at the centre of political discussions." While we all get used to all new politics of identity, it has been the language of debate in Northern Ireland for centuries. Brexit has muddied the political waters. And a new political space may be up for grabs.

रिपब्लिकन बेलफास्ट के केंद्र में फॉल्स रोड पर. उद्देश्य की एक नई भावना है। सिन फेन ने स्टॉर्मोंट पर अंकुश लगाया, चुनावों में अच्छा प्रदर्शन किया और अब स्कॉटिश सरकार की तरह, अपने भविष्य के भाग्य पर जनमत संग्रह की मांग कर रहे हैं।


Egypt tomb: Saqqara 'one of a kind' discovery revealed

Summary: Archaeologists in Egypt have made an exciting tomb discovery - the final resting place of a high priest, untouched for 4,400 years.

Mostafa Waziri, secretary-general of the Supreme Council of Antiquities, described the find as "one of a kind in the last decades". The tomb, found in the Saqqara pyramid complex near Cairo, is filled with colourful hieroglyphs and statues of pharaohs. Decorative scenes show the owner, a royal priest named Wahtye, with his mother, wife and other relatives. Archaeologists will start excavating the tomb on 16 December, and expect more discoveries to follow - including the owner's sarcophagus. Here's what they've found already... All pictures subject to copyright

मिस्र में पुरातत्वविदों ने एक रोमांचक मकबरे की खोज की है-एक महायाजक का अंतिम विश्राम स्थल, जो 4,400 वर्षों से अछूता है।


Sicily honours murdered anti-Mafia campaigner, 60 years on

Summary: More than 60 years ago, union leader Placido Rizzotto was killed after standing up to the Mafia in his hometown of Corleone. After campaigning by friends and relatives, he is finally being given a state funeral.

By Alan Johnston BBC News One evening, way back in March 1948, Placido Rizzotto emerged from his office in a small town in Sicily. He stopped briefly to chat outside a bar on the main street. Then he walked on into the night, and was never seen again. But nobody had any doubt what had happened to him. The union man lived and worked in the town of Corleone, which has given rise to some of the most ruthless leaders of the Sicilian Mafia. The place would eventually be made infamous around the world as the hometown of the fictional gangster family in the movie The Godfather. Placido Rizzotto had sided with local farm labourers in a confrontation with the mafiosi. He had challenged the gangsters in their heartland, and they had murdered him. 'Symbolic message' But now, more than 60 years on, Italy is honouring this hero in the long fight against organised crime with a state funeral. Italian President Giorgio Napolitano was in attendance to see him being buried in the place where he made his stand - in Corleone. This is only possible because for decades Rizzotto's family and his union colleagues refused to forget his story. They campaigned to persuade the authorities to search for and make as full a recovery of his remains as possible. This was eventually done in 2009. What was left of Rizzotto's body was retrieved from the place where it was dumped all those years ago in a remote stretch of countryside, several kilometres from Corleone. And just recently, DNA testing confirmed the identity of the remains. So now at last a proper burial can go ahead. "The Mafia wanted to send a symbolic message," said Dino Paternostro, who is the current head of the Corleone branch of the CGIL union - the job that Rizzotto had when he was murdered. "Not only were they killing Placido Rizzotto, but they were making him vanish - erasing him." 'Winds of change' The state funeral, however, will help ensure that he will be remembered. "The mafiosi didn't succeed in their objective of erasing Placido Rizzotto," said Mr Paternostro. His death came during a turbulent period in southern Italy in the years just after World War II. Rizzotto had come home to Sicily after joining the Resistance to fight Fascism in the north of the country. And back in Corleone, in keeping with his Socialist principles and union activism, he was soon drawn into the fight for the rights of the area's farm workers, and rural poor. At the time they were pitted against both the land owners and mafiosi interests. And at one point Rizzotto had helped organise an attempt by labourers to occupy fields that were controlled by the gangsters. His successor, Mr Paternostro, has studied the events of the period closely. And he sees the murder in 1948 as part of a Mafia offensive against what he calls the liberalising and democratising "winds of change" that were starting to blow through post-War Sicily. 'Other feelings' Nobody has done more to preserve Rizzotto's memory than his nephew, who was also named Placido Rizzotto in the dead man's honour. "Every time my grandmother spoke about my uncle - even if it was 20 years later - she would cry," he said. "I saw the pain of a mother who did not have her son. His burial means a lot to me. "It is said that the mafia has a good memory: that they never forget. If someone does them wrong, they don't forget and sooner or later, they will make you pay. "Well, I say that the Rizzotto family also has a long memory. And even if 64 years have passed, we have not forgotten." How did he think members of Mafia families still in Corleone would regard the state funeral? Was it possible that they might even feel some sense of shame? Rizzotto's nephew replied that shame was not part of the mafiosi mindset. "They have other feelings," he said. "Shame can be a positive feeling. I don't think the Mafia has positive feelings." Rizzotto vintage But Placido Rizzotto's state funeral is of course much more than just a family affair. It is being seen as symbolically important for the town too. "Over the years the people of Corleone have been followed by a less than enviable reputation," Mr Paternostro said. "They thought we were all mafiosi, or friends of mafiosi, or dominated by the Mafia." He hopes the Placido Rizzotto story will help redress those perceptions. Mr Paternostro said it showed that while the Mafia had indeed always been present in Corleone, it has also been home to those who oppose the gangsters. Brave anti-Mafia activism has played a part in the town's story. And even now, the courage that Placido Rizzotto showed can still be an inspiration. Not far from Corleone, in the rolling hills of western Sicily, there is a farming co-operative set up on land confiscated from the Mafia. Its workers, who initially endured threats from the gangsters, chose to call their new vineyards after Placido Rizzotto. Every bottle of wine that they produce bears his name.

60 साल से अधिक समय पहले, संघ के नेता प्लासिडो रिज़ोटो को उनके गृहनगर कोरलियोन में माफिया के खिलाफ खड़े होने के बाद मार दिया गया था। दोस्तों और रिश्तेदारों द्वारा प्रचार करने के बाद, उन्हें आखिरकार राजकीय अंतिम संस्कार दिया जा रहा है।


Woman dies when broken down car hit by lorry in Wiltshire

Summary: A woman has died after her broken down car was hit from behind by an articulated lorry on the A303.

The 54-year-old, from Wiltshire, died after her Mazda was hit on the Mere Bypass just before 13:00 BST on Sunday. A 51-year-old lorry driver, from Devon, was arrested on suspicion of causing death by dangerous driving and has been bailed. The eastbound carriageway was closed for more than eight hours, a spokesman for Wiltshire Police said.

A303 पर एक आर्टिकुलेटेड लॉरी द्वारा उसकी टूटी हुई कार को पीछे से टक्कर मारने के बाद एक महिला की मौत हो गई है।


Police on A303 deplore speeding motorists caught doing 100mph

Summary: Three drivers were caught doing speeds of more than 100mph in a 30-minute period as police carried out roadside checks in Wiltshire.

Officers recorded one man doing 114mph on the dual carriageway section of the A303 between Mere and Wylye on Saturday. Five more drivers were stopped during Sunday for doing more than 100mph. All face prosecution for speeding on the A303, part of one of the main routes between London and Cornwall. The road is 92 miles (148km) in length and runs through five counties - the main route between Basingstoke, Hampshire and Honiton in Devon. PC Will Ayres said this group of drivers were "vastly over the speed limit". "These people do not think about the devastation that they could cause in a split second which is sadly something we see all too often on our roads."

तीन चालकों को 30 मिनट की अवधि में 100 मील प्रति घंटे से अधिक की गति करते हुए पकड़ा गया क्योंकि पुलिस ने विल्टशायर में सड़क किनारे जांच की।


Damaged Commodore Clipper to return to service

Summary: The Commodore Clipper, which was damaged when it hit the seabed on 14 July, is to return to service this weekend.

Condor Ferries said the dry dock repair works in Falmouth had been completed ahead of schedule. The ferry carries both freight and passengers, but will initially be freight only while the Commodore Goodwill undergoes maintenance. Both ships are expected to resume normal service from 26 August. The Clipper normally operates between Portsmouth and the Channel Islands. While it was out of the water, charter ships MV Arrow and MN Toucan replaced its freight carrying capacity, while passengers have been diverted to the company's fast ferries.

कमोडोर क्लिपर, जो 14 जुलाई को समुद्र तल से टकराने पर क्षतिग्रस्त हो गया था, इस सप्ताह के अंत में सेवा में लौटने वाला है।


Are secret courts one step closer?

Summary: The government's battle to introduce more secrecy to British courts returns to Parliament on Wednesday - but after a series of heavy defeats for ministers over the issue, are they, in fact, actually winning?

Dominic CascianiHome affairs correspondent@BBCDomCon Twitter By the end of Wednesday, one of the most controversial pieces of legislation in recent years is expected to be halfway to becoming law. The government's Justice and Security Bill has its Third Reading in the House of Lords, before it passes next door to be considered by MPs. The Bill's main purpose is to create a mechanism that allows court doors to close and evidence to be heard in secret where the government says it needs to keep information from the public, on grounds of national security. This power already exists, but it can only be used in a limited number of circumstances, largely relating to when government lawyers are presenting to judges a secret MI5 assessment about a terrorism suspect. The Justice and Security Bill expands the principle across all of the civil courts and it would allow the government to rely on a secret defence where it is the target of legal action - such as if it were being sued for alleged wrongdoing committed by MI5 or MI6. Ministers and Whitehall security chiefs say the legislation is necessary to allow the government to be able to adequately defend itself in cases where it believes it cannot do so in open court. To do so would be to risk exposing information that the public expects it to keep secret in the name of national security. This may not necessarily be the particular facts of a case - but rather information that gives away how the secret intelligence and security services work. In these cases, there would still be a public judgement - but there would also be a closed secret judgement which would contain the full reasoning why the government won or lost the case. Critics, including much of the legal world, say that secret court sessions, known in the jargon as a "Closed Material Procedure" (CMP), may assist secret agencies to defend themselves - but they would no longer allow someone who alleges wrongdoing to get a fair hearing. That's because the individual wouldn't be present in the hearings to challenge what is being said. They would have a security-vetted lawyer representing them - you can read more about how the system works in this earlier blog. So given the substantial opposition outside of Parliament, is the government getting its way? Last week, peers made three changes to the bill ahead of Wednesday's Third Reading. The key change was that peers voted to put the power to authorise closed hearings in the hands of a judge, taking it away from ministers. They also said that judges would have a duty to balance claims of what is good for national security with claims of what is good for justice. Finally, peers forced through an amendment that would allow either party to ask for CMP, not just ministers. All of these made bad headlines for the government and talk of coalition rifts. But core purpose of the bill - more use of secret evidence sessions - still stands. The amendments that passed introduce some procedural changes to how CMP would be triggered and used - but the attempts to wreck the bill completely failed. Labour's position became clear in the Lords debate. It appears prepared to support the bill through to law, providing there are amendments which it says benefit justice. But one of the harshest critics during the debate was Lord Macdonald, the former Director of Public Prosecutions. He told peers that if CMP were expanded, the damage would be to justice itself. On the other hand, the former security minister Baroness Pauline Neville-Jones argued that justice is damaged by failing to provide the government with a means of getting a fair hearing. Who's right? Well - this is the tricky part. There are said to be some 20-odd cases in which the government feels it cannot adequately defend itself at the moment because it cannot put its defence into open court. David Anderson QC, the terror laws watchdog, has seen material relating to three cases and concluded that CMP could be tolerable as a last resort, if there was no other fair way of ruling on them. But the Special Advocates, the security-vetted lawyers asked to act in secret cases where they already exist, don't know the full list because the Home Secretary won't tell them what it is. They say in the absence of this basic information, the government has not made a case for the Justice and Security Bill. The very people who will be charged with acting in these new cases remain unconvinced. So that's the problem as the bill goes on. A compelling argument from government that it is trying to defend itself with one hand tied behind its back - and a compelling argument against meddling with open justice. Will the bill get through? Some of its sternest critics believe the government will get its way in the New Year. The first big test may come soon afterwards, with the looming legal action by former Libyan dissidents who say the UK helped to organise their kidnap and transfer to Colonel Gaddafi's regime.

ब्रिटिश अदालतों में अधिक गोपनीयता लाने के लिए सरकार की लड़ाई बुधवार को संसद में लौटती है-लेकिन इस मुद्दे पर मंत्रियों के लिए भारी हार की एक श्रृंखला के बाद, क्या वे वास्तव में जीत रहे हैं?


Man dies after being hit by car in south Armagh

Summary: A 58-year-old man has died after he was hit by a car in south Armagh.

The accident happened on the Newtown Road between Newtownhamilton and Belleeks just before 17:30 GMT on Friday. A 29-year-old woman who was arrested on suspicion of a number of road traffic offences has been released on bail pending further inquiries. The Newtown Road has since re-opened. Police have appealed for witnesses to contact them.

दक्षिण अरमाघ में एक कार की चपेट में आने से 58 वर्षीय एक व्यक्ति की मौत हो गई है।


Serial killer Peter Moore 'sent solicitor a Christmas card'

Summary: "I did it for fun, it was easy."

By Neil PriorBBC News These were the words the solicitor who defended "Wales' worst serial killer" heard when Peter Moore finally confessed to his crimes in the early hours of Christmas Eve 1995. Moore - now serving a whole-life sentence at Wakefield Prison in West Yorkshire - stabbed to death four men in north Wales during the autumn of that year, in "sexually-motivated attacks". He is also thought to have carried out at least 20 beatings with clubs and police truncheons in the two decades previously. From his arrest that December up until his trial at Mold Crown Court in November 1996, he was represented by former Abergele solicitor Dylan Rhys Jones. Mr Jones believes Moore is the most manipulative person he has ever come across in his career, changing his story to toy with the police, "like a cat with a mouse", and even sending Mr Jones a Christmas card from prison. Twenty-five years on, Mr Jones feels the time is now right to detail the investigation and the personal toll it took on him. The things he saw and heard over that year left him needing counselling and he believes Moore was a factor in his decision to give up practising law. He said it was not an easy decision to write the book describing his experience: The Man in Black - Peter Moore: Wales' Worst Serial Killer. "Years after Moore was sentenced I'd have dreams and images of walking down a street at night and being stabbed, hearing in my head the way Moore calmly described what he'd done, almost with relish. I agonised over whether to write this, but ultimately decided it was something I had to do. "What I've been through is nothing compared to the families of the victims, but it did cause me to have a breakdown some 10 years later, and writing the book has been helpful in my recovery." Between September and December 1995, Moore murdered 56-year-old Henry Roberts at his home near Caergeiliog, Anglesey, Edward Carthy, 28, who Moore met in a gay bar in Liverpool before stabbing him in Clocaenog Forest near Ruthin, Denbighshire, and 49-year-old Keith Randles, a traffic manager from Chester, who was killed where he was living on-site at roadworks on the A5 in Anglesey. His final victim - the one who would lead to Moore's arrest - was Anthony Davies, 40, stabbed and left to die on Pensarn Beach near Abergele, a locally-known meeting place for gay men. Born in 1946, Moore, dubbed the "man in black" owing to his distinctive dress sense, owned a chain of cinemas across north Wales. He was described as a quiet and well-respected - if not a little eccentric - member of the community. However, searches of his house after his arrest revealed Nazi paraphernalia, along with an authentic North Wales Police sergeant's uniform and truncheon, the source of which has never been identified. Moore said he would dress in either the police or Nazi uniforms when heading out to attack someone, "just to scare them a little bit more". When prosecuting barrister Alex Carlile QC opened the case against Moore he called him: "The man in black - black thoughts and the blackest of deeds." However, Mr Jones believes too much has been made of Moore's Nazi sympathies. "The black clothing thing came about genuinely enough, as the best colour to wear not to stand out while working as a projectionist in a cinema, but once it became something he was known for he played up to it. "The police and Nazi uniforms were just an extension of that really. Coincidentally, both Moore and his first victim Henry Roberts had a shared interest in Nazi memorabilia, and what with the items found in Moore's house, an assumption grew that there was some sort of far-right motivation. "But I never got the impression he was in the least bit interested in politics - we're not talking about some kind of Anders Breivik character - the uniforms and dressing up were just part of the fetishistic, sexually-motivated attacks." Moore first came on to the police's radar after an anonymous tip linked a van matching a description of his to Pensarn Beach around the time of Anthony Davies's murder. Analysis of the crime scene revealed two people's blood - Moore had made the mistake which would lead to his capture. In stabbing Mr Davies, Moore had cut himself and left his own blood on the pebbles. He was arrested on 22 December 1995 and initially denied everything, but after a search of his home uncovered some of the victims' belongings in his garden pond, along with a knife in a bag bearing traces of all four men's blood, he changed his story in the early hours of Christmas Eve. "I'd previously had some dealings with Moore - I handled his mother's estate after her death - but I was still surprised to get a call to come and represent him at Llandudno police station," said Mr Jones. "At first he said it was mistaken identity and we went through two days of interviews on that basis, but in the early hours of Christmas Eve I got a call to come back to the station because Moore wanted to tell us something. "When he started talking in the interview room it was like watching a cold-blooded lizard move towards its prey, slowly, calculating every move, not using its energy unnecessarily, just describing the bare essentials of the deed. It was the desensitised description of a killer dispassionate as to the implications of his actions." Yet the following morning, just a few hours later, Moore withdrew his confession. He claimed he had given it to protect "the real murderer", his lover, whom he called Jason, the name of the killer in the Friday the 13th films Moore had shown at his cinemas. No trace of Jason was ever found, nevertheless Moore stuck to his story and pleaded not guilty at his trial. "You have to represent your client on the basis of what they tell you, but even so, it was the toughest case I've ever been involved in. "I knew Peter Moore was a manipulative individual, Alex Carlile knew it, the police knew it. "When I contacted Moore about this book, first of all he said he'd co-operate, then he withdrew his visiting order, then my wife opens a Christmas card from him… he seems to be trying to manipulate people and circumstances, even after 24 years in prison." Handing down four life sentences, the trial judge told Moore: "You were responsible for four sadistic murders in the space of three months; none of the victims had done you the slightest bit of harm. "At no stage have you shown the slightest remorse or regret for the killings, nor for the 20 years of terror and violence that preceded them. "I consider you to be as dangerous a man as it is possible to find. I shall have to report to the secretary of state, advising him of my view as to the earliest date that you should be considered for release. "I don't want you or anybody else to be in the slightest doubt as to what I shall say. In a word: never." Moore has unsuccessfully appealed his whole-life tariff at the European Court of Human Rights. Mr Jones believes no-one will ever know how many men Moore actually attacked, or why. "Maybe because of the death of the mother, who coddled him so much, or because of some other life-changing event, Moore switched in 1995 from savagely beating men to killing them in the most terrible fashion. "We'll never know quite how many, mainly because Moore himself manipulates the story to keep interest in him alive." There is one part of Moore's confession which sticks out in Mr Jones's memory, more than all the rest. "He told us how he spotted a man he wanted to kill while driving around Llangefni, but couldn't stop because of the one-way system. By the time he came back to the same spot the man had gone. "Firstly, I am astonished by the mind of a man who obeys a one-way sign but thinks nothing of murder and secondly, that the man - whoever he was - will never know just how lucky he was."

"मैंने इसे मनोरंजन के लिए किया था, यह आसान था।"


Making deliveries in a badly mapped world

Summary: Delivering a package from A to B may seem straightforward, but it's fraught with difficulties caused by incomplete or missing addresses. So a number of tech start-ups are trying to solve the problem of a badly mapped world.

By Tom JacksonTechnology of Business reporter When it comes to addresses, people make lots of mistakes - a wrong letter in a post code, a badly spelled road or property name. Delivery companies often get lost. We often can't find that hotel down some foreign back street. Up to 20% of addresses in developed countries, and 80% in developing countries, are not verified because of mistakes, says the World Tourism Organisation (WTO). Russian start-up Naviaddress is one of several companies trying to solve this issue using digital wizardry. But it claims to be the first employing the blockchain as way of verifying and storing its digital addresses in a decentralised ledger spread across thousands of computers. The firm has come up with a way of encoding lots of useful information - photos, route directions, geographical co-ordinates, opening hours - along with traditional physical address details, in a short sequence of digits that functions as a "smart address". "We call them Naviaddresses - unified digital IDs for any place and object in real and virtual worlds," says chief executive Dmitri Moiseev. "It will provide people and businesses with the freedom and ability to create, buy, own, lease and sell their digital addresses within several minutes." Russian delivery company ExpressRMS has begun using Naviaddress to help improve its service. "Now, instead of the address in Cyrillic, the client receives a short message with a digital address containing the detailed 'last-mile' navigation information," explains ExpressRMS boss Konstantin Yakunin. "You just follow the 'Naviaddress 1234' link and receive all the information about the location of the warehouse, like address, gate and building number, pictures of the place, and description of route," he says. The new system has reduced the number of calls asking for directions to warehouses "by 80%-to-85%", says Mr Yakunin. Naviaddress, which numbers DPD, Amazon and Booking.com among its clients, says it has created 1.5 million smart addresses so far, 1.3 million of those for businesses, and it has more than 60,000 registered app users. Dr Igor Calzada from Oxford University's Urban Transformations programme, says: "In developing countries particularly, such geo-localisation services ...could enhance the opportunities to solve societal challenges, such as poverty, community development, education and healthcare in remote ...and rural communities." Yet the problems faced by Naviaddress's customers pale in comparison to businesses in less developed countries, where addresses or street names are sometimes non-existent. "It takes three phone calls to get food delivered to your door in Nairobi, which is super-frustrating," says Timbo Drayson, founder of Kenyan company OkHi. "To get someone to your office for a meeting, it takes multiple phone calls, which can be detrimental to the business when you're busy." Mr Drayson, who used to work for Google, founded OkHi to address the issue. "We discovered that GPS by itself was not good enough to get someone reliably to someone's door in urban, slum and rural areas, so we invented an OkHi address, which combines GPS, photo and phone number," he says. Sagi Vaknin, managing director of Nairobi-based restaurant Artcaffé, says using OkHi has markedly improved food delivery times. "Prior to OkHi, a rider would make three calls on average to the customer to get help with guidance to his location and take at least 50 minutes to deliver the food," he says. "Now riders equipped with the mobile app make zero calls, arriving with our food in 30-40 minutes with no frustrations for the customer." Faster deliveries are better for business. UK tech company What3Words thinks it is solving the "address unknown" problem by dividing up the entire world into a grid of three metre squares - 57 trillion of them - and assigning each one a unique three-word address. Its algorithm takes the complex GPS coordinates for each square and converts them into words. If you want to tell others where you are, you find out what your location's three-word address is via the app and send it to them. They click on the link and it shows the precise location on a map - useful for when you're lost in the wilderness or simply having a picnic in a park. The service is available in 20 languages and is used by more than 650 businesses, governments and non-governmental organisations around the world, the company says. And now it is being integrated into car navigation systems. For example, Mercedes A-Class drivers can get in the car, speak three words, and be guided to that 3m x 3m position without any typing or other interaction required, What3Words says. it is working with other car makers, too. Digital mapping should improve with the advent of the internet of things, believs Peter Kurpick, chief platform officer at Netherlands-based data mapping company HERE Technologies. The world is "on the cusp of an explosion in location data", he says. Some forecasters are predicting that by 2020, there will be 200 billion connected devices whose data could be harnessed for location services on a much more accurate scale. "The problem is that the current development process for location-centric services and applications is rather lengthy and complicated," says Mr Kurpick. "Data is often in silos and incompatible, while big data management and processing are complex and costly." More Technology of Business So HERE is allowing developers and organisations everywhere to access its map infrastructure and technology, which includes the capability to ingest live data from vehicle sensors, for example. This would be useful for fleet tracking services, he says. Naviaddress's Dmitri Moiseev admits that it's early days for digital mapping services, but believes the potential to improve life on many levels is immense. "The digital address system will enhance collaboration and online transactions," he says. "The emergency services will respond faster, resolving health, fire and security issues." Now we just need a system for ensuring that we're in when the parcel arrives.

ए से बी तक पैकेज पहुँचाना सरल लग सकता है, लेकिन यह अधूरे या गायब पते के कारण होने वाली कठिनाइयों से भरा है। इसलिए कई तकनीकी स्टार्ट-अप बुरी तरह से मानचित्रित दुनिया की समस्या को हल करने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं।


Will Venice be loved to death?

Summary: Venice recently witnessed protests against landlords in the city letting their apartments to tourists instead of Venetians. But what can be done to preserve one of the world's greatest cities as a living entity?

By Lawrence PollardPresenter, BBC World Service Newsday The window of a chemist's shop in central Venice features a digital counter showing the number of people living in the city's historic core. At the moment it should read 55,120 (that's up a bit, actually). But the point is that this is a countdown, raising the alarm that hundreds of people leave each year. In the past the population used to drop suddenly because of the plague. Now Venetians complain about another plague, tourism. The French novelist Victor Hugo said there are two things about a historic building: its use and its beauty. Its use is a matter for the owner, but the beauty belongs to everyone. Some Venetians make big money out of tourism: they always have done. Other businesses leave and their places are taken by more hotels, vast cruise ships visit and homes become holiday lets. Venetians are leaving the place they call La Serenissima - "the most serene" - a city currently visited by 20 million tourists a year. The big question is: will Venice end up killed by its own beauty, loved to death? "For working people, it's becoming unworkable," says Sarah Quill, who has photographed the city for four decades and whose archive illustrates the stark contrast between a city once populated by Venetians and now in the grip of an increasing tourist overload. "It's impossible to avoid the centre if you have appointments and those peaceful early mornings are now a distant memory." Part of Venice's problem is what it represents. It is a city of comfort and consolation in an era of furious urbanisation. If you live in a Chinese megalopolis of 30 million souls which was not there not long ago, Venice will seem an ideal polar opposite. Unable to expand over the water that surrounds it - it is built on islands in a lagoon - it is the gold standard for the city of human scale, the world's sentimental ideal city. So what can be done to save sentimentality from economics? Venetians complain about the Chinese buying bars and houses today. Before them it was the Russians, the Americans and, 200 years ago, probably the Austrians. The greatest writer on Venice, John Ruskin, suggested a tongue-in-cheek extra charge to visit, as do some of today's Venetians. A surcharge would raise money but surely not reduce numbers, which is what is needed. Today's protesters say if you put a gate on it you make it a theme park, not a living city. Why not call it a reservation, for preservation? As its a cultural Mecca, why not do what Mecca does and limit the annual number of pilgrims? Visiting Venice is, maybe, not a human right. In his novel England England, Julian Barnes imagined a tourist's version of England built on the Isle of Wight - all the best bits recreated in one convenient place. England England is such a success it becomes an independent state and joins the EU while actual England goes into decline. Could we imagine a Venice 2.0/Venice Venice? Sadly the Japanese version, an Italian shopping experience called Italmura, with canals and gondolas, went bust. But there are commercially successful replicas in Dubai, Qatar, Istanbul and, of course, Las Vegas, where the Venetian Hotel has opened a replica of its replica in Macau - even though China already has a copy of its own, Venice Water Town, a suburb of Hangzhou. And even Venice itself is not entirely genuine. Those horses on St Mark's basilica are copies: do you mind? The medieval bell tower opposite fell down in 1902 and was rebuilt brick-for-brick. Can you tell the difference? Could we not embrace the fake to help the real? Venice is like the panda: charismatic, unsuited to life today but too symbolic to be allowed to disappear. If our beloved wild animals end up existing only in zoos or reservations why not cherished cities? Let's have a new Venice island experience - all the highlights recreated from scratch in one place and better organised for better pictures. Reliable tides, none of the smells and with better food and plumbing. And you and I, obviously we can go to the old Venice and play spot the difference. The World This Week is on BBC World Service Radio and available as a podcast.

वेनिस ने हाल ही में शहर में मकान मालिकों के खिलाफ विरोध प्रदर्शन देखा, वेनिस के बजाय पर्यटकों को अपने अपार्टमेंट देने के लिए। लेकिन दुनिया के सबसे बड़े शहरों में से एक को जीवित इकाई के रूप में संरक्षित करने के लिए क्या किया जा सकता है?


Can Mexico save its journalists?

Summary: One was killed while resting in a hammock at a carwash. A second was dragged from his car and shot dead near the newspaper he had co-founded. When another was killed in front of her son, the criminals left a note: "For your long tongue".

By Hugo BachegaBBC News Journalists are being murdered in Mexico and this is nothing new. This is one of the most dangerous countries for reporters, rights groups say, and more die here than in any other nation at peace. But even for a place so used to drugs-related violence and organised crime, the recent bloodshed has been shocking. Seven journalists have been killed in the country so far this year, most shot by gunmen in broad daylight. Yet virtually all cases of attacks on the press end up unsolved and, in many, corrupt officials are suspected of partnering with criminals. As the killings mount, is there anything that Mexico can do to save its journalists? 'A network of evil' Miroslava Breach used to say that corrupt politicians were more dangerous than drug traffickers. For almost 30 years, she investigated cases in which authorities and criminals appeared to work hand in hand in her native state of Chihuahua, in northern Mexico. Last year, Miros, as friends called her, reported for the national newspaper La Jornada on the alleged links between organised crime and candidates standing in the local elections in several towns in western Chihuahua - some located on lucrative drug-trafficking routes. For her enemies, she had crossed a line. "Sister, now I'm really scared," her sister Rosy recalled a tearful Breach saying, as threats had increased and regularly mentioned her children. Breach alerted the authorities but carried on, not knowing what else to do. "She said that against a network of evil there was nothing that could be done," Rosy said. Then last March, as Breach left home in the morning to take her 14-year-old son to school, gunmen shot her eight times. They left a note, reportedly carrying the initials of one of the bandits she had denounced and a message: "Por lengua larga," meaning for your long tongue. Since 2000, at least 106 journalists have been killed across Mexico, according to rights group Article 19. Exact numbers are hard to come by as investigations often get nowhere and different studies apply different criteria in counting the dead. Last year alone, there were 11 deaths, the group said, a record. Up until now, most of those killed worked for small, poorly resourced local publications. So when Breach, a reporter for a national newspaper, was killed, it resonated throughout the country, her smiling photo becoming one of the many symbols of this tragedy. For Oscar Murguía, editor of Norte newspaper in the northern city of Ciudad Juárez, which published Breach's column, it was too much. His reaction was to shut the paper, after 27 years. Its last headline was a single sentence: "¡Adiós!". "It's a tragedy," Mr Murguía told the BBC. "It's an attack on our society, not only on journalists... There's no respect for the work of journalists. I prefer to have a journalist without a job than without life." In 2010, pressure from campaigners led to the creation of a special office of the federal prosecutor for crimes against freedom of expression, known as the Feadle, which investigates attacks on journalists. But the authorities have often ruled that the victims themselves are not journalists or that the incidents have no connection to their work, according to critics. Like last month. When the charred remains of Salvador Adame, the head of a TV station in the western state of Michoacán, were found, state prosecutors said that the case had to do with personal disputes, possibly a love affair, angering relatives and campaigners. The office rejected numerous requests for comment. The deaths continued. Then, in 2012 the federal government set up a specific protection mechanism for journalists and human rights defenders under threat. More than 600 people have been helped by the programme, which can relocate professionals and their families, give them police protection and a panic button, which sends a distress signal to officials via cell phone networks. Welcomed at first, many now say that very little has really worked. The flaws were many, a report in 2015 said. They went from the unreliability of the emergency devices in areas where mobile coverage was poor, to complaints of calls to hotlines going unanswered. The government disputed this, saying in a statement to the BBC that "achievements" have translated into "tangible benefits" for those assisted. But last year, for the first time, a reporter under protection was killed - in front of his own house. 'Let them kill us all' Award-winning journalist Javier Valdez was Breach's colleague at La Jornada, as a correspondent in the western Sinaloa state, home to the powerful cartel once led by Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán. "Let them kill us all, if that is the death sentence for reporting this hell," was Valdez's reaction to her murder. His was another life devoted to exposing the workings of bandits. Three decades of reporting on crime and access to drug lords had made him a star reporter, beloved by colleagues, in Mexico and further afield, who admired his clarity and good humour. It was a work not without risks. The offices of Río Doce, the independent weekly newspaper he co-founded in the capital Culiacán, were attacked in 2009 after it published a series on drug trafficking. "They wanted to scare us, make us afraid so we would stop publishing," Valdez told the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) in 2011, when he was given an International Press Freedom Award. Still, he vowed to carry on. "To die," he said, "would be to stop writing." Violence in Sinaloa spiked after El Chapo was extradited to the United States, in January. Valdez attributed this to a vacuum of power at the top of the group. In February, Río Doce published an interview with an envoy of "El Licenciado", who was seen as El Chapo's possible successor. Armed men bought every issue, activists said, and Valdez saw it as an attempt to intimidate him. (El Licenciado was arrested in May.) What came next were months of threats. Then in May, Valdez, wearing his trademark Panama hat, was dragged from his car by criminals at midday, on a busy street near the Río Doce offices. They shot 12 times, killing him on the spot. No other murdered journalist had as high profile as him. Many saw it as a message: if he can be killed, anyone can. "Of course we knew the risks," said Ismael Bojorquez, a long-time friend who co-founded Río Doce with Valdez. "[But] every time we felt under threat, we never thought of asking for the protection of the mechanism." "The [Feadle] doesn't have resources or teams to investigate. Our system of protection of journalists doesn't work... The government's policies to protect us are a failure." The result is that journalism itself has become a victim. "Investigative journalism in many places in Mexico is just impossible to be exercised," said Carlos Luria, CPJ's senior programme co-ordinator for the Americas. "There are no guarantees, no condition, no protection, there is an absence of the state. This is decimating journalism in Mexico." In almost all cases, campaigners say, the criminals are never identified, found or tried. "The level of impunity is 99.75%," said Ana Cristina Ruelas, Article 19's director for Mexico and Central America. Corruption is rife in Mexico, and rogue police and politicians were the suspects in more than half of the incidents against the media in the last six years, she said. And most cases were never looked into. "The state doesn't investigate itself. There is a direct link between the level of impunity and corruption," Ms Ruelas said. "This impunity allows the aggressors to continue attacking the press in broad daylight." 'The state is killing us' At the National Palace in May, reporters interrupted President Enrique Peña Nieto's minute of silence in memory of the journalists killed, shouting: "Justice, no more speeches". Valdez's death added to the pressure on Mr Nieto to address the issue. He said he shared the "indignation" and vowed to "combat the impunity", making promises to boost the protection of journalists and the special prosecutor's office. But many hold little hope for real change. Blanche Petrich helped found La Jornada in 1984, and knew both Breach ("the number one") and Valdez ("one of a kind"). With two of its main stars gone, the paper is now a newsroom in mourning. "I don't have any hope," she said. "It's a myth that the cartels are killing the journalists, it's the state. I don't have any trust in Mr Nieto. He's been very indifferent to the problem." "Nothing works if the assassins are free and those behind the killings are never brought to justice. With this reality, it's very difficult for any journalist to have any trust that those measures are not a simple formality." Distrust grew even further last month, after the New York Times accused the Mexican government of spying on several top journalists, lawyers and human rights defenders by hacking their phones with spyware meant to be used against criminals and terrorists - a claim the Mexican presidency denied. "It's very hard to connect the words of the presidency with actions because until now we haven't found a clear reflection of these words in actions that provide results," said Ms Ruelas, from Article 19. Reporters, however, say the latest killings prove that their work is more urgent than ever: "No to silence". All pictures copyrighted.

एक कारवॉश में झूले में आराम करते हुए एक की मौत हो गई। दूसरे को उसकी कार से घसीटा गया और उसके द्वारा सह-स्थापित समाचार पत्र के पास गोली मार दी गई। जब दूसरे को उसके बेटे के सामने मार दिया गया, तो अपराधियों ने एक नोट छोड़ दियाः "आपकी लंबी जीभ के लिए।"


WW1 in Wales: The forgotten children who lost fathers

Summary: About 35,000 Welshmen gave their lives in battle during World War One, but while they are commemorated each year, the estimated 80,000 children in Wales who were left without fathers are often forgotten.

By Neil PriorBBC News WW1 altered the world for everyone who experienced it, but arguably its biggest impact came on children. In many respects, post-war efforts to improve housing, education and welfare improved the lives of millions of young people. But historians are only now beginning to assess the true consequences of a generation forged in grief. As part of the 2010 documentary a Century of Fatherhood, Lily Barron went back to Lewis Street, Blackwood. It was there, in 1917, that she saw her adored father, miner John Jones, for the last time. He had signed up to fight in the war and was on leave from the trenches. "He was the most important man in the world to me, I loved every inch of him, and we were the apples of his eye; I really do think he worshipped us," she said. "My brother and I were in school and when we came home we had such a shock - daddy was there. He held the pair of us in his arms, hugged us, and ruffled our hair. I think he was excited to see how much we'd grown. "We didn't want to know anything about the war, we just wanted to have him home forever, but of course, that wasn't to be." It was not to be because just a month after his final visit home, Mrs Barron's father was killed in action at the battle of Cambrai in France. Breakdown fears Unable to cope alone with her four children, Mrs Barron's mother split up the family. Mrs Barron never lived at home again. In 2010, as well as returning to the family home in Blackwood, Mrs Barron was able to visit Bourlon Wood where her father was killed. She herself died four months later. According to WW1 historian Dr Gerry Oram, Mrs Barron's experience represented wider fears about a breakdown in society. "Even at the time the government was extremely worried about the loss of so many fathers," he said. "But unfortunately their primary concern was about the wider sociological consequences, rather than the impact it had on individual children and families. "There was a hue and cry about the lack of disciplinarian father-figures and what was perceived as the resultant rise in juvenile delinquency. "Whether these fears were founded or just a response to the increased press and police attention of WW1, what is termed a moral panic, is still a huge debate in history and criminology." But while so many needs were left unaddressed, Dr Oram argues the experience of WW1 did bring some tangible benefits for young people. "Even in 1914 the guidelines were that children should receive education until they were 14, but in practice there were so many exemptions to this that it was meaningless," he said. "And with the shortage of labour brought about by war the situation became even worse. "When he brought the 1918 Education Act before parliament, chairman of the board of education, H.A.L. Fisher, noted 'between the start of the war and 1917, 600,000 children had been put prematurely - yet legally - to work'. "In areas like Wales, with labour-intensive industries, doubtless the situation was even worse. "As a result of the act, after 1918 there is a focus on not only education, but also on improving nutrition and health-care through the school system. "But even this was borne of the experience of needing a healthy workforce in order to wage total war, rather than through concern for the individual child." Dr Amy Brown, director of child and public health at Swansea University, believes modern examples prove how different life could have been for the children of WW1. "The only comparable disasters you can point to in modern times are 9/11 and the tsunami, and for both of those, studies show that the enormous counselling effort which was put in place has enabled the child victims to address their grief and go on to develop as well as could have been expected under the circumstances," she said. "It would have been a mixed blessing to grow up in somewhere like Wales during WW1. "The close-knit community spirit would certainly have helped, but the 'stiff upper lip' attitude, along with the fact that so many people were in the same boat, would have discouraged children from talking about it and resolving their feelings. "In particular very small children have a tendency to blame themselves, and wrongly associate unrelated events, so unless they're told otherwise they'll feel as though their father died because they were naughty." She argues that the failure to address individual emotional needs could have had incalculable consequences in the decades which followed. "You'd have seen two distinct waves; firstly the older children, whose grief would have struck immediately, and then several years later the children who'd been very young at the time, and whose anger and loss only developed as they grew older. "Under those circumstances it would be entirely predictable to see a spike in alcoholism, domestic violence and other crime amongst the cohort in the years that followed." 'Lost generation' Dr Oram agrees that, whilst more study is needed in the area, there could indeed be historical evidence to bear this out. "We talk of a lost generation in terms of the men who were killed, but it's equally true to think of the next generation having also been lost," he said. "A generation from broken families, with incomplete educations, tried to grieve as they had the additional responsibility of becoming the bread-winners thrust upon them. "There's been little serious research done on the matter, but I'd say it's entirely reasonable to make a case that many of the social ills of the 1920s and 30s which have been blamed on the depression, could also be attributed in part to the aftermath of the unbelievable trauma that generation had lived through as children."

प्रथम विश्व युद्ध के दौरान लगभग 35,000 वेल्श लोगों ने युद्ध में अपनी जान दे दी, लेकिन जब उन्हें हर साल याद किया जाता है, तो वेल्स में अनुमानित 80,000 बच्चे जो बिना पिता के रह गए थे, उन्हें अक्सर भुला दिया जाता है।


Lambeth stabbing: Man dies at scene

Summary: A man has died in a stabbing on a residential street in south London.

Police found the man, believed to be in his 20s, with fatal stab wounds in Ramillies Close, Lambeth, at about 18:00 GMT on Sunday. The London Ambulance Service said despite treatment the man died at the scene. Police are trying to trace his next of kin. No arrests have been made. A crime scene remains in place as officers search the area.

दक्षिण लंदन में एक आवासीय सड़क पर छुरा घोंपने से एक व्यक्ति की मौत हो गई है।


Unemployed in the US: 'I don’t know what to do'

Summary: "I have no income," says Sarah Groome.

By Natalie ShermanBusiness reporter, New York Until April, the 35-year-old was working as an events manager for a major league soccer team in Pennsylvania. But she lost that position when coronavirus disrupted the season. For six months, she received unemployment benefits from the government - but those payments shrank as the programmes wound down this summer. Since October, she's received nothing. "I don't know what I'm going to do financially," she says. "I'm applying to jobs and I've probably applied to over 100 at this point and I've had one interview." "It's scary," she says. "I don't know what's going to happen." Some 12 million Americans could soon face a similar dilemma. 'It's unprecedented' In March, US lawmakers approved more than $2.4tn (£1.7tn) in economic relief for businesses and households, in an attempt to blunt the economic distress as the pandemic threw more than 20 million people out of work and unemployment rates spiked to nearly 15%. But support has been dwindling since the summer and several key programmes - including benefits for jobless gig workers and people out of work for more than six months - are due to expire at the end of December. "For Congress to allow this many workers to be cut off … it's unprecedented," says Andrew Stettner, a senior fellow at The Century Foundation, a progressive think tank that estimated recently that more than 4 million people had already lost benefits and another 12 million could be cut off by the end of the year. Economic recovery slows The US economy has regained more than half of the jobs lost this spring, recovering more quickly than many economists had feared. But job gains have slowed in recent months as virus cases and hospitalisations hit new records. As the government has withdrawn support, rising numbers of people are reporting going without adequate food or falling behind on rent and other bills. Without action, "the short-term impact is going to be more economic deprivation," says James Sullivan, economics professor at the University of Notre Dame, whose research has found that roughly 7 million people have fallen into poverty since May, many of them African American, children and those without university degrees. "There's a clear need for government support." 'They don't understand how important it is' After the 2007-8 financial crisis, Congress took steps to make it possible to collect nearly two years of unemployment benefits. But under normal circumstances, in many states in the US, eligibility to receive money from the programme expires after 26 weeks. Sarah exhausted her six months of standard jobless benefits at the beginning of October and her efforts to access the pandemic-related emergency extension have hit bureaucratic snafus, even though she has called dozens of times a day in an effort to clear up the problem. She's found a temporary, part-time retail job that brings in about $100 a week and dug into savings to pay for her rent, health insurance and other essentials. Like many in her situation, who have taken to social media looking for advice on how to navigate the jobless situation, she is incredulous that lawmakers will allow government assistance to simply disappear. "It's frustrating because a lot of the people in Washington aren't hurting like we are so they don't understand how important it is for people who need it," she says. Republican and Democrat divide Many developed countries, including the UK and Canada, have recently taken steps to extend their pandemic aid. In the US, economists have called for additional economic relief since this spring, noting that aid to the jobless tends to boost the overall economic recovery. But there's been little progress toward a deal, as Democrats push for more money than Republicans say is needed, creating a congressional impasse. The lack of action has confounded expectations that the two sides would eventually reach an agreement. "I've never been in a place where I have heard more people talking about the need for action but less action happening," Senator Tina Smith, a Democrat from Minnesota, observed at a recent hearing in Washington. This week, with the end-of-December deadline looming, stimulus talks have appeared to revive, with discussion of a compromise bill - which got a nod of support from president-elect Joe Biden - that would extend unemployment assistance until the end of March, among other relief. "I do think we are seeing them wake up," says Mr Stettner. "But will it be in time is the real question." Divisions remain deep. President Donald Trump and Senator Mitch McConnell, who leads Republicans in the Senate, have endorsed a more limited proposal. Aside from unemployment, Democrats want money for state and local governments, while Republicans say legal protections for businesses from Covid-related worker lawsuits are essential. Even if lawmakers agree on a compromise, Mr Stettner says the measures under discussions are only enough to be considered stop-gap solutions. 'It's a horrible place' Meanwhile, among the ranks of the unemployed, desperation is growing. "For me personally, it is something that I have not seen before," says 32-year-old Stephanie Freed, a New York-based production electrician and lighting designer for live entertainment who has been out of work since late February and started an organization to lobby Congress on the issue this summer. "I had built a career and built a life and worked very hard to be at that place, which is what everyone has done and we've lost those things through no fault of our own." Derrick Cisneros, who worked as a behavioural therapist in California until March, says he is struggling to make it on the $300 unemployment cheque he receives every two weeks, forcing him to lean on his roommate and family for assistance. "I'm late on some payments and I hate asking people for money so I try to save every penny that I get," the 35-year-old says. "Sometimes my phone is off for days until unemployment comes through." He has been applying for jobs that require less direct contact with other people and participating in online research surveys to pick up extra money. He recently drafted an online petition aimed at President Donald Trump to try to draw attention to the plight of those who are like him at risk of exhausting their benefits. "It just bothers me so much here [the president] is playing golf all day and here I am trying to just make $2 an hour," he says. "It's a horrible place to be in."

सारा ग्रूम कहती हैं, "मेरी कोई आमदनी नहीं है।"


Is this Angela Merkel's moment of reckoning?

Summary: Germany's Chancellor, Angela Merkel, is facing the fight of her political life, as a major row over the country's migration and refugee policy threatens to topple her from the post she has held since 2005.

By Jenny HillBBC Berlin correspondent Rarely do German politics produce such high drama. One minister likened the twists and turns of the government crisis to an episode of Game of Thrones, while a German newspaper trembled: "The wolves are howling outside!" alongside a picture of the chancellery besieged by giant, Photoshopped beasts. In such a febrile atmosphere, it's tempting to imagine an embattled Mrs Merkel inside, furiously striding the corridors and wondering out loud who will rid her of this turbulent Interior Minister, Horst Seehofer. Mr Seehofer - leader of the Bavarian CSU party, in alliance in government with its sister party, Mrs Merkel's Christian Democrats - is relishing the opportunity to make the chancellor, and his old adversary, squirm. Mrs Merkel has flatly rejected his plan to turn away migrants at the German border if they have registered elsewhere in the EU. She believes such a unilateral act goes against European principles and intends to seek an EU-wide solution. Mr Seehofer - long an outspoken critic of the chancellor - says he will do it anyway. Mrs Merkel is probably itching to sack him for such open rebellion. But she cannot do so without risking the CDU-CSU pact - and jeopardising her fragile coalition government. Emergency talks have, as yet, failed to soothe an increasingly bitter row, which is being replicated, albeit in perhaps rather calmer tones, in plenty of other EU member states - between those who believe there is still a chance for Europe to rise unified to the migration challenge and the, largely populist, figures who are sick of waiting for it act. But in Germany, there is a chance it could bring the government down. And Mrs Merkel would be, politically speaking, unlikely to emerge alive from the rubble. Even as he continues to flex his Bavarian muscles, Mr Seehofer says that is not his intention. Most assume he is grandstanding ahead of the autumn's regional elections. The far-right, anti-migrant Alternative fur Deutschland (AfD) has made gains in Bavaria. In part, for Mr Seehofer, this is personal. He has reportedly never forgiven Mrs Merkel for her decision to allow asylum seekers trapped in Budapest passage to Germany, which, in effect, opened the country's doors to hundreds of thousands of people. Most entered the country through Bavaria. Mr Seehofer, then the regional prime minister, is also reportedly still angry that he was not consulted - apparently Mrs Merkel did call him but he did not answer his mobile phone. "I cannot work with this woman,"' he is reported to have told his party last week. But plenty of others can. Angela Merkel has, it is said, the support of most of her party. She also has a public approval rating of 50% - for now. Because, despite falling migrant numbers - more than 720,000 people applied for asylum in 2016 compared with 200,000 last year - the issue remains centre stage. This is largely due to AfD rhetoric and high-profile cases such as that of a failed Iraqi asylum seeker who has reportedly confessed to raping and killing a German teenager. Polls suggest most Germans want tighter border controls. Mrs Merkel has failed to entirely quell public concerns with her oft-repeated assurance that 2015 was a one-off, or with a series of measures to tighten asylum law - making it easier to deport or deny entry to people coming from certain countries, for example - or with measures to ease integration. So, if she cannot come back from the EU summit of leaders in just under a fortnight with some kind of plan or agreement, it will be open season on the German chancellor. Horst Seehofer, keen to emphasise that he's not backing down, has agreed to wait to implement his plan for two weeks. Mrs Merkel has a little breathing space - but not for long. Few expect a full-blown strategy to emerge - but it is not impossible that she will achieve something. The details are not clear - but Mrs Merkel is already working on bilateral agreements that could see migrants being sent back to entry countries, presumably in return for funding. She may be increasingly isolated among her European peers, many of whom make political capital at home by portraying her as the fiscal bully of the EU or by blaming her for the migrant crisis. But plenty of leaders share her resolve to strengthen external borders. And countries such as Austria, Italy and Denmark, whose governments talk tough on migration, may seize the chance to press ahead with plans for, for example, detention centres outside the EU. It is not inconceivable that Europe's shift to the right might aid Mrs Merkel now, just as did the closure of the so-called Balkans route - which she officially opposed - during the migrant crisis. Of course, any victory or concession would be claimed by Mr Seehofer, who will argue it was he who pushed her into action. He has little interest in watching the coalition fall apart. Few of its members do. Fresh elections would be a horror show for the Social Democrats, who are languishing in the opinion polls. There would be little gain for the CSU in seeing the government fail. Already, this episode is inflicting injury - one weekend opinion poll suggests the coalition has lost its majority. For now the drama is on hold. But this is no compromise. And it leaves Mrs Merkel, already weakened by a poor showing in the September elections and damaged by her subsequent difficulty in forming a government, terribly wounded. If those episodes represented the beginning of the end, this showdown is surely a staging post along the way. The German chancellor looks weary, worn down, out of energy. The way she steadily works away at challenges does not have the shine, the catchiness of the populist rhetoric with which she is battling. She has barely responded publicly to several days of furious attacks from the CSU. On Sunday evening, Mrs Merkel gathered with senior members of her party to watch Germany being beaten by Mexico in the group stage of the World Cup before discussing the government crisis. The result is not the best of omens for the chancellor who famously relishes the drama, the manoeuvring on the pitch. Germany is watching her now. Half of its population is willing her to come out on the attack instead of appearing to stand helplessly at the goal, watching as the balls sail past.

जर्मनी की चांसलर, एंजेला मर्केल, अपने राजनीतिक जीवन की लड़ाई का सामना कर रही हैं, क्योंकि देश के प्रवास और शरणार्थी नीति पर एक प्रमुख विवाद ने उन्हें 2005 से अपने पद से हटाने की धमकी दी है।


Cage: Important human rights group or apologists for terror?

Summary: As details emerged about the identity of "Jihadi John", the masked Islamic State militant pictured in several hostage videos, questions started to arise about Cage, the advocacy group that had been in close contact with the man now known to be called Mohammed Emwazi between 2009 and 2012.

By Henrietta McMickingBBC News Cage has caused controversy by suggesting that MI5 harassment could have contributed to the radicalisation of the Kuwaiti-born computer graduate who grew up in west London. Human rights groups say they are doing "vital work" but critics have called the organisation "apologists for terror". Cage describes itself as "an independent organisation working to empower communities impacted by the War on Terror" and has spoken out against the UK's anti-terrorism laws. Cage said Mohammed Emwazi had sought their assistance after being interrogated by a British security official in the Netherlands following an attempted visit to Tanzania. Prime Minister David Cameron has defended the security services amid criticism that they failed to stop Mohammed Emwazi from leaving the UK for Syria. London Mayor Boris Johnson said accusations that the security services were at fault were "incredible". He said: "It is beyond satire and amounts to nothing less than an apology for terror". 'Unwise language' Lord Carlile, the former independent reviewer of terror legislation for the government, said: "At the very least Cage are guilty of sloppy thinking and very unwise language. "Before they can command any credibility from the wider community, they should make it clear that they reject the murder by ISIL of Christians and of Muslims who disagree with their views, and that they reject beheading and burning people alive. "They should also give clear advice that joining ISIL constitutes a criminal act." 'Hypocrisy ferments extremism' But the human rights lawyer Clive Stafford Smith defended the "vital" work of Cage and denied they are apologists for terrorism. He said: "They do important work and the UK authorities need to understand that alienating moderate Muslims is the worst thing that could possibly be done at this time. "I myself represent those said to be 'terrorists' and since Magna Carta, in 1215, we have presumed people innocent rather than guilty. "If criticism must be levelled, it should be aimed at those who betray the fundamentals of our legal system by locking people up without trials, or just assassinating people with drones. "Of the people who they said were the worst of the worst terrorists in the world, we have thus far demonstrated that at least 750 out of 779 were not - and that is a 96% error rate by the CIA and others. "While I do not know enough about the individual cases of Mohammed Emwazi and Michael Adebolajo and their radicalisation, it is clear beyond dispute that when we jettison our principles we make ourselves hypocrites and hypocrisy is the yeast that ferments extremism." What is Cage? Cage, formerly known as Cageprisoners, was set up in London in 2004, and has just four full-time employees. Moazzem Begg joined the group when he was released from Guantanamo in 2005 and is still the outreach director of the organisation. In February last year Mr Begg was arrested and held at Belmarsh prison on terrorism charges relating to the civil war in Syria. He was released after seven months, when all charges were dropped. Cage told the BBC that in the past they had been funded by the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust and the Roddick Foundation. However, Cage said their bank accounts were frozen last year, at the time of Mr Begg's arrest. Although he was cleared of all criminal charges, the organisation's accounts have not been reinstated and Cage say they now rely on community support. The Charity Commission told the BBC: "We have compliance cases open into both the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust and the Roddick Foundation. "In both cases the Commission's regularity concerns are about how the trustees have ensured that charitable grants made to non-charitable bodies are only used for exclusively charitable purposes in line with their objectives. "This regulatory engagement has included robustly examining each charity's decisions to previously make grants to Cage, which is not a charity. "Public statements made in the last few days by Cage raise clear questions for a charity considering funding its activities as to how they could comply with their legal duties as charity trustees." Cage cases: Following the naming of Mohammed Emwazi, Cerie Bullivant, press officer at Cage, said: "There is going to be pressure on Muslims to condemn and apologise, but we must remember we are humans like every one else. "We feel the same shock and terror when we see these sights on TV, whether it is barrel bombs or beheadings. "We should not have to justify our humanity by running out and feeding into this idea that all Muslims are culpable for the actions of one person."

जैसे ही कई बंधक वीडियो में चित्रित इस्लामिक स्टेट के नकाबपोश आतंकवादी "जिहादी जॉन" की पहचान के बारे में विवरण सामने आया, केज के बारे में सवाल उठने लगे, जो वकालत करने वाला समूह था जो 2009 और 2012 के बीच उस व्यक्ति के साथ निकट संपर्क में था जिसे अब मोहम्मद एमवाज़ी कहा जाता है।


Homeless in US: A deepening crisis on the streets of America

Summary: They seem to be almost everywhere, in places old and new, no age spared. Sleeping on cardboard or bare ground, the homeless come together under bridges and tree s , their belongings in plastic bags symbolising lives on the move. Many have arrived on the streets just recently, victims of the same prosperity that has transformed cities across the US West Coast. As officials struggle to respond to this growing crisis , some say things are likely to get worse.

By Hugo BachegaBBC News, Portland, Oregon Vibrant Portland, Oregon's largest city, has long lured many. It is the City of Roses, of pleasant climate, rich culture and progressive thinking. It is also an innovation hub, part of what is called Silicon Forest, and new residents have moved here in these post-recession years attracted by its high-tech companies and their well-paid jobs. But the bonanza, unsurprisingly, has not come to everyone. Booming demand in an area with limited housing offers quickly drove the cost of living up, and those who were financially on the limit lost the ability they once had to afford a place. Many were rescued by family and friends, or government programmes and non-profit groups. Others, however, ended up homeless. The lucky ones have found space in public shelters. Not a few are now in tents and vehicles on the streets. "Even though the economy has never been stronger," Mayor Ted Wheeler, a Democrat, said, "inequality [is] growing at an alarming rate and the benefits from a [growing] economy are increasingly concentrated in fewer and fewer hands... We have increasing disparity all across the United States, and that's definitely impacting people." His city is indeed not alone. Homelessness has increased in other thriving West Coast cities that are destinations for young, well-educated workers, like San Francisco and Seattle, where the blame has also largely fallen on rapidly rising costs and evictions. Exact numbers are always hard to come by but 553,742 people were homeless on a single night across the US in 2017, the Department of Housing and Urban Development said, the first rise in seven years. (The figure, however, was still 13% lower than in 2010.) Declines in 30 states were overshadowed by big surges elsewhere, with California, Oregon and Washington among the worst. Los Angeles, where the situation has been described as unprecedented, had more than 50,000 people without homes, behind only New York City, which had some 75,000. Joseph Gordon, known as Tequila, has lived in a homeless camp called Hazelnut Grove since its creation in 2015, when Portland first declared a state of emergency over the crisis. "It's very scary. [The] people I have come across," said the 37-year-old, "are from every single walk of life. And the homeless population is getting bigger and bigger." Multnomah County reported 4,177 people homeless on a single night last year, a 10% rise from 2015 - many believed the number was even higher. Exposing tensions, the president of Portland Police Association controversially said in July the city had become "a cesspool", a comment the mayor dismissed as "ridiculous". Tequila arrived from Cincinnati, Ohio, in 2011 and said they (Tequila is a transgender man and asks to be referred by this pronoun) became homeless after losing the apartment they shared with a former violent partner. "Being out on the street you deal with all sorts of things [like] having to relax with living with rats. You also start to appreciate running water or when you can go to the bathroom anytime you want," said Tequila. (People usually thought Tequila was Mexican because of the colour of their skin, and the nickname was in reference to Jose Cuervo, the tequila brand.) The self-governed community of small wooden structures next to a highway had more than a dozen residents, half of them with some sort of income, Tequila said. "If there was access to actual affordable housing they would take it." In Portland, the rent of a one-bed flat is, on average, $1,136 (£867), which is out of reach for those who rely on Social Security cheques, topped at $735 locally, or earn the minimum wage, $12 per hour. (Officials said half of the 1,300 units to be created would be reserved to those with extremely low income.) Elderly people and minorities have been disproportionally affected, according to a study by Portland State University, which said technology could result in thousands of low-paid jobs being cut, probably making things even worse. "We have a housing market that's really unaffordable for folks at the lowest income level," said Shannon Singleton, Executive Director of Join, a charity that helps homeless people return to permanent housing. "There's a real lack of hope. Folks are struggling to see the ability to end their homelessness and get back in the [market]." While some defend Tequila's camp as a model for an alternative solution, authorities have said it will, eventually, have to go. No date has been set yet but there have been troubles with nearby neighbours recently. Homelessness, in Portland and beyond, seems to be more visible than ever. Residents are growing frustrated with the smell of urine, human faeces and abandoned objects littering public spaces and, sometimes, their own doorsteps. In certain places, there is the feeling that this is a fight being lost. But this is a crisis long in the making. Cuts by the federal government to affordable housing programmes and mental health facilities in the last few decades helped send many to the streets nationwide, officials and service providers said, as local authorities were unable to fill the gaps. The current affordability problem is now adding to it. Australian academic Philip Alston, the UN special rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, travelled across the US for two weeks last December in a mission that included visits to Los Angeles and San Francisco. It resulted in a scathing report in which he said the American dream was, for many, rapidly becoming the American illusion - the Trump administration strongly criticised his findings. The future, he warned in an interview, did not look promising. "The federal government's policies under this administration have been to cut back, as much as possible, on various housing benefits and I think the worst is probably yet to come." Other rich countries have faced rising homelessness, too, as the most vulnerable feel the burden of austerity policies, rising costs and unemployment. But in most parts of Europe, for example, there was still a "robust welfare safety net", Mr Alston said, to help those at risk. "In essence, if you're in Europe, you get access to necessary health care, psychological, physical rehabilitation... That contrasts dramatically with the US." Across the country, many say the homeless are unfairly targeted by authorities and that they end up criminalised by their status when accused of offences like sleeping rough, begging and public urination. In August, a federal appeals court ruled that people could not be prosecuted for sleeping on the streets when there was no shelter available. In Portland, the police oversight agency is reviewing how officers interact with homeless people - many suffering from drug addiction and mental health issues - after a report suggested they accounted for 52% of the arrests recorded last year, despite being a tiny fraction of the local population of some 640,000. "People are simply trying to survive and they don't have means to do so," said Kimberly McCullough, Policy Director of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Oregon. "We're seeing a crisis of our humanity and how we're going to treat and help each other." Tequila, however, was not surprised. "Of course there are tensions," they said. "If a police officer is having a bad day... the easiest target is a homeless person, especially the ones who are by themselves." Back at Hazelnut Grove, Tequila, who had found a part-time job, was asking for donations of toilet paper, garbage bags and shampoo. They were gathering documents to join a local affordable housing programme but did not expect to move from the camp any time soon. "A high homeless situation is not a good [sign], especially when you're the richest country," Tequila said. "There's very little hope. It's a dire situation." Follow Hugo on Twitter: @hugobachega

ऐसा लगता है कि वे लगभग हर जगह हैं, पुराने और नए स्थानों पर, कोई उम्र नहीं बची है। कार्डबोर्ड या नंगे मैदान पर सोते हुए, बेघर लोग पुलों और पेड़ों के नीचे एक साथ आते हैं, प्लास्टिक की थैलियों में उनका सामान चलते-फिरते जीवन का प्रतीक है। कई लोग हाल ही में सड़कों पर आए हैं, उसी समृद्धि के शिकार हैं जिसने यूएस वेस्ट कोस्ट के शहरों को बदल दिया है। जब अधिकारी इस बढ़ते संकट का जवाब देने के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे हैं, तो कुछ का कहना है कि चीजें बदतर होने की संभावना है।


The forgotten Swiss diplomat who rescued thousands from Holocaust

Summary: A Swiss diplomat has been credited with leading the largest civilian rescue operation of World War Two. But instead of being applauded for saving thousands of Jewish lives, he was reprimanded and - until recently - largely forgotten, as the BBC's Imogen Foulkes reports.

In a suburb of Switzerland's capital, Berne, there is a quiet street called Carl Lutz Weg. Ask people passing by, and no one seems to know much about him. Read the fine print on the street sign, though, and there is a clue: Swiss Vice-Consul to Budapest, 1942 to 1945. There are more clues at the Swiss Department of Foreign Affairs. It holds bound volumes containing thousands of letters, each stamped by the government of Switzerland, each with photographs of families. The Geigers: Sandor, Istvan, Eva and Janos. Or the Brettlers: Izsak, Mina and Dora. They are a record of Carl Lutz's attempts to stop the Nazis deporting thousands of Jews from Budapest to the death camps. Switzerland's Schindler? A seasoned diplomat, Lutz had served as the Swiss consul to Palestine, then under British mandate, in the 1930s. He was transferred to Budapest in 1942. Hungary had already joined the war on Germany's side in 1941, and in 1944 the Nazis occupied the country. "After the German occupation of Budapest, the Hungarian Jewry in the countryside was in very quick succession deported to Auschwitz," says Holocaust expert Charlotte Schallié. "Lutz realised he needed to act very quickly." Read more on the Holocaust: Ms Schallié believes that what Lutz went on to do means he can be compared to Oskar Schindler, the German who saved Jews by employing them in his factories (and who was later immortalised in the film Schindler's List). Protective passports As an envoy for neutral Switzerland, Lutz represented the interests of countries who had closed their embassies in Hungary, including Britain and the United States. So he began by placing under Swiss protection anyone connected to the countries he represented. One of them was Agnes Hirschi. She had been born in the UK to Hungarian parents who later returned home to Budapest. "My mother and I went to the Swiss consulate," she says. "We were all dressed up. Carl Lutz was there at a big desk. And he gave me a protective passport." But to save Budapest's Jews, Lutz needed to go further. He persuaded the Germans to let him issue diplomatic letters of protection, 8,000 of them. He then applied the letters not to individuals, as the Germans had intended, but to entire families. And once he reached 7,999, he simply started again at number 1, hoping the Nazis would not notice the duplication. Historians estimate the letters saved up to 62,000 people. "It is the largest civilian rescue operation of the Second World War," says Charlotte Schallié. Other diplomats learnt from Lutz's methods and did the same - chief among them was Swedish envoy Raoul Wallenberg. Lutz's efforts frustrated Nazi officials in Budapest so much they requested permission from Berlin to have him assassinated - although this was never carried out. Safe houses As it became clear that Germany would lose the war, Nazi operations in Hungary became more and more brutal. Rather than organise deportations, they began taking Jewish families to the banks of the River Danube and shooting them. In response, Carl Lutz set up 76 safe houses. Technically in Switzerland's territory, the shelters took in thousands. Sweden and the Red Cross set up safe houses too. Altogether there were 120 across Budapest. Agnes Hirschi remembers taking shelter in the Swiss consulate itself in December 1944, as Budapest braced itself for a bloody battle with the Soviet Army. "I celebrated my seventh birthday in that cellar," she says. "And Carl Lutz was a very nice man. He had some chocolate for me, which he had saved." Budapest was pounded for two months. "The Russians came down to the cellar, and they were terrible-looking men," says Agnes. "For weeks they didn't shave and they didn't wash. "They wanted watches, and they wanted alcohol. They even drank the eau de cologne of my mother." Agnes could finally leave the cellar in February 1945, when the Battle of Budapest ended in Soviet victory. Bitter homecoming For Carl Lutz, the war was over, and he was ordered back to Berne. But the arrival in Switzerland was a shock. Lutz had expected to be welcomed at the border. "The huge disappointment was that there was no-one," he remembered in an interview shortly before his death in 1975. "I was just asked, 'Do you have anything to declare?'" Far from being commended for his bravery, Lutz was reprimanded for overstepping his authority. "No one thanked me, they just told me I was lucky to survive the war. No government minister even shook my hand." Why was Switzerland so churlish? One initial reason: the Russians had arrested other Swiss diplomats in Budapest, and the priority was to get them back. Another, says historian Francois Wisard, is a Swiss aversion to celebrating heroes. "In Switzerland you do not like the cult of personality. Other countries may have more of this. I think what he did was quite extraordinary, but I am reluctant to use the word hero." Neutrality comes first But the key reason is Switzerland's neutrality. As the Cold War began, and for decades afterwards, acknowledging Lutz's actions, however heroic, did not fit the Swiss determination to be completely neutral at all times. Still, the Swiss diplomat did find some happiness in the ruins of Budapest. After the war Carl Lutz married Agnes's mother, and today Agnes still works to keep alive the memory of the man who became her stepfather. "I think he was a hero," she says. "He was a very shy man, it was not necessarily in his nature to do what he did. But he saw the misery of the Jews and he thought he had to help." Carl Lutz has been honoured by many countries: Israel, Germany, Hungary, and the United States. Next year a room will be named after him in his old place of work, the Swiss Department of Foreign Affairs. But still, ask most people in Switzerland about Carl Lutz, and the answer will be "who?"

एक स्विस राजनयिक को द्वितीय विश्व युद्ध के सबसे बड़े नागरिक बचाव अभियान का नेतृत्व करने का श्रेय दिया जाता है। लेकिन हजारों यहूदियों की जान बचाने के लिए उनकी सराहना किए जाने के बजाय, उन्हें फटकार लगाई गई और-हाल तक-बड़े पैमाने पर भुला दिया गया, जैसा कि बीबीसी के इमोजेन फॉक्स ने बताया।


Man suffers fractured skull before Birmingham FA Cup tie

Summary: Two men have been questioned by police after a man believed to be on his way to an FA Cup game was left with a fractured skull in an attack.

The victim, 22, was "knocked to the floor" on Cattell Road, Birmingham, about 15 minutes before the game at St Andrews on Saturday, police said. Officers said the area had been busy with Coventry and Birmingham City fans. The men, 25 and 45, were arrested on suspicion of assault and released under investigation as inquiries continue. The victim remains in a stable condition in hospital. A spokesman for West Midlands Police said officers understood the victim was a fan on his way to the game, but were still exploring the full circumstances. The force appealed for witnesses to come forward. Follow BBC West Midlands on Facebook, on Twitter, and sign up for local news updates direct to your phone.

एफ. ए. कप खेल के लिए जा रहे एक व्यक्ति के हमले में खोपड़ी टूटने के बाद पुलिस ने दो लोगों से पूछताछ की है।


Drug dealer arrested after mistaking police car for taxi

Summary: An alleged drug dealer in Copenhagen received an unwanted surprise for Christmas when he jumped into the back of a taxi with about 1,000 joints on him, only to find it was a police car.

Danish police said the man was rushing home when he made the grave error. The mistake occurred in Christiania, a semi-autonomous district of the capital founded by hippies in the 1970s and known as a centre for the drug trade. Police said the man could face a custodial sentence. The full statement from the force earlier in the week read: "Last night a cannabis dealer from Christiania who wanted to get home quickly got into a taxi. He received a big surprise when he realised it was actually a police car he was sitting in. "The police officers were happy to see him, since he was carrying around 1,000 joints." Cannabis is illegal in Denmark, with prohibitions on dealing and possession. Police have carried out a number of raids in the Christiania district in recent months, mostly seeking out drug dealers rather than the other way around.

कोपनहेगन में एक कथित ड्रग डीलर को क्रिसमस के लिए एक अवांछित आश्चर्य प्राप्त हुआ जब वह लगभग 1,000 जोड़ों के साथ एक टैक्सी के पीछे कूद गया, केवल यह पता लगाने के लिए कि यह एक पुलिस कार थी।


Hollie Kerrell: Trial date for man accused of murder

Summary: A 35-year-old man from Powys has appeared in court after being charged with the murder of his wife.

Christopher Llewellyn Kerrell, from Whitton near Knighton is accused of killing 28-year-old mother-of-three Hollie Kerrell. Kerrell, who denies the charge, appeared at Cardiff Crown Court on Monday for a plea and trial preparation hearing. Prosecutor Michael Jones QC said he will stand trial in October. Mrs Kerrell went missing from her home in Knucklas, Powys, on April 22 and her body was found three days later. Judge Eleri Rees, the Recorder of Cardiff, remanded Kerrell in custody until his next court appearance.

पाविस का एक 35 वर्षीय व्यक्ति अपनी पत्नी की हत्या के आरोप में अदालत में पेश हुआ है।


Academy Museum: Why this could be a mecca for movie fans

Summary: Plans for something like it have been around for decades - and Hollywood has seen several planned opening dates come and go. But in Los Angeles this September the Academy Museum of Motion Pictures is finally to open, with some online programmes kicking in next month.

By Vincent DowdArts correspondent, BBC News So after the endless arguments over funding and design and purpose - what will visitors actually find when the doors open? For decades, starting in 1939, what sat in Los Angeles at the junction of Wilshire and Fairfax was the May Company Building. The department store was a classic example of US "Streamline Moderne" design. In the 1990s, the Los Angeles County Museum of Art took up residence in the building but it never found the cash to complete ambitious redevelopment. Then the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences took on the site: it was the Oscar organisation's chance finally to build the big, world-class museum it has wanted almost since it began in the 1920s. There followed the traditional unfathomable arguments about finance, design, how well the project was being led and why on earth the city needed a museum like this anyway. Covid-19 added to the delays. In 2019, Kerry Brougher - the fine arts curator brought in to lead the museum to opening - departed. He was replaced as director by Bill Kramer. Culture-loving Angelinos followed the crises with rapt interest. But most tourists and visitors to the city (assuming by September there are any) will have one thought: Movies are great but does that necessarily translate to a brilliant museum? Now journalists around the world have been given an extended virtual tour to show off the glitzy new building and explain what will be inside. The Academy describe the museum as a two building campus. As well as the five-storey 1939 site, now totally reworked, there is an entirely new spherical building next-door designed by Italian architect Renzo Piano (co-designer of the Pompidou Centre in Paris and much else). One of the great attraction draws is expected to be the attractive viewing terrace on top of the new building. Between the buildings run two bridges, one known as the Barbra Streisand Bridge. That's far from the only star name: there's also the Debbie Reynolds Conservation Studio and a Shirley Temple Education Studio. The Spielberg Family Gallery will feature a 10-minute filmed introduction to cinema and its history, featuring bits of some 700 films. Though Kramer is thought to have pushed the museum more towards temporary installations, the Spielberg Family Gallery will be part of the longer-term offering. There will be two cinemas - a 1,000 seater and a compact 288-seat venue - with several screenings daily. The bigger cinema has space for a large orchestra but it's far too small ever to hold the Oscars ceremony there. One of the obvious key notes is an attention to diversity, both in today's cinema and over the past century. The museum says it's going to celebrate film but also explore "less proud moments in the histories of the Academy and the film industry". Those whose work will be celebrated when the museum opens include well-known names such as Bruce Lee, Orson Welles and film editor Thelma Schoonmaker. But also featured will be Oscar Micheaux (born 1884), less familiar to the public but one of the first African Americans to make an impression as a film producer and director. Some of the galleries will celebrate particular aspects of movie-making - from production design and casting to make-up and sound mixing. That may suggest the parts of Oscar Night which tend to get short shrift from the media. But the Academy also promises it won't dodge heavy political issues such as the decades-long under-representation of women and ethnic minorities and the #OscarsSoWhite campaign which began in 2015. The museum is trying to give the broadest possible picture of movie history. To open in September there will be an exhibition devoted to the 1939 classic The Wizard of Oz and others on the work of Spain's Pedro Almodovar and of Japanese film-maker Hayao Miyazaki. One popular feature is bound to be the Virtual Reality exhibit which allows you to pick up an Academy Award on the stage of the Dolby Theatre (in your dreams). For the moment the impressive list of what the Academy Museum of Motion Pictures will feature when it opens in September is just that - a list. It's hard to get a sense of what a visit will feel like. But the Academy has persisted through plenty of squabbles and tricky times to get to this point - with Covid-19 thrown in latterly to make things even tougher. Despite the problems along the way there's a will in Hollywood to make the new museum work. Follow us on Facebook or on Twitter @BBCNewsEnts. If you have a story suggestion email entertainment.news@bbc.co.uk.

कुछ इस तरह की योजनाएँ दशकों से चल रही हैं-और हॉलीवुड ने कई नियोजित उद्घाटन तिथियों को आते और जाते देखा है। लेकिन लॉस एंजिल्स में इस सितंबर में एकेडमी म्यूजियम ऑफ मोशन पिक्चर्स आखिरकार खुलने वाला है, जिसमें कुछ ऑनलाइन कार्यक्रम अगले महीने से शुरू हो रहे हैं।