'A white family raised me - I learned to love being black'

Summary: Gina Atinuke Knight's white mum loved her, but her childhood in a white family meant it took her years to embrace her blackness. Her hair was one of the first things she came to love, which is why she became a hair blogger and wig-maker.

When I was eight or nine, my family started going on caravan holidays. We went to beautiful places like Clacton-on-Sea and Whitstable, but the truth is, I found these holidays depressing. I stuck out like a sore thumb. I often felt the gaze of others, not just because I was usually the only black person in the caravan park, but because I was a little black girl walking around with my white parents. I was born in a private clinic in London in 1983, to my biological mum, a middle-class Nigerian woman. When she gave birth to me, she was 22 and unmarried. So she made the decision to leave me in the care of a white "nanny". It wasn't particularly uncommon for Nigerian parents of the 70s and 80s to leave their children in the care of white nannies in the UK while they returned to live in Nigeria. It indicated a certain status. It would convey an image that the child would be living in England, being looked after by a white nanny and learning the Queen's English. But the reality was far less glamorous. We would live in the house with these white female carers and their families and at best, we would be treated like one of their own children. But this process known as private fostering was completely unregulated, so I've heard some horror stories. My biological mum placed an advert in the local newspaper, looking for a nanny when I was still a baby - 11 months old, to be precise - and the next time I would see her again I was six years old. A couple answered the advert. They were everyday working class people from south London and they became the people who I would forever see as my parents. So I was a black child living in South Norwood, in a predominantly black area with my white parents and their two biological children. Growing up, I was always aware our skin complexions were different, so I never had that eureka moment: "Oh, I'm black and you're white!" Of course, classmates at primary school had questions. "Is that your granddad? "Is that your auntie?" Though people asked that more because my parents were quite old, I think, and not so much because they were a different race from me. My primary school best friend was mixed race and her mum was a dark skinned black woman. While I loved spending time with my best friend, I think I may have loved being around her mum more. My friend's mum had a job in the City and drove a pink jeep, so even at a young age, I clung to someone who was successful and resembled me. If I was a child today, living with my parents, people would ask me if they were woke. The answer? No. As long as I was clothed, fed and looked happy, they thought they were doing a good job in terms of parenting. If I'm honest, I don't think they were able to look beyond the surface. My mum bought me a few black dolls and tried to push me into friendships with other black girls on my street throughout my childhood, but it never really worked out because I wanted to pick my own friends. When I think about my mum, I know she loved me. I will never forget when she marched into school after a teacher made the assumption I couldn't read. I was shy and an introvert at school, but she was furious with my teacher's unfair and untrue claim. I will never forget it because it was her way of protecting me. If she was still alive, I'm sure she would have been a hands-on grandmother to my daughters, and as a consequence I would still be in touch with my dad and older siblings. My dad, on the other hand, only tolerated my presence. On our caravan holidays, it would be my parents and my sister and me, as my brother was 18 years older than me. The four of us would go out for family meals and my dad would make comments like: "It would have been cheaper minus the one." "The one" was me. I had been in his care since I was 11 months old, and by this stage he and my mum were my legal guardians, so this was a hurtful thing to say. When my mum died, I was 21. Following her death, my dad made no effort to contact me or show that he cared. My brother also made it clear he didn't see me as part of the family. When he was getting married, I was going to be a bridesmaid, but he refused to have me, as he didn't want me to attract attention. I remember saying: "I don't want to be a bridesmaid anyway." If I could go back and choose what type of life I would live, I wouldn't choose a life where I was brought up by white parents again. I wouldn't want to go home and feel different. It's strange because growing up where I did, the community was predominately black, so I fitted in outside my front door. I felt most alien inside my front door. I even changed my name to Gina from my birth name Atinuke. I wanted to fit in with my family at home who had traditional English names. When my biological mother returned to London to visit, I didn't feel like I fitted in with her and that side of my family either. I remember when I was 13, my mum was staying in North London and she would have Nigerian friends round. They would speak to me in Yoruba and before I could say a word she would say: "She doesn't know how to speak Yoruba." She would answer swiftly in the hope of filling the silence when I wouldn't respond. The truth is she was embarrassed that although I was a Nigerian child, I didn't understand or have a connection to Nigerian culture. Not understanding the language of my heritage country Nigeria, my afro not being styled to her standards and not being afraid to answer her back - these were telltale signs that I was more British than Nigerian. I didn't fit in with my Nigerian family or my white family. Looking back I was caught in a bewildering and intricate web of identity politics. That was all down to my biological mother and her belief that white people were the best people to raise me. A turning point in figuring out who I was and embracing my blackness came in secondary school. Just like when I was a little black girl in primary school, I enjoyed being around successful older black women. Every new academic year, my school paired us up with mentors. When I was 14, I was mentored by a black woman called June, who was a solicitor. Growing up without black female role models I felt limited in what I could achieve. I didn't see black women doing art. I didn't believe black women could be magazine editors, because I didn't know or see any. Yet, June changed my thinking. Spending time with her left me feeling 10ft tall and that I could do anything. June was the important first step in helping me embrace who I was and who I wanted to be as a young black woman. Another was meeting my best friend in secondary school - still my best friend today - which opened me up to a different world. At her house, I was introduced to beautiful and traditional Jamaican foods such as ackee, rather than eating my mum's well-intentioned but disastrous jollof rice, made with ketchup rather than red peppers and plum tomatoes. When we got cable, I began watching shows like The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air, which was a refreshing change from the sounds of country singer, Tammy Wynette, even though I did learn to love country music. Watching this black family on television navigate different hurdles in life from dating to racism gave me another set of role models, a different story of what it means to be a black person. Yet it wasn't only Fresh Prince and my friends that helped me embrace my blackness - I soon replaced Bunty with Black Hair magazine and I found a deep connection to my race-hair. Growing up, my family had struggled with my afro. My sister, attempted to put it in two big chunky plaits, but usually my parents just cut it extremely short and smothered it in Brylcreem. I was even passed around different black women on my street, who tried to right the wrongs of my family's attempts at my hair. Yet in my teens I started learning how to do my hair myself. I had to learn from scratch, because I didn't have anyone to teach me. I learnt how to put braids in and how to style my natural hair - I became obsessed with it. When talking about food, language and other parts of black culture, in particular Nigerian culture, I am conscious that I'm culturally catching up because I didn't grow up with Nigerian parents. Talking about hair with another black woman gives me a natural connection, so maybe it's not surprising that I now make my living as a wig maker and through my Instagram accounts where I document my hair journey and the wigs I make. In my adult years, I've been on a personal journey to embrace my Nigerian identity by connecting with African spirituality and making my birth name Atinuke my middle name. I like it now and having my two daughters, Freya and Florence, I want them to be proud of their Nigerian side. I want them to be proud of their blackness. We live in a predominantly white area and with them being mixed-race, I want them to embrace of all aspects of their identity. I have reconnected with my biological mother in Nigeria. It's not quite a mother-and-daughter relationship but she has said that she's proud of whom I've become and the mother I am - she told me so in a recent text message. Recently, I've been thinking about starting groups for black adults who were privately fostered. The first time I ever heard about someone who had same upbringing as me was when I was 27 years old. My partner, John, bought me a book called Precious, about a young black girl brought up by white parents. I want us to talk about these experiences because if I had been able to speak about them, maybe I wouldn't have felt so isolated. There are so many black adults who have had this childhood and there should be a space to have interesting and cathartic conversations and that would be nothing but positive. As told to Tobi Oredein. Follow Tobi on Twitter @IamTobiOredein Photos courtesy of Gina Atinuke Knight More from BBC Stories 'My hair is a symbol of pride' - Six stories about black women's hair Join the conversation - find us on Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and Twitter.

गिना एटिनुके नाइट की श्वेत माँ उसे प्यार करती थी, लेकिन एक श्वेत परिवार में उसके बचपन का मतलब था कि उसे अपने कालेपन को गले लगाने में कई साल लग गए। उसके बाल पहली चीजों में से एक थी जिससे वह प्यार करने लगी, यही कारण है कि वह एक हेयर ब्लॉगर और विग-मेकर बन गई।


George Osborne: How will his time as chancellor be remembered?

Summary: George Osborne has now returned to the back benches, a stunning fall for a man who only ever had one Cabinet post, chancellor of the Exchequer. He had been in charge of the nation's finances since 2010

By Jonty BloomBusiness correspondent, BBC News It has been long assumed that he was using the position, and his ability to promote his supporters, as the launch pad for a move from No 11 to No 10 Downing Street - just as Gordon Brown did. The referendum result changed all that. His lead role in campaigning against Brexit, with dire warnings about the economic consequences of a vote to leave the EU, pulled the rug from under his own feet. It seems clear that his previous insistence on austerity does not sit well with new Prime Minister Theresa May's ideas. Her campaign speech on Monday was probably the death sentence for Mr Osborne's political career. "We need an economy that works for everyone," she said. "It is apparent to anybody who is in touch with the real world that people do not feel our economy works that way at all." But how will his six years in the number two job of British politics be remembered? Growth Well, George Osborne inherited an economy that had suffered its worst recession in decades and a massive level of government borrowing. His response was to try to slash government spending and raise taxes to bring the deficit down. Even now, some economists think this was the wrong policy and prolonged the downturn, or at least slowed the recovery. But the chancellor stuck to his guns and his greatest triumph was that he won that argument, and was able to steer a new course for the British economy as a result. Growth has been steady and unemployment fell dramatically, all while reducing the size of the civil service and many departmental budgets dramatically. George Osborne also pushed the government's agenda of a "Northern Powerhouse", trying to rebalance the economy towards manufacturing and exports and reverse the dominance of London and the South East. But over the years the chancellor has had to soften his fiscal plans. First, Mr Osborne wanted to balance the budget by 2015, then 2017, 2019 and finally 2020. He used those promises to maintain the confidence of the markets and to outmanoeuvre Labour, but never hit any of them. Now, with the expected downturn of the economy after the Brexit vote, he has abandoned them altogether. Having been told for six years that there was "no alternative" it seems there is; to borrow more for longer and to extend austerity for years to come. 'Omnishambles' Austerity is not dead, nor is the commitment to reduce government spending. It is just that the austerity will have to last much longer and the government will have to borrow even more in the meantime. For a supposedly slick political operator, some of his Budgets have been messy, not least his 2012 effort dubbed an "omnishambles Budget" by the then Labour leader, Ed Miliband. The chancellor cut the top rate of tax from 50% to 45% and tried to tax heated Cornish pasties and other hot snacks - the so-called "pasty tax". The reception of his Budget this year was not much better, with cuts to disability benefits which led to the resignation of Iain Duncan Smith. Eight years after the credit crunch, we still have interest rates at record lows, quantitative easing, massive borrowing, low productivity growth and now another downturn on the cards. But perhaps the greatest problem that Mr Osborne found after all those years of austerity, was that it was the most vulnerable who felt they were hit the hardest. They decided that the economy was not working for them. They did not believe Mr Osborne's warnings about what Brexit might mean, and voted to leave the EU against his advice.

जॉर्ज ओसबोर्न अब पीछे की बेंच पर लौट आए हैं, एक ऐसे व्यक्ति के लिए एक आश्चर्यजनक गिरावट जिसके पास केवल एक कैबिनेट पद था, राजकोष का कुलाधिपति। वह 2010 से देश के वित्त के प्रभारी थे।


Children in hospital after pool chemical incident

Summary: Two children have been taken to hospital after a suspected chemical leak at a holiday park swimming pool.

Ambulance and fire crews were called to an indoor pool at the Carlton Meres site near Saxmundham, Suffolk, at about 15:00 BST. East of England Ambulance Service said two adults and four children were assessed at the scene and two of the children were taken to hospital. Suffolk Fire and Rescue described it as a "hazardous materials" incident. Related Internet Links Suffolk Fire and Rescue Service East of England Ambulance Service

हॉलिडे पार्क स्विमिंग पूल में संदिग्ध रासायनिक रिसाव के बाद दो बच्चों को अस्पताल ले जाया गया है।


Royal Mail criticised for D-Day stamp mix-up

Summary: Royal Mail has withdrawn a stamp design marking the 75th anniversary of D-Day - after BBC News pointed out it showed US troops landing in what was Dutch New Guinea, nearly 8,500 miles from France.

By Becky Morton and Francesca GillettBBC News The stamp was due to be released next year in a "Best of British" collection. Captioned "Allied soldiers and medics wade ashore", it was said to depict the Normandy landings but was actually taken in what is modern-day Indonesia. People who saw the error in a social media preview called it "embarrassing". The image appears on the American National WWII Museum website, attributed to the US Coast Guard, and is said to show troops carrying stretchers from a landing craft at Sarmi, Dutch New Guinea on 17 May 1944. The D-Day landings did not take place until 6 June that year, when British, US and Canadian forces landed on the beaches of northern France. The landings were the first stage of Operation Overlord - the Allied invasion of Nazi-occupied Europe - and were intended to end World War Two. Royal Mail had revealed a preview of its 2019 Special Stamp programme, showcasing the "Best of British" on Thursday. Others depicted a red kite to celebrate the UK's birds of prey and commemorated the bicentenary of the birth of Queen Victoria. The 75th anniversary of the D-Day landings was to be marked by a set of 11 stamps, in what the Royal Mail called "a timely commemoration of all those who participated" using "images from the day itself". Paul Woodadge, 49, a D-Day historian and former tour guide living in Normandy, who is originally from Essex, said: "It's quite shocking really." Speaking before Royal Mail announced it was withdrawing the stamp, he said: "It's going to be the 75th anniversary of D-Day - the last one where there's any veterans around who will remember it. "These stamps are the kind of thing people will buy for their fathers and grandfathers." A Twitter account for World War Two tours of Jersey tweeted Royal Mail to point out that the featured ship, LCI-30, did not participate in the Normandy landings. Writing on Facebook, Peter Simpson said the stamp was "offensive and disrespectful of those that lost their lives on D-Day". Late on Thursday, a Royal Mail spokeswoman said: "We work very hard to ensure that our Special Stamp programme appropriately commemorates anniversaries and events that are relevant to UK heritage and life. "We would like to offer our sincere apologies that our preview release for our 2019 Special Stamp programme included a stamp design which had been incorrectly associated with the D-Day landings. "We can confirm that this image will not be part of the final set, which will be issued in June 2019."

रॉयल मेल ने डी-डे की 75वीं वर्षगांठ को चिह्नित करने के लिए एक डाक टिकट डिजाइन को वापस ले लिया है-जब बीबीसी न्यूज ने बताया कि इसमें अमेरिकी सैनिकों को फ्रांस से लगभग 8,500 मील दूर डच न्यू गिनी में उतरते हुए दिखाया गया है।


Fires, floods and mice: What it's like to work in a crumbling Parliament

Summary: The Palace of Westminster's famous towers, gilt and gargoyles exude grandeur. But descending into the basement which runs underneath the Houses of Parliament inspires a different kind of awe - alarm and anxiety.

By Esther WebberBBC News To go on a tour of the cavernous corridors below the building is to enter a seemingly never-ending network of claustrophobic passageways lined with huge tangles of protruding wires and pipes, taped up here and there, leaking, hot to the touch. Faults go unmended because the pipes are so entwined they cannot be safely dismantled, and boiling steam rushes through ancient plumbing all day and night because engineers are afraid if they switched it off they would not be able to get it back on again. The overall impression is of a temporary fix ready to give way to flood or fire at any moment. The team charged with keeping the whole thing ticking over says the basement gives the clearest image of how precarious the situation is. But increasingly the sticking plasters fall off and the failing fabric of the building gives way, making it difficult for the people who work there to do their jobs. What's it like inside Parliament? One assistant to a Conservative MP told the BBC that all the staff in her office on the lower-ground floor of the Palace had to relocate twice while asbestos was removed, and again after a pipe burst in the corridor. On one occasion, she was working in her office when a light fitting fell from the ceiling on to her desk. "They've taken the approach of just putting plasters on problems rather than overhauling it," she says, "so overall it's just a bit dodgy." "The walkway to the car park is usually so flooded underneath that the floor panels bounce around and your shoes get soaked." A Labour researcher recalled an occasion a few years ago when the toilets above Exeter MP Ben Bradshaw's office "leaked through and dripped onto papers, leaving horrid smells". The sight of mice running around is so commonplace that several parliamentary workers only mentioned it in passing, saying, "oh yeah, we've got loads" or "the place is riddled with them". A parliamentary spokesman said: "Providing a physical working environment that is as safe as we can possibly make it is an absolute priority." The Labour MP Meg Hillier has investigated options for the restoration of Parliament as chair of the Public Accounts Committee, but also has personal experience of doing battle with the dilapidated surroundings. She told the BBC of the "hole in the carpet which you have to remember where it is otherwise your foot goes through it". She added: "The plugs in my office buzz and spark - I take extra care to switch them all off before I leave because I'm terrified of a fire starting in there." The head of engineering on the estate, Andy Piper, says that if a fire were to start everyone could be evacuated, but at present he is not confident the building could be saved as it would not be safe for firefighters to enter. Warnings from history It's estimated that 60 small fires have started on the estate over the past 10 years, and 24 fire inspectors patrol the grounds on rotation. Caroline Shenton, author of several books on the history of the building, points out that concerns raised by MPs and architects in the 1830s about the condition of the accommodation went unanswered. In 1834, a massive fire destroyed both Houses of Parliament and other buildings on the site. "I do see a parallel because there had been years of attempts to change the accommodation, and the squabbles were exactly the same - over symbolism and expense," she says. Alexandra Meakin, a former clerk in Parliament and research associate at the University of Sheffield, summarises the situation as "desperate". She points out that most of the electricity and plumbing was originally put in after World War II and went out of date in the 1960s and 70s. Why has nothing happened? It's now been over a year since a specially convened committee recommended a complete relocation of all staff from the Palace of Westminster to allow major restoration works to take place. "Major" does not do justice to the scale of the programme - the head engineer at Parliament told the BBC there wasn't any comparable project in the UK. "People liken it to restoring a cathedral or a stately home, but that doesn't come close - and those places would not have hundreds of people working there, as well as being the seat of government." Even if the government were to give the green light tomorrow, it would take several years just to move people out and get reconstruction started. So why wait? There are some who believe it's essential for MPs to remain in place at all costs, and would prefer repairs to take place around them. As Conservative Sir Edward Leigh put it earlier this year: "This is not an office block. If it were I would agree we should move out, but it is not. "It is the centre of the nation and the nation should keep its debating chamber in this building." Others are of the view that there are better uses for £3.6bn - especially with the social housing shortage in the spotlight. Another Conservative MP, Shailesh Vara, summarised it thus: "When we are writing to our constituents and saying that they cannot have an additional few pounds for whatever they are seeking money for, do we really want to go to the public and say that, nevertheless, we want to spend billions of pounds on our place of work?" Meg Hillier doesn't buy this argument, reasoning: "The public aren't going to have much confidence in us if we can't keep our own house from falling down." What next? From a procedural perspective, a motion approving the restoration has to be brought forward and passed in government time. There has been speculation ministers are shying away from bringing it forward as they face the not-insignificant task of legislating for Brexit. Former Parliamentary clerk Alexandra Meakin says: "Given the cost of the programme, and the fear of media hostility - particularly in the wake of the Big Ben furore - there is very little incentive for the government to hold the debate." A spokesman for the leader of the Commons, Andrea Leadsom denied this, telling the BBC: "Discussions are ongoing within Parliament and efforts to arrive at a consensus continue." As Parliament resumes after recess, this could be the session in which MPs finally take action. But in the meantime, as one member of House services put it: "We are prisoners of the building's historic and iconic significance."

पैलेस ऑफ वेस्टमिंस्टर के प्रसिद्ध मीनार, गिल्ट और गारगोइल भव्यता से भरे हुए हैं। लेकिन संसद के सदनों के नीचे चलने वाले तहखाने में उतरना एक अलग तरह के भय-खतरे और चिंता को प्रेरित करता है।


Unsigned bands given Coventry Godiva Festival chance

Summary: Unsigned musicians from Coventry and Warwickshire are once again being given the chance to appear at one of the Midlands' biggest free festivals.

The Godiva Unsigned competition invites bands to submit their original music for a chance to play at the Godiva Festival in Coventry in June. Following live heats and semi-finals, six finalists will play the festival on 29 June. One overall winner will also open the main stage on 30 June. Heats will take place at Kasbah, Rosie Malones, Taylor John's House, The Albany Club and S7ven in April and May. Two winners from each venue will then go to the semi-finals held where judges will choose the six best acts. The Godiva Festival runs from 29 June - 1 July.

कोवेंट्री और वारविकशायर के अहस्ताक्षरित संगीतकारों को एक बार फिर मिडलैंड्स के सबसे बड़े मुफ्त समारोहों में से एक में दिखाई देने का मौका दिया जा रहा है।


Will Rishi Sunak cut shop prices to boost the High Street?

Summary: "Timely, temporary and targeted" was the advice given to the Treasury Select Committee on stimulating the economy by the former US Treasury Secretary Larry Summers in the depths of the 2008 financial crisis.

Faisal IslamEconomics editor@faisalislamon Twitter These words found their way into the pre-Budget documents to describe the immediate 13-month VAT cut from 17.5% to 15% announced by then Chancellor Alistair Darling. The same phrase was used by current Chancellor Rishi Sunak in his Budget in March to describe the first steps in pandemic support packages. And, following Germany's temporary 3% cut in VAT, the prospect of a similar tax cut is again up for discussion in the UK. The policy is certainly timely, because it can be enacted with immediate effect. And because it is reversible, it serves as a temporary stimulus. Stimulus In 2008, it was argued that a general VAT cut was targeted because it was aimed at supporting consumer confidence. But that is far more debatable. It certainly was expensive, though. The upfront cost was £13bn over two years, amounting to half of the Darling stimulus package. Most of this shifted spending in time into the cheaper VAT period. The net impact? A 1% increase in retail sales, just shy of the 0.5% overall boost to consumers predicted by the Treasury at the time, according to the Institute for Fiscal Studies. The argument floating around government earlier in the month was that there was little point in stimulating shops, restaurants and pubs that were not open. Physically enabling trade would be a prerequisite. The thinking in Germany was to incentivise spending and consumer confidence as soon as retail reopened, rather than see those who could not physically spend during lockdown, and were so forced to save, choosing to maintain high savings. Consumer confidence The point about the temporary cut is to get money flowing in the economy quickly. It has some interesting quirks as a policy. Back in late 2008, 43% of local shops only changed their prices at the till, leaving shelf prices unchanged. It is a considerable logistical cost to do so. However, the impact on consumer confidence was marked. There was a significant rise in sentiment towards both buying household goods and making major purchases, according to the Nationwide consumer confidence survey. The major purchases index went above boom time levels and continued even after VAT went back up, but then fell sharply when VAT was increased again under the Coalition in January 2011. The considerations here are whether the Treasury chooses to make this truly targeted on particular sectors - such as pubs and restaurants, rather than pass further boost to say mainly online retailers. The cost may be less than normal, too, given VAT revenues are in any case going to be sharply down. But it is still pricey. Also, it is unclear how much additional difference a 2.5% cut in prices will really achieve on top of already anticipated reopening sales and price cuts? Wherever things go, a clear decision will be needed quickly. Speculating that VAT will be cut in the near future will simply serve to delay purchases, as consumers wait for an anticipated saving.

2008 के वित्तीय संकट की गहराई में पूर्व अमेरिकी ट्रेजरी सचिव लैरी समर्स द्वारा अर्थव्यवस्था को प्रोत्साहित करने के लिए ट्रेजरी चयन समिति को "समय पर, अस्थायी और लक्षित" सलाह दी गई थी।


Behind the scenes at a Tokyo bridal salon

Summary: What does the way you look say about you? As part of the BBC's Identity season, we will be visiting hair salons in cities around the world. In Tokyo, we go behind the scenes at a bridal salon.

On the fifth floor of an apartment block in the upmarket Gotanda district of Tokyo, Hitomi Tezuka is preparing to put on a bridal kimono. It's a national holiday so it's quiet - she and her fiance Takeshi Sasaki are the only clients. They both work, so they're taking advantage of the holiday to have their wedding photographs taken. Among rows of pink and white western-style dresses hang beautifully-embroidered kimonos - real works of art that can cost more than a million yen (about $9,000; £6,000) to buy. The expense is the reason many people choose to rent their wedding outfits, says Miyoko Nagaiwa, the manager of Calane bridal salon - after all, they're only worn once. But even renting is costly. In many ways, Hitomi is thoroughly modern - she works as a golf instructor and she met her husband-to-be via social media. But she's also a bit old-fashioned. "I wanted to wear a kimono because it's our tradition," she says. She has only worn a kimono twice before, for coming-of-age ceremonies at three and 20. For the wedding itself she plans to wear a western-style dress. A kimono takes too long to put on, and she doesn't want to keep the guests waiting. Once she has put on the proper undergarments, Hitomi emerges from behind a curtain and sits down. A team of four women get to work on her hair and make-up. "The trend for hair now is a mixture of Japanese and Western-style," says Maki Ishiguro, the stylist, while she puts white lilies in Hitomi's hair. Hair and love are intertwined in Japanese culture. "A long time ago girls in Japan would cut their hair when they lost their love," says Hitomi. "Cutting your hair means cutting all your memories - it's a new start." She's growing her hair for her wedding in June. Hair styles are strictly regulated in Japan, and dyed hair is still frowned upon in certain quarters. Takeshi dyed his hair when he was a student, but that would not be acceptable now that he works in sales and has to entertain clients. As an athlete in high school, Hitomi was also expected to keep her hair black. "At golf tournaments you can't dye your hair because the mentality is that you should focus on the sport and not on following fashion," she says. "If you have time to dye your hair you should put more effort on improving your game." The couple started going out after Hitomi gave Takeshi a golf lesson. Takeshi says he likes "everything" about her. "Especially her behaviour is very nice. It's very Japanese traditional behaviour so it's very attractive for me," he says. "Behaviour is very important to survive in this society." "He is very gentle and thinks about me as first priority," says Hitomi about Takeshi. She also appreciates his work ethic. "I don't know much about his work but I see him working so hard, so that's one of the reasons I was attracted to him," she says. Hitomi has chosen a white kimono with the pattern of a crane, a bird that symbolises long life. It is paired with red lipstick and other bright red details. Takeshi says that the red and white represent Hitomi's rebirth into a new family. "She's white, like a baby, and the red means blood - the blood is connected from old family to new family," he says. Once an obi bustle pad is tied on, Hitomi is finally ready to put on the kimono itself. "This looks wonderful," she says, looking at herself in the mirror. It's a sunny day, so the couple head out to take have their picture taken at a shrine. Takeshi admits the shrine doesn't hold a huge religious significance to him. "It's important to marry," he says. "This is just ceremony." Photos and story by Vibeke Venema. Bridal photograph by Kayoko Nakashima. Go to bbc.com/salon for more stories of women's identity from the hairdresser's chair As people become increasingly connected and more mobile, the BBC is exploring how identities are changing. Catch up with programmes, downloads and clips from the season. Where are you going? - The surprising answers to a simple question Default World - The morals of the technical elite Learn more about the BBC's Identity season, find all the programmes or join the discussion on Twitter using the hashtag #BBCIdentity.

जिस तरह से आप दिखते हैं वह आपके बारे में क्या कहता है? बीबीसी के आइडेंटिटी सीज़न के हिस्से के रूप में, हम दुनिया भर के शहरों में हेयर सैलून का दौरा करेंगे। टोक्यो में, हम एक ब्राइडल सैलून में पर्दे के पीछे जाते हैं।


A celebration of Scotland's Munros and the man who listed them

Summary: To mark 100 years since the death of mountaineer Sir Hugh Munro, whose name is used to describe Scottish mountains with a height of 914m (3,000ft) or more, we asked climbers to pick their favourites from the list of 282 peaks.

"That's a very difficult question," says outdoor writer, photographer and long-distance walker Chris Townsend when asked to name the Munro closest to his heart. "Overall I think my favourite is Ben Macdui, because of its situation at the heart of a huge area of wild land and spectacular mountain scenery." Britain's second highest mountain, 1,309m (4,295ft) Ben Macdui is in the Cairngorms. The mountain is said to be haunted by a supernatural creature, The Big Grey Man of Ben Macdui. The myth describes him as a Scottish Bigfoot, said to loom large in shifting grey cloud. The Big Grey Man of Ben Macdui first came to prominence in the 1920s during a dinner speech at an annual gathering of the Cairngorm Club in Aberdeen. Its honorary president, the highly respected mountaineer Prof John Norman Collie, told of a frightening experience on Ben Macdui in the Cairngorms 35 years earlier. It is believed Prof Collie had been spooked by a weather effect know as a brocken spectre. Chris first climbed the Munro more than 40 years ago. "I've been walking in the Scottish hills since 1976 when I climbed Cairn Gorm and Ben Macdui, my first Munros," he says. "On the summit I feel far from anywhere and the views are tremendous. There's a feeling of seriousness, remoteness and vast space." 'My foot slipped' Rock climber and journalist Natalie Berry's favourite is another giant of the Scottish mountains. "Despite having grown up in the north of Glasgow from the age of three, it wasn't until my early 20s that I started venturing into the hills," she says. "As a rock climber, I haven't done nearly as many Munros as a hillwalker might notch up, but my favourite would have to be Ben Nevis." One of the best known Munros, Ben Nevis is Britain's highest mountain at 1,345m (4,413ft). Natalie reached its summit with Lochaber-based Ben Nevis expert Dave MacLeod having climbed a winter route together called Pink Panther. It was the first route Natalie had climbed on the Ben. "Leading up the snow slope to the summit was quite exciting, and as I pulled over the cornice at the top my foot slipped," she says. "Thankfully my axes held, but it was a nonetheless memorable moment." Who was Sir Hugh Munro? Hugh Munro, whose family were Scottish landowners, was born in London in 1856 and brought up at Lindertis near Kirriemuir in Angus. He was educated at Crieff, Winchester and Cambridge. Munro went on to learn German in Stuttgart, studied a business course in London and served as a cavalryman in the Basuto War in southern Africa. He had climbed in the Alps while in Germany, and he continued this interest in mountains when he settled at the family estate near Kirriemuir. Munro was a founder and president of the Scottish Mountaineering Club (SMC). And it was the club that set him the task of listing all mountains of 3,000ft or more. According to The Munro Society, Munro was the ideal person for this work because of his meticulous record-keeping, enthusiasm for work in the outdoors and fascination with mountain landscapes. Munro never managed to climb all the mountains he listed. In 1919, he died of pneumonia while running a canteen for soldiers in Provence, France. He was 63. But Munro's fascination with Scottish mountains lives on in the many people who climb them today. Among them are Munroists or Munro-baggers, climbers dedicated to ascending every one of the 282 listed Munros. Those who accomplish this feat are known by the SMC as "compleators". Sir Hugh's achievements are celebrated as part of the exhibition at the Kirriemuir Gateway to the Glens Museum. There is also Munro Society exhibition dedicated to the mountaineer running at Perth's A K Bell Library. Climber, writer and film-maker Dave MacLeod, who accompanied Natalie on her first ascent of Pink Panther, has been walking and climbing in Scotland's hills for 25 years. "I haven't climbed all the Munros because I've been more focused on the climbing side. For this reason Ben Nevis is undoubtedly my favourite Munro," he says. "Its size and many steep and hidden coires make it seem more like a mountain range than a single mountain. "There's enough interest on the Ben for a lifetime of climbing, or indeed interest of multiple types." Last year, Helen Rennard became the first woman to complete the Winter Tranter Round, a 36-mile challenge that involves 19 Munros, among them the Mamores, Aonachs and Ben Nevis. "My first Munro was Cairn Gorm at the age of 11, during a family summer holiday to Aviemore," she says. "There was then a gap of six years, until I was 17, when I went on a week's winter mountaineering trip to Glen Coe and Ben Nevis with a climbing club from Stafford. "It was me plus a load of men in their 40s, which was a bit odd, looking back on it." Helen got the winter climbing bug when she was 20 and at university in Aberdeen. Her favourite Munro is 1,155m Lochnagar, a mountain not too far from Aberdeen. "I love the view of the coire in winter, especially when you get your first glimpse of it. "The whole place has huge sentimental value for me as it's where I started Scottish winter climbing and I've had many days out in winter there with good friends." The other Hugh Munro Today, there is a Hugh Munro close to completing his first round of all the 282 Munros. From Westhill, Aberdeenshire, he just has a handful of mountains left to bag and plans to finish with 981m (3,218ft) Slioch with its "calendar views" of Loch Maree in Wester Ross. "When I got to 200 Munros I thought I would have to do them all," he says. "I looked up the list that is maintained by the Scottish Mountaineering Club, where people register if they have completed the Munros, and I noticed no-one called Hugh Munro has ever done them all." Hugh had hoped to have completed his round by the 100th anniversary of Sir Hugh Munro's death, but an injury sustained in a skiing accident hampered his progress. Now recovered, he has resumed his effort to complete his round. "From an early age I have been interested in mountains," he says. "When I was 14, I went on a camping trip through the Lairig Ghru in the Cairngorms. That was a life changing moment and I have never looked back since then." Fiona Russell, who runs the business Fiona Outdoors and is an outdoors and adventure journalist and blogger, has been climbing in Scotland's hills for about 20 years. She says: "I have always been a sporty person, enjoying judo, running, triathlon, cycling and skiing. However, I was around the age of 30 when I started to venture into the hills and mountains of Scotland. "I started walking the Munros when I met my husband Gordon (Lacey) almost 10 years ago. I never imagined I would be as close as I am now to finishing a round." She adds: "My husband finished his first round within about two years of us meeting. I walked around 80 of his last Munros in his first round with him. "Some years later I realised I had walked more than half of the 282 Munros. Now I have just 42 to go." Gordon, meanwhile, is two thirds of the way through his second round. 'Not good with heights' Fiona has favourite groups of Munros. She says: "It was on the Five Sisters of Kintail - with its three Munros, Sgurr na Ciste Duibhe, Sgurr na Carnach and Sgurr Fhuaran - that I first met Gordon. "We became walking buddies and friends and then we got together romantically. We were married last year on a snowy mountain slope in British Columbia. "My second favourite group of Munros is across the glen on the South Glen Shiel Ridge. We enjoyed an amazing walk of the seven Munros there one fabulously sunny day in early summer some years ago. "The Munro I'm most proud of is the Inaccessible Pinnacle on the Cuillin Ridge on Skye. "I am not good with heights yet I made it to the top of that exposed rock." Fiona adds: "There are so many Munros that bring back amazing memories."

पर्वतारोही सर ह्यूग मुनरो, जिनके नाम का उपयोग 914 मीटर (3,000 फीट) या उससे अधिक की ऊंचाई वाले स्कॉटिश पहाड़ों का वर्णन करने के लिए किया जाता है, की मृत्यु के 100 साल पूरे होने पर हमने पर्वतारोहियों से 282 चोटियों की सूची में से अपने पसंदीदा चुनने के लिए कहा।


Taking the robot dog for a walk

Summary: It's a video which is bound to go viral . Spot sets off down an office corridor, and then out into the open air. At various points, for no apparent reason, people approach him and try to kick him over - he staggers back and then resumes his progress.

Rory Cellan-JonesTechnology correspondent@BBCRoryCJon Twitter And no, there are unlikely to be protests to the RSPCA because Spot is actually a robot dog. It is the latest, most sophisticated creation of a company called Boston Dynamics. Spot follows in the footsteps of Big Dog, which as its name suggests was a rather larger but cruder robot seen rampaging across the Massachusetts countryside in another video which since 2008 has had more than 16 million YouTube views. Spot looks a little friendlier than his predecessor and appears to have pretty sophisticated on-board directional systems of the kind that guide Google's driverless car through traffic. But one question bugs me as I look at him - what is he for? That seemed fairly obvious with Big Dog because that was a project funded by Darpa, the US military's research division which also played a major part in the development of the internet. One can easily see how robots like this could become the soldiers of the future, doing everything from mine-clearing - which some automated devices can already undertake - to actual combat. After all, what is a cruise missile or a drone but a robot, albeit one that is for now under human control? But last year Boston Dynamics was acquired by Google as part of the search giant's spending spree which saw it snap up half a dozen robotics companies. The new owners immediately stated one clear principle - its robots would not be used for military ends. With fears mounting about Google's wealth, power and knowledge of every aspect of our lives, you can understand why it wanted to give that assurance. So what does it want to do with robots like Spot? In the short term you can see that the research fits with the work of the driverless car team run out of the Google X division, but that too is currently a blue sky project, with any products quite a long way away. Work on robotics may also mesh with the work going on at Nest, the smart home business, and the research at the British artificial intelligence company Deep Mind, both of which were also bought by Google last year. For now, though, Boston Dynamics, created by MIT scientists, Nest, run by the former Apple executive Tony Fadell, and Deep Mind, under Demis Hassabis, have all been guaranteed a large measure of independence from the mother ship in California. There are signs that this policy may not last, and that a bit more integration of this patchwork of interests may be on the cards. Tony Fadell, a man with a track record of turning out consumer products rather than just blue sky thinking, has been put in charge of the ailing Google Glass division. For now, though, the Boston Dynamics roboticists far away on the east coast of the United States appear at liberty to carry on their research without the pressure of shipping a consumer product. Watch out, though - Spot is getting smarter and may one day decide he's had enough of getting kicked around.

यह एक वीडियो है जो वायरल होने के लिए बाध्य है। स्पॉट एक कार्यालय के गलियारे से बाहर निकलता है, और फिर खुली हवा में निकल जाता है। विभिन्न बिंदुओं पर, बिना किसी स्पष्ट कारण के, लोग उसके पास जाते हैं और उसे लात मारने की कोशिश करते हैं-वह वापस रुक जाता है और फिर अपनी प्रगति फिर से शुरू करता है।


Dollar benchmark: The rise of the $1-a-day statistic

Summary: It's shocking to learn how many people live on less than $1 day - and regular publication of the figures over the last two decades has helped fuel anti-poverty campaigns. But could the statistic actually have done more harm than good?

By Ruth AlexanderBBC News In the late 1980s, a group of economists at the World Bank in Washington DC noticed that a number of developing countries drew their poverty lines at an income of about $370 a year. This reflected the basic amount that a person needed to live. Each country had a different sense of what the essentials were, but the figure of roughly $370 was common to all, so the World Bank team proposed it as a global poverty line. Some time later one of these economists, Martin Ravallion, was having dinner with his wife and, as they chatted, he had what he described as a kind of "epiphany". If you divide that $370 by 365 days, you get just over $1. And so the catchy "$1-a-day"' concept was born. Simple, powerful and shocking. "We intended to have some impact with it," Martin Ravallion recalls. "Make well-heeled people realise how poor many people in the world are." But it's a lot more complicated, and controversial, than it at first appears. For a start, Ravallion and his colleagues at the World Bank were not talking about what you could buy if you took an American dollar to a bank and converted it into Indian rupees or Nigeria naira. A US dollar does go quite a long way in some developing countries. Instead, the economists calculated a specially-adjusted dollar using something called Purchasing Power Parity, or PPP. They looked at the price of hundreds of goods in developing countries. And then with reference to national accounts, household surveys and census data, they calculated how much money you would need in each country to buy a comparable basket of goods that would cost you $1 in the USA. You were under the global poverty line if you couldn't afford that basket. It's still a reality of life for 13% of people in China; 47.5% in Sub-Saharan Africa; 36% in South Asia; 14% in East Asia and the Pacific; 6.5% in Latin America and the Caribbean. Almost 1.3bn people in total. And surprisingly perhaps, people who live on $1 a day do not spend all of it on that basket of food - on staying alive. They typically spend about 40 cents on other things, says Professor Abhijit Banerjee of MIT. "Even though they could actually buy enough calories, the fact is they don't. If you look at the people especially in South Asia who live on $1 a day - huge malnutrition. "They sacrifice calories to buy some entertainment, some pleasure. "It's a balance between survivalist behaviour and pleasure-seeking behaviour. I think as human beings we need both." The $1 figure is also an average. "Poor families… may earn $10 a day and then nothing for two weeks," says Professor Jonathan Morduch of the Wagner School at New York University. "One season they may earn a lot, one season they may earn very little." The World Bank's first report on people living on $1 a day came out in 1993. Regular updates since then have played an important role in focusing attention on the world's poor. But one major reason the number took off and gained a life of its own, was the adoption as the first UN Millennium Development goal to "halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people whose income is less than $1 a day". This high-profile target was agreed by the UN General Assembly and embraced by most of the world's development institutions. Ten days ago, the World Bank declared the goal had been met early. In 1990, 31% of the population of the developing world lived on less than $1 a day - close to 1.4 billion. In 2008, half that proportion did - 14%, or about 800 million. However, once again, things are more complicated than they may at first appear. Over the years since the Millennium Development Goal was set, the $1 a day poverty line has been recalibrated. The World Bank's global poverty line measure is now not $1, but $1.25 per day. When the phrase was first coined in 1993, the purchasing power parity calculations were based on price and consumption data from the 1980s. But by 2008, the World Bank economists had more and better data on price and consumption, enabling them to refine these calculations - and more developing countries had calculated poverty lines. So the poverty line was re-set at $1.25, at 2005 PPP calculations. This represented an average of the poverty lines set in 10-to-20 developing countries. The job of halving the proportion of people whose income is less than $1.25 a day has almost been done, but not quite. In 1990, 1.9bn people - 43% of the developing world - lived on less than $1.25. In 2008, about 1.3bn, or 22% did. Despite its success at driving home just how many people are living in extreme poverty, some critics think the $1-a-day benchmark has done more harm than good. It's a "successful failure", according to Lant Pritchett, an ex-World Bank economist who is now Professor of the Practice of International Development at Harvard University's Kennedy School. "It's a wildly successful PR device that I think has been a failure in terms of achieving the objectives of improving human well-being in the world," he says. He argues that it has put a focus on philanthropy more than long-term development - applying a sticking plaster rather than solving the problem. "Instead of promoting prosperous economies, it's about 'How do we identify and target and get transfers to the few people under this penurious line?' which just isn't the way, historically, anybody has ever eliminated poverty." And even at $1.25 it is set too low he says - because someone earning $1.25 or $1.50 is still in dire poverty. Pritchett proposes an additional $10 poverty line be created. But Ravallion rejects the criticism. Progress on reducing the numbers living on less than $1.25 a day has mostly occurred thanks to economic growth, he says, rather than handouts. And while he accepts that people who make it above the $1.25 poverty line remain vulnerable, and that there has been a "bunching up" of people just above the threshold, he says he has always argued that "we should look at multiple poverty lines", not just the $1.25 figure. "We should look at the whole distribution. That's what I've said from day one," he says. "What I'm also saying is that our highest priority must be the poorest first." It's is an argument that divides experts in the field. Professor Banerjee agrees that the $1.25 a day figure plays a useful role, because there is a finite amount of aid that rich countries are prepared to give and it makes sense, he says, for it to be given to the poorest people. But Professor Morduch says the figure is so low, it has encouraged the idea that people in this minimal income bracket must lead passive, helpless lives, when this is not the case. In fact, he says, they are keen to save and need tools, such as bank accounts, to help them do so. "The whole condition of living on $1 a day has much less to do with that average than with the ups and downs. So it's not surprising that households are very actively trying to save," he says. "They are not living hand to mouth; they are thinking about the future."

यह जानना चौंकाने वाला है कि कितने लोग एक दिन में एक डॉलर से कम पर जीते हैं-और पिछले दो दशकों में आंकड़ों के नियमित प्रकाशन ने गरीबी विरोधी अभियानों को बढ़ावा देने में मदद की है। लेकिन क्या ये आंकड़े वास्तव में अच्छे से ज्यादा नुकसान कर सकते थे?


Digital Medicine: Machines for living

Summary: Prevention not cure has always been good health advice but the trick has been to diagnose early enough. Now a range of medical technologies for use both inside and outside the body may give prevention the upper hand and close the gap between diagnosis and cure.

By Peter BowesBBC News, Los Angeles Nowadays doctors are able to monitor the health of their patients without meeting them. Sensors, such as heart monitors or other implanted devices, can send data via smart phones to hospitals and health professionals to help them spot problems before they occur. But in the future this growing area of medicine may go from the edge to the centre of medicine and have an impact on human longevity. The Qualcomm Tricorder X Prize will give $10m (£6.5m) to the developer of a wireless hand-held device that monitors and diagnoses health conditions. Its sponsors, the X-Prize Foundation, a US charity, and Qualcomm, a US telecommunications technology firm, were inspired by the tricorder - a hi-tech sensor used by the characters in Star Trek, the science fiction television serial. "If we look at the history of technology over the last hundred years, it has extended life in a dramatic way," says Don Jones, vice president of global strategy and market development, with Qualcomm Life, a company that makes wireless technology for use in healthcare. "I think we're going to see new technologies we have trouble imagining today, in the same way that Star Trek imagined the tricorder in the 1960s. Today we actually believe that such things are possible," he says. The plan is to develop a device that can scan the body and obtain measurements of different medical states or conditions. "The data would be used to inform the consumer about their state of health and potentially make recommendations about what they might do," says Mark Winter, senior director at the X-Prize Foundation. Winter also envisages implanted devices becoming a major facet of healthcare, though he is concerned that the public may reject them. "People are afraid of things that are invasive in their body," he says. Nonetheless, he believes that implanted sensors are going to be the cornerstone of healthcare in the future. "It's up to us, as a community, to help people understand this technology and how it can improve their lives and their health," says Winter. It is now possible to remotely monitor the ECG (electrocardiogram) of a patient over the internet. The University of Southern California (USC) carried out clinical trials of a device that delivers readings instantaneously via a smart phone. "I think body monitoring and body computing will become so ubiquitous that they will be part of our cultural dialogue," says Dr Leslie Saxon, executive director and founder of USC's Center for Body Computing. "Digital medicine will help us live easier and, hopefully, it will be harder to die," adds Saxon, who is a cardiologist. "Every patient will have some kind of sensor that's picking up their body signals from their body computer." Proponents of putting monitoring tools into the hands of the patient argue that it empowers them and so turns the conventional health paradigm on its head. "My vision is, you're in charge of yourself," says Dr David Agus, a professor of both medicine and engineering at USC. "The old days of your doctor being in charge of your health - take that and throw it out the window," says Agus. "Most diseases are preventable or delayable. We need to be in charge of that." Technology will play a growing role in our quest for longer, healthier lives. Digital devices will act as our guardian angels and an array of gadgets will shadow our lives. Joe Perez, a founder of several technology companies, believes that, "mobile life coaches" will help monitor our diets and fitness regimes. "Without having somebody push you, whether it's a gym buddy or some concept of a coach, you tend to fall off the wagon," says Perez. He adds that the concept of a mobile life coach, cajoling and encouraging us to make certain life choices, is still in its infancy. But he believes that there will soon be a myriad of devices monitoring and analysing our state of health, food intake, exercise and social behaviour. His hope is that the devices will prompt people to make decisions that could help them live longer. For the moment "we don't know the interface", says Perez. He speculates that it could be an app, or application software, like Siri, which lets people talk to their mobile phone and be answered. It would tell you, "'Hey, this is where you are,' and, 'This is what you're doing,' and, 'Did you go to this?' and, 'Did you do that?' Or it could be some robotic thing texting you," says Perez. "Ten years from now, you're going to look back and say, 'Oh yeah, I knew about that cancer, it was on its way and we had it taken care of'." Perez adds that the current practice of health screenings for certain diseases, starting at a specific age, will become a thing of the past. "We'll have devices all over the place and information flowing all the time, and that will change wellness." You can find out more about What if the BBC's special series looking at aspects of the future, throughout February and March You can follow the Magazine on Twitter and on Facebook

रोकथाम इलाज नहीं हमेशा अच्छी स्वास्थ्य सलाह रही है लेकिन चाल यह रही है कि जल्दी निदान किया जाए। अब शरीर के अंदर और बाहर दोनों जगह उपयोग के लिए चिकित्सा तकनीकों की एक श्रृंखला रोकथाम को बढ़ावा दे सकती है और निदान और इलाज के बीच के अंतर को बंद कर सकती है।


Man in court over alleged rape in Glasgow's Festival Park

Summary: A man has appeared in court after a teenager was allegedly raped in a Glasgow park.

An 18-year-old woman told police she was attacked in the Festival Park area at about 01:30 on Friday. David Hamilton was charged in connection with the incident and appeared at Glasgow Sheriff Court on Tuesday. The 30-year-old also faces two further separate charges under the Sexual Offences Act. He made no plea and was remanded in custody.

ग्लासगो पार्क में एक किशोरी के साथ कथित बलात्कार के बाद एक व्यक्ति अदालत में पेश हुआ है।


The Hong Kong crisis and the new world order

Summary: With the UK opening its doors to three million Hong Kong residents and China threatening serious retaliation for what it sees as an intrusion into its domestic affairs, the Hong Kong crisis is becoming a real-time test of diplomacy in a pandemic-distracted world.

Jonathan MarcusDiplomatic correspondent@Diplo1on Twitter So what does this drama tell us about China's emerging place in the new world order? And what light does it throw on the very particular problems posed, post-Brexit, for the British government's efforts to roll out a new and optimistic foreign policy under the banner of "Global Britain"? First off, was this crisis inevitable? Things might have been so very different. For well over two decades, most policy-makers in the West hoped that China's rise would unfold in a very specific way. China, it was said, would become a "responsible stakeholder" in the international community. In other words, it would abide by international agreements and norms, because, as part of the system, it benefited from them as much as anyone else. Maybe in that kind of world, the deal entered into between the British and Chinese governments over Hong Kong's future would have survived. But things did not turn out like that. China's rise was rapid and single-minded. It became a military superpower, at least in its own region, one that close to home, even the mighty United States would struggle to confront. But its rise also came about at a time when the West in general and the United States in particular was distracted. There was the war on terrorism and the crisis in Syria. Europe had the distraction of Brexit. And then there was the Trump administration in the United States which has hardly been consistent on China policy - indeed, it has lacked a strategic sense in foreign policy across the board. China's rise over the past five years has coincided not just with a relative decline in Washington's standing abroad, but an absolute decline, plunging Washington's alliance systems in Asia, Europe and the Middle East into crisis. While problems between the West and China grew in number, there was no overall response that saw these as elements - trade tensions, technological rivalries, strategic issues and so on - as part of a bigger "China problem" that required a concerted and co-ordinated response. This was the world on the brink of the Covid-19 crisis; a drama that originated in China and which initially caused some serious problems for Beijing, but one which it was clearly determined to turn to its advantage. It is no accident then that a more strident nationalist tone in Chinese policy has been the result, ranging from tensions with the US and Australia, Sino-Indian rivalry on their common frontier, and to cap it all, China's decision to overturn the fundamentals of its deal with the UK over Hong Kong. Indeed the Covid-19 crisis gave Beijing the opportunity to bring the Hong Kong crisis to a head. However long this pandemic lasts, one consequence is clear - the trajectory of Beijing's more assertive policy is unlikely to change unless real and concerted pressure is brought to bear. And for all the condemnation of China's attitude towards the liberties of the people of Hong Kong, it is hard to see this happening. This then places the British government in a significant predicament. Mired in mid-pandemic where Prime Minister Boris Johnson government's handling of affairs has been much criticised, this is the first big test of Britain's new bullish and re-branded foreign policy - an approach dubbed "Global Britain". Nobody really knows quite what "Global Britain" means. "Making the best of a bad situation" is what many opponents of Brexit might cynically note. And to be fair, with the Covid-19 pandemic taking up so much of the government's time, it is simply far too early to make any kind of verdict about "Global Britain" on the basis of the Hong Kong experience. But what this row with China does do is to throw a spotlight on the strengths and weaknesses of the UK's current diplomatic position. It is important to cut through the high-flown rhetoric and look at the stark reality. Hong Kong is part of China. Britain is the former colonial power which does not cut much ice in Beijing. China is widely held to have broken its agreement, quite apart from pursuing a whole variety of unpleasant internal security policies. But China is something of a superpower and Britain is decidedly not. So where does this leave Mr Johnson's government? many commentators would say to his credit that he has taken a moral stand in offering sanctuary to some three million people from Hong Kong. This is an extraordinary number and is remarkable from a party whose base is highly sceptical about immigration per se. The fact that China may not allow many people to leave, or that many will decide to stay, or indeed that many, even if they do leave, will go elsewhere in the world, does not alter the fact that Mr Johnson, when faced with Chinese pressure, has tried to retain the high ground. But diplomacy is made up of many things. Principled action (many might say there is far too little of that in world affairs) is one thing, but achieving one's foreign policy goals is a team sport. It is about gaining the trust and support of allies, crafting joint positions, and developing joint action. Here, despite a good deal of rhetorical support for the UK's position on Hong Kong, little has happened beyond words. The Americans are rolling back some of the trading advantages afforded to the territory of Hong Kong, but then, this is an election year and Mr Trump sees getting tough with Beijing as one element of the strategy that he hopes will keep him in the White House. But "global Britain" remains unusually isolated. It is semi-detached from Europe; its tangled negotiations over the future of its relationship with the European Union continue. And its relationship with the Americans is to say the least complicated. For all the bonhomie between Mr Johnson and Mr Trump, the UK badly needs a trade deal with Washington and is always going to be uncomfortable at the thought of whatever quid pro quo may be required for US support. Indeed, the pandemic highlights such problems in stark terms. Mr Trump has given us an additional understanding of the meaning of "America First" in his decision to buy up the bulk of the supply of the crucial drug remdesivir for treating Covid-19 from its US manufacturer. The EU is trying to negotiate supplies for its member states. It is not entirely clear where the UK stands in all of this, though press reports quote officials as saying it has secured sufficient supplies for its needs. This highlights the UK's current position - in but not of Europe, and close but not that close to Washington. It's a powerful reminder too of the increasing weight of the economic and technological in global affairs. UK needs to re-engage For much of the past century, tanks or nuclear bombs were thought to be the currency of global power. But this was a superficial reading of things, obscuring the fact that, whatever the continuing importance of military hardware, the real reason that the United States dominated in the post-World War Two and Cold War world was its extraordinary economic muscle and research base. Now China has these attributes too. That is the new world order in which the ship of "global Britain" will have to steer. The UK has many attributes. Relatively, it remains a rich nation. It still retains a seat in the "directors' box" of international politics, the UN Security Council. But it is going to have to find a way to re-engage in the post-Covid, post-Brexit world. Across the globe, there are signs of a growing frustration with Beijing's bullish policies which perhaps really should now be dubbed "China First". The colonial legacy has given the UK a prime role in the unfolding Hong Kong drama. It now needs to play its part in helping to forge a new international consensus on dealing with Beijing: one that at the same time pushes back against Chinese pressure while seeking positively to engage with China's rulers on the big global issues that matter.

ब्रिटेन द्वारा 30 लाख हांगकांग निवासियों के लिए अपने दरवाजे खोलने और चीन द्वारा अपने घरेलू मामलों में घुसपैठ के लिए गंभीर प्रतिशोध की धमकी के साथ, हांगकांग संकट एक महामारी-विचलित दुनिया में कूटनीति की वास्तविक समय की परीक्षा बन रहा है।


Boko Haram militants 'took my children' in Chad

Summary: Boko Haram has been driven out of most of its bases in northern Nigeria but in the past year, it has moved across the border to Chad. The BBC's Thomas Fessy met one family who have been devastated by the Islamist militant group.

Djibrilla, 64, sits quietly in the corner of the hut. Gusts of dusty wind blow through the walls of reeds. Months have passed without a sign of life from five of his eight children. Aged between two and 15, they were abducted by Boko Haram militants last year. Where are they? How are they doing? Are they being forced to fight? So many questions he cannot answer. "I can't understand even though I am trying to make sense of it," he says. "I am so shocked, they are too young to defend themselves. I have to give it up to God, there's nothing I can do." The five children were seized during an attack on their village. Those who survived the deadly raid, like Djibrilla, are now living in a makeshift camp. Many of these camps have sprung up between the sandy tracks and dunes that surround Lake Chad, which forms the border between Nigeria and Chad. People who lived on the lake islands were forced to settle in the desert, away from their fishing grounds and farmlands. Boko Haram fighters attacked their homes or they were told to move out by Chadian soldiers who fear jihadis may infiltrate them. Chad, Nigeria, Cameroon and Niger are among the countries that have finally come together to form a regional task force to tackle the militants, who have staged attacks on all four countries. Djibrilla's community is obviously not receiving much assistance. In this desolation, "a day of joy", as he describes it, eventually happened last September. Trucks from the Chadian army stopped by the camp. Soldiers were bringing his eldest son, Youssouf (not his real name), back to him. 'Promised lots of money' Youssouf, 26, had left home before his brothers and sisters were seized. He had gone to join the militant group of his own free will. But he was not the only one. "Men came to our village and told us we should join Boko Haram," says Adam (not his real name). He is 16 and he spent two months last year with the group. He is sitting on his left leg, holding his toes while he speaks. As he looks down, his face shows some kind of embarrassment. Next to him, Youssouf says: "There was nothing to do at home and we were told we would get lots of money. "We would get everything we wanted." Most young people in the region have not had any education, except at Koranic school. On top of the state neglect, a devastating environmental shift has caused Lake Chad to shrink to a small portion of its original size, pushing families who depend on it further into poverty. The lack of infrastructure, education and prospects has pushed many into the hands of Boko Haram, lured by the promised gold. "The drying of the lake is creating socio-economic problems among young people," the regional traditional chief, Youssouf Mbodou Mbami, says. "They have no activity and Boko Haram is telling them that they have money. So they go join their ranks." "It has had a very serious impact on them." 'Recited the Koran' Returning from a visit to the region, the UN Regional Humanitarian Co-ordinator for the Sahel, Toby Lanzer, points the finger of blame in the same direction. "The extreme violence is the most visible driver of instability and need for emergency relief," Mr Lanzer says. "But the root of the crisis lies in the abject poverty and environmental degradation which has been plaguing the region for decades. "It is one of the hardest situations I have seen anywhere," he says. "The scale of the needs is simply immense." Back at the dusty camp, Adam and Youssouf describe fighters from Chad who recruited them, proof that the Nigerian insurgency has taken on a regional dimension. "We were split into groups," Youssouf explains. "Those who had been there longest were trained with weapons and they would gather to recite the Koran; but we were kept apart." Boko Haram at a glance: 'How I almost became a suicide bomber' On patrol against Boko Haram Surviving Nigeria's Boko Haram Boko Haram 'paying recruits in Niger' Who are Boko Haram? Both young men said they were under the watch of fighters wearing civilian clothes rather than uniforms, and carrying weapons. They did not know how long they must have stayed before any training would start. Under pressure from regional troops, the group was constantly on the move, travelling to different islands on Lake Chad. For Adam and Youssouf, it soon felt more like a trap than a money-making opportunity. Out on the lake, it becomes clear that water is all that separates Boko Haram's stronghold in Nigeria from Chad. The jihadis have been using boats to carry out their attacks, navigating between the many lake islands. Fear is now ever-present, putting towns and villages on alert. In the town of Baga Sola, local volunteers are manning a makeshift check-point at the entrance of the market. They have stretched a piece of string across the road to stop passers-by. "We're like security guards," one of them says. "We search everyone who comes into the market, and the cars must stop here so we can check them too." People seem to naturally comply with the new order as the volunteers pat them down for weapons. Last October, four suicide bombers made their way through the crowds and caused carnage in the market. Dozens were killed or wounded. The community suffered another blow when they discovered that those who detonated the bombs were locals. 'Splinter groups' Major General Lo Adeosun, who commands the Multi-National Joint Task Force, has come to visit the troops on the ground. Advancing with a folding seat cane in hand, privilege of hierarchy, he says they have forced the Islamist militants into "splinter groups". "If you look at it on the grounds of insurgency and terrorism, you can see that the insurgency aspect of it is defeated," he says. "But the terrorism, we are still battling with." The soldiers have indeed retaken territory from the jihadis but Boko Haram still has the power to strike the nations around Lake Chad. They are vulnerable from within. "The money never came so we found a way out," Youssouf says. The Chadian army kept him in custody for a month after he surrendered to their barracks. Only then, soldiers took him back to his father. "I was so happy when my son came back," Djibrilla says, "but I warned him: you must stay with us even though we live in poverty." The community that both Youssouf and Adam left behind has offered them a second chance but the terms are clear; they have their place and they must accept it. But Djibrilla will not know peace until his five other children return home.

बोको हराम को उत्तरी नाइजीरिया में अपने अधिकांश ठिकानों से खदेड़ दिया गया है, लेकिन पिछले एक साल में, यह सीमा पार चाड चला गया है। बीबीसी के थॉमस फेसी ने एक ऐसे परिवार से मुलाकात की जो इस्लामी आतंकवादी समूह द्वारा तबाह कर दिया गया है।


High Street hopefuls: The people opening new shops

Summary: It's just before nine in the morning in the well-heeled north London suburb of Highgate. The area boasts A-list movie stars, Nobel laureates, some of the nicest views in London and in a few minutes' time Jessica Stewart will officially open the neighbourhood's new yoga studio.

By Ian RoseBusiness reporter, BBC News Many businesses have rushed to move their services online as a result of the coronavirus pandemic, but Jessica is one of those taking advantage of newly empty premises to go into the High Street. "It is a huge risk and absolutely terrifying," she says, shortly before her first class begins at her new State studio. But she also says that the service has never been more important. "Everyone's mental health and physical health has been hugely affected by the lockdown." Flexible business During lockdown one of Jessica's streams of work came from online yoga classes for investment banks and other businesses who would hire her to help their stressed staff manage the constant screen time that came with working from home. Other clients who were home-schooling kids also reached out for yoga and other mindfulness techniques to help them cope. But do people worried about being close to each other in confined spaces want to come to a yoga studio? Before Covid some yoga studios would cram students in like sardines but that can't happen anymore. At State students bring their own mats, which are kept at a distance from each other, and the studio has a one-way system where you put your belongings in a box as you go in and then collect them as you leave via another exit. But with local lockdowns in some areas and new restrictions that could last for up to six months, is this the right time to be starting out on the High Street, particularly if another full lockdown were to come? "At any point should we need to or when we want to we can actually just stream our classes," Jessica says. "I think anyone doing anything right now has to build in that plan B, or plan Z depending on how bad things get." Sourdough dreams According to the British Retail Consortium, things have already become tricky on the High Street, where footfall was down 41% this August compared with a year ago. But that's not putting off fellow north Londoners Sophia Sutton-Jones and her husband Jesse. When lockdown happened they were running a business shipping kitchen equipment around the world but the transport charges for international shipping became so high that the business model no longer worked. Instead they fell back on Sophia's love of sourdough baking. For years she had written a well-read blog about the craft she had learnt from her baker father. A neighbour asked her to bake some bread and when they liked it they spread the word. Soon the couple were turning their flat into a sourdough microbakery. People were ordering online for delivery or pick-up in slots and they could not bake enough to meet the demand, which is when they started to look for premises. They decided to crowdfund and set a target of £25,000. In fact, they were overwhelmed by support and people pledged £33,000 to get them into their shop. The couple hope to have their bakery and baking school up and running in Crouch End by December and in the meantime are paying the bills with proceeds from Sophia's online baking courses. In the event of another lockdown, the couple say they would carry on delivering to their customers but they also hope as bakeries are categorised as essential businesses that they would be able to stay open. Riding the wave Opening a shop is plan B for Anna Strzelecki. Her business, iSea Surfwear, makes surf-style clothes which she sells at festivals and online. But this year the festivals that are the backbone of her business were cancelled. Anna and her staff design and make the clothes themselves, so to get them over the initial shock they made leggings for another company. "While the festivals were off the online business picked up as people were at home and wanted to still do shopping, so we were lucky we had built up that following," she says. Then Anna found out about an empty shop with a reasonable rent in a prime spot on the High Street of the South Wales holiday beauty spot of Pembroke. "Businesses support each other here," Anna says. She had previously taken empty shops as temporary "pop-ups" but never for more than two months. This time she's signed up for a year. "They're very welcoming here. They see me as adding something to the High Street by filling the shop rather than as competition." And Anna's prepared if the business is affected by further restrictions. "In the contract the landlord said they will reduce the rent if lockdown happens again," she says. "I would have a window display for the website." 'Opportunities in crisis' Anna, Jessica, Sophia and Jesse are not your typical High Street brands. They are not going to be replacing Marks and Spencer and John Lewis any time soon. "There are clearly lots of challenges for retailers right now," says Michelle Ovens, the founder of Small Business Britain and the director of Small Business Saturday UK. "But many small firms are also finding opportunities in a crisis, such as negotiating on a bricks-and-mortar presence, where landlords have space to fill. Shoppers are also tending to stick closer to home, favouring their local High Street over city centres. This love for shopping small works in the favour of community-driven businesses."

यह उत्तरी लंदन के उपनगर हाईगेट में सुबह नौ बजे से ठीक पहले है। इस क्षेत्र में ए-लिस्ट फिल्म सितारे, नोबेल पुरस्कार विजेता, लंदन के कुछ बेहतरीन दृश्य हैं और कुछ ही मिनटों में जेसिका स्टीवर्ट आधिकारिक तौर पर पड़ोस के नए योग स्टूडियो का उद्घाटन करेंगी।


Ivan Lewis loses shadow NI secretary role in Jeremy Corbyn reshuffle

Summary: The shadow secretary of state for Northern Ireland has said he has been removed from his post by new Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn.

Ivan Lewis said he had offered to remain in the role "for the time being in light of the current political crisis" at Stormont. "I thought it was the right thing to do, [but] Jeremy has decided to offer the role to someone else," he tweeted. Mr Corbyn was elected as the leader of the Labour Party on Saturday. Mr Lewis added: "I wish my successor well at this crucial time." A Labour Party spokesman said the party had no comment to make on Mr Lewis, but added that it would be releasing a full list of shadow cabinet ministers soon.

उत्तरी आयरलैंड के छाया सचिव ने कहा है कि उन्हें लेबर पार्टी के नए नेता जेरेमी कॉर्बिन ने अपने पद से हटा दिया है।


South Africa's songs of power

Summary: During the struggle against white-minority rule in South Africa, songs played a vital role in galvanising popular support and boosting the morale of protesters. Twenty years after the advent of democracy, they are still a big part of this year's election.

By Pumza FihlaniBBC News, Johannesburg Many of the political songs are based on the call-and-response pattern used in many churches. Crowds, often numbering in their thousands, of all ages, join in, creating a feeling of immense strength and unity. Jacob Zuma was well known as a singer and was loved at rallies but he has toned down his performances since becoming president. As the party which led the battle against apartheid, many of the old songs are associated with the governing African National Congress (ANC) but its challengers have composed their own songs. Nkosi Sikelela' iAfrica (God Bless Africa) The national anthem, Nkosi Sikelela' iAfrica (God Bless Africa), has a long history as a protest song. Written by Enoch Sontonga, a teacher and preacher from the Eastern Cape province, it came to feature prominently at the ANC's secret meetings. Although written some 15 years prior to the formation of the ANC in 1912, the party's founding president John Langalibalele Dube introduced it at their gatherings and it became the party's anthem. The ruling party's former chief whip Mathole Motshekga says struggle songs originated from the courses of colonialism, slavery and apartheid which is why the earliest songs had a "religious character". Dubul'iBhunu (Shoot the Boer) But some songs were and remain controversial in certain quarters. Dubul'iBhunu, which means Shoot the Boer (Afrikaner), was banned in 2010 from public gatherings after a court ruled that the song amounted to hate speech. AfriForum, a predominantly Afrikaner civil society organisation, complained that the sang incited violence against Afrikaners and white farmers. But its originators defend the song, saying its meaning has been misconstrued. "You see African culture is idiomatic; it uses symbols and proverbs to express the truth. Dubul'iBhunu is not literal. At the time of apartheid iBhunu [Boers] symbolised a system, it was about fighting a system, not fighting white people," says Mr Motshekga. "Our struggle has always been informed by the fact that the conqueror and the conquered were both victims of the apartheid system. The courts were not educated in struggle culture and are not able to understand the spirit of freedom songs." Hamba Kahle Mkhonto we Sizwe (Go Well Spear of the Nation) By the 1960s, after years of demonstrations, there seemed to be no end in sight for the struggle for equal rights. The ANC's armed movement, Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation) was formed in 1961, after a series of incidents including the Sharpeville massacre, where 69 people were killed during a protest. The songs of this period reflect this. At the funerals of members of the party's armed wing, mourners would sing Hamba Kahle Mkhonto we Sizwe (Go Well Spear of the Nation). The song continues: "We the people of Mkhonto are prepared to kill the Boers." It was sung at the funeral for Nelson Mandela, the country's first black president, last year. Nyonyobane (Stalk Them) But the ANC is not the only party to take pride in its songs. One such party is the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), formed by Julius Malema last year following his expulsion from the governing party. The EFF boasts a collection of professionally recorded songs, such as Nyonyobane, sung by party supporters. It is about taking back Africa from the oppressors. The song describes Mr Malema as the ultimate hero. One of the lyrics is a call to soldiers to stalk the enemy, like a predator with a machine-gun in hand and take back the land. It is not uncommon for party members to sing an impromptu song taking a swipe at President Zuma, Mr Malema's former ally, now turned foe. Thupa eyetla. Zuma oa bona thupa? loosely translated, means: Zuma, the punishment is coming - can you see it? Mabayek'umhlaba Wethu (Let Them Return Our Land) Land remains an extremely emotive issue in South Africa, after the 1913 Natives Land Act restricted black people from buying or renting land in "white South Africa". One of the songs to address this issue is Mabayek'umhlaba Wethu (Let Them Return Our Land). Its lyrics include this line, translated from Zulu: "We, the black nation are weeping for our land". The EFF wants to speed up the process of land redistribution. Asoze Saphela Amandla (We Will Never Give Up) The main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA), has been struggling to shake the tag of being a "white" party and also seems to understand the importance of songs in political South Africa. One of its favourites is an old church hymnal-come struggle song Asoze Saphela Amandla (We Will Never Give Up). The DA's premier candidate for Gauteng province Mmusi Maimane says music has always been a vehicle of hope and he believes it is crucial to the country's political journey. "These songs remind us of how far we have come. They remind us of our terrible history but yet give us hope that we have the strength to overcome. They are part of our history and will remain part of South Africa's story," he says.

दक्षिण अफ्रीका में श्वेत-अल्पसंख्यक शासन के खिलाफ संघर्ष के दौरान, गीतों ने लोकप्रिय समर्थन को प्रेरित करने और प्रदर्शनकारियों का मनोबल बढ़ाने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई। लोकतंत्र के आगमन के बीस साल बाद, वे अभी भी इस वर्ष के चुनाव का एक बड़ा हिस्सा हैं।


Pay offer from OCA rejected by oil workers

Summary: A pay offer by the Offshore Contractors Association (OCA) has been rejected by oil workers.

The OCA said it was disappointed with the ballot results, but would keep working with unions in a bid to achieve a viable settlement. The unions are now expected to hold further discussions with the OCA. They could then move to a consultative ballot on taking industrial action if no agreement is struck.

अपतटीय ठेकेदार संघ (ओ. सी. ए.) के वेतन प्रस्ताव को तेल श्रमिकों द्वारा अस्वीकार कर दिया गया है।


A battle to save Indonesia's orangutans

Summary: A deep peatland forest in Indonesian Borneo is home to one of the world's largest remaining populations of endangered orangutans, but as BBC Indonesian editor Rebecca Henschke reports, the habitat is under threat despite changes in law designed to protect it.

Borneo is one of the most bio-diverse places on the planet and has some of the world's oldest forests. In Ketapang, in West Kalimantan province, the light dances through the thick canopy. It's hard to see more than a few metres through the tangle of vines and branches. But from the air, a canal 9km long can be seen cutting a scar into the thick green carpet of the forest. It's the first part of a project by the Indonesian company PT Mohairson Pawan Khatulistiwa (MPK), which wants to develop the land as a logging plantation. "We have attracted investors from Canada and China. They are building timber industries around this plantation such as pile wood, flooring and furniture," says the company's office director Hans Saputra. The company was granted a logging licence for around 48,000 hectares back in 2008. Work to develop the land began here in 2013. An environmental assessment report was commissioned to secure the licence, but it made no mention of orangutans nor of the other animals in the area. Yet, between 800 and 1,000 critically endangered orangutans call this forest their home, according to a 2017 survey conducted by the state Natural Resources Conservation Centre (BKSDA) in partnership with international environmental groups. That makes it the largest orangutan population living outside of a protected area in Indonesia, said the report. If the logging goes ahead, they will lose their home. International Animal Rescue (IAR) Indonesia runs a nearby rescue and rehabilitation centre, taking in homeless and orphaned orangutans. "There is no way we can rescue over 1,000 orangutans," says the IAR's national head, Karmele Llano Sanchez. "So we are going to lose one of the most important orangutan populations we have left. With populations rapidly declining, every orangutan counts." Lungs of the world Deforestation accounts for one fifth of all carbon released into the atmosphere worldwide, according to Greenpeace. But the land is valuable and, despite it being illegal in Indonesia, peatland is often cleared for agriculture by slash and burn practices. This has seen the country become the third-largest emitter of greenhouse gases. The swampy floor is thick with decaying trees and rich organic matter metres deep in places. A dense, deep carbon sink. "Forests like this control our climate," says Greenpeace forests campaigner Ratri Kusumohartono. "When it's cleared or dried out it easily burns and releases huge amounts of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere." In 2015 a longer dry season made the annual land-clearing fires catastrophic. Across Indonesia, 2.6 million hectares were burned and an unhealthy haze blanketed the region for months. Schools and airports were closed and the World Bank estimated the fires caused losses up to $16bn (£12bn). Amid a local and international outcry, President Joko Widodo brought in a change in law to try and prevent peatland from burning. There were to be no new peatland forest conversions, even within existing concessions. Companies owning deep peatland could no longer cut down intact forest and put the land to industrial use. That affected companies like PT Mohairson. In April last year, in a letter seen by the BBC, the ministry of environment and forestry ordered the company to "stop all operations" within a day. And they were told to "fill in the canal" - which drains the peat swamp forest- within 20 days or "heavier penalties" would apply. More than a year on, the canals have been blocked but not filled in and despite the change in law, some work is continuing. When the BBC visited the area in March this year, from the public road we saw workers making the foundations of a building near the canal. "If this is correct, this is a clear violation and we will investigate," said the director general of environmental damage control at the environment minister, Mr MR Karliansyah, when we showed him what we documented. "The forest is virgin forest, that should be saved," he said while looking at the images. "If they haven't started logging and the forest is still intact and under law it's now protected forest, it must be conserved, it cannot be touched." He said he would send a team to investigate again. When the law changed, some protections were put in place for companies. If more than 40% of the land they owned could suddenly no longer be legally developed, the law lets them swap it for another area not covered by the sanctions. Mr Karliansyah said the government had already done such land swaps with companies in similar situations. PT Mohairson's Han Saputra said it's not that simple. "We don't want to sell, we will not swap it - we have already built industry that we need there." The change of policy at the central government has left the company confused and frustrated, he said. "Suddenly we were told to stop because of these new rules and we were told to shut it all down after we have invested so much," he said. He insisted they have complied with the government sanctions by blocking the canal, and are drawing up new work plans at the moment to comply with the new regulations. He said the workers we saw were making a storage room for their equipment. Investment denied While the government in Jakarta - more than 1,000km away - is promising to protect the peatlands, it's coming under pressure from local governments, worried about the economic impact of halting development. The governor of West Kalimantan, in a letter to the president last year, asserted that restricting use of peatlands will threaten nearly 90,000 jobs and jeopardise billions of dollars of exports. "This is a really bad precedent for the rule of law and investment in Indonesia," said a visibly angry Gusti Hardiansyah, the special adviser on climate change to the governor of West Kalimantan. "Just because you want to save orangutans you want to sacrifice the local people in Indonesia. You cannot do that! We will protect our people first not just the environment." But not everyone here wants this kind of investment. "That's the only forest left in our area. We want that left for our grandchildren," said Ira Sahroni a local famer who lives close to where the canal has been dug out. Widespread deforestation is already making it harder to get fresh water, he said, and has led to fires in the dry season and floods in the wet. "We want the voice of the little people to be heard, we don't want big investors coming here and causing us to suffer just for the benefit of a few." Greenpeace's Ratri Kusumohartono says the Ketapang project is a test case. "The government needs to show that they are serious about protecting peatland and enforcing their own regulations to show they are serious about stopping the fires from coming back every year." At the IAR rescue and rehabilitation centre in the area, staff were caring for those orangutans already suffering from the destruction of their forest home. A group of babies were brought back to the centre after a day at "forest school", where they learn basic survival skills. "They come from areas where the forest has been cleared or burnt," says Ms Sanchez. "Once orangutans lose their habitat it's easy for them to be killed, so they have all lost their mothers." "We try to mimic the same conditions that they would have had in the wild. It can take seven to eight years, the time they would have spent with their mothers." The hope is that they can be released into the wild but unless the government enforces its own regulations to protect their habitat, their future looks bleak.

इंडोनेशियाई बोर्नियो में एक गहरा पीटलैंड वन लुप्तप्राय ऑरंगुटान की दुनिया की सबसे बड़ी शेष आबादी में से एक है, लेकिन जैसा कि बीबीसी इंडोनेशियाई संपादक रेबेका हेंस्के ने बताया है, इसकी रक्षा के लिए बनाए गए कानून में बदलाव के बावजूद निवास स्थान खतरे में है।