Why Indian army defended Kashmir 'human shield' officer

Summary: If you want to know why India has courted international controversy by awarding a medal to an army officer who tied a civilian to the front of a jeep, you need to understand what is really happening in Indian-administered Kashmir.

Justin RowlattSouth Asia correspondent@BBCJustinRon Twitter What happened? On 9 April, a Kashmiri man called Farooq Ahmed Dar was trussed to the spare tyre at the front of a jeep and driven on a five-hour journey through several villages at the head of an army convoy. He had just voted in a by-election for the national parliament when he was picked up by an army patrol. He was allegedly beaten before he was lashed to the vehicle with a sign saying "This is the fate that will befall stone throwers" pinned to his chest. Kashmir is disputed between India and Pakistan and Indian-administered Kashmir has seen a fresh upsurge of violence in the past few months, with stone-throwing civilians pitted against military personnel. Why was he seized? The young army officer responsible, Major Leetul Gogoi, said Mr Dar was seized because he was directing a stone-throwing mob that was besieging a polling station - something denied by both Mr Dar and witnesses in the village. Major Gogoi says he decided to tie Mr Dar to the jeep in a "fraction of a moment" and subsequently claimed it saved 12 lives. Despite the length of Mr Dar's ordeal, he argues it created "a window to move out of the area safely". How did people react? The incident was filmed and shared on social media, causing uproar in the Muslim-majority Kashmir Valley. The use of Mr Dar as a human shield was criticised around the world. Amnesty International described it as "cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment amounting to torture". The Indian government announced there would be an inquiry into the incident but on 22 May, before the inquiry had been completed, the army awarded Major Gogoi a commendation medal for, it said, his "sustained efforts during counter-insurgency operations". What does the decision to award the medal tell us about the situation in Kashmir? This incident shows just how difficult India is finding it to keep a lid on unrest in Kashmir. Indian army sources have told the BBC that morale among soldiers stationed in the valley is very low. Many soldiers are becoming increasingly uncomfortable with their role in Kashmir, saying they fear they are effectively becoming an army of occupation. Meanwhile, opposition to Indian rule in Kashmir appears to be deepening. That is reflected in the fact that Mr Dar was just one of 7% of eligible voters who actually voted in the by-election - the lowest turnout for decades. "We are fighting a legacy of political betrayal, infiltration, rigging in local elections, cynical politics, bad governance, vested interests, religion and regional divides," one senior army officer in Kashmir told my colleague, Soutik Biswas, a few weeks ago. The officer acknowledged how difficult it is to operate in an environment where many people want the army to withdraw and said that, despite efforts to reach out to Kashmiris, the army remains unpopular. How does the army justify the medal? This weekend the chief of the Indian army, General Bipin Rawat, was clear why he wanted to honour Major Gogoi. He told the Press Trust of India (PTI) that the medal was given as a way of boosting the morale of young officers. Gen Rawat served for many years in Kashmir and, like many Indians, believes much of the opposition to Indian rule is orchestrated by Pakistan. He described Major Gogoi's actions as an "innovation", arguing the armed forces have the right to self-defence and that by using Mr Dar as a human shield, he avoided the need to fire on the crowd. "This is a proxy war and a proxy war is a dirty war. It is played in a dirty way. That is where innovation comes in. You fight a dirty war with innovations," he told PTI. "People are throwing stones at us, people are throwing petrol bombs at us. If my men ask me what do we do, should I say, just wait and die? I will come with a nice coffin with a national flag and I will send your bodies home with honour. Is it what I am supposed to tell them as chief? I have to maintain the morale of my troops who are operating there," Gen Rawat said. Will the conflict in Kashmir worsen? That's certainly what many Kashmiris fear will happen. They say that the award of the medal to Major Gogoi has deepened opposition to Indian rule and to the presence of the army. Gen Rawat actually appears to be keen to see an escalation in the conflict in Kashmir. "In fact," he told journalists, "I wish these people, instead of throwing stones at us, were firing weapons at us. Then I would have been happy. Then I could do what I [want to do]." This is an extraordinary sentiment and a measure of just how difficult India is finding it to keep order in its most restive province. His worry is that Kashmiris are losing their fear of his troops. If that happens, he says, the country is doomed. "Adversaries must be afraid of you and at the same time your people must be afraid of you," says Gen Rawat. "We are a friendly army, but when we are called to restore law and order, people have to be afraid of us."

यदि आप जानना चाहते हैं कि एक नागरिक को जीप के सामने से बांधने वाले एक सैन्य अधिकारी को पदक देकर भारत ने अंतर्राष्ट्रीय विवाद क्यों खड़ा कर दिया है, तो आपको यह समझने की आवश्यकता है कि वास्तव में भारत प्रशासित कश्मीर में क्या हो रहा है।


Analysis: A question of secret courts

Summary: The headlines on the Justice and Security Bill suggest a massive government climb-down on secrecy in inquests. But the fact is that the core purpose of this very controversial legislation remains: to protect national security information at all costs.

Dominic CascianiHome affairs correspondent@BBCDomCon Twitter So let's take a few steps back from lofty legal talk of open justice and look at practical examples of what this is all about. The key aim of the bill is to allow the courts to close their doors more frequently when they are dealing with cases involving national security. The easiest way to understand that is to think about cases where someone is alleging that MI5 or MI6 are guilty of, or complicit in, wrongdoing. Binyam Mohamed was detained in the wake of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan. Pakistani interrogators first beat him and then the US organised his rendition to Morocco. He was tortured and, at one point, they took a scalpel to his genitals. He ended up in Guantanamo Bay. His British lawyers fought a long-battle to prove that London had some indication of his treatment before he was taken to Morocco. They argued that information helped prove that any confession he had made was worthless, because people will say anything to stop the pain. That is why international law bans torture. Now, Binyam Mohammed won his case and we know, in seven highly sensitive paragraphs, what Washington told London. The question at the heart of the bill is whether that kind of national security information can ever be made public? The government's answer is no - and it wants to use a "Closed Material Procedure" (CMP) to protect the information. CMP was created in the late 1990s and is a key feature in terror deportation cases like that of radical Jordanian cleric Abu Qatada. It is also fundamental to court cases where terrorism suspects challenge restrictions on their liberty, known as T-Pims (the system that used to be called Control Orders). Special Advocates The suspect hears part of the case against them - but not all of it. A point comes when they have to leave the court, the doors are locked and government lawyers reveal the "closed" case - the full Security Service assessment of the danger posed by that individual. For example, MI5 may have intelligence that the individual was planning to join a terrorism training camp in Pakistan. The Security Service may not want that information in the public domain because it either gives clues to how the person is being monitored or reveals the identity of an informant. The intelligence could also be a tip-off from a foreign agency. A security-vetted lawyer - known as a Special Advocate - acts for the suspect or deportee, but cannot talk to them once they have had read the secret case. Now, critics say that if the Special Advocate cannot ask the suspect to respond to the allegation that he was planning to attend a camp, then the lawyer cannot properly challenge the govenrment's case. And that's why many lawyers say the system is manifestly unfair, even though the European Court of Human Rights has ruled that it isn't. Government accused The government wants to extend the system into other parts of civil law, such as damages claims or "judicial review" cases, where ministers or agencies are the accused. It won't be used in criminal trials - but ministers say they need CMP to defend themselves. Reading University has compiled a comprehensive list of cases that might be affected by more CMP. At present, when someone sues the government, ministers must account for their actions in open court. If ministers want to protect a sensitive document, they can seek use a procedure that withdraws that evidence from the case so neither side can rely on it. Under the new system, where a case involves national security, part of the defence would be under the Closed Material Procedure. When former Guantanamo Bay detainees sued the UK, accusing security and intelligence services of being complicit in American wrongdoing, they demanded disclosure of government papers which they said would prove their case. They never saw all the material because the government paid them millions to drop the claims. Ministers were determined at whatever cost to prevent sensitive techniques, sources and intelligence from being made public. But ministers felt that they had not been able to defend themselves in this case because the Closed Material Procedure could not be used. Critics say this is nonsense - and they paid out to avoid international embarrassment. But under the new system there would be no need for a pay-out because the government could try to defend itself behind closed doors. Whoever won, the claimant and the public would see a public version of the judgement - but never know the full reasons for the outcome. Critics say this erodes the fundamental principle that both sides are equal before the law. The practical effect, they say, is that alleged wrongdoing would go unexposed. Sapna Malik of law firm Leigh Day and Co has been involved in some of the key cases and is preparing the forthcoming legal action over alleged Libyan renditions. She says: "Under the current system, if it is believed that material will harm national security, it is either withheld from the proceedings entirely or procedures are put in place to protect the most sensitive parts, from redacting documents to witnesses giving their evidence anonymously." Lawyers like Sapna Malik are not lone voices. The Supreme Court threw out an attempt by the government to use CMP in the Guantanamo Bay compensation case. And the Special Advocates don't like the system either. They told the Ministry of Justice that it's just not true to say that the system is fair because they are often confronted with security assessments which they cannot properly check out. The security establishment sees it differently because officials believe that the pressure to reveal material means the government cannot defend itself, even if an allegation is flimsy. And so, if it cannot have closed courts, officials would rather ministers write cheques to claimants than give away the techniques vital to the work of MI5 and co. Underlining this is a bigger question. If a society accepts that it needs secret agencies doing secret work on behalf of citizens, does that logically mean the secrecy can never end? Nowhere is this principle more sensitive than when it comes to information given to the UK by foreign powers - and in particular the US. The exchange of information between London and Washington is deep and British officials fear Washington will be reluctant to share as much if there is a chance of the material being made public. Nobody is really suggesting that the Americans would not alert the UK to a bomb on a train. But if dirty linen is washed in public, then the flow of other information that helps national security might slow down.

न्याय और सुरक्षा विधेयक की सुर्खियों से पता चलता है कि सरकार जांच में गोपनीयता को बड़े पैमाने पर कम कर रही है। लेकिन तथ्य यह है कि इस बहुत ही विवादास्पद कानून का मूल उद्देश्य बना हुआ हैः किसी भी कीमत पर राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा जानकारी की रक्षा करना।


Malaysia's political drama is worthy of Shakespeare

Summary: The release of Anwar Ibrahim is an important step in a new beginning for Malaysia, building on the stunning electoral victory that ousted the ruling party on 9 May. It's also a test of loyalty between two men with a long rivalry, one of whom was the other's jailor, writes Bridget Welsh.

The story of the relationship between just-elected Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim is so full of drama it would be fitting for Shakespeare - loyalty, betrayal, tragedy and irony meld together in a narrative for the ages. Dr Mahathir, now 92, first put Anwar in prison on corruption and sodomy charges in politically charged circumstances in 1999. But he has now come out of retirement, won a second stint as prime minister - and provided the key to his former deputy's release nearly two decades later. Mr Anwar himself read all the volumes of Shakespeare when in prison after Dr Mahathir jailed him. Yet the chance for Dr Mahathir to assure the release and pardon of Mr Anwar allows the relationship to come full circle, where enemies become friends. And unlike many of Shakespeare's plays, the story is one where the villain becomes the hero. Riding the wave At the core of the story of the two men is political power, and the drive to secure and maintain it. Dr Mahathir first brought Mr Anwar into his government in 1982. Mr Anwar had risen to prominence as a dynamic, charismatic student leader, who mobilised opposition to the dominant incumbent party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), in the 1970s. Mr Anwar rode the rising waves of political Islam, capitalising on the space available to organise around religion and the growing international movement of Muslim empowerment surrounding the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The co-opting of Mr Anwar into UMNO was the first of many political moves in their relationship, as Mr Anwar became a protégé who rose quickly up the ranks. Mr Anwar's charisma and ability to mobilise followers served to neutralise opposition to UMNO within Malaysian society. The 1980s and early 90s were a heyday for Malaysia, with rapid economic growth and gains in development. Dr Mahathir's leadership had put the country on the international stage, in an era where Asia was seen to be rising in influence. Mr Anwar's loyalty and role were an integral part of Malaysia's success in this period. In 1993, Mr Anwar emerged as the leading contender to replace Dr Mahathir, winning a decisive victory for himself within UMNO. At that time, Mr Anwar wrote his first book, The Asian Renaissance, picking up on the momentum and aspirations in the region and distinguishing himself as an Asian public intellectual. He began to openly discuss the need for political reform, showcasing a difference in the two men as one who wanted to hold on to power and another who aspired to win it through calls for reform. Crunch time The reckoning would come after the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis. In 1998 Mr Anwar challenged Dr Mahathir for control of the party. The challenge was filled with vicious personal attacks across the political divide, as ideological struggles over policy melded with allegations of corruption. Mr Anwar failed in his challenge, as Dr Mahathir proved adept at controlling the levers of power. Mr Anwar was beaten up, charged and convicted in events that shook Malaysia's political system to the core. Betrayal was viciously punished as power was retained at all cost. Dr Mahathir rejected calls for political reform and held on by winning the 1999 election. The reformasi movement calling for change was born, with Mr Anwar as its jailed leader. The 1998-99 cataclysm was to set a pattern that has shaped political contests for more than two decades, as every election was won by the person who personified political change. Even the mandates won by Abdullah Badawi in 2004 and then Najib Razak in 2013 were embedded with labels as reformers. Malaysians have closely identified with the need to improve governance. Mr Anwar remained in prison until 2004, released by Abdullah Badawi who became prime minister after Dr Mahathir stepped down in 2003. While initially popular, Mr Abdullah failed to meet the expectations of the public and stakeholders within his party, and lost decisively in the 2008 election. Dr Mahathir returned to political life to assure the political downfall of Mr Abdullah through open criticism and behind-the-scene manoeuvres within UMNO. The man who had released Mr Anwar faced Dr Mahathir's political wrath. In stepped another of Dr Mahathir's protégés - Mr Najib - who assumed the mantle of leadership in 2009. Mr Anwar was now the leader of the opposition, having successfully brought together different groups to make gains in 2008. Mr Najib followed the Mahathir playbook and convicted Mr Anwar of sodomy in a tainted political trial. But Mr Najib made the same mistake as Mr Abdullah, failing at national leadership. Changing sides The 2015 1MDB scandal and ostentatious displays of wealth tied to perceived corruption provoked strong nationalistic responses by Dr Mahathir, who openly criticised Mr Najib's leadership. Mr Najib fought Dr Mahathir, engaging in personal attacks, purging him from the party and threatening charges. Mr Najib pushed Dr Mahathir back into Mr Anwar's fold. In 2016 Dr Mahathir began collaborating with the opposition and assumed its leadership in December. An integral part of this relationship involved turning power over to Mr Anwar, after securing his release and pardon. The 92-year old steered the opposition toward victory this month, calling for Mr Najib's removal, reinstating the rule of law and political reforms. Mr Anwar's agenda of the 1990s was co-opted by the target of those criticisms, the very person who had repudiated and punished Mr Anwar for his call for change. Today, with Mr Anwar's release, the two men are allies again. They both publicly attest a commitment to political reform. The betrayals of the past, however, are there, and how much these are put aside for a shared goal is not clear. The timing of the turnover of power and scope of political reform are likely to emerge as points of difference, as for both men power has been central in their trajectories. Now more than ever Malaysians hope these men focus on loyalty to the country as opposed to personal interest and work together as allies toward strengthening Malaysia. Bridget Welsh is associate professor of political science at John Cabot University in Rome.

अनवर इब्राहिम की रिहाई मलेशिया के लिए एक नई शुरुआत में एक महत्वपूर्ण कदम है, जो 9 मई को सत्तारूढ़ दल को सत्ता से बेदखल करने वाली आश्चर्यजनक चुनावी जीत पर आधारित है। यह लंबी प्रतिद्वंद्विता वाले दो लोगों के बीच वफादारी की परीक्षा भी है, जिनमें से एक दूसरे का जेलर था, ब्रिजेट वेल्श लिखते हैं।


Murder arrest after woman's body found in Neath house

Summary: A man has been arrested on suspicion of murder after a woman's body was found at a house in Neath.

Police were called to an address on Talbot Road at about 19:35 GMT on Friday following reports of a domestic incident. The body of a 33-year-old woman was found at the house, South Wales Police said. A 56-year-old man has been arrested on suspicion of murder and is assisting police with enquiries.

नीथ में एक घर में एक महिला का शव मिलने के बाद हत्या के संदेह में एक व्यक्ति को गिरफ्तार किया गया है।


The museum in India that shrinks you

Summary: India's first Click Art Museum, in the southern city of Chennai, has been visited by more than 47,000 people since its opening in April. The BBC's Geeta Pandey takes a peek into this world of wonders to find out why it is drawing in the crowds.

Delightful squeals welcome me as I step into this museum on the East Coast Road. Once inside, I feel like Alice in Wonderland. There is Adam stepping out of the frame to hand over an apple as Eve watches, Atlas is gifting away a massive diamond and Monalisa is pouring a steaming cup of coffee. You can take a selfie with a chimp and play with a dolphin. And before you leave, you can also collect your Oscar trophy. But hang on, the journey is fraught with danger too - can you prevent your body from being cut into halves? Are you brave enough to fight the huge snake that's slithered up right behind you? Can you fight the bull that's charging towards you? And can you survive Bruce Lee's lethal kick? To contemplate my survival strategy, I sat down on the nearest chair. It was a bad idea - I got shrunk! The museum has 24 artworks on display, which have been created using 3D paintings and optical illusion. They offer the viewer an opportunity to interact and become part of the scenery. Tamil artist AP Shreethar, who has created all the exhibits, says he drew inspiration from similar click art galleries in Singapore, Malaysia, Phuket and Hong Kong and that it took him three and a half years to put together this museum. "Art galleries in southern India are generally very boring. Not many people are interested in art and few visit an exhibition," he told the BBC. The museum has had more than 47,000 visitors since it opened its doors on 14 April. Entry is ticketed at 150 rupees ($2.24; £1.68) for adults and 100 rupees for children - which is not cheap, but it has been no deterrent with hundreds of people visiting daily. At the weekends, Mr Shreethar says the museum draws up to 2,000 visitors in a day. The paintings seem to be a hit with the children as well as adults. Seven-year-old Sahasra Rushika and her four-year-old brother Atharva Raghav, who are visiting with their parents from Bangalore, are running around posing for pictures. "The angel is the best, it's my favourite, it can fly," says Saharsa. Nearby, grown men and women are posing too, cellphones have been whipped out from pockets and purses, some are taking selfies while others are calling out to friends and colleagues to take their photos. "I'm an engineer, we work under tremendous pressure. This is a surprise visit our office organised for us and we're enjoying it immensely," says Loganathan P who is visiting with his colleagues. "This place is very nice, and I'm feeling very relaxed and happy. It's taken me back to my childhood days," he adds. As he poses for a photograph with some of his colleagues, I ask him if he's going to share his photos on Facebook. "They're being sent around the world to friends and family now on WhatsApp," he says. His colleague Nirmala Mani, teases him that he is behaving like the selfie-taking chimp which she describes as "the most awesome work here". "It is very satisfying to see people enjoying themselves like this," Mr Shreethar says. A veteran of 64 art shows, held in India and abroad, he says he took ideas from the classics. "We chose Monalisa and works of Great Masters so that people can recognise them easily." Buoyed by the success of this project, now he plans to open 22 more museums, including in Delhi, Goa, Mumbai, San Francisco and Malta. Click art, he says, is perfect for today's generation, obsessed with photographs and selfies. "Seven-eight years ago this wouldn't have worked. But now everyone has a cellphone with a camera and that has made this very popular." Mr Shreethar says most visitors take 50 to 60 pictures at the museum and that their Facebook page has been tagged in nearly a million photographs. "I knew the click art museum would be a hit, but even we are astonished by the interest," he adds.

दक्षिणी शहर चेन्नई में भारत का पहला क्लिक आर्ट संग्रहालय अप्रैल में खुलने के बाद से 47,000 से अधिक लोगों द्वारा देखा जा चुका है। बीबीसी की गीता पांडे यह जानने के लिए आश्चर्य की इस दुनिया में एक नज़र डालती है कि यह भीड़ में क्यों आकर्षित हो रहा है।


Northamptonshire toads embark on a doomed path to love

Summary: As amorous toads across the country begin to migrate the hazardous path to a mating ground, one particular colony in Northamptonshire will risk their lives in vain, as the pond they are travelling to has been built on.

Every year, hundreds of toads make the one-mile journey from woodland across a number of roads to a housing estate in the village of St Crispins, to the south of Northampton. Many are squashed by cars and dozens more fall into drains as they try to get back to where they were born. But those that do make it alive will find that the pond has been replaced by buildings. Dangerous journey Toad patrol volunteer Donna Robins, who lives in the estate, said she feels obliged to help them through the season. She said: "My house is on the woodland where they used to live, I feel responsible. I see them getting killed every night on the road. "They are amazingly intelligent, they have migratory instincts. Some of these toads are up to 12 years old, our estate is about six years old perhaps. "These toads are going to a pond that they were born in, that's now been filled with building materials, a building site, houses or roads." She said the route to the pond is so fraught with danger that the creatures are unlikely to make the return journey. "They are heading into a building site where they are going to get killed if they don't get die on the way in," she said. More than 60 toads a night during the end of March to the beginning of April migrate over the road, and their death rate is so high that St Crispins' toad patrollers have devised a number of ways to rescue the creatures. 'Confusing' To minimise the casualties, they will drop polystyrene floats into the drains to allow toads to "hop out" and will carry out "bucket lifts" to help them cross the road to a makeshift pond. The patrollers are hoping to put a more long-term solution in place by building a new pond in the woodland, so the toads would not need to migrate, and signs to slow traffic for the toads who continue to migrate. Mrs Robins added: "They are coming from the woodland out of hibernation to a pond that doesn't exist any more. It must be quite confusing for them. "It's really not their fault." Brian Laney, a fellow toad patroller said: "The number of toads is in decline as their habitat is being substantially reduced." The patrollers are appealing for more volunteers to help the toads through the migrating season. Mrs Robins added: "It is only for a few weeks between March and April. Every night you see around 50-60 frogs on a five-minute stretch of road. "The more people we have helping the better."

जैसे ही देश भर में कामुक टोड एक संभोग स्थल के लिए खतरनाक रास्ते पर पलायन करना शुरू करते हैं, नॉर्थम्पटनशायर में एक विशेष कॉलोनी अपने जीवन को व्यर्थ में जोखिम में डाल देगी, क्योंकि वे जिस तालाब की यात्रा कर रहे हैं, उस पर बनाया गया है।


Sellafield controlled shutdown investigation under way

Summary: An investigation has begun at Sellafield in Cumbria after one of the site's reprocessing plants underwent a controlled shutdown.

Sellafield Limited says the Magnox plant was closed down on 23 February because of what it calls an "anomaly in the chemical process". The Magnox plant deals with fuel from Britain's early nuclear reactors. An initial probe suggested the problem was caused by a blockage of a chemical agent in part of the system. Sellafield bosses confirmed there was no risk to workers or the public. Two investigations into other incidents on the site are ongoing, they said.

साइट के पुनर्संसाधन संयंत्रों में से एक के नियंत्रित रूप से बंद होने के बाद कुम्ब्रिया के सेलाफील्ड में एक जांच शुरू हो गई है।


Man wanted after PC seriously hurt in Walsall hit-and-run

Summary: Police have named a "prime suspect" they want to trace after a female officer was seriously injured in a hit-and-run.

The 50-year-old West Midlands Police officer was struck by a car in Hatherton Street, Walsall, at about 09:00 BST on Thursday. The force said it wanted to speak to Clover Johnson, 51, over the incident. The injured officer remains in hospital with a serious head injury, broken ribs and punctured lung. The officer had been attempting to defuse a domestic incident when she was hit by the car, which was later found in Thames Road, Bloxwich. Det Insp Chris Fox said: "The thoughts of the force are with her and we are doing all we can to catch the person responsible."

एक हिट-एंड-रन में एक महिला अधिकारी के गंभीर रूप से घायल होने के बाद पुलिस ने एक "प्रमुख संदिग्ध" का नाम लिया है जिसका वे पता लगाना चाहते हैं।


Battle between anti-abortion and pro-choice campaigners

Summary: The Irish government is expected to confirm in the near future that it will legislate for the credible threat of suicide as a grounds for an abortion. BBC NI's Dublin correspondent Shane Harrison reports on the battle between pro-choice and anti-abortion campaigners.

By Shane HarrisonBBC NI Dublin correspondent It is a cold, wet day outside RTE's Dublin headquarters. And a group has gathered - as they do weekly - to complain about what they perceive as the state broadcaster's anti-Catholic bias, a charge RTE strongly denies. One issue above all else annoys the protestors - abortion. PJ Mallon came from New Ross in County Wexford to voice his opinion. 'Life is sacred' "Abortion; thou shall not kill - it's a commandment. We as Catholics and Christians believe in the commandments of God. And if you're a Christian you have to stand up for what you believe in," he said. "And we believe that life begins in the womb and ends at the tomb. No man, no scientist, no doctor has the right to take life. Life is sacred in all its forms." In another part of Dublin, pro-choice doctors have gathered for a conference organised by the National Women's Council in Ireland. They believe the government's expected decision to legislate for abortion where there is a threat to the mother's life as distinct from her health is a good first step, especially as the credible threat of suicide will be included as a grounds for a pregnancy termination. But Dr Mary Favier, said the expected legislation does not go far enough and not just because it does not allow for abortion in cases of rape, incest or where the foetus cannot survive outside the womb. Changing attitudes She said it will not alter the fact that 11 women leave the Republic every day for a British termination. "Basically what we want to see is the 5,000 Irish women who travel every year will no longer have to do so and can exercise their rights to have good quality reproductive healthcare at home in Ireland. And let's accept that Ireland has abortion like every other European country has but it has to be provided in the jurisdiction of Ireland. This is what the government has to face up to and this is what the Irish people want to see changed," she said. Several opinion polls taken since the death of the Indian dentist Savita Halappanavar suggest overwhelming support for the government's expected proposals. Mrs Halappanavar died in a Galway last October while miscarrying. She was reportedly told she could not have an abortion because Ireland is a Catholic country. Another pro-choice doctor, Peadar O'Grady - a consultant child psychologist - said there has been an amazing change in Irish attitudes to pregnancy termination. Opinion polls "Anti-choice and anti-abortion forces are now seen as a small eccentric minority, whereas before they were seen as a majority. Eighty five per cent of Irish people now support the introduction of abortion services in Ireland; a majority of general practitioners and primary care doctors also support such services but there is still a political job to be done in bringing Ireland kicking and screaming into the 21st century," he said. That is certainly not a view shared by Richard Greene from the Christian Solidarity Party and his fellow protesters outside RTE. He does not trust the opinion polls that suggest a sea change in Irish attitudes to abortion. "I don't believe them," he said. "The real question is how come 35,000 people can come out on the streets against abortion? And how come those who are promoting abortion can only get a few hundred despite being given massive coverage? And that's a phenomenon, not just in this country, but around the world." With the Irish government hoping to have its proposed bill made law by the Dail (Irish parliament) summer break in July, both pro-choice and anti-abortion campaigners are getting ready for a battle lasting several months.

आयरिश सरकार से निकट भविष्य में इस बात की पुष्टि करने की उम्मीद है कि वह गर्भपात के आधार के रूप में आत्महत्या के विश्वसनीय खतरे के लिए कानून बनाएगी। बीबीसी एन. आई. के डबलिन संवाददाता शेन हैरिसन पसंद-समर्थक और गर्भपात विरोधी प्रचारकों के बीच लड़ाई पर रिपोर्ट करते हैं।


How has Eastbourne become a major part of the tennis calendar?

Summary: In the week before Wimbledon, many of the world's best tennis players are eager to get some last minute competitive practice. But how has the quiet Sussex coastal town of Eastbourne become the place so many of them go to get it?

By James ClarkeBBC News, Sussex Eastbourne has a population of about 100,000 people and is famous for the cliffs of Beachy Head, its sunny weather and high levels of retired people. But for the past four decades it has hosted one of the world's most important grass court tennis tournaments. The women's championship, first held in 1974, is rated as a "premier" tournament. Other WTA competitions with the same status are held in Sydney, Paris, Dubai, Tokyo and Moscow - all places with a slightly higher world profile than Eastbourne, however attractive the floral arrangements on its seafront may be. Among the famous names who have held trophies aloft by the seaside are Martina Navratilova, Chris Evert, Virginia Wade, Justine Henin, Kim Clijsters, Andy Roddick, Lindsay Davenport, Monica Seles, Caroline Wozniacki and current Wimbledon champion Marion Bartoli. So how has the relatively little town carved itself such an important role in the sporting calendar? Ken Pollock, chairman of the Devonshire Park Lawn Tennis Club, where the tournament is played, said: "It's an important venue because of the quality of the grass courts, the weather - it's known as the sunshine coast - and there's ample hotel accommodation. "I go out to schools to talk about the tournament and I bill it as the "tennis town". There's nothing else like it in the country. "Eastbourne stands alone - there isn't another town which is just famous for its tennis. It marks it out as quite a remarkable place." Small town, big sporting event •Eastbourne - population 99,412, hosts a major pre-Wimbledon tennis tournament •Epsom - population 75,102, hosts The Derby •Hoylake - population 13,348, hosting the 2014 Open golf •Shepton Mallet - population 10,369, hosted boxing matches featuring Frank Bruno and Naseem Hamed in 1995 •Silverstone - population 2,176, hosts Formula 1 British Grand Prix Population statistics from 2011 census. Source: Office of National Statistics British number three Johanna Konta, who lives in Eastbourne and is ranked 110th in the world, said: "Obviously for me it's more special than for most of the players - it's one of the few chances I get to sleep in my own bed and eat my mum's cooking. "But other players find it a very nice tournament and that's why there are always some of the world's top players taking part, and why they keep coming back." Of course, Eastbourne is not the only small English town to host a major sporting event. The Derby is held in Epsom, the Open golf visits locations as obscure as Hoylake and Sandwich and Formula 1's British Grand Prix is held in Silverstone - population 2,176. But horse racing, golf and motor racing each have to be played in huge areas, meaning they are by nature more likely to be away from urban sprawl, unlike tennis - whose most famous homes are the grand slam venues of London, Paris, New York and Melbourne. "There are more glamorous locations on tour, but everyone seems to love a seaside resort and Eastbourne remains popular - despite the chilly wind that can blow through Devonshire Park on occasions," says Russell Fuller, the BBC's tennis correspondent. "After up to a fortnight in Paris, and ahead of two weeks at Wimbledon, Eastbourne provides a pleasant respite to city life. "Fewer of the very top seeds opt to play a grass court warm up event these days, but it looks as if a healthy number of top 10 players will be in attendance once again." 'I was an Eastbourne ball girl' by Libby Sutcliffe, BBC News I was just a teenage schoolgirl (above, second from right) in the late 1980s when I was given the chance to stand opposite some of the world's top female tennis players. Dozens of girls at The Cavendish School in Eastbourne were picked to be ball girls at the tennis tournament that comes to the town every year. Among the stars I threw tennis balls to were Martina Navratilova and Jennifer Capriati and I also ball girled one of the last professional games Chris Evert played in. It was a huge honour to share the centre court with some of the biggest names in the sport and we had to complete months of training to make sure we threw and rolled the balls effortlessly. We were called the unsung heroes of the event and we knew we were doing a good job if no-one noticed us. There were occasional slip ups - score boards falling over, sunburn and seagull poo splattered on a bright white skirt. Once I was stuck crouching at the net for 14 games when the umpire forgot to shout "new balls please" when it got to seven. My legs did ache. It was truly an amazing experience and I developed a knowledge and love of tennis that has stayed with me ever since. It meant for one week a year we could escape the classroom, forgot we were just teenagers, mix with the talented and famous and even appear on the TV. Although the tournament in its current format dates back 40 years, tennis has been played at the venue for far longer. Mr Pollock said the park opened on 1 July 1874 and he thinks the first championships was held there in 1881, with the tennis club starting about the same sort of time. "The current tournament came out of the South of England Lawn Tennis Championship, which was held down here in Eastbourne," he said. "The likes of Fred Perry and Rene Lacoste and co would have taken part - it was quite a prestigious tournament." The tournament has always attracted many of the world's top players. This year's event will see five of the women's top 10 players in action - previous winner, world number four and former Wimbledon runner-up Agnieszka Radwanska is top seed. Victoria Azarenka, twice Australian Open winner, is making her comeback from injury at Eastbourne and 2011 Wimbledon champion Petra Kvitova, ranked sixth in the world, is also playing, along with seventh and ninth-ranked Jelena Jankovic and Angelique Kerber. Top seed in the men's tournament is world number 14 Richard Gasquet, a former semi-finalist at Wimbledon and the US Open. Martina Navratilova, the most successful female player of all time, lifted the trophy in Eastbourne 11 times. Navratilova became so closely associated with the town she was awarded the freedom of Eastbourne in 2005, when she said: "I am deeply moved by such genuine kindness... and now I truly feel I am a part of such a noble community. "The appreciation is mutual. I appreciate Eastbourne, Eastbourne appreciates me and it's nice when it's symbiotic like that, it kind of makes you feel good." She said the players walked around among the fans, who could also watch the top stars practise. "It's all right there, it's not so spread out. The players can interact with the fans and the kids and that's what it should be." A brief history of Eastbourne tennis •1881 - First championships held at Devonshire Park •South of England Lawn Tennis Championships and many Davis Cup matches held there •1974 - Annual pre-Wimbledon tournament for women launched •2009 - Tournament becomes an event for men and women Darren Weir, chairman of the Eastbourne Hospitality Association, said the tournament was a crucial event in the town's calendar. "We all have guests that specifically stay for the tournament - my guest house is always full with spectators, and some of them have been coming for 20 years and book a year in advance. "We also have to accommodate all the support staff, the catering workers, and the bigger hotels - the four and five star hotels - host the players and their entourages, if they have any. The LTA (Lawn Tennis Association) tends to pick a hotel for the players. "If you look around all the restaurants and bars benefit from it and shops fill their window display with tennis things - the town gets a tennis buzz."

विंबलडन से एक सप्ताह पहले, दुनिया के कई सर्वश्रेष्ठ टेनिस खिलाड़ी अंतिम समय में कुछ प्रतिस्पर्धी अभ्यास प्राप्त करने के लिए उत्सुक हैं। लेकिन ईस्टबोर्न का शांत ससेक्स तटीय शहर कैसे वह स्थान बन गया है जहाँ उनमें से कई इसे प्राप्त करने के लिए जाते हैं?


Six childcare gurus who have changed parenting

Summary: It's been 70 years since the idea of the "good enough mother" was popularised by psychoanalyst Donald Winnicott. Since then, there's been a plethora of parenting advice, with everything from the naughty step to a time limit on cuddling catching on.

By Alex CampbellBBC News History has provided no shortage of "supernanny" figures with big ideas about how best to raise children. Childcare advice is a multi-billion pound industry with an avalanche of books, magazines, and television shows competing for credibility. Here are six of the people who have had the biggest impact on parenting over the past 100 years. Sir Frederick Truby King Child welfare reformer Sir Frederick Truby King is credited with drastically reducing infant mortality in his native New Zealand. His research also led to a radical improvement in childhood nutrition and he was knighted in 1925 for his contribution to society. But for all of his laudable achievements, Truby King is undoubtedly best known as an early champion of enforcement parenting - with its emphasis on discipline and detachment. The key to the Truby King method was to feed babies by the clock every four hours and preferably never at night - stoically ignoring demands for sustenance in between. He recommended placing babies in their own rooms immediately and leaving them in the garden for long periods to toughen them up. He also imposed a 10-minute daily cap on cuddles. Parenting was about routine and discipline. The formative months were for eating, sleeping and growing - not bonding. The philosophy might seem brutal to modern day doters, but childcare historian and author Hugh Cunningham says mothers were inclined to trust the experts of the era. "Not every parent at the time did it this way but they will have been aware of it. "A significant number of people simply thought science was telling them and therefore it was the right thing to do," he says. Dr Benjamin Spock Dr Benjamin Spock's Common Sense Book of Baby and Child Care is one of the best-selling books of all time, having sold some 50 million since it was first published in 1946. Challenging the child-rearing orthodoxy of the early 20th Century, Dr Spock encouraged a more gentle approach to bringing up children, and told parents to trust their own instincts and common sense. The Spock guide to parenting - which encouraged affection and recognised that every baby is different - went mainstream in the 1960s. It was probably a convenient time for a new style of parenting, according to psychologist Dr Aric Sigman. Mothers were increasingly getting used to household appliances and disposable nappies, which left far more time for cuddling, doting and pampering than most Trudy King parents were likely to have enjoyed. "Changes in parenting trends reflect changes in politics, the economy and the parents' needs, even though children's needs really haven't changed," says Sigman. Donald Winnicott About the same time as Spock's parenting guide began shifting millions, Winnicott was beginning a stint of almost 20 years of influential broadcasts for the BBC, the first of which was in 1943. His broadcasts were aimed directly at mothers, with his "good enough mother" philosophy promoting the idea that they weren't perfect. Occasional failure was not just inevitable in parenting - it was part of the child's learning curve. Like Spock, Winnicott believed in parents' intuition. "It is when a mother trusts her judgement that she is at her best," he said. The paediatrician and psychoanalyst didn't believe in setting regimes or even giving instructions. He believed in understanding, not admonishing. Mumsnet founder Justine Roberts says some parents adopt a similar style today. "I like the principle of trusting your instincts - don't sweat the small stuff too much," she says. Penelope Leach Continuing a growing trend for a liberal antidote to the routines and rituals of the previous generation, psychologist Penelope Leach rose to prominence in the 1970s and 1980s. Leach's book, Your Baby and Child: From Birth to Age Five, has sold more than two million copies since its original publication in 1977, and her work remains popular with some parents. Her style is "child-centred" parenting. You had the baby, now come the sacrifices. "Whatever you are doing, however you are coping, if you listen to your child and to your own feelings, there will be something you can actually do to put things right or make the best of those that are wrong," she notes in the book's introduction. An expert in child development, Leach has more recently spoken out against "crying-it-out" techniques - advocated by some as a method of helping to establish routine. Some have described her as "legendary for making parents feel guilty". Gina Ford The so-called Queen of Routine's parenting plans are loved and loathed but never ignored. Gina Ford's methods have been branded "absolute nonsense" by Lib Dem leader Nick Clegg and led to a legal settlement with Mumsnet after some of its members posted explicitly hostile reviews But at one point three of her books accounted for 25% of the sprawling childcare books market, and she boasts celebrity supporters such as Kate Winslet. The former maternity nurse has sold more than half a million copies of her original 1999 publication The Contented Little Baby Book. Her bestselling guide advocates a strict regime for both parent and child, broken into five-minute slots, which is built around set feeding times to establish a routine as early as possible. It recommends ignoring a crying child to help restore sleeping patterns in certain circumstances, as well as not making eye contact before bedtime to avoid excitement. Jo Frost Reality TV show Supernanny has reached tens of millions of viewers across 47 countries and spawned its own US spin-off - billing star professional nanny Jo Frost as a modern day Mary Poppins. For many parents, Frost is the inspiration for the widely used "naughty step" technique. Children who are misbehaving get a warning, but if they carry on they have to sit on a step - waiting one minute for every year of age. Afterwards, they have to apologise. Other staples, which include a regular dose of finger-wagging and face-to-face ultimatums, have also infiltrated homes across the world. But while Jo Frost's no-nonsense approach appeals to many parents, it's also been criticised for being part of a culture which invades children's privacy. Tracey Jensen, lecturer in media and cultural studies at Newcastle University, told the Guardian newspaper Supernanny offers up the spectacle of the "bad enough mother", usually working-class, who is shamed before she is transformed. You can follow the Magazine on Twitter and on Facebook

"पर्याप्त अच्छी माँ" के विचार को मनोविश्लेषक डोनाल्ड विनिकॉट द्वारा लोकप्रिय बनाए हुए 70 साल हो चुके हैं। तब से, माता-पिता को बहुत सारी सलाह दी जाती रही है, जिसमें शरारती कदम से लेकर गले मिलने की समय सीमा तक सब कुछ शामिल है।


Two hurt as car reverses into Dudley house

Summary: A car was apparently reversed through the wall of a house leaving two people needing hospital treatment.

The victims, a man and a woman, were injured at the house in Kestrel Road, Dudley, on New Year's Eve. West Midlands Fire Service confirmed the pair were taken to hospital but did not give details of injuries or if they were in the house or car at the time. Police and ambulance services also attended but police have not issued further details. The incident took place shortly before 23:00 GMT.

एक कार स्पष्ट रूप से एक घर की दीवार से पलट गई, जिससे दो लोगों को अस्पताल में इलाज की आवश्यकता पड़ी।


Passengers evacuated as train catches fire in Willaston

Summary: About 50 passengers had to be evacuated from a train carriage after engine components caught fire.

Firefighters were called to the train, which had come to a stop in Willaston, Cheshire, at about 10:20 BST. Crewe firefighters said the passengers were "not in any danger" but had to get off at a crossing and the brigade could not account for their onward travel. They said they believed it was an Arriva service and the firm has been approached for comment. Follow BBC West Midlands on Facebook, on Twitter, and sign up for local news updates direct to your phone.

इंजन के घटकों में आग लगने के बाद लगभग 50 यात्रियों को ट्रेन की गाड़ी से बाहर निकालना पड़ा।


M25 closed after lorry fire damages road surface in Essex

Summary: A section of the M25 in Essex was closed causing "severe" delays after a lorry fire which damaged the road surface, the Highways Agency said.

Emergency services were called to an anticlockwise section between junctions 27 and 26 for the M11 and Waltham Abbey at about 19:30 BST on Thursday. The vehicle was carrying waste including paint, tyres and paper. Several loud explosions were heard. A Highways Agency spokesman said the road reopened just after 09:00 BST. There are still delays of about two hours on the anticlockwise carriageway. The spokesman urged drivers to check conditions before they set out and plan their journeys to avoid the area if possible.

राजमार्ग एजेंसी ने कहा कि एसेक्स में एम25 के एक हिस्से को बंद कर दिया गया था, जिससे एक लॉरी में आग लगने के बाद "गंभीर" देरी हुई, जिससे सड़क की सतह क्षतिग्रस्त हो गई।


Ami Vitale: A life devoted to photography

Summary: Ami Vitale is often described as a travel photographer, and given that she has worked in nearly 100 countries over the past 18 years you'd be forgiven for doing so. Yet though her pictures are exquisitely beautiful and come from many exotic locations they go far deeper than traditional travel pictures, connecting the viewer to issues that are dear to her and of importance to society as a whole.

Phil CoomesPicture editor@philcoomeson Twitter "While I do travel and witness extraordinary things, it's not simply about jetting off to exotic places," says Vitale. "The magic really begins when I stay in one place, often for years, to get beyond the surface and talk about the things that connect us." This year Vitale is a nominee in the World Press Photo Awards for her pictures of the community-owned Reteti Elephant Sanctuary in northern Kenya. But her first step into the world of photography came when she gained an internship at a small newspaper in Raleigh, North Carolina, in the early 1990s. Later she worked as an editor for Associated Press and, as she puts it, one day built up the courage to quit and pursue her dream to be a foreign correspondent. After a spell on a newspaper in the Czech Republic, Vitale set off to cover the conflict in Kosovo,. It was here she found the desire to turn her attention to stories that bring people together and reflect life beyond the latest headline. "When we truly understand each other's stories, we are transformed, and no matter where you go, the joy of human emotions remains the same," she says. "The thing that really struck me after witnessing so much conflict and violence in my career is that every single issue I covered, whether it was war or poverty or health always ended up being dependent on nature for its outcomes. "I use nature as the foil to talk about our home, our future and where we are going. The whole point of all of this is to remind people that everything we eat and own is impacted by nature. "As a photographer the more I'm asked to document people and their issues, I realise I'm documenting nature, and the more I get asked to document nature, I realise I'm photographing people's lives. It's one and the same. "In a world of seven billion people, we must see ourselves as part of the landscape. Our fate is linked to the fate of animals." "Every story has a variety of viewpoints and truths depending on where you stand. It really takes tremendous time and patience to get to the subtleties and nuances of any story." Vitale often spends many years working on stories that are important to her, most recently making multiple trips to China for her award-winning pictures documenting the country's panda-breeding programme - as well as visits to northern Kenya to cover a story about indigenous communities protecting endangered species. "The truth is, very little 'clicking' happens," says Vitale. "I travel to some astonishing places, but the secret is about going deep and revealing more than just an 'exotic' image. "Sticking with a story for years helps you understand the complexities, characters and issues that are not always immediately obvious. "Empathy and earning trust is the most important tool I can have so they let me into those special moments. I spend a lot of time explaining why I'm doing this and why it's important. "The trick is to get access to places that no-one else can get to, and the secret to this is to know your subject better than anyone else. "So my advice to those who dream about this is to find a story close to you - maybe even in your backyard - and make it yours. You don't need to travel abroad. What you do need to do, however, is tell a story better than anyone else can, using your own unique perspective. "If you find your own story and show complete and utter dedication, then you will find a way to carve out a career." Funding is of course a big challenge and Vitale often funds the projects herself, by undertaking some teaching work or advertising commissions. She sees it as an investment. "I work to make timeless images that will have a life that carries on rather than timely images for the voracious news cycle. "I spend months and sometimes years working on these stories on my own time. "National Geographic is an incredible platform, but I don't know if people really understand how it's a place to get it seen by large audiences but there are no staff photographers, meaning we have to be very creative and find ways to make it work financially on these longer stories." "I mentor a lot of people and I believe we must pass on the torch and inspire everyone to get involved." To be as successful as this you have to devote your life to photography, sacrifices are the name of the game. Vitale is aware you have to be emotionally self-reliant and wonders how she got through some of the things that have happened to her. "It's the psychological dangers that scare me the most. "I've been harassed, threatened and learned quickly as a woman that I have to be thoughtful about how and where I work. No picture is worth my own personal safety. "I've had many terrifying experiences. My worst close call was in a village in Palestine, in Gaza. It was after a Palestinian had been shot and killed, after his funeral. "The Sun was setting and I was the only journalist still there. My instincts were telling me it was time to go, but I just wanted to get one or two more frames. And then this man started screaming, and within seconds I was surrounded by a crowd of young, very angry men who wanted blood. They wanted vengeance." Thankfully earlier in the day Vitale had spent time with the family of the man who had been killed and they were able to get her to safety. It's not just people you have to be wary of though, especially when working with wild animals such as the pandas. "We must never forget the 'wild' in wildlife," says Vitale. Though she wants to get close, to do so could be dangerous for both her and the animal. "I always talk about the challenges we face but I don't think that is enough. It doesn't motivate people when all we hear is that it's hopeless and nothing can be done. "Everywhere I go, I see people, often with very little, making huge impacts in their communities and the planet. "I think it's just as important to shed some light on those stories, where against all odds, individuals are making a difference. "This will be what saves us all." You can see more work by Ami Vitale on her website or you can follow her on Instagram. Vitale's photographs of pandas in China will soon be published in a book, Panda Love, The Secret Lives of Pandas.

एमी विटाले को अक्सर एक यात्रा फोटोग्राफर के रूप में वर्णित किया जाता है, और यह देखते हुए कि उन्होंने पिछले 18 वर्षों में लगभग 100 देशों में काम किया है, आपको ऐसा करने के लिए माफ कर दिया जाएगा। फिर भी हालाँकि उनकी तस्वीरें उत्कृष्ट रूप से सुंदर हैं और कई विदेशी स्थानों से आती हैं, वे पारंपरिक यात्रा चित्रों की तुलना में कहीं अधिक गहरी हैं, जो दर्शकों को उन मुद्दों से जोड़ती हैं जो उनके लिए प्रिय हैं और पूरे समाज के लिए महत्वपूर्ण हैं।


SFO: Can it survive Tchenguiz humiliation?

Summary: The Serious Fraud Office (SFO) acquired the nickname of the Serious Flawed Office in its early years of operation as a unit fighting big financial crime in the 1990s. That was after a series of flops of high profile cases, against George Walker, the Maxwells and Roger Levitt.

Robert PestonEconomics editor Latterly its reputation has improved, although its decision to drop the Saudi Arabian aspect of a corruption case against BAE Systems saw it widely criticised, because it was seen to be buckling under pressure from the then government of Tony Blair. In this too-long roster of SFO boo-boos and setbacks, today's judgement - that warrants obtained by it for searching the homes and business premises of Vincent and Robbie Tchenguiz were unlawful - is perhaps its most embarrassing. In an existence of almost 25 years, the SFO has never commanded much respect from the police or from its counterparts at the Financial Services Authority (FSA), the City watchdog - whose own performance in taking action against financial wrongdoers is perceived to have improved from a very low base. What FSA officials say about the SFO is frequently not repeatable in polite company. In its own defence, the SFO has consistently argued that its budget is too small to give it a fighting chance of meeting the expectations of politicians and the public: those it investigates and prosecutes can usually afford the most expert and expensive lawyers and advisers. In 2008-09, for example, the SFO had a budget of £53m. That fell to £36m in 2010-11 and to £33m last year. By contrast, the FSA's budget for enforcement and fighting financial crime was £75.4m in 2011-12, which was 11% up on the previous year. The reason the SFO has been squeezed, while the FSA has not, is that the SFO is financed by taxpayers whereas the FSA is funded by a levy on financial institutions. So although the judgement in today's case was humiliating for the SFO, it took comfort from the remarks of the High Court judge Sir John Thomas that "incalculable damage will be done to the financial markets of London, if proper resources, both human and financial, are not made available for such investigations and prosecutions in the financial markets of London". And, as it happens, the resources available to the SFO may be squeezed further still if - as is likely - it is ordered to pay the defence costs of the Tchenguiz brothers, which run to many millions of pounds. Also, one of the Tchenguizes, Vincent, has already made it clear that he will sue the SFO for £100m in damages. And I am told by sources close to his brother Robbie that he too will claim damages of a similar magnitude. The humiliation for the SFO, if taxpayers are forced to pay anything like that to the two erstwhile playboys and property developers, would be unlike anything it has yet suffered in its chequered history. What is perhaps even more problematic is that the SFO is embarking on its most important investigation in recent years, whether crimes were committed in the way that banks and bankers tried to manipulate the important Libor interest rates. One minister, Home Secretary Theresa May, will probably be looking at the SFO's discomfiture with mixed emotions. Just over a year ago, she tried to break up the SFO and close it down but was outvoted by her cabinet colleagues. If she were to feel vindicated today, few would be surprised. What the SFO will fear is that rather than increase its budget, she will conclude that the case against the SFO is now irrefutable and it may be time to put it out of its misery.

सीरियस फ्रॉड ऑफिस (एस. एफ. ओ.) ने 1990 के दशक में बड़े वित्तीय अपराध से लड़ने वाली इकाई के रूप में अपने संचालन के शुरुआती वर्षों में सीरियस फ्लॉड ऑफिस का उपनाम हासिल कर लिया था। यह जॉर्ज वॉकर, मैक्सवेल्स और रोजर लेविट के खिलाफ हाई प्रोफाइल मामलों की एक श्रृंखला के असफल होने के बाद था।


Toots and the Maytals singer injured during concert

Summary: Reggae veterans Toots and the Maytals were forced to cut short a concert in Virginia after the frontman was hit with a bottle thrown from the crowd.

A glass bottle hit singer Frederick Toots Hibbert, 67, as the band performed at the Dominion Riverrock outdoor music festival on Saturday. The Richmond Times-Dispatch reported that Hibbert was treated in hospital for a cut to his head. Police said a 19-year-old man has been charged with aggravated assault. Festival organisers said Hibbert was in good spirits despite the incident and regretted that the concert had to be cut short. Stephen Lecky, a spokesman for festival organiser Venture Richmond, told Rolling Stone magazine: "He was lucid. He was laughing. He was tired obviously. He had had a very long day. "He was one of the nicest men I ever met," he added.

रेगे दिग्गज टूट्स और मायटल्स को वर्जीनिया में एक संगीत कार्यक्रम को बंद करने के लिए मजबूर होना पड़ा क्योंकि भीड़ से फेंकी गई बोतल से फ्रंटमैन को मारा गया था।


Man injured in Nottingham shooting

Summary: A man has been taken to hospital after a shooting in the Radford area of Nottingham.

Police have put up a cordon in Ronald Street where the man suffered gunshot injuries at about 14:00 BST. The victim was taken to hospital for treatment to his injuries which are not thought to be life-threatening, police said. Extra officers have been sent to the area to investigate and reassure residents.

नॉटिंघम के रेडफोर्ड इलाके में गोलीबारी के बाद एक व्यक्ति को अस्पताल ले जाया गया है।


Cumbria village to get £3.2m sewage plant

Summary: A Cumbrian village is to get a sewage treatment plant to bring its waterworks up to date.

United Utilities is spending £3.2m on the treatment works and pipeline in Abbeytown, near Silloth. The pipeline will skirt the site of a former 12th Century abbey and engineers will work with archaeologists to make sure the area is not disturbed. The work is expected to be completed in July 2012 when the old works, built in 1938, will be demolished.

एक कुम्ब्रियन गाँव को अपने जल कार्यों को अद्यतित करने के लिए एक सीवेज उपचार संयंत्र प्राप्त करना है।


Falklands telegrams reveal UK response to invasion

Summary: Previously secret telegrams from the time of Argentina's Falklands invasion in 1982 reveal the scramble to find a ship big enough to send UK troops to the South Atlantic, the burning of sensitive papers and intense diplomatic efforts to stop French-made missiles reaching Buenos Aires.

By Peter BilesBBC World Affairs Correspondent A record of the communications is contained in government files just released by the National Archives in London under a 30-year rule. Argentine forces landed on the Falklands on the morning of 2 April. At 10:30 GMT, Britain's Foreign Secretary, Lord (Peter) Carrington, sent an urgent telegram to the governor: "You have discretion from me and the defence secretary to blow up the airstrip if you can do so, to prevent it being used after invasion to resupply an invasion force". However, communications between London and the Falklands capital, Stanley, had become intermittent, and a handwritten note on the telegram records: "This message was never received." By the following day, 3 April, the governor, Rex Hunt, had been forcibly evacuated by the Argentines to Montevideo. From there, he gave the Foreign Office a rundown of his final hours at Government House in Stanley. "We destroyed all secret papers and cypher equipment except for two Mark Vs on which we were awaiting instructions when communications failed and we ran out of time. The Mark Vs were left in the strong room and I hope will be rendered useless when the Argentines have to blow the door to get in". In the meantime, Britain's ambassador in Buenos Aires, Anthony Williams, had been taking his own "precautionary measures". A telegram on 1 April noted: "We have already started destruction of all sensitive material prior to 1981 and, more recently, of higher sensitivity. "We expect to complete this operation inconspicuously within 18 hours or in less time if it becomes appropriate to use incinerator in this smokeless zone." As Britain assembled a task force to sail for the South Atlantic, it became apparent there were not enough ships. The main requirement was for a passenger liner to carry 1,700 men. With the Queen's approval, a Royal Prerogative was invoked to requisition a P&O liner, the Canberra, and a freighter, the Norsea, which would carry vehicles and equipment. A ministerial memo to the prime minister of the time, Margaret Thatcher, had read: "Without these ships, the Chiefs of Staff assessment is that the military capability of the force would be severely degraded, given the likely threat." Dr Gregory Fremont-Barnes, a lecturer in war studies at Sandhurst, suggests Britain's grand plan was rather "ad hoc". "There was no contingency for retaking the Falklands," he says. "The papers in the National Archives show the government was caught somewhat wrong-footed. Nonetheless, once the news of the invasion comes through, they operated extremely quickly and the Task Force left on 9 April, a week after the invasion." On the diplomatic front, Mrs Thatcher received a welcome offer of assistance from President Francois Mitterrand of France on 3 April. He telephoned her to say: "If there's anything we can do to help, we should like to." But a few weeks later, as the Falklands War entered a critical phase, relations between London and Paris had soured. The government files reveal intense diplomatic efforts by Britain to prevent the sale of French Exocet missiles to Peru. In a confidential telegram to President Mitterrand, dated 30 May, Margaret Thatcher said there was dismay in London at the prospect of French missiles ending up in Argentina. "I must ask you with all the emphasis and urgency at my command to find a means of delaying the delivery of these missiles from France for at least a further month. Naturally we would prefer them not to be supplied at all but the next few weeks are going to be particularly crucial." Mrs Thatcher wrote that one Peruvian ship had been sent away from France empty, but another ship was on its way to France to take delivery of weapons - Peru was protesting to France about a breach of contract. Contained in Mrs Thatcher's message to President Mitterrand was an implicit warning: "If it became known, as it certainly would, that France was now releasing weapons to Peru that would certainly be passed on to Argentina for use against us, France's ally, this would have a devastating effect on the relationship between our two countries." There were no such difficulties between Britain and the United States. A telegram from the British embassy in Washington, dated 3 May, shows that the US Defence Secretary, Caspar Weinberger, had expressed "eagerness to give us (Britain) maximum support". The US even offered the use of an aircraft carrier, the Eisenhower. However, as the war neared its climax, the Reagan administration in Washington was trying to promote the idea of a joint US- Brazilian peacekeeping force to take over the Falklands. On 31 May 1982, President Ronald Reagan made a late night telephone call to Mrs Thatcher, urging Britain to talk before the Argentines were forced to withdraw. According to the notes recorded by John Coles, the prime minister's private secretary, Mr Reagan's view and that of the president of Brazil was that "the best chance for peace was before complete Argentine humiliation". Mr Reagan apparently said if the UK retained sole military occupancy, the UK might face another Argentine invasion in the future. However, Mrs Thatcher was in no mood to compromise. "The prime minister emphasised that the UK could not contemplate a ceasefire without Argentinian withdrawal," wrote her private secretary "The prime minister stressed that Britain had not lost precious lives in battle and sent an enormous task force to hand over the Queen's islands immediately to a contact group." The PM said she understood the president's fears but as Britain had had to go into the islands alone, with no outside help, she could not now let the invader gain from his aggression, he added. "She was sure that the president would act in the same way if Alaska had been similarly threatened." The war lasted just over 10 weeks, but the diary of Britain's 3 Commando Brigade paints a bleak picture of conditions in the Falklands as 15,000 Argentine forces surrendered on 14 June. The Argentines had been dug in for weeks and many were suffering from malnutrition and disease. This created a problem for the victorious British troops as they entered Stanley. "Near riot as a result of too many POWs moving down from the airfield", was a comment written in the Brigade diary. The weather was deteriorating. Helicopters could not fly. British forces were short of artillery rounds, and an end to hostilities was not immediately confirmed from Buenos Aires. "The momentum of the British attack had largely run out of steam in terms of its logistics, not in terms of morale or the brilliant leadership of junior commanders, but in terms of supply. I daresay that if the Argentines had put up a stiff resistance in and around Stanley itself, British forces might have found themselves in very great difficulty," says historian Gregory Fremont-Barnes. However, 3 Commando Brigade's diary catches the mood as it becomes clear the war is over: "Consolidate, re-organise, sort out, and breath a sigh of relief". All document images courtesy of the National Archives

1982 में अर्जेंटीना के फ़ॉकलैंड आक्रमण के समय से पहले के गुप्त तार दक्षिण अटलांटिक में ब्रिटेन के सैनिकों को भेजने के लिए पर्याप्त बड़े जहाज को खोजने के लिए हाथापाई, संवेदनशील कागजातों को जलाने और ब्यूनस आयर्स तक पहुंचने वाली फ्रांसीसी निर्मित मिसाइलों को रोकने के लिए गहन राजनयिक प्रयासों का खुलासा करते हैं।


Paul and Sandra Dunham US fraud 'nearly put us under'

Summary: Paul and Sandra Dunham had protested their innocence with a quiet determination. Faced with charges of fraud from their time in the US, the Northamptonshire couple denied any wrongdoing and campaigned against their extradition.

But a few weeks before their trial was due to start, the pair struck a plea bargain with US authorities and admitted their guilt. In numerous interviews, Mr Dunham had claimed their extradition was "disproportionate" and the case was just an "employment-related dispute" with Pace, the company they had worked for. He claimed they were "totally let down" by the British justice system, that their lives were "shattered" and that they faced months or perhaps years on remand in separate US jails. They even appeared to have attempted to take their own lives, hours before they were due to be flown out to Maryland. The Dunhams certainly garnered support and sympathy from some quarters during their drawn-out fight, but Eric Siegel was resolutely unconvinced. 'Completely violated' As president and chief executive of Pace Worldwide, he considered the Dunhams as "part of the Pace family for well over 30 years". "I feel completely violated, as do many current and former employees at the company," he told the BBC. "Their fraud nearly put us under. The fact we're still in business is a miracle." Both Mr Dunham, 59 and Mrs Dunham, 58, admitted conspiring to commit wire fraud. He pleaded guilty to an additional charge of money laundering. Mr Siegel brought Paul Dunham over to the US in 1999 to help run operations for the company, which manufactures soldering irons for the electronics industry. 'Mountain of evidence' He believes Mr Dunham had his eyes on succeeding him when he left the company in 2003. "I think Paul had designs on taking over the company, and he wasn't happy working with me or the fact I was the co-chairman and president at the time and he was really just the chief operating officer," he said. "I think he was quite envious of that and didn't want to be told what to do." In 2009, Mr Siegel was back at Pace and had suspicions about the couple's activities. By then, Paul Dunham was chief executive and his wife sales director. Mr Siegel gathered a "mountain of evidence" and the following year won a civil case against the couple in North Carolina. It sparked a criminal investigation by the Department of Justice and FBI, and the bringing of charges for which they have now been convicted. 'Warped sense' The Dunhams, meanwhile, claimed Mr Siegel had a personal vendetta against them, somehow influencing the interest of the authorities - which he describes as "laughable" and "absolutely ridiculous". "If I had that kind of power it would be amazing," he said. "I recall Paul Dunham did a news piece saying 'anyone could walk into a federal grand jury and accuse somebody of something and they'll go ahead and indict them. "I'm afraid it doesn't work that way." They also claimed they owned 20% of the company, that Mr Dunham was in charge and he did everything he was entitled to. "I believe he thought he was entitled to it, but he has a very warped sense of right and wrong and everyone else would call it fraud and theft," said Mr Siegel. "We won the civil case, then we brought the judgment over in the UK to domesticate it and have it ratified here. "They did very vigorously fight the domestication of the judgement in the UK, but they lost. "The notion they didn't have a chance to address or answer the charge is quite ridiculous."

पॉल और सैंड्रा डनहम ने एक शांत दृढ़ संकल्प के साथ अपनी बेगुनाही का विरोध किया था। अमेरिका में अपने समय से धोखाधड़ी के आरोपों का सामना करते हुए, नॉर्थम्पटनशायर दंपति ने किसी भी गलत काम से इनकार किया और उनके प्रत्यर्पण के खिलाफ अभियान चलाया।


Labour: Historic divisions over patriotism pose challenge for Starmer

Summary: Early in his tenure as new Labour leader, Sir Keir Starmer said he wanted the party to be "proud of being patriotic".

By Jennifer ScottBBC News online political reporter Now, in his first speech to the party's conference as the party's head, he will say to voters: "I ask you: take another look at Labour. We're under new leadership. We love this country as you do." It seems to be a stance that chimes with many Labour members. According to a YouGov poll in January, as the leadership contest began, 50% of the party thought it was important for the new chief to have a sense of patriotism. It resonates among the public too: in a survey, 67% of respondents told YouGov in June they were proud of being British. But the party has a complex relationship with the concept of patriotism and Sir Keir will face challenges in getting it right. Labour historian and author of Old Labour to New, Greg Rosen, says the party tradition is rooted in patriotism, but tensions came with the approach of World War One. Former Liberal Party members joined Labour, upset by the Liberal stance on foreign policy - and the split between those for and against the war encompassed not just the House of Commons, but the Labour Party as well. Shami Chakrabarti, the former shadow attorney general under Jeremy Corbyn, says she was surprised by the divisions as she learnt the history of the party. She points to a story in a new book by Rachel Holmes, Sylvia Pankhurst - Natural Born Rebel, featuring an incident with Keir Hardie - a founder of the party. Keir Hardie was against World War One and spoke out about it in the Commons. But some Labour backbenchers defied him by quietly singing the national anthem "like a cold, cold wind" from behind, in a stunt to discredit him as anti-patriotic. "I was shocked, not just that Labour MPs could be so wrong about that tragic imperialist war, but that they were so nasty to their first leader who brought them into being," says Baroness Chakrabarti. Keir Hardie wasn't alone in his opposition to that war - Mr Rosen points to the resignation of Ramsay MacDonald, who quit as Labour leader in 1914, after saying he believed Britain should have remained neutral. Yet, at the same time, other leading Labour figures made it onto the frontbench of the coalition government to lead the war effort. This divide on foreign policy - with only those supportive of the war deemed "patriots" - continued. Mr Rosen said there were "immense tensions" in the 1930s and 1940s within Labour over the rise of fascism and Hitler. "It saw some figures far firmer in their determination to stand up to fascism than the Conservative Party, while others were quitting over their beliefs in pacifism," he says. The former shadow chancellor, Ed Balls, says this was a time Labour could point to, when it showed its patriotic background. "There have been points of tension, but if you think back to the moment of greatest peril in the last 100 years - 1939, when our national identity and national security were the most challenged - that was the moment the Labour Party joined with Churchill in a war time cabinet," he says. "British patriotism and unity at that time of greatest need was underpinned by Labour but that was consistent with the party pushing for change." In 1945, despite Churchill's leadership through the war, it was Labour and Clement Attlee that won the post-war election. "Part of the reason Labour won in 1945 was because it was seen as the party that was both patriotic but also had vision for a better Britain - not just proud but willing to act - to defend and change the country," says Mr Balls. But Attlee, who is celebrated as the great reformer and founder of the NHS, was also responsible for securing the UK's nuclear deterrent - another topic which divides Labour opinion. Symbols of patriotism John Denham - a cabinet minister under Tony Blair and Gordon Brown - said Labour's approach began to change after the "explicitly patriotic" governments of the post-war era. "From the early 1980s, that question of defence policy was again closely associated with patriotism," he said. "The party made a pledge in its manifesto for unilateral nuclear disarmament. But the merits of this went up against the patriotic representation of Margaret Thatcher's policies around the Falklands War. "It put Labour on the back foot for voters who looked for strong military presence from their leaders." Mr Balls points out: "Every Conservative conference had flown the Union Jack and used as many patriotic symbols as possible, as well as being strong on law and order, and defence. "Labour hadn't matched that." But, he says, there was an issue on the left over whether to even try. Ed Balls says there was a tension between "people who wanted to start international engagement from a place of patriotism, like David Owen, and those like Roy Jenkins, who I think saw internationalism as an alternative to patriotism". Mr Denham, who also co-founded of the English Labour Network, says it was "crucial" to Tony Blair's election win in 1997 that accusations of the party not being patriotic were "neutralised". And Ed Balls - who won his seat as an MP in 2005 - saw some new and surprising moves by Labour. He says: "I remember very well in the run up to 1997 election, Peter Mandelson brought a bulldog to a press conference in a Union Jack waistcoat. "It was part of New Labour signalling that this was now a party that was very proud of Britishness and would do the things that were necessary to protect out national security." As well as embracing a more overt patriotism in this era, New Labour ushered in another change - this time, in the party's membership. "Historically, the membership was filled with trade unions and their even bigger base in the manual, industrial working classes," says Mr Denham. "There was a built-in socially democratic, patriotic structure here. "But the membership became more middle-class, with more graduates and more city-based people. That means it is drawn from that section of society that, in general, is less likely to think about the issue of patriotism." This cohort has continued to expand among Labour members in the years after Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. And in the latest chapter of Labour's history, it has been coupled with growing numbers on the very left of the party. The party's contortions were epitomised by the incident where Emily Thornberry resigned from Labour's front bench in 2014, after sending a tweet during a by-election which was branded "snobby". She apologised for the tweet, which showed a terraced house with three England flags, and a white van parked outside. The Corbyn question mark Jeremy Corbyn was a well-established backbench rebel who showed off his left wing stripes when he took over as leader in 2015. He would speak on the record about his love for the country and support for the Armed Forces but his well-known views on the monarchy, military action and incidents such as criticism from Labour MPs that he opted to remain silent rather than sing the national anthem at a service to mark the 75th anniversary of the Battle of Britain, left a question mark over him for some voters who were looking for a patriot in their next prime minister. Former Labour MP Jenny Chapman - who lost her seat in the 2019 election and chaired Sir Keir's campaign to become leader - says: "He cleared the pitch. He walked away from the flag, he didn't stand up for the national anthem, he didn't dress appropriately for an important remembrance event. "People care about these things and it is about respect - respect for them and respect for the country. It may sound very superficial, but it means an awful lot to people, and that is where Jeremy lost permission to have any nuance on this." Ms Chapman says patriotism was a "real issue" on the doorstep in the 2019 election - which saw her lose her seat as an MP in Darlington. "They would be very blunt about it," she says. "They would call Jeremy a communist or a terrorist and it isn't fair. I have never been a Jeremy fan, but he isn't those things. "And they would say he didn't love this country. I am not saying it was true or fair, but that was the perception and it is one we need to correct." Other issues were, of course, at play, but few dispute that the perception of Mr Corbyn - true or not - damaged the party's performance in those more traditional, working class constituencies, especially in the north of England and the Midlands - the so-called "Red Wall" seats. In April, Sir Keir won the Labour leadership contest outright. For Baroness Chakrabarti, Sir Keir's task is to redefine what patriotism means. "I personally have no problem calling myself a patriot," she said. "I am a universalist, an internationalist, a human rights activist, but I also understand that people are rooted in place, language, culture and stories." She is happy to list things that make her feel patriotic, including the English language, the rule of law, and the Commonwealth, but says: "Rather than reducing patriotism to flags and uniforms, we should change the narrative." Baroness Chakrabarti wants Labour to focus its patriotism on sources of pride - rather than taking on the more traditional, flag-waving patriotism of the right - such as Britain's "greatest national treasure", the NHS. "Contemporary patriotism should be about loyalty to care and health workers in blue, sent into modern day mines, mills and trenches without adequate testing or protection," she says. "We should be patriotic about the NHS, not looking for more wars or trying to compete with the right wing populism of Johnson and Trump." 'Patriotic reform' Ed Balls believes bringing together an internationalist view with the country's national interest is the right balance - and one which has proven fruitful in the past for Labour. "The 1945 government was a reforming one, but it did so with strong patriotic language about the kind of Britain we wanted to build," he says. "Labour must use the 1945 election as exemplar of patriotic reform because, if you are not a reformer, why are you in Labour, and if you are not a patriot, you don't take the country with you. "Those red wall seats, areas I used to represent, want change and are deeply patriotic places that are very proud of that Britishness. Standing up for that combination of change and national pride is vital if Labour is to succeed." So what is the feeling in Sir Keir's camp? Jenny Chapman says they have accepted that some voters "sense we see the world in a different way and that we are embarrassed, uncomfortable or feel guilty about being British". "I have never felt like that, Keir doesn't feel like that and many Labour MPs don't either," she adds. "But it is the reality of what people think and we can't just ignore it." But how do you appeal to voters who want to celebrate their Britishness without losing the membership less comfortable with the notion? "You highlight that they have more in common," she says. "There are things very important to both groups of people - the nature of work, the quality of public services, economic credibility - and Labour needs to make those the most important questions."

नए लेबर नेता के रूप में अपने कार्यकाल की शुरुआत में, सर कीर स्टारमर ने कहा कि वह चाहते हैं कि पार्टी को "देशभक्त होने पर गर्व हो"।


Big Brother at work may be no bad thing

Summary: The next time you talk to someone at work who's wearing a name badge, look at it very closely - it might not actually be a badge at all, but a sensor. It might be telling your employer who you're talking to and in what sort of tone of voice, writes Lucy Kellaway.

This isn't a brave new world; this is now. Such devices are dirt cheap and companies are increasingly taking note. It's pretty scary. Yet is the arrival of Big Brother in the corporate world quite such a bad thing? Being constantly monitored by invisible devices might sound terrifying but I'm not sure it is any more so than being monitored infrequently by visible human beings. Under the present arrangement, we are observed in a haphazard and unscientific way by superiors who may well have made their minds up about us already, based on not much evidence at all. Sod's Law decrees that when you do something good, no-one notices but the minute you do something bad you get caught. I remember one boss who, once in a blue moon, would walk around the office; whenever he crept up behind me I was invariably writing a shopping list or was on the phone to my mum. Such surveillance did not improve my behaviour, though it did increase my sense of injustice. To have been monitored all the time - which would have put the shopping list in the context of otherwise diligent behaviour - would have been a vast improvement. In most offices a raft of mainly pointless, cumbersome tools are used to assess performance, including "competency matrices", appraisal interviews and psychometric testing. Together they are so ineffective that according to a delightful piece of research by the University of Catania, companies would be no worse off if they promoted people at random. So if we are in favour of meritocracies, we should also be in favour of anything that helps us measure merit more accurately. While the data collected by the new sensors are almost certainly too crude to offer much help now, I see no reason why in time (and probably quite soon) we will not have worked out exactly which behavioural quirks are the key to high (or low) performance, and found a decent, objective way of measuring them. You could say that monitoring behaviour in offices would kill trust and spontaneity, making robots of us all. But so long as everyone knew they were being monitored and understood what for, I don't see why it should be such a terrifying idea - except perhaps for those who bully, shout at or harass others and who have until now been getting away with it. Far from making work less civilised, the arrival of Big Brother could make it more so. Office life could become more transparent and less political. And managers would be freed from having to play the role of policeman all day and allowed to get on with the more important role of helping people do a better job. Above all, for the system to work, you would need to have some faith in the regime that implemented it. But then, if you don't have any faith in the regime, the chances are that you are done for anyway. Lucy Kellaway is an author and Financial Times columnist. Listen to her on Business Daily and World Business Report on BBC World Service every Monday.

अगली बार जब आप काम पर किसी ऐसे व्यक्ति से बात करते हैं जो नेम बैज पहने हुए है, तो उसे बहुत बारीकी से देखें-यह वास्तव में एक बैज नहीं हो सकता है, बल्कि एक सेंसर हो सकता है। यह आपके नियोक्ता को बता सकता है कि आप किससे बात कर रहे हैं और किस तरह की आवाज़ में, लुसी केलवे लिखती हैं।


In Amenas siege: Is Algeria's economy under threat?

Summary: Militant Islamists attacked the heart of the Algerian economy when they targeted the In Amenas gas plant in the Sahara desert earlier this month - an attack which for some rekindled grim memories of the civil war which ravaged the country in the 1990s.

By Mohamed Arezki HimeurBBC Afrique The oil and gas sectors account for 70% of the national budget and the In Amenas plant accounts for 6-7% of Algeria's reserves of gas and condensate, and almost 3% of its oil reserves. "[The militants' aim was] to destroy the Algerian economy, which depends on 98% of exports of hydrocarbons, and In Amenas is an important centre in this area," said Communications Minister Mohamed Said. The attack came at a time when the government forecasts an increase in the production of hydrocarbons, which has been in decline since 2007 because of aging deposits. In 2012, Algeria - which sees itself as a regional superpower - achieved a trade surplus of $27bn (£17bn), largely based on oil and gas, according to official statistics. Repeated attacks on the sectors would have a devastating effect on the economy. The industry was not targeted during the civil war which broke out in 1992 after the military annulled elections that the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) was poised to win following a mass uprising - similar to the one that swept through Tunisia, Egypt and Libya more recently - against one-party socialist rule. At the time, northern Algeria was worst-affected by the conflict, with international airlines suspending flights to northern cities including the capital, Algiers, and the second city, Oran. Instead, they flew directly to airports in the Algerian desert, which was then seen as more stable. Failed security This time, militants - operating under the banner of the Signed-in Blood Battalion, led by Mokhtar Belmokhtar - seized control of the In Amenas plant in the remote east, taking foreign workers hostage and killing them. As the In Amenas site is within a military zone, it was always thought to be well protected by the army which had a strong surveillance team in the area. Extra security forces had also been deployed along the borders with Mali, Niger, Libya, Tunisia and Mauritania, after France used Algerian airspace to launch a military offensive against the Islamist militants who had seized control of northern Mali last year. Despite this, the attackers managed to enter the plant, killing dozens of workers, nearly all of them foreigners, before Algerian special forces regained control of the facility. The government has now stepped up security even further around vital economic installations in the Sahara desert. Pull-out unlikely Despite the huge shock, the authorities here are confident that the Algerian economy will be able to weather the storm. Some point out that most foreign companies stayed in Algeria throughout the civil war, which killed tens of thousands of people. "The Algerian authorities have received assurances that firms and foreign employees will not leave Algeria," said Energy Minister Youcef Yousfi. The In Amenas plant - a joint venture between state-owned oil firm Sonatrach, UK multinational BP and Norway's Statoil - has been operating since 2006 and has a production capacity of nine billion cubic meters per year. "Proven reserves of hydrocarbons are estimated at 12.2 billion barrels of crude oil and 4.5 trillion cubic meters of natural gas," said Abdelhamid Zerguine, head of Sonatrach. Former Sonatrach boss Abdelmajid Attar has told Algeria's Le Soir's newspaper that BP and Statoil - which evacuated their foreign staff after the siege - risked huge financial losses if they disinvested from In Amenas. "I do not think these companies can afford a permanent withdrawal after a significant investment corresponding to almost half of their investments in Algeria," he said. Most people are hoping that the In Amenas siege was a one-off attack - "collateral damage" from the conflict in northern Mali, following the French intervention - and not a signal that the Algerian side of the desert could become engulfed in conflict. One thing is certain, though - after In Amenas, the Algerian government will strengthen its security apparatus in the Sahara, as beneath its sand lies much of Algeria's wealth.

उग्रवादी इस्लामवादियों ने अल्जीरियाई अर्थव्यवस्था के केंद्र पर हमला किया जब उन्होंने इस महीने की शुरुआत में सहारा रेगिस्तान में इन आमेनास गैस संयंत्र को निशाना बनाया-एक ऐसा हमला जिसने कुछ लोगों के लिए 1990 के दशक में देश को तबाह करने वाले गृह युद्ध की गंभीर यादों को फिर से जगाया।