The discovery was remarkable in its magnitude. Reporters from even small countries like Guinea-Bissau were asked to make deals with Chinese journalists. China was spreading its propaganda through newspapers like China Daily in English and Serbian. A journalist from the Philippines noticed that over half of the news on their national wire came from China's Xinhua agency. In Kenya, a media organization received funding from Chinese investors and subsequently dismissed a writer who covered China's treatment of the Uyghur minority. In Peru, journalists faced criticism from Chinese government officials on social media. This was part of a larger strategy by China to create an alternative to global news media dominated by outlets like BBC and CNN, and to influence media in countries worldwide. A report by the International Federation of Journalists, set to be released Wednesday, explores China's intentions with this newfound power. Louisa Lim, author of the first report, surveyed journalists in 54 countries for this second report. The interviews conducted by Lim, a former NPR bureau chief in Beijing who is now a senior lecturer at the University of Melbourne, revealed that China has utilized its global media infrastructure to promote positive narratives about the country during the pandemic. The report, co-written by Julia Bergin and Johan Lidberg, an associate professor at Monash University in Australia, suggests that this media strategy is part of a larger global power shift, rather than a secret plot. China's government argues that their campaign is no different from what other powerful global players have done historically. The report also highlights how China's media push coincided with their diplomatic efforts during the pandemic, providing aid and vaccines to countries worldwide while managing their public image. Italian journalists were pressured to broadcast President Xi Jinping's Christmas speech and were given a translated version in Italian. In Tunisia, the Chinese embassy provided hand sanitiser and masks to the journalists' union, as well as expensive television equipment and free pro-China content to the state broadcaster. In Serbia, a pro-government tabloid sponsored a billboard featuring the Chinese leader with the message "Thank you, brother Xi." China's media and vaccine campaigns are closely tied to its "Belt and Road" global investment initiative, which often comes with conditions such as debt and support in key UN votes. Despite these efforts, China faces challenges due to its increasing authoritarianism, treatment of the Uyghurs, and crackdown on dissent in Hong Kong, which have negatively impacted global perceptions of the country even before the pandemic. And certain governments have started to make it more difficult for Chinese state media to operate in their countries, such as Britain's media regulator canceling the license of the primary Chinese state broadcaster. China's diplomatic efforts are mainly concentrated in areas where they have influence, despite not having the same cultural or financial power as European countries, but still hold a vote at the UN. Although these efforts seem to be spontaneous and managed by local embassies, they are making a global impact. According to Lim, Beijing is gradually altering the global media environment country by country. I, along with two other New York Times journalists, Mitra Taj in Lima and Emma Bubola in Rome, spoke to reporters on five different continents who were involved in the study. Their reactions varied from concern about direct Chinese government pressure to confidence in their ability to handle another interest group in a complicated media landscape. In Peru, where the government is supportive of China and influential political figures received early access to a Chinese-made vaccine, Zuliana Lainez, the secretary-general of the National Association of Journalists of Peru, noted the frequent presence of China in state media. She mentioned that the Peruvian state news agency and the state-controlled newspaper El Peruano act as mouthpieces for the Chinese embassy. Lainez also pointed out that China's embassy has invested in updating the technology of certain newsrooms, raising concerns about the implications of such actions. Some journalists observing China's expanding presence in global media do not view it as alarming. Stefano Polli, the deputy director of the Italian news service ANSA, mentioned that China is using media to increase its influence in the changing geopolitical landscape. Polli defended ANSA's contract to translate and distribute Xinhua, despite criticism from international journalists, stating that it is a regular commercial agreement. China has imposed restrictions on foreign journalists working within its borders, leading international news outlets to rely more on official sources and refusing visas to American reporters, including those from the New York Times. Luca Rigoni, a well-known anchor at an Italian TV channel owned by Mediaset, mentioned that his news organization had a formal agreement with Chinese state media for reporting in China, but this collaboration ended after he reported on the theory that the virus originated from a Chinese lab. Despite this, Rigoni, whose company is owned by former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, believes that China is not the only country where the government controls major TV and radio programs. The general secretary of the International Federation of Journalists, Anthony Bellanger, stated in an email that he believes China is becoming a significant player in the information war, but it is important to push back against similar pressures from the US, Russia, and other governments worldwide. However, recent reports suggest that China is currently the most dedicated to this campaign, as they are reportedly spending large sums of money annually to spread their messages globally. While the US may have been a leader in covert and overt influence tactics during the Cold War, their official channels have declined over time. The CIA's influence operations have transitioned into American outlets like Voice of America and Radio Liberty, which aimed to share uncensored news in authoritarian countries. In recent years, President Trump has tried to use these outlets for propaganda, but faced resistance from Democrats and journalists. The American government's inability to reach a consensus on how to utilize its media outlets has resulted in companies like Netflix and Disney, with their significant cultural power and funding, taking on the role of projecting influence. Journalists worldwide are doubtful of the effectiveness of Chinese government propaganda, a sentiment I echoed when discarding unread editions of China Daily sent to my home. The propaganda that succeeds in China struggles to compete in the global market for attention, as seen in China's attempts to spread its content in Kenyan media with limited impact, as noted by Eric Oduor, the secretary-general of the Kenya Union of Journalists. Some argue that even though journalists may dismiss certain content as amateurish or obvious propaganda, it can still have an impact. Erin Baggott Carter, an assistant professor of political science at the University of Southern California, found through her research that American news organizations changed their focus from covering military competition to covering economic cooperation after their journalists accepted official trips to China. In discussions with journalists from around the world regarding Chinese influence, it was noticeable that they did not mention the United States. Journalists from various countries described a one-sided effort by China to build influence and promote their own narrative. This contrasts with the American perspective, which often views Chinese influence within the context of a global power struggle. Lim noted that Americans tend to be insular and believe everything revolves around the US. Many Americans and those in the Western world often overlook events in languages other than English and assume that Western values are universal.