His shiny leather shoes made a loud noise as he walked on the dusty ground littered with cobalt-laden rocks spilled by miners. Albert Yuma Mulimbi, a prominent figure in Congo and chair of a government agency working with international mining companies to access the nation's copper and cobalt reserves, which are crucial in the fight against climate change. Yuma aims to transform Congo into a dependable cobalt supplier, moving away from its reputation of allowing child labor and unsafe working conditions in the mining industry. Despite his intentions, many in Congo and the United States view Yuma as a part of the issue. In his role as chairman of Gécamines, the state-owned mining enterprise of Congo, he has been accused of participating in the diversion of billions of dollars in revenues, as detailed in confidential State Department legal filings reviewed by The New York Times and interviews with a dozen current and former officials from both countries. High-ranking State Department officials have attempted to oust him from the mining agency and advocated for his inclusion on a sanctions list, alleging that he has used his position to benefit friends, family, and political allies for years. Yuma denies any wrongdoing and is conducting an extensive lobbying and legal campaign to clear his name in Washington and Kinshasa, while continuing with his efforts to reform cobalt mining. Operating his own foreign policy network effectively, Yuma has retained a team of influential lobbyists, transferred an undisclosed $1.5 million to a former White House official, provided the United States with purported intelligence on Russia and critical minerals, and made a visit to Trump Tower in New York, as per interviews and confidential documents. In 2018, Yuma had a brief meeting with Donald Trump Jr. at Trump Tower, which the mining executive described as a brief introduction. Despite having significant influence in the Trump administration, he was prohibited from entering the United States just two months later. His control over the mining industry in Congo has made it challenging for the country to attract new Western investors and solidify its position in the clean energy revolution. Congo's abundance of minerals like cobalt is crucial for fueling this revolution, as batteries with cobalt help prevent overheating in electric cars and increase their range. However, due to the high price and dangerous working conditions in Congo, cobalt has earned the nickname "the blood diamond of batteries." As a result, car manufacturers are seeking alternatives to cobalt in electric vehicles to avoid backlash from consumers, turning to other countries with smaller cobalt reserves as potential suppliers. If Congo does not address human rights issues in its mines, it risks diminishing its role in the emerging economy. Even if Yuma works on resolving the issues as promised, it may not be sufficient for potential American investors who are concerned about the history of corruption in the mining industry. President Felix Tshisekedi of Congo has attempted to sideline Yuma by appointing his own people to Gécamines, but has not taken further action against him. Tshisekedi stated during an interview that he has his own plan to address the dangerous mining conditions in the country, emphasizing that it will be the government, not Yuma, making the decisions. The power struggle between Yuma and the president reflects similar conflicts that have plagued African countries with abundant natural resources in the past. The outcome of this situation has significant implications beyond the continent, as the worldwide fight against climate change requires a shift from gasoline-powered vehicles to battery-powered ones. In Congo, the crucial question is whether Yuma will help the country embrace the global push for sustainability and prosperity, or contribute to further conflict and instability. Statues at a roundabout in a mining center in Congo's Copperbelt illustrate the country's two mining sectors: industrial and artisanal. The high-tech, industrial mines operated by global corporations such as China Molybdenum employ a large workforce in Congo's cobalt sector, and although they face their own challenges, they are not primarily responsible for the country's negative image internationally. On the other hand, the artisanal sector, consisting of untrained adults and sometimes children, is where Yuma intends to concentrate his reform efforts. This sector is largely unregulated and often involves individuals trespassing on land belonging to industrial mines. Along the main highway that cuts through many of these mines, groups of miners on motorbikes carrying stolen cobalt worth around $175 each can be seen evading checkpoints. Due to a lack of alternative employment opportunities, many parents send their children to scavenge for cobalt. Recently, a group of young boys were seen collecting rocks from a road between two industrial mines. Other children in the area engage in more perilous work in makeshift mines where some have lost their lives. Kasulo, where Yuma is presenting his plans, exemplifies the risky mining practices driven by a gold rush mentality. The mine, approved by Gécamines, consists of large crude excavations in the ground. Kasulo, once a flourishing rural village, transformed into a mining site after cobalt deposits were discovered by a resident. The finding sparked a frenzy, leading hundreds of individuals to excavate their own yards. Currently, the only remaining traces of village life are a mango tree and a few purple bougainvillea bushes from residents' gardens. To prevent rainwater from flooding the hand-dug shafts where workers extract cobalt, orange tarps are secured with worn ropes. Georges Punga, a frequent visitor to the mine, began working in diamond mines at the age of 11 and is now 41 years old. Since then, he has been traveling across the country in search of treasures hidden beneath the ground in Congo's abundant resources, starting with gold, then copper, and most recently cobalt. One afternoon, Punga took a break from digging and adjusted his worn blue trousers, revealing scars on his shins from years of work-related injuries. Despite earning less than $10 a day, he manages to support his family and send his children to school instead of having them work in the mines. Punga expressed a desire to find a different job if possible. "I am tired of mining." Officials in Congo have implemented measures to improve safety, prevent child labor, and regulate mining practices. Miners will now be provided with protective gear, tunnelling will be prohibited, and pit depths will be controlled. Payment methods will also be more secure to avoid fraud. Yuma, as the chair of the board of directors, is leading these reforms. With the increasing demand for cobalt, Western investors and mining companies in Congo have no choice but to cooperate with him as small-scale mines become more crucial, accounting for up to 30% of the country's output. Once the cobalt is extracted from the mines, a new organization will purchase it from the miners and establish fixed prices to ensure that the government can levy taxes on the sales. Yuma has a vision of creating a fund to provide financial assistance to workers in case cobalt prices decrease. Currently, miners typically sell the cobalt at a row of makeshift tin shacks where the noise of sledgehammers breaking rocks drowns out all other sounds. At this location, international traders roughly evaluate the metal's purity before making a purchase, leading to complaints from miners about being deceived. Yuma recently guided journalists from the Times on a tour of Kasulo and a newly constructed warehouse and laboratory complex nearby, which is intended to replace the buying shacks. Yuma, who proudly showed off an empty complex, believes cobalt is crucial in the current economic transition. The International Energy Agency argues that solving the artisanal mining issue is better than completely disengaging from Congo, as it would worsen conditions for miners. Activists criticize Yuma's lack of progress in improving miners' conditions beyond investing in new buildings. Some government officials question Yuma's leadership, suspecting his motives are more about personal gain than addressing child labor and work hazards in the cobalt trade. In Yuma's Gécamines office, bottles of Dom Pérignon were chilling as he sat among samples of Congo's precious metals and minerals. He drank an espresso before his interview with the Times, surrounded by contemporary Congolese art from his personal collection. He insisted that his lavish lifestyle was proof that he did not need to cheat or steal to succeed, referencing his early success driving a BMW in Belgium at age 20. Yuma, one of Congo's wealthiest businessmen, obtained valuable riverside property in Kinshasa for his family's textile business, which has a contract to produce military uniforms for the nation. Known for his constant display of wealth and extravagance, he has made a lasting impression with his daughter's lavish 2019 wedding, reminiscent of a Las Vegas show with dancers in light-up costumes and large white giraffe statues as table centerpieces. He has held positions on the board of Congo's central bank and was recently reelected as president of the country's influential trade association. The mining agency he chairs, once a monopoly on copper and cobalt mining, was nationalized and renamed under President Mobutu Sese Seko after Congo gained independence in 1960, becoming one of the top copper producers in the world by the 1980s. Jobs at the company offered competitive wages, healthcare benefits, and educational opportunities for employees' families. However, the funds of the company were misappropriated by Mobutu during his 32-year rule, and this pattern continued with his successors, as noted by anti-corruption organizations. As a result, production at Gécamines significantly decreased by the 1990s, as the money was not reinvested into the operations and the agency accumulated a debt exceeding $1 billion. Eventually, half of the workforce was laid off. In order to stay afloat, Gécamines underwent a restructuring process, entering into joint ventures with private investors, many of whom were foreign, with Gécamines holding a minority share. Yuma assumed control in 2010 with promises of restoring Gécamines to its former success, but instead, allegations from anti-corruption organizations claim that mining revenues were mismanaged. The Carter Centre, a non-profit organization, estimated that between 2011 and 2014, approximately $750 million disappeared from Gécamines' funds, with some blame placed on Yuma. Among the beneficiaries of Gécamines' partnerships under Yuma was Dan Gertler, a billionaire diamond trader from Israel. Gertler faced US sanctions for engaging in corrupt mining and oil deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars, as reported by the Treasury Department. An investigative report submitted to the State Department and Treasury, and obtained by the Times, accused Yuma of nepotism, having stakes in businesses that received funding from a government agency he oversaw, and directing work to a mining contractor he had shares in. US authorities believed Yuma used mining sector funds to support supporters of Joseph Kabila, the president of Congo for 18 years. The State Department's 2018 report on human rights in Congo, citing research from the Carter Centre, noted suspicious financial transactions coinciding with the country's electoral cycles. Yuma has been accused of defrauding Congo of $8.8 billion, a claim he disputes, stating he has brought in billions of dollars in revenue to the country. Yuma has launched a forceful counterattack against watchdog groups and critics, accusing them of being "new colonialists" and claiming they conspired with mining companies to hinder his efforts to reform the industry, leaving the Congolese population in a state of "modern slavery." Yuma sent a 33-page document to the Times defending himself against what he called smear campaigns aimed at damaging his reputation and obscuring his significant role in benefitting the country through mining policy reform. In 2018, Yuma addressed top officials, mining executives, and other Washington elites at the DC headquarters of a foreign policy group, expressing support for President Donald Trump's efforts to diversify and secure the US supply chain and suggesting partnerships with American companies for mineral supply projects. Facing accusations of misusing the country's revenues, Yuma sought to improve his image by convincing Washington that he was crucial to Congo's mineral resources, with a team of lobbyists and lawyers that included Joseph Szlavik, who had previously worked in the White House, and Erich Ferrari, a well-known sanctions lawyer. Staying at the Four Seasons, he held meetings during two trips that spring with officials from the World Bank and various government departments. He also traveled to New York, where he met with Donald Trump Jr. Accompanying him was Gentry Beach, a Texas hedge fund manager who was a major campaign fundraiser for the former president and a close friend and former business partner of Trump Jr. Beach has been trying to secure a mining deal in Congo and previously invested with Trump in a mining project there. Beach did not respond to requests for comment. Yuma downplayed the meeting with the president's son, saying it was just a brief introduction. Trump stated that he could not remember the meeting. Yuma consistently conveyed the message that America required his assistance, and he was prepared to provide it. In Washington, he disclosed what he believed to be important information about Russia's attempts to obtain Congolese niobium, a durable metal capable of withstanding high temperatures. Yuma claimed he had intervened to prevent the sale for the benefit of the United States, as confirmed by two US officials present at the meeting. Issues arose during one of the journeys. One of the members of his lobbying team was warned by a State Department official that Yuma was under investigation for corruption by the United States and was about to face consequences. In June 2018, the State Department officially banned Yuma from returning to the United States, stating that the actions were a strong message against corruption without directly naming Yuma, though it was confirmed that he was one of the officials involved. This action made Yuma realize he needed more support. He planned to hire Herman Cohen, who had served as assistant secretary of state for African affairs under Bush, and George Denison, who had worked for President Gerald Ford. Joseph Gatt, a former Congolese airline and telephone executive living in Virginia and close to Yuma, also supported his cause by organizing meetings with lobbyists at a luxury hotel near the White House. Gatt insisted that Yuma was innocent of the allegations against him. Yuma also worked on improving his reputation in Congo by forming a plan with the outgoing president, Kabila, to become prime minister. A high-ranking US official was dispatched to Yuma's residence in Kinshasa to express the United States' strong disapproval of his plan, as revealed in an interview with diplomat J Peter Pham. Despite engaging in a conversation about political matters in Congo over Cristal Champagne, tensions arose when Pham, acting as a special envoy, warned Yuma that his daughters studying in the US could be deported if he continued with Kabila's proposal. Yuma remained resolute, and even enlisted the help of an aide to Rep Hank Johnson to extend an invitation for him to visit the United States and discuss his work in Congo. The invitation was also extended to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, but the State Department rejected it, viewing it as an attempt to bypass the visa ban. Despite this setback, Yuma continued to recruit influential individuals to support his cause. Denison briefly joined the Washington lobbying team to help ensure that Yuma could enter the United States without facing legal consequences, as indicated in a June 2020 email. State Department officials were contemplating placing Yuma on a sanctions list, which could potentially freeze his assets in international banks. The $3 million contract between the two men did not specify the assignment Denison was supposed to do, instead stating that he was to enhance the business climate in Congo. After receiving $1.5 million and being asked to transfer most of it to Yuma's associate, Denison became suspicious of potential money laundering and returned all the funds after seeking legal advice. Denison ultimately quit the job, calling Yuma a "huge crook." Yuma chose not to answer a question regarding the matter. Presidents Tshisekedi and Yuma were seen walking near a large terraced canyon at a cobalt mine owned by Glencore in the Copperbelt. This region is heavily focused on mining, with roadside markets selling mining gear alongside produce. The encounter in May was uncomfortable for the political rivals. Tshisekedi, a former opposition member who won a disputed election in 2019, has gained support from the Biden administration for his efforts against global warming. He has appeared alongside President Biden at various international events, including a recent meeting in Rome and the global climate conference in Glasgow. In his home country, Tshisekedi has declared his goal of transforming Congo into the global hub for strategic minerals. However, some Congolese and American officials believe that Yuma must be removed for this vision to be realized. Despite efforts to pressure his removal, Yuma maintains significant influence, leaving the State Department puzzled. Yuma continues his activities with a group of aides who refer to him as President Yuma, recognizing his business leadership and aspirations. He discusses plans to add seven new floors and a helipad to his office building in downtown Kinshasa. During the United Nations General Assembly meeting in New York, one of his lobbyists sought out Tshisekedi to urge him to support Yuma. Yuma conducted a nationwide tour in Congo this year that resembled a political campaign, visiting every province and starting in Tshisekedi's hometown. He met with a group of pineapple juice vendors and gave them $5,000 in cash to help their business. In an interview, he stated that he is supportive in order to demonstrate his loyalty. Similar to the president, Yuma aims to be recognized for his efforts in attracting US investors, believing that his reforms will have a positive impact. He expressed his friendship towards America, emphasizing his commitment to promoting and facilitating US investments in DRC (Congo). He also mentioned his admiration for America. My kids were studying at the university in that area. At some point, others will realize that I am a strong supporter of America and I will keep assisting. If his achievements are tied to revamping the mining industry, it will be a challenging task. Throughout the day, a main road passing by numerous industrial mines is filled with trucks carrying copper and chemicals for metal extraction. However, weaving through them are motorcycles carrying stolen cobalt, with one person driving and another acting as a lookout on top of large bags.