In 2016, Freeport-McMoRan, a mining company based in Arizona, made a deal to sell a site in Congo that plays a significant role in China's control of the global cobalt supply, a crucial material for electric car batteries. Perriello, a high-ranking US diplomat in Africa at the time, raised concerns within the State Department about the deal. Kapanga, the Congolese general manager of the mine, pleaded with the American ambassador in Congo to intervene, warning that it was a mistake that could harm the long-standing relationship between the US and Congo, a major source of cobalt worldwide. Presidents starting with Dwight D Eisenhower had provided significant financial aid and military equipment to the mineral-rich nation, with interventions from Richard Nixon and the State Department under Hillary Clinton to maintain the relationship. Freeport-McMoRan also made substantial investments before selling the mine to a Chinese company. The Chinese acquisition of Tenke Fungurume mine occurred during the Obama administration without interruption, and four years later, during the Trump presidency, China Molybdenum also purchased another impressive cobalt reserve from Freeport-McMoRan. China has a strategic plan to secure Congo's cobalt resources, giving them a significant advantage over the US in the electric car industry. The US failed to protect its investments in Congo, allowing China to take control of the resources. Perriello, who no longer works in government, was aware of the plan to sell Tenke Fungurume in 2016 and believed that American ownership would benefit both the US and the people of Congo. Freeport-McMoRan received positive feedback for its operations in Congo, including providing employment to many locals and investing in schools, health care facilities, and clean water. Perriello discussed keeping the mine under American ownership with Linda Thomas-Greenfield, who was then an assistant secretary of state and is now the UN ambassador. Despite efforts to keep the mine under American control, only Chinese companies submitted serious bids, highlighting the risks of not taking action. "They were able to move swiftly and quicker than anybody else could," stated Kathleen L Quirk, president of Freeport-McMoRan, during an interview. She explained that their quick action allowed them to successfully complete the deal. Freeport-McMoRan had been determined to sell as they had made a costly mistake investing in the oil and gas industry just before oil prices plummeted and the shift to renewable energy began. With mounting debt, the company had no choice but to sell its Congo operations. The American response was essentially indifferent, as the transaction was purely financial. The country lacks oversight over transactions conducted by American companies overseas. The crisis revealed significant blind spots among US leaders, providing an opportunity for the Chinese government to exploit, according to previously undisclosed documents, emails, and interviews with various individuals in China, Congo, and the United States. In the past year, as the transition to clean energy has sped up, the US government and private sector have worked quickly to rectify past errors by seeking new cobalt sources and using cobalt-free batteries in some electric cars. However, these efforts pale in comparison to Chinese attempts to control critical resources like cobalt and lithium needed for a green future. In August 1970, Nixon was seen standing outside the White House with the first lady, engaging in Cold War gamesmanship. President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, now Congo, was preparing for a visit. With his country rich in natural resources, he held significant global influence as a key intermediary for the United States in preventing Soviet Union influence in Africa. Access to Congo's minerals and metals had been a priority for the United States since World War II, with Albert Einstein even urging President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to stockpile Congolese uranium in 1939 for atomic bomb development. During the mid-1960s, the CIA established a large operation in the country, funding mercenaries and Congolese troops to suppress rebels with the assistance of US warplanes. Mobutu, a former army sergeant who later became a corrupt dictator, viewed the Americans as an ideal partner in expanding the country's mining wealth. In pursuit of developing Tenke Fungurume, he approached Maurice Tempelsman, a prominent New York diamond merchant, for mining rights. However, shortly before his trip to Washington in August 1970, Mobutu unexpectedly announced that he had decided to contract a Belgian company to develop the mine, as revealed in declassified cables. Washington entered a state of emergency as it attempted to regain control of the concession, and showed extreme generosity. Herman J Cohen, an American diplomat in Congo during that time, remembered Nixon instructing his administration to give Mobutu anything he desired. Hundreds of millions of dollars in US aid had already been provided to Mobutu, and now Nixon agreed to give him multiple C-130 transport planes. The efforts culminated in a crucial moment at a formal dinner for Mobutu at the White House, according to Cohen. After eating, Tempelsman took Mobutu on a private boat trip on the Potomac. News quickly spread that the Americans had secured the mining rights. Mark Mollison, a mining engineer from New York City, headed to southeastern Congo to visit Tenke Fungurume, which was now a deserted construction site. Mollison was impressed by what he saw. He observed hilltops with bare patches where copper and cobalt were visible. Mollison remembered that the ore was much more valuable than what they were mining in Arizona. In the late 1990s, Mollison was part of a new generation of mining executives who had come to take over from the Tempelsman group, which had abandoned the project after facing obstacles, including rebels who disrupted the transportation of the minerals. Kissinger, the secretary of state, helped draft a message apologizing to the Congolese government for the project's suspension in 1976. Interest in the region was revived years after Mobutu's downfall, when rebel leader Laurent-Désiré Kabila took control of valuable land near Tenke and Fungurume, the towns from which the mine derived its name. This event was seen as a potential new beginning for Congo, attracting Western mining executives and financiers from Wall Street who gathered at a hotel to discuss financial commitments for mining access with Kabila's representatives. A banker's memo summarized Kabila's perspective as "you give and I give." Lundin Group, a Canadian mining company, was so determined to finalize a deal that they agreed to give the rebels $50 million. Mollison's task, upon his arrival several months later, was to assess whether his company, now known as Freeport-McMoRan, should collaborate with Lundin to complete Tempelsman's work at Tenke Fungurume. Freeport-McMoRan later promoted this project as the largest private investment ever in Congo. Mollison pondered, "What will this place require? Electric power." There was a large amount of resources, including roads and water. Freeport-McMoRan obtained a majority stake of 57.75% in the mine, while Lundin acquired 24.75%. Congo's state mining enterprise, Gécamines, retained 17.5%. The project began in full swing by the end of 2007, following another civil war in Congo. Freeport-McMoRan embarked on an extensive construction project, including the building of a highway to facilitate the export of cobalt and copper to other parts of Africa. The company also invested $215 million in refurbishing an old hydroelectric plant. Former employee Pierrot Kitobo Sambisaya, who worked as a metallurgist at the mine for ten years, described the company's efforts as impressive. Freeport-McMoRan successfully developed one of the most advanced and efficient cobalt and copper mines globally. Freeport-McMoRan made a huge mistake by moving into the fossil fuel industry instead of focusing on mining. This decision led to the company accumulating a large amount of debt when oil prices dropped. In 2016, CEO Richard Adkerson announced the sale of Tenke Fungurume, with China Molybdenum being the top bidder at $2.65 billion. The executives at the mine, including Kapanga, the general manager who had previous experience as a Congolese presidential adviser and diplomat, were troubled by the news. Kapanga expressed his concerns to the American ambassador, James Swan, stating that Tenke Fungurume was a valuable asset and questioning why the United States would let go of its largest private investment in Congo. Swan declined to comment when contacted by The New York Times. At that time, American diplomats in Congo were focused on persuading President Joseph Kabila to step down. After his father's assassination in 2001, he took over and spent a significant portion of the next 15 years stealing millions of dollars from the public treasury. The sale of Tenke Fungurume was finalized in November 2016, but it received little attention in the United States except from financial news outlets. President Donald Trump's administration highlighted the importance of challenging China's control over mineral supplies early on, with reports on cobalt and potential supply shortages referencing the Tenke Fungurume sale. However, history repeated itself as Freeport-McMoRan still possessed an undeveloped site with a significant untapped source of cobalt called Kisanfu. Despite announcing its intention to sell the site late last year, there was little to no response from the US government. Nazak Nikakhtar, the former Commerce Department assistant secretary responsible for monitoring critical mineral supplies, expressed disappointment at the lack of attention given to the sale. The site was ultimately sold to China Molybdenum for $550 million shortly before Trump's term ended. The final significant US investment in Congo's cobalt and copper mines disappeared as a result.