Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is shifting her focus from being a symbol of freedom opposing Myanmar's dictatorship to becoming a leader of a new quasi-democracy. This transition has been challenging, as evidenced by a question from a Kachin student in London about her reluctance to denounce a violent military campaign against Kachin rebels. The conflict has resulted in the displacement of around 75,000 individuals. Suu Kyi responded by remaining impartial, stating that she wants a clearer understanding of the situation before passing judgment on either party. The Kachin community was extremely angry. The Kachinland News website labeled her response as offensive. Kachin demonstrators assembled outside her upcoming London appearance. A "open letter" from 23 Kachin organizations globally accused Suu Kyi of supporting state-approved violence. The fact that a woman with such widespread admiration could provoke such animosity may have been unimaginable just a few months ago. A decisive win in a by-election led Suu Kyi and 42 other members of her party into Myanmar's parliament, but she now faces criticism despite her influential role as a lawmaker. Though once revered for her opposition to the previous regime, some accuse her of not addressing human rights abuses in the country's border areas. Economists are concerned that her negative assessments of Myanmar's business environment could deter foreign investors. Political experts believe that her party lacks substantial policies beyond those of its well-known leader. Additionally, she faces internal discord within the democracy movement she co-founded. Critics from around the world have criticized her unclear stance on the pressing issue of the Rohingya Muslims, who are stateless and facing violence in western Myanmar, resulting in numerous deaths and displacements. Rejected by both Myanmar and nearby Bangladesh, where 300,000 refugees reside, numerous Rohingya people reside in dreadful living conditions in Rakhine State. The United Nations has labeled this Muslim minority as "virtually friendless" in a country dominated by Buddhists. The outbreak of violence occurred in June, just days before Suu Kyi's first visit to Europe in over two decades. During her visit to Norway to receive the Nobel Peace Prize she won in 1991 while under house arrest, a journalist asked Suu Kyi, "Are the Rohingya considered citizens of your country or not?" Suu Kyi's response, "I do not know," frustrated both the Rohingya seeking citizenship in Myanmar and the locals in Rakhine who see them as intruders. This answer differed from the clear moral stance she took in her Nobel speech, where she discussed the struggles of displaced people. Suu Kyi's previous moral clarity isolated the former junta internationally, but her current position as a political leader requires a more ambiguous approach. She needs to maintain her popularity among the majority of Burmans and Buddhists, while also keeping good relations with ethnic minorities and people of other religions. She must also work with the powerful military, which is widely disliked in Myanmar. Her political skills have been evident to observers in Myanmar since 1988, when she came back to the country after living abroad. Despite facing harsh treatment from the military, she became the leader of the democracy movement and continued to inspire others even during her many years in prison or under house arrest. During a lecture at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government in Cambridge, Massachusetts on September 27, she expressed her aversion to being labeled as an icon, preferring to see herself as a politician. Despite being freed from house arrest in November 2010, Suu Kyi declined numerous interview requests from Reuters for this article. Myanmar's reforms have picked up pace following her release, leading to the installation of a quasi-civilian government after an election orchestrated by the military. This year, Myanmar has released political prisoners, relaxed restrictions on the media, and begun addressing economic problems. The transition from authoritarianism in Myanmar is often likened to the Arab Spring, but instead of violent protests, it was initiated by former military leaders like President Thein Sein. A crucial moment in the reform process was a meeting between Aung San Suu Kyi and Thein Sein in Naypyitaw in August 2011, which marked the beginning of Suu Kyi's constructive relationship with the government controlled by former military officials. She described him as "genuine" in his efforts to reform Myanmar, which led to US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's visit to Naypyitaw and the lifting of most Western sanctions. Having a reputation for being unwavering in principle can be a hindrance in politics, where compromise is often necessary. Even Myanmar's "human rights superstar," as Amnesty International calls her, cannot meet all expectations generated by adulation. Suu Kyi understands that criticism and attacks are common in politics. Being admired and put on a pedestal can also come with risks, which are even less desirable. Fourteen years ago, she wrote those words. Nowadays, she frequently goes to her parliamentary district of Kawhmu, a region that grows rice and is poor, close to the major city Yangon. Recently, as she rode in an SUV along Kawhmu's bumpy roads, residents came out of their homes to cheer for her, calling her "Mother Suu." The issues faced in Kawhmu - such as debt, no access to electricity, and unemployment - are a microcosm of the challenges seen throughout Myanmar. "Some villages in this area are lacking young residents," explains Aung Lwin Oo, a 45-year-old carpenter who is also a member of the National League for Democracy. "Most of them have migrated to Thailand and Malaysia for employment opportunities." Despite the lack of glamour, Suu Kyi's initial visit was to a Buddhist monastery where she engaged in prayer with the monks and addressed a financial disagreement between representatives of two villages. Following this, she joined NLD members for lunch at the party's Kawhmu headquarters, a simple tin-roofed wooden bungalow, and held discussions with local authorities regarding drainage concerns. Her new job may not be glamorous, but those close to her say she takes great pleasure in it. Win Tin, an elder of the NLD and a trusted friend, expressed that "she really enjoys being involved in politics to the fullest." Additionally, she is adjusting well to living in Naypyitaw, the secluded new capital constructed by the military regime, where she resides in a home surrounded by a fence topped with razor wire. The Lower House of parliament is filled with colorful attire worn by ethnic representatives, creating a lively and celebratory atmosphere. Sitting beside Suu Kyi is a Member of Parliament from Chin State who is dressed in a head-dress made of boar's teeth and hornbill feathers. On the other side of the chamber, men in green uniforms are predominant. The constitution of Myanmar, which was approved after a fraudulent referendum in 2008, sets aside a quarter of parliamentary seats for military personnel selected by armed forces chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, a protege of the retired dictator, Than Shwe. Suu Kyi's mere presence in parliament gives legitimacy to a political system established by the junta that once imprisoned her. Her party has made significant changes in its long-held beliefs to reach this point. The NLD refused to participate in the constitution-drafting process and the 2010 election, both of which were seen as unfairly benefiting the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. Suu Kyi's party also insisted that the military acknowledge the results of the 1990 election, which the NLD won but was disregarded by the junta. Despite these initial stances, the NLD decided to join the by-elections in April. Although they only hold a small number of lower house seats, Suu Kyi ensures that the NLD still has a significant impact. She took the lead in opposing a higher education bill that she believed was inadequate, resulting in its cancellation in July. The bill will now be revised by lawmakers. Additionally, she played a role in removing a provision in a foreign-investment law that would have benefited Myanmar's corrupt businessmen. In August, she was appointed as the chair of a parliamentary committee focused on "rule of law and tranquility," which could increase her impact. Despite her influence, her ability to reform the constitution and reduce the military's power is still a top priority for the NLD. Receiving three-quarters support in parliament, including from military delegates, is a challenging task for Suu Kyi. Ohn Kyaing, NLD party spokesman and member of parliament, acknowledged that Suu Kyi is very persuasive, but stated that without the military's assistance, changing the constitution is unlikely. Despite the NLD's significant victory in the recent by-election, indicating potential success in the 2015 general election, the party still needs rejuvenation to appear as a viable government-in-waiting. The NLD was established in September 1988 following a violent suppression of pro-democracy demonstrations, which resulted in the deaths and injuries of many protesters. Suu Kyi was arrested by the military junta before the NLD had been in existence for a year, and its members were subjected to harassment, imprisonment, and torture. In 2003, government agents ambushed Suu Kyi's convoy, resulting in the deaths of numerous supporters. Fortunately, she managed to survive the attack. As a result of the government's actions, most NLD offices were closed down. When Suu Kyi was released from house arrest in 2010, her party was in a state of decline with older leaders. She worked on revitalizing it by personally establishing numerous offices. Two founding members, Win Tin and Tin Oo, both in their eighties, have been given advisory roles. The party has grown substantially with one million members, according to spokesman Ohn Kyaing. However, the success has led to new challenges. The NLD is planning to hold its inaugural national party conference either in late 2012 or early 2013. Protests have broken out in various constituencies, including Suu Kyi's Kawhmu, regarding who should be allowed to attend. The disagreement underscores the tension between long-standing NLD members who endured years of persecution and new members who joined during Myanmar's period of reform. Ohn Kyaing stated, "The older members are reluctant to relinquish their positions because of the hardships they have faced." Additionally, there is a power struggle between the central party headquarters and local branches, with some local officials accusing their superiors of being overbearing or unresponsive. As a result, at least five members have been suspended for either defying or protesting against the party leadership. A seven-member Central Executive Committee led by Suu Kyi approves her decisions, according to current and former NLD members. One of these decisions was the party's refusal to take a parliamentary oath in April to uphold the constitution. Aung Kyi Nyunt, an NLD legislator, believes that while Suu Kyi's imposition of her will may not be democratic, it is not authoritarian because she does not force others to comply - they already agree with her. After a two-week confrontation and disapproval from followers, the "Iron Aunty" yielded and her MPs sat down. The NLD also has a strained connection with Myanmar's resurged media. A newspaper reported in May that Suu Kyi's security personnel had attacked one of its journalists, a claim that the NLD refutes. Several Burmese-language websites are devoted to tarnishing Suu Kyi's reputation. Their baseless rumors, such as one claiming she has a teenage daughter with a Burmese partner, bear a striking resemblance to propaganda from the junta era. The websites, which are registered through proxies to protect their owners' identities, could not be contacted for comment. The NLD's entrance into parliament has brought attention to a lack of specific policies and experts to create them, which is a critical weakness as Myanmar's government is rapidly creating new legislation. When asked by Reuters in Kawhmu about the NLD's stance on the Rohingya issue, Suu Kyi appeared to suggest that the party did not have a formulated policy. She stated that it is not solely the NLD's responsibility to create such a policy, but rather a matter that requires involvement from the entire country. Suu Kyi's popularity in Myanmar is not as widespread as some Western admirers believe. While she is highly revered in the lowlands where ethnic Burmans are the majority, her support diminishes in border regions where ethnic minorities have been in conflict with the Burman-dominated military for decades. In rural Shan State, which is named after the largest minority group, it is difficult to come across images of Suu Kyi. Despite Suu Kyi's call for increased legal protection of minorities during her first speech in parliament in July, she still faces criticism from ethnic leaders. One such critic is Khun Htun Oo, a prominent Shan politician who was imprisoned for nearly seven years by the previous military regime. According to Htun Oo, Suu Kyi has been rendered ineffective by her involvement in parliament, as he expressed to reporters in Washington last month, just before both of them received accolades from a human rights organization. During her visit to the United States, Suu Kyi's credibility took a hit when she confessed to having a special affection for Myanmar's military, which was established by her father, General Aung San. This display of family loyalty sparked a wave of criticism on Facebook, the country's primary platform for political discourse. Despite the National League for Democracy's previous support for a United Nations investigation into alleged atrocities in Myanmar, Suu Kyi's remarks have caused a decline in people's trust in her. The push for retributive justice has been abandoned since Suu Kyi was released. She stated in March that she believes in restorative justice instead. This approach does not involve prosecuting junta members. Western governments follow Suu Kyi's lead on human rights, using her statements as a reason to avoid taking action on justice and accountability issues, according to Mark Farmaner of Burma Campaign UK. He observed that British Foreign Secretary William Hague took over two months to make a statement on the violence against the Rohingya minority. NLD spokesman Ohn Kyaing mentioned that Suu Kyi will address the Rohingya issue at the appropriate moment, emphasizing the importance of timing in politics.