Students who arrive late will not be allowed to enter. If you talk to your classmates during class, you will receive a warning. If you continue to do so, you will be asked to leave. Fadoua El Ouni was surprised when this happened in Kais Saied's constitutional law class at Carthage University, but not all university courses were the same. Saied was known for captivating classrooms with his powerful voice and formal speech, so when El Ouni heard him talking in everyday Tunisian dialect, she described it as an extraordinary experience. After suspending parliament and dismissing the prime minister due to protests against poverty, corruption, and the coronavirus, Tunisians have been trying to understand the contradictions surrounding Saied. They question how a political newcomer like him, who was nicknamed "RoboCop" for his serious demeanor, could become so popular among the youth. They also wonder how a strict constitutional law professor who rarely missed work could justify seizing power. The debate continues on whether Saied is a populist hero or a dangerous demagogue, and whether he will save or destroy Tunisia's democracy. Supporters believe he is the last hope to achieve the revolution's goals, while critics see him as an uncompromising ideologue. "We are aware that individuals who are clean and genuinely strive to achieve noble goals can sometimes transform into individuals who commit violent acts," said Saied, a longtime law professor who is known for his modest lifestyle despite holding the position of president since 2019. His motivation stems from a sense of responsibility and religious duty to empower the youth and the poor who led Tunisia's 2011 revolution, rather than personal ambition. He aims to provide education, healthcare, and improve living standards while eliminating corruption in the country. In an interview during his presidential campaign, Saied stated, "I am running against my own will." God commands that you engage in warfare, even if you find it distasteful. Fulfilling responsibilities can be burdensome, similar to a soldier who must fight despite not wanting to kill. Saied's office did not reply to an interview request. As a devout Muslim, Saied views his presidency as a test from God that he cannot decline. Mohamed-Dhia Hammami, a Tunisian political researcher at Syracuse University, interprets this as Saied feeling compelled to act because it is what the people expect of him. In Islam, the belief is that everyone experiences some form of trial. In this case, the trial for him is being the president. Some may see this as an excuse for demagoguery, but even his critics acknowledge that his beliefs are genuine and come from a place of faith and concern for the disadvantaged. Saied, who comes from a mixed-class background in Tunis, emerged onto the national stage in 2011 following the revolutionary protests and departure of Ben Ali. When protesters from marginalized areas staged sit-ins in Tunis demanding more significant changes, Saied was one of the few established figures to support them. Videos showing his visits quickly spread on Facebook. While he served on an advisory committee during the drafting of a new constitution, Saied did not receive one of the pens used in the process. This exclusion clearly bothered him. His commentary on Tunisian television consistently criticized the new constitution for giving too much power to Parliament. He believed that voters would be limited to choosing from electoral lists pushed by power-hungry political parties. Tunisians believe they would have a stronger connection to their democracy if they chose representatives whom they had personal relationships with. The suggestion was for a political system that worked both from the bottom-up and the top-down, with power coming from directly elected local councils and a powerful president. Despite skepticism about the feasibility of this idea, one activist who interacted with the professor during the transition to democracy remembered him as modest and generous, yet stubborn in his beliefs. For a lot of Tunisians, he was essential viewing on TV. It was as if he was declaring the ultimate truth about what the constitution should entail," according to Amna Guellali, Amnesty International's deputy regional director for the Middle East and North Africa. "His voice was like that of a prophet, something transcendent." Enthralled by his stern authority, a trait that became even more attractive as corruption scandals and economic hardships plagued the country, Tunisians began creating Facebook pages encouraging him to run for president. However, he declined until 2019. The tale of his presidential campaign has become well-known in Tunisia, with details such as the popular slogan "The people want," reminiscent of the 2011 revolution, the unexpected support from campaign volunteers, limited campaign financing, and his reputation for honesty despite rumors of foreign funding. He emphasized the importance of the people's sovereignty and stated that everything should begin with them. He mentioned a pivotal moment when a destitute man urged him to run for president, likening it to a spiritual experience, which influenced his decision. This encounter was not the only one of its kind, as videos often surface online showing Saied embracing poor protesters at the presidential palace or taking the time to greet everyday Tunisians on the street. Imen Neffati, a Tunisia researcher at Oxford University, stated that what sets him apart from other politicians is his lack of indifference. Critics argue that he is merely a law professor who never completed his doctorate and disagree with his conservative social views, including his support for the death penalty and his opposition to equal inheritance for men and women. He has also criticized open homosexuality, claiming it is part of a foreign conspiracy. However, everyone acknowledges his unwavering firmness. A European ambassador and informal adviser stated that he will never engage in negotiations with corrupt politicians or parties, which means he will not negotiate with Ennahda, the dominant party in Parliament, as well as most of Tunisia's business and political elite. Diplomats report that meetings at the presidential palace are more like lectures than dialogues. Advisers mention that he only listens to a few people, including his wife. Since July 25, Saied's security forces have imposed travel bans and house arrests on judges, politicians, and business owners without due process, causing concern among even his supporters that he may be moving towards autocracy. His office announced on Tuesday that the 30-day period originally set for his "exceptional measures" would be extended, without specifying for how long. He is expected to attempt to alter Tunisia's electoral system and make changes to its constitution in order to increase the president's authority. Despite his promise to name a new prime minister by Tuesday, presidential advisers have indicated that Saied sees the role as more of a "manager" rather than a true head of government. Saied justified his power grab by referring to Article 80 of the constitution, which grants the president broad emergency powers in times of imminent danger to the country. However, experts in constitutional law believe that his actions go against this provision, as it requires Parliament to remain in session. Despite his adherence to legal details, those who know him say that Saied often makes decisions based on emotion and instinct. “He believes the people have selected him,” Kahlaoui stated. “The public took to the streets, prompting him to take action.” And he did. ©2021 The New York Times Company.