His shiny leather shoes made a crunching sound as he walked on the dust left behind by miners who had spilled cobalt-laden rocks from nylon bags. Albert Yuma Mulimbi, a prominent figure in Congo and the chair of a government agency that collaborates with international mining companies to exploit the country's copper and cobalt reserves, which are crucial in the fight against climate change. Yuma's objective is to transform Congo into a dependable cobalt supplier and to change its reputation for allowing a lawless environment where children are forced to work, and inexperienced and poorly equipped miners of all ages are at risk of injury or death. Yuma, who arrived at the Kasulo site with a high-level delegation in a convoy of SUVs to assess the challenges, stated, "We need to restructure the country and take charge of the mining industry." However, many in Congo and the United States view Yuma himself as a problem. The chair of Gécamines, Congo's state-owned mining enterprise, has been accused of diverting billions of dollars in revenues, according to confidential State Department legal filings and interviews with officials. Top State Department officials have tried to remove him from the mining agency and have pushed for sanctions, accusing him of using his position to enrich friends, family, and allies. Yuma denies the allegations and is working on a lobbying and legal campaign to clear his name in Washington and Kinshasa. He has hired lobbyists, sent money to a former White House official, offered intelligence about Russia and critical minerals to the US, and visited Trump Tower in New York, where he met with Donald Trump Jr in 2018. Despite having significant access to high levels of government during the Trump administration, he was prohibited from entering the United States just two months later. His influence in the mining industry has complicated Congo's efforts to attract new Western investors and maintain its position in the clean energy revolution, which is fueled by its abundant reserves of minerals like cobalt. Cobalt is essential for batteries in electric cars, as it helps reduce overheating and extend their range. However, due to its high price and the dangerous working conditions in Congo, it has earned the nickname "the blood diamond of batteries." Car manufacturers are now seeking alternatives to cobalt in their electric vehicles to avoid backlash from consumers, turning to other countries with smaller reserves as potential suppliers. If Congo does not address human rights issues in its mines, it risks diminishing its role in the growing economy. Even if Yuma works on resolving the issues, it may not be sufficient for new American investors who seek assurance that the country has tackled the history of corruption in the mining industry. President Felix Tshisekedi of Congo has attempted to sideline Yuma by appointing his own people in Gécamines, but he has not taken further action against him. Tshisekedi stated during an interview in Kinshasa that he has his own plan for improving the country's mining conditions and that it will be the government, not Yuma, who will make the decisions. The conflict between Yuma and the president reflects power struggles that have plagued African nations abundant in natural resources in the past. The outcome of this situation will have significant implications that go beyond just the continent, as the worldwide effort to combat climate change requires a shift from gasoline-powered vehicles to battery-powered ones. In Congo, the key question is whether Yuma will help the country take advantage of the global trend towards sustainability and prosperity, or if his actions will lead to more conflict and unrest. Statues at a roundabout in a mining center in Congo's Copperbelt illustrate the two different mining sectors in the country: industrial and artisanal. High-tech, industrial mines operated by global corporations such as China Molybdenum employ numerous individuals in Congo's cobalt industry. While these mines have their own issues, they are not primarily responsible for the country's negative reputation internationally. The artisanal sector, on the other hand, is a different story and is where Yuma intends to focus his reform efforts. This sector is made up of untrained adults and sometimes children who engage in largely unregulated mining activities, often trespassing on land belonging to industrial mines. Along the main highway that runs through many of these mines, there is a constant flow of individuals on motorbikes transporting bags of stolen cobalt, each valued at around $175, evading checkpoints by emerging from thickets of sunflowers. Due to a lack of alternative employment opportunities, many parents send their children to search for cobalt. On a recent morning, a group of young boys were bent over a road between two industrial mines, picking up rocks that had fallen off large trucks. Other children are engaged in more perilous work, such as mining in makeshift mines where some have lost their lives climbing deep into narrow tunnels that are at risk of collapsing. Kasulo, where Yuma is presenting his plans, exemplifies the frenzied atmosphere similar to a gold rush that can lead to hazardous mining practices. The mine, authorized by Gécamines, consists of rough excavations the size of city blocks dug into the ground. Once a thriving rural village, Kasulo was transformed into a mining area after a resident discovered cobalt deposits beneath a home. The finding caused a lot of excitement, leading to many individuals searching their yards. Currently, only a mango tree and a couple of purple bougainvillea bushes remain from the village gardens. Orange tarps secured with worn ropes prevent rainwater from entering the hand-dug shafts where workers extract cobalt. Georges Punga, who is now 41 years old, has been a frequent visitor to the mine. He mentioned that he began working in diamond mines at the age of 11. Since then, he has been traveling across the country in search of treasures buried in Congo's vast reserves: starting with gold, then moving on to copper, and now focusing on cobalt for the past three years. One afternoon, Punga took a break from digging and adjusted his dusty blue trousers over his sneakers, revealing scars on his shins from years of work-related injuries. Despite earning less than $10 a day, he manages to support his family and ensure his children go to school instead of working in the mines. "If I had the opportunity to find a different job, I would take it," he expressed. "I'm tired of digging," said officials in Congo, who have taken steps to address the haphazard methods used by miners, improve safety, and eliminate child labor. One of the measures includes establishing a subsidiary of Gécamines. Miners at sites like Kasulo will now be required to wear hard hats and boots, with tunnelling being prohibited and pit depths regulated to prevent collapses. Additionally, workers will receive more consistent and electronic payments to prevent fraud. Yuma, as chair of the board of directors, is leading these reforms, leaving Western investors and mining companies with no choice but to cooperate with him due to the increasing demand for cobalt and the importance of small-scale mines in the country's output. Once the cobalt is extracted from the mines, a new organization will purchase it from the miners and establish a set price, ensuring that the government can impose taxes on the sales. Yuma has a vision of creating a fund to provide financial assistance to workers in case cobalt prices decrease. Currently, miners typically sell the cobalt at a row of tin shacks stretching for a mile, where the noise of sledgehammers crushing rocks overwhelms all other sounds. At this location, international traders roughly evaluate the purity of the metal before making a purchase, leading to complaints from miners about being deceived. Yuma recently guided journalists from the Times on a tour of Kasulo and a newly constructed warehouse and laboratory complex nearby, with the intention of replacing the buying shacks. Yuma stated that the economic transition we are currently experiencing is centered around cobalt. He proudly showcased the unoccupied complex, emphasizing the importance of finding solutions for the artisanal mining issue in Congo rather than completely disengaging. However, critics argue that Yuma's plans have not yet made a significant impact on improving conditions for miners, despite his investments in new buildings. Some government officials question Yuma's leadership and suspect that his motives are more focused on personal gain rather than addressing issues such as child labor and hazardous working conditions in the cobalt trade. In his office at Gécamines, bottles of Dom Pérignon were on ice next to Yuma, surrounded by glass cases containing valuable metals and minerals from Congo's soil. He drank an espresso before his interview with the Times, surrounded by contemporary Congolese art from his own collection. He pointed out that his lavish lifestyle was proof that he did not need to cheat or steal to succeed. Yuma, one of Congo's wealthiest businessmen, acquired valuable riverside property in Kinshasa where his family established a textile business that produces military uniforms for the nation. He dismissed accusations of embezzlement, citing his early success and ability to afford luxury items like a BMW at a young age. Known for his constant flashy presence, he is famous for his extravagant lifestyle. His daughter's 2019 wedding is still a topic of conversation, with its Las Vegas-style ambiance featuring dancers in light-up costumes and large white giraffe statues as table centerpieces. He has held positions on the board of Congo's central bank and was recently reelected as president of the country's influential trade association, similar to the US Chamber of Commerce. The mining agency he chairs was nationalized and renamed under President Mobutu Sese Seko after Congo gained independence from Belgium in 1960. Gécamines, which once held a monopoly on copper and cobalt mining, was one of the top copper producers in the world by the 1980s. Jobs at the company offered a generous salary, healthcare, and education for employees' families. However, Mobutu misused its funds for personal gain, a practice continued by his successors. Production at Gécamines dropped significantly by the 1990s due to lack of reinvestment and the accumulation of over $1 billion in debt. As a result, half of the workforce was eventually let go. In order to stay afloat, Gécamines underwent a reorganization, forming partnerships with private investors, primarily from overseas, with the agency holding a minority share. Yuma assumed control in 2010 with the promise of restoring Gécamines to its former status. However, according to anti-corruption organizations, mining profits began to disappear shortly after. The Carter Centre, a non-profit organization, estimated that from 2011 to 2014, approximately $750 million went missing from Gécamines' funds, with Yuma being partially responsible. Among the beneficiaries of Gécamines' partnerships under Yuma was Dan Gertler, an Israeli billionaire in the diamond industry. Gertler was sanctioned by the US for engaging in corrupt mining and oil deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars, according to the Treasury Department. A confidential report submitted to the State Department and Treasury, obtained by the Times, accused Yuma of nepotism, having stakes in businesses that received funding from a government agency he supervised, and directing work to a mining contractor in which he had shares. US authorities suspected Yuma of using money from the mining sector to support supporters of Joseph Kabila, the corrupt president of Congo for 18 years. Financial transactions were deemed suspicious, particularly during election cycles. According to the State Department's 2018 report on human rights in Congo, Yuma has been accused of defrauding the country of $8.8 billion, a claim he denies, stating he has generated billions in revenue for Congo. Yuma has aggressively defended himself against watchdog groups and critics, accusing them of being "new colonialists" and colluding with mining companies to hinder his efforts to reform the industry. He believes that this has resulted in the Congolese population being subjected to a form of modern slavery. Yuma has sent a detailed 33-page document to the Times outlining his defense and highlighting the smear campaigns aimed at damaging his reputation. He has also sought support from Washington elites, including top White House and State Department officials, by emphasizing the importance of partnerships with American companies to secure the US supply chain for minerals. Despite facing accusations of misusing the country's revenues, Yuma has attempted to improve his image internationally with the help of lobbyists and lawyers, including Joseph Szlavik and Erich Ferrari. Staying at the Four Seasons, he conducted meetings during two spring trips with officials from the World Bank, as well as the departments of Defence, Energy, and the Interior. He also traveled to New York, where he met with Donald Trump Jr. During this meeting, he was accompanied by Gentry Beach, a Texas hedge fund manager who was a significant campaign fundraiser for the former president and a close friend and former business partner of Trump Jr. Beach has been working to secure a mining deal in Congo and has previously invested with Trump in a mining project there. Beach did not respond to requests for comment. Yuma downplayed his interaction with the president's son, stating that someone wanted to introduce him to say hello. Trump stated that he could not remember the meeting. Yuma consistently emphasized that America required his assistance and he was prepared to offer his help. In Washington, he shared what he believed to be important information regarding Russia's attempt to obtain Congolese niobium, a durable metal resistant to corrosion and capable of withstanding high temperatures. Yuma claimed to have prevented the sale for the benefit of the United States, as reported by two US officials present at the meeting. Issues arose during one of the journeys. One of his lobbying team members was warned by a State Department official that Yuma was under investigation for corruption by the United States and would soon face consequences. In June 2018, the State Department officially barred him from returning to the US as part of efforts to combat corruption, without directly naming Yuma but referring to "several senior" officials from Congo, including Yuma. This move indicated to Yuma that he needed to strengthen his position even further. He planned to hire Herman Cohen, a former assistant secretary of state for African affairs under Bush, and George Denison, who had worked for President Gerald Ford. Joseph Gatt, a former Congolese airline and telephone executive living in Virginia and close to Yuma, also supported his cause. Gatt stationed an aide at the Fairmont, a luxury hotel near the White House, to arrange meetings with lobbyists to advocate for Yuma's permission to visit the United States. Gatt defended Yuma in an interview, denying the allegations against him and describing him as a clean person. Meanwhile, Yuma was working on improving his reputation in Congo by collaborating with the exiting president, Kabila, to become his proxy as prime minister, according to State Department officials. However, a senior US diplomat visited Yuma at his residence in Kinshasa to convey the United States' strong opposition to the plan, as revealed in an interview with the diplomat, J Peter Pham. Despite engaging in a conversation about political developments in Congo over a bottle of Cristal Champagne, the situation took a negative turn. Pham, who was serving as a special envoy to the region at the time, warned Yuma that the US was willing to deport his daughters, who were studying in the United States, if he continued with Kabila's plan. Pham informed Yuma that they could revoke his visa and those of his daughters. Yuma remained unfazed and enlisted an aide to Rep Hank Johnson to extend an invitation for him to visit the US and discuss his work in Congo. The invitation was also extended to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, but the State Department rejected it as an attempt to bypass the visa ban. Yuma continued to gather influencers to support his cause, with Denison briefly joining the Washington lobbying team to help ensure Yuma's ability to travel to the US without facing legal consequences. State Department officials were considering putting Yuma on a sanctions list, which could result in his international bank accounts being frozen. However, a $3 million contract between the two men did not specify that task, but instead stated that Denison was to enhance the business environment in Congo. After starting the project, Denison received $1.5 million and was instructed to transfer most of it to an associate of Yuma's. This transaction raised red flags for the bank and made Denison worried that he could be involved in money laundering without his knowledge. Denison hired a lawyer, resigned from the job, and eventually returned all the money. Denison described Yuma as a major criminal. Yuma remained silent when asked about the situation. Presidents Tshisekedi and Yuma were seen walking near a large terraced canyon at a cobalt mine owned by Glencore in the Copperbelt region. This region is heavily influenced by mining, with roadside markets selling mining gear alongside food items. The encounter in May was uncomfortable for the two political rivals. Tshisekedi, who has been in office since 2019 after a disputed election, has gained support from the Biden administration for his efforts in fighting climate change. He has appeared alongside President Joe Biden at various international events, such as a meeting in Rome and the global climate conference in Glasgow, Scotland. In his hometown, Tshisekedi has declared his plans to transform Congo into the global hub for strategic minerals. However, some individuals from Congo and the United States believe that Yuma must be removed for this vision to become a reality. Despite efforts to pressure Yuma to step down, he still maintains significant influence, which has left the State Department puzzled. Yuma continues to operate as usual, surrounded by a group of assistants who refer to him as President Yuma, acknowledging his business acumen and aspirations for power. He discusses plans to add seven additional floors and a helipad to his office building in downtown Kinshasa. He went as far as having one of his lobbyists locate Tshisekedi in New York during the United Nations General Assembly meeting in September to urge him to support Yuma. Yuma conducted a countrywide tour in Congo this year that resembled a political campaign. He aimed to visit every province, strategically starting in Tshisekedi's hometown, where he met with a group of struggling pineapple juice vendors. Before departing, he gave the group $5,000 in cash to help kickstart their business. In an interview, he stated that he is supportive to show his loyalty. Similar to the president, Yuma is seeking recognition for attracting American investors and believes that his reforms will be beneficial. He emphasized his friendship with America and expressed his commitment to promoting US investments in the Congo. He also mentioned his admiration for the United States. My kids were studying at the university in that area. In the future, people will come to realize that I am a true friend of America and I will continue to offer assistance. If his success hinges on revamping the mining industry, the challenge will be significant. Throughout the day, a main highway lined with numerous industrial mines sees trucks carrying copper and chemicals for metal extraction. Amidst these trucks are motorcycles transporting stolen cobalt, with one man driving and another acting as a lookout on top of large bags.