His shiny leather shoes made a crunching sound as he walked on the dusty ground, which was littered with cobalt-laden rocks spilled by miners from nylon bags. Albert Yuma Mulimbi, a prominent figure in Congo and the chairman of a government agency that collaborates with international mining companies to exploit the nation's copper and cobalt reserves for use in combating global warming, was at the site. Yuma aims to transform Congo into a dependable cobalt supplier for electric vehicles and to improve its reputation by cracking down on the dangerous and exploitative practices in the mining industry. Despite his ambitions, Yuma is viewed as a problem by many in Congo and the United States. In his role as chairman of Gécamines, the state-owned mining company in Congo, he has been accused of participating in the diversion of billions of dollars in revenue. This information comes from confidential State Department legal documents obtained by The New York Times, as well as interviews with a number of current and former officials in both countries. High-ranking State Department officials have attempted to remove him from his position at the mining agency and have advocated for his inclusion on a sanctions list, alleging that he has used his position to benefit friends, family members, and political allies. Despite these accusations, Yuma denies any wrongdoing and is actively working to clear his name through lobbying efforts and legal strategies in both Washington and Kinshasa. Additionally, he is moving forward with plans to restructure cobalt mining operations. Yuma has established his own foreign policy network by hiring influential lobbyists, sending $1.5 million to a former White House official, providing the United States with intelligence on Russia and critical minerals, and making a visit to Trump Tower in New York. During his visit in 2018, Yuma met with Donald Trump Jr for a brief introductory meeting. Although he had significant access to high-level officials in the Trump administration, he was prohibited from entering the United States just two months later. His influence in the mining industry has created challenges for Congo in attracting new Western investors and maintaining its position in the clean energy revolution. Congo's vast mineral wealth, including cobalt, plays a crucial role in fueling this revolution by enabling the production of batteries that reduce overheating in electric cars and increase their range. However, due to the high price of cobalt and the dangerous working conditions in Congo, it has earned the nickname "the blood diamond of batteries." Automakers are now seeking alternative sources for cobalt in electric vehicles to avoid backlash from consumers, turning to countries with smaller cobalt reserves as potential suppliers. If Congo does not address human-rights violations in its mines, there is a risk that its role in the global economy could diminish. Yuma may strive to address the problems in Congo's mining industry, but this may not be sufficient for new American investors who seek reassurance that the country is actively combatting corruption. President Felix Tshisekedi has attempted to undermine Yuma by appointing his own people to Gécamines, but he has not taken further action against him. Tshisekedi stated during an interview in Kinshasa that he has his own plan to improve the mining conditions, asserting that the government will ultimately make the decisions, not Yuma. The conflict between Yuma and the president reflects power struggles that have plagued resource-rich African nations in the past. The outcome of this situation has significant implications beyond the continent, as the fight against climate change on a global scale requires a shift from gasoline-powered vehicles to battery-powered ones. For Congo, the crucial question is whether Yuma will help the country embrace the international push towards sustainability and prosperity, or contribute to further conflict and instability. Statues in a mining hub in Congo's Copperbelt depict the country's two mining economies: industrial and artisanal. High-tech, industrial mines operated by global corporations such as China Molybdenum employ a large number of workers in Congo's cobalt sector, and although they have their own issues, they are not primarily responsible for the country's negative reputation internationally. The artisanal sector, on the other hand, is a different story. Yuma intends to focus his proposed reforms on this sector, which is made up of regular adults with no formal training, and sometimes even children. Artisanal mining is largely unregulated and often involves individuals trespassing on land owned by industrial mines. Along the main highway that cuts through many of these mines, there are constant streams of diggers on motorbikes carrying bags of stolen cobalt, each valued at around $175, evading checkpoints by emerging from sunflower thickets. Due to a lack of other employment opportunities, many parents send their children to search for cobalt. A group of young boys were seen on a recent morning picking up rocks that had fallen off trucks on a road between two industrial mines. The area they were working in is known to be dangerous, with some children having lost their lives in makeshift mines where they climb deep into the earth through unstable tunnels. Kasulo, where Yuma is presenting his plans, is an example of the reckless mining practices that can be sparked by a gold-rush mentality. The mine, approved by Gécamines, consists of large holes in the ground that used to be a rural village until someone discovered cobalt deposits underneath a home. The finding caused excitement, leading to many individuals searching their yards. Currently, only a mango tree and some purple bougainvillea bushes remain from the village gardens. Tarps in orange, held down by worn ropes, prevent rainwater from filling the hand-dug shafts where workers mine cobalt. Georges Punga, a frequent visitor to the mine, began working in diamond mines at the age of 11 and is now 41 years old. Since then, he has been traveling throughout the country in search of treasures hidden in Congo's vast resources, starting with gold, then copper, and most recently, cobalt. One afternoon, Punga took a break from digging and pulled his dusty blue pants away from his sneakers, revealing scars on his shins from years of work-related injuries. Despite earning less than $10 per day, he manages to support his family and ensure his children stay in school instead of sending them to work in the mines. "If I could find another job, I would take it," he remarked. "I am exhausted from digging." Officials in Congo have initiated measures to address the reckless practices of miners, improve safety, and eradicate child labor, which is already illegal. One of the steps taken is the establishment of a subsidiary of Gécamines to oversee operations like at Kasulo, where miners will soon be required to wear protective gear, prohibit tunnelling, and regulate pit depths to prevent accidents. Payment methods will also be revamped to prevent fraud. Yuma, as the chair of the board of directors, is leading these reforms. With the increasing demand for cobalt, Western investors and mining companies in Congo have no choice but to collaborate with him, as small-scale mines, which contribute up to 30% of the country's output, become more crucial. After the cobalt is extracted from the mines, a new organization will purchase it from the miners and establish consistent pricing to ensure that the government can levy taxes on the sales. Yuma has a vision of creating a fund to provide financial assistance to workers in case cobalt prices decrease. Currently, miners typically sell the cobalt at a row of tin shacks stretching for a mile where the sound of sledgehammers breaking rocks overpowers all other sounds. At this location, international traders roughly evaluate the metal's quality before making a purchase, leading to complaints of deception from the miners. Yuma recently took journalists from the Times on a tour of Kasulo and a newly built warehouse and laboratory complex nearby, which is intended to replace the buying shacks. Yuma, who was described as walking around a new complex with pride, stated that cobalt is a crucial product during an economic transition. The International Energy Agency suggests addressing artisanal mining issues rather than completely avoiding Congo to prevent additional hardships for miners. Critics argue that Yuma's plans, apart from constructing new buildings, have not significantly improved conditions for miners. Some government officials question Yuma's leadership abilities, suspecting that his actions are more about personal gain than addressing issues such as child labor and work hazards in the cobalt trade. In Yuma's Gécamines office, bottles of Dom Pérignon were seen cooling beside him, while chunks of valuable metals and minerals from Congo's soil were displayed in glass. Before his interview with the Times, he drank an espresso while being surrounded by contemporary Congolese art from his personal collection. He stated that his lifestyle, which was on full display, was proof that he did not need to cheat or steal in order to succeed. Yuma, one of Congo's wealthiest businessmen, dismissed allegations of embezzling money from the government by pointing out that he was driving a BMW in Belgium at the age of 20. He acquired a prime piece of riverside real estate in Kinshasa where his family operates a textile business that produces military uniforms for the nation. Known for his constant extravagant presence, he is still remembered for his daughter's opulent 2019 wedding, which was reminiscent of a Las Vegas show with dancers in light-up costumes and large white giraffe statues as table centerpieces. He has been a member of Congo's central bank board and was recently reelected as president of the country's influential trade association, similar to the US Chamber of Commerce. The large mining agency he chairs was nationalized and renamed under President Mobutu Sese Seko after Congo gained independence from Belgium in 1960. Gécamines, which used to have a monopoly on copper and cobalt mining, was once one of the top copper producers in the world during the 1980s. Jobs at Gécamines provided employees with a competitive salary, healthcare benefits, and education for their families. However, during Mobutu's 32-year rule, he misappropriated the company's funds for personal gain and to benefit his associates. This behavior continued with subsequent leaders, leading to a significant decline in production by the 1990s. The company failed to reinvest profits into operations, resulting in a debt of over $1 billion and the eventual layoff of half of its workforce. In order to survive, Gécamines underwent a restructuring, partnering with private investors, many of whom were foreign, with the agency holding a minority share. Yuma assumed control in 2010 with promises to restore Gécamines to its former status. However, according to anti-corruption organizations, mining profits began disappearing shortly after. The Carter Centre, a nonprofit organization, reported that approximately $750 million went missing from Gécamines' funds between 2011 and 2014, with some of the responsibility falling on Yuma. Among the beneficiaries of Gécamines' partnerships under Yuma was Dan Gertler, an Israeli billionaire involved in diamond trading. Gertler faced US sanctions for engaging in corrupt mining and oil deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars, as reported by the Treasury Department. An investigative report submitted to the State Department and Treasury, obtained by the Times, accused Yuma of nepotism and having financial interests in textile and food-importing businesses that received funding from a government agency he oversaw. He was also accused of favoring a mining contractor in which he had shares. US authorities suspected Yuma of using funds from the mining sector to support supporters of Joseph Kabila, the former president of Congo. The State Department's 2018 report on human rights in Congo highlighted suspicious financial transactions linked to Yuma, with research from the Carter Centre. Yuma claimed to have brought billions of dollars in revenue to the country and denied accusations of cheating Congo out of $8.8 billion. Yuma has aggressively fought back against watchdog groups and critics by accusing them of being "new colonialists" who conspired with mining companies to hinder his efforts to reform the industry. He believes that such actions have resulted in the Congolese population being subjected to a form of modern slavery. Yuma has sent a detailed 33-page document to the Times defending himself and highlighting the smear campaigns aimed at tarnishing his reputation and downplaying his significant role in reforming the country's mining policy. In 2018, Yuma spoke at the Atlantic Council in Washington, emphasizing the importance of partnerships with American companies to secure the US supply chain and develop mineral projects. Despite facing allegations of misusing the country's revenues, Yuma's team of lobbyists and lawyers, including Joseph Szlavik and Erich Ferrari, have been working to improve his image internationally and position him as a crucial figure in Congo's minerals and metals sector. Staying at the Four Seasons, he conducted meetings during two trips that spring with officials from the World Bank and the departments of Defence, Energy, and the Interior. He also visited New York, where he had a meeting with Donald Trump Jr. He was accompanied by Gentry Beach, a Texas hedge fund manager who was a major campaign fundraiser for the former president and a close friend and former business partner of Trump Jr. Beach has been attempting to secure a mining deal in Congo and had previously worked with Trump on a mining project there. Beach did not respond to requests for comment. Yuma downplayed the meeting with the president's son, stating that someone just wanted to introduce him to say hello. Trump claimed he could not remember the meeting. Yuma consistently emphasized that America required his assistance and he was prepared to provide it. He shared important information in Washington about Russia's attempts to obtain Congolese niobium, a durable metal used in fighter jet engines. Yuma stated he had prevented the sale to benefit the US, as reported by two American officials present at the meeting. Issues arose during one of the trips. One of his lobbying team members was warned by a State Department official that Yuma was under investigation for corruption by the United States and would face consequences. In June 2018, the State Department officially banned him from returning to the US, with a statement emphasizing the US government's commitment to fighting corruption. Although Yuma was not directly named in the statement, it was confirmed that he was one of the "several senior" officials from Congo mentioned. This action made Yuma realize he needed to strengthen his position even further. He planned to hire Herman Cohen, a former assistant secretary of state for African affairs under Bush, and George Denison, who had worked for President Gerald Ford. Joseph Gatt, a former Congolese airline and telephone executive living in Virginia and close to Yuma, also supported his cause by organizing meetings with lobbyists to advocate for Yuma's visit to the United States. Gatt described Yuma as a powerful figure and denied the allegations against him. Meanwhile, Yuma worked on improving his reputation in Congo by collaborating with the exiting president, Kabila, to become prime minister, according to State Department officials. A top US diplomat visited Yuma at his home in Kinshasa to express the United States' strong opposition to his plan. During the meeting, Yuma and the diplomat discussed political events in Congo, but tensions arose when the diplomat warned Yuma that his daughters studying in the US could be deported if he continued with Kabila's scheme. Despite the warning, Yuma remained determined and even enlisted the help of an aide to Rep Hank Johnson to arrange a visit to the US to discuss his work in Congo. The invitation was also extended to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, but the State Department rejected it, viewing it as an attempt to bypass the visa ban. Yuma continued to gather influencers to support his cause, including Denison who briefly joined the Washington lobbying team to help ensure Yuma's ability to travel to the US without facing legal consequences. State Department officials were considering placing Yuma on a sanctions list, which could potentially freeze his assets in international banks. The $3 million contract between the men did not specify the assignment, instead stating that Denison was to enhance the business climate in Congo. After receiving $1.5 million, Denison was instructed to transfer most of it to an associate of Yuma's, prompting concerns about potential involvement in money laundering. Denison hired a lawyer, resigned from the job, and returned all the funds, referring to Yuma as a "huge crook." Yuma did not provide a response to a question regarding the matter. Tshisekedi and Yuma, who are rival presidents, were seen walking near a large terraced canyon at one of Glencore's cobalt mines in the Copperbelt region, known for its mining industry. The outing in May was uncomfortable for the political adversaries. Tshisekedi, a former opposition member who won office in a disputed election in 2019, has received support from the Biden administration for his efforts in combating global warming. He has appeared alongside President Joe Biden at various international events, including meetings in Rome and Glasgow. In his hometown, Tshisekedi has declared his goal of establishing Congo as the global hub for strategic minerals. However, some Congolese and American officials believe that Yuma must be removed for this to become a reality. Despite efforts to pressure his removal, Yuma continues to hold significant sway, leaving the State Department puzzled. Yuma, who is widely recognized for his business acumen, carries on as usual with a team of aides who refer to him as President Yuma, reflecting his influence and aspirations in Congo. He discusses plans to add seven additional floors and a helipad to his office building in downtown Kinshasa. He even had a lobbyist locate Tshisekedi in New York during the United Nations General Assembly meeting in September to urge him to support Yuma. Yuma conducted a nationwide tour in Congo this year that resembled a political campaign, visiting every province with his first stop in Tshisekedi's hometown. During the visit, he met with a group of pineapple juice vendors and gave them $5,000 in cash to help their business get started. In an interview, he stated that he wants to demonstrate his support for others, similar to the president. Yuma hopes to be recognized for his efforts in attracting more US investors and believes that his reforms will have a positive impact. He expressed his friendship with America and his commitment to working in good faith to facilitate US investment in DRC, emphasizing his love for the country. My kids were studying at the university in that area. In the future, I hope people will recognize that I am a strong supporter of America and will continue to offer my assistance. If his success hinges on revamping the mining industry, the challenge will be significant. Throughout the day, a main highway lined with numerous industrial mines sees trucks carrying copper and chemicals for metal extraction. However, weaving among them are motorcycles carrying stolen cobalt, with one man driving and another acting as a lookout on top of large bags.