His shiny leather shoes made a crunching sound as he walked on the dust left behind by miners who had spilled cobalt-laden rocks from nylon bags. Albert Yuma Mulimbi, a prominent figure in Congo and chairman of a government agency that collaborates with international mining companies to access the nation's copper and cobalt reserves for use in combating global warming, is determined to transform Congo into a dependable cobalt supplier. He aims to change the country's reputation for allowing unsafe and exploitative mining practices, including child labor and accidents resulting in injuries and fatalities. Yuma arrived at the Kasulo site in a convoy of SUVs with a delegation to assess the challenges faced there, stating, "We need to restructure the country and regulate the mining industry." However, both in Congo and the United States, Yuma himself is viewed as part of the problem. As the chairman of Gécamines, the state-owned mining company in Congo, he has been accused of being involved in diverting billions of dollars in revenues, as revealed in confidential State Department legal documents and interviews with current and former officials in both countries. Despite efforts by top State Department officials to remove him from the mining agency and have him sanctioned, they argue that he has been using his position to enrich friends, family, and political allies for years. Yuma, however, denies any wrongdoing and is actively engaged in a lobbying and legal campaign to clear his name in Washington and Kinshasa, while also moving forward with his plans to reform cobalt mining. Operating his own foreign policy apparatus effectively, Yuma has hired influential lobbyists, sent $1.5 million to a former White House official, provided the United States with intelligence on Russia and critical minerals, and even visited Trump Tower in New York, where he briefly met with Donald Trump Jr in 2018. Despite being granted significant access to the Trump administration, he was later banned from entering the United States just two months later. His influence in the mining industry has complicated Congo's efforts to attract new Western investors and establish itself in the clean energy revolution, which it is currently contributing to with its abundant reserves of minerals and metals such as cobalt. Cobalt is essential in batteries for electric cars as it helps prevent overheating and increases their range, but due to its high price and the dangerous conditions in Congo, where most of the world's cobalt is produced, it has earned the nickname "the blood diamond of batteries." Consequently, car manufacturers are seeking alternative sources of cobalt for electric vehicles to avoid backlash from consumers, turning to other countries with smaller reserves. If Congo does not address human rights issues in its mines, it could risk diminishing its role in the growing economy. Even if Yuma addresses the issues as promised, it may not be sufficient for potential American investors who are concerned about Congo's history of corruption in the mining industry. President Felix Tshisekedi has attempted to undermine Yuma by appointing his own people to Gécamines, but has not taken further action against him. Tshisekedi expressed his own plans for improving mining conditions in the country during an interview in Kinshasa, stating that the government, not Yuma, will ultimately make the decisions. The conflict between Yuma and the president reflects power struggles that have plagued African nations with abundant natural resources in the past. The outcome of this situation will have far-reaching consequences beyond just the continent, as the worldwide effort to combat climate change requires a shift from gasoline-powered vehicles to battery-powered ones. In Congo, the crucial question is whether Yuma will help the country embrace the global trend towards sustainability and economic growth, or if he will contribute to further conflict and instability. Statues in a mining hub in Congo's Copperbelt depict the two sides of the country's mining industry: industrial and artisanal. High-tech, industrial mines operated by global corporations such as China Molybdenum employ numerous individuals in Congo's cobalt sector, and while they face their own challenges, they are not primarily responsible for the country's negative reputation internationally. The artisanal sector, on the other hand, is a different story and is where Yuma intends to focus his reform efforts. This sector is comprised of regular adults with no formal training, and sometimes children, and is largely unregulated, often involving individuals trespassing on land owned by industrial mines. Along the main highway that runs through many of these mines, there is a constant flow of individuals on motorbikes carrying bags of stolen cobalt, each valued at approximately $175, evading checkpoints by emerging from sunflower thickets. Due to a lack of alternative employment opportunities, many parents send their children to search for cobalt. Recently, a group of young boys were seen collecting rocks that had fallen off trucks on a road between two industrial mines. The work is risky for other children, who are working in makeshift mines where some have lost their lives due to collapses in narrow tunnels. Kasulo, where Yuma is presenting his plans, is an example of the dangerous mining practices that can be fueled by a gold-rush-like excitement. The mine, approved by Gécamines, consists of large gashes in the earth the size of city blocks. Originally a thriving rural village, Kasulo transformed into a mining area after cobalt deposits were discovered underneath a resident's home. The finding caused a stir, leading to many individuals excavating their own yards. Currently, the only traces of village existence are a mango tree and a couple of purple bougainvillea bushes from the residents' gardens. To prevent flooding in the hand-dug shafts, orange tarps secured with worn ropes are used, where workers descend to chip away at the rock to retrieve cobalt pieces. Georges Punga frequents the mine and began working in diamond mines at the age of 11, now being 41 years old. Since then, he has been exploring Congo in search of valuable resources such as gold, copper, and cobalt. Punga, with scars on his shins from work-related injuries, earns less than $10 a day but manages to support his family and keep his children in school. He expressed a desire to find a different job if possible. "I'm exhausted from digging." Congo officials have started implementing measures to improve mining practices, such as establishing a Gécamines subsidiary to address issues like safety hazards and child labor. Miners at sites like Kasulo will soon receive safety gear, tunneling will be prohibited, and pit depths will be regulated to prevent accidents. Payments to workers will be more consistent and secure through electronic means. Yuma, as the chair of the board of directors, is leading these reforms. With the increasing demand for cobalt, Western investors and mining companies in Congo have no choice but to collaborate with him, as small-scale mines contribute significantly to the country's output. After cobalt is extracted from mines, a new agency will purchase it from miners and establish standardized pricing to facilitate government taxation. Yuma proposes the creation of a fund to assist workers financially in case cobalt prices decrease. Currently, miners sell their cobalt at a row of tin shacks where loud sledgehammers mask all other sounds. International traders evaluate the metal's purity at these shacks before purchasing it, leading to complaints of unfair treatment from miners. Yuma guided reporters from the Times on a tour of Kasulo and a recently built warehouse and laboratory complex nearby, which is meant to replace the buying shacks. "We are currently experiencing an economic shift, with cobalt being the crucial product," stated Yuma, as he proudly showcased the unoccupied complex. The International Energy Agency suggests that addressing the artisanal mining issue is better than completely disengaging from Congo, as that could worsen the situation for impoverished miners. However, critics note that Yuma's plans, aside from constructing new buildings, have not made significant progress in improving conditions for miners. Many government officials in Congo and the United States question Yuma's leadership abilities, speculating that his actions may be more about personal gain than actually addressing issues like child labor and unsafe working conditions in the cobalt trade. At his Gécamines office, Yuma was surrounded by bottles of Dom Pérignon while chunks of precious metals from Congo sat in glass displays. He drank an espresso before his interview with the Times, surrounded by contemporary Congolese art from his personal collection. He stated that his lavish lifestyle, which was on full display, was proof that he did not need to cheat or steal to succeed. Yuma, one of Congo's wealthiest businessmen, refuted allegations of embezzling money from the government by pointing out that he was driving a BMW in Belgium at just 20 years old. He obtained a valuable piece of riverside property in Kinshasa where his family established a textile business that manufactures the country's military uniforms. Known for his extravagant lifestyle, he is constantly in the spotlight. His daughter's 2019 wedding, which was reminiscent of a Las Vegas show with dancers in light-up costumes and white giraffe statues as table centerpieces, is still a topic of conversation. He has held positions on the board of Congo's central bank and was recently reelected as president of the country's influential trade association, similar to the US Chamber of Commerce. The mining agency he chairs, Gécamines, was nationalized and renamed under President Mobutu Sese Seko after Congo gained independence from Belgium in 1960. At one point, Gécamines had a monopoly on copper and cobalt mining and was one of the top copper producers globally by the 1980s. Jobs at the company provided a generous salary, healthcare, and education for employees' families. However, Mobutu, who was in power for 32 years, misused the company's funds for his personal benefit and that of his allies. This behavior was continued by his successors, leading to a significant decrease in production by the 1990s. Instead of reinvesting money into operations, Gécamines accumulated a debt of over $1 billion, resulting in the layoff of half of its workforce. In order to survive, Gécamines underwent restructuring and began forming joint ventures with private investors, primarily foreign, where the agency held a minority share. Yuma assumed control in 2010, pledging to restore Gécamines to its former status. However, according to anti-corruption organizations, mining profits quickly disappeared. The Carter Centre, a non-profit group, estimated that from 2011 to 2014 alone, approximately $750 million went missing from Gécamines' funds, with some of the responsibility falling on Yuma. Among the beneficiaries of Gécamines' partnerships during Yuma's tenure was Dan Gertler, an Israeli billionaire diamond trader. Gertler was sanctioned by the US for engaging in questionable and corrupt deals in mining and oil worth hundreds of millions of dollars, according to the Treasury Department. A confidential report submitted to the State Department and Treasury and obtained by the Times accuses Yuma of nepotism, having ownership in textile and food import businesses that received funding from a government agency he oversaw, and directing work to a mining contractor in which he had shares. US authorities suspected Yuma of using money from the mining sector to support supporters of Joseph Kabila, the corrupt president of Congo for 18 years. The State Department's 2018 annual report on human rights in Congo, which credited the Carter Centre for the research, noted that suspicious financial transactions seemed to coincide with the country's electoral cycles. Yuma has been accused of embezzling $8.8 billion from Congo, a claim he dismisses as absurd, arguing that he has actually generated billions of dollars in revenue for the country. Yuma has aggressively responded to watchdog groups and his critics by accusing them of being "new colonialists" and claiming they conspired with mining companies to hinder his efforts to reform the industry, which he believes has led to the exploitation of the Congolese population. Yuma has defended himself by sending a 33-page document to the Times, highlighting his contributions to the country through mining policy reform. In an attempt to improve his image, Yuma addressed top officials and executives in Washington in 2018, expressing his support for partnerships with American companies to secure the US supply chain. Despite facing accusations of exploiting his country's resources, Yuma sought redemption by convincing Washington of his importance in Congo's mining industry. His team of lobbyists and lawyers included experienced professionals such as Joseph Szlavik and Erich Ferrari. Staying at the Four Seasons, he conducted meetings during two trips that spring with officials from the World Bank and the departments of Defence, Energy, and the Interior. He also made a trip to New York, where he had a meeting with Donald Trump Jr. He was accompanied by Gentry Beach, a Texas hedge fund manager who was a major campaign fundraiser for the former president and a close friend and former business partner of Trump Jr. Beach has been attempting to secure a mining deal in Congo and had previously been involved in a mining project there with Trump. Beach did not respond to requests for comment. Yuma downplayed the meeting with the president's son, stating that it was simply an introduction. Trump stated that he could not remember the meeting. Yuma consistently emphasized that America required his assistance and he was prepared to provide it. In Washington, he shared what he believed to be important information regarding Russia's attempts to obtain Congolese niobium, a durable metal used in fighter jet engines. Yuma claimed to have prevented the sale to benefit the United States, as confirmed by two US officials present at the meeting. Issues arose during one of the trips. One of his lobbying team members was warned by a State Department official that Yuma was under investigation for corruption by the United States and would face consequences. In June 2018, the State Department officially banned him from entering the United States, stating that the government is dedicated to fighting corruption without specifically naming Yuma. The Times later confirmed that the ban included Yuma and other senior officials from Congo. This action made Yuma realize he needed to increase his influence. He planned to hire Herman Cohen, a former assistant secretary of state for African affairs under Bush, and George Denison, who had worked for President Gerald Ford. Joseph Gatt, a former Congolese airline and telephone executive living in Virginia and close to Yuma, also supported his cause. Gatt stationed a personal aide at the Fairmont, a luxury hotel near the White House, to organize meetings with lobbyists to push for permission for Yuma to visit the United States. Gatt described Yuma as a formidable person and denied the allegations against him, saying he was clean. Yuma also worked on improving his reputation in Congo by hatching a plan with exiting president Kabila to become prime minister. A high-ranking US official visited Yuma at his residence in Kinshasa to express the United States' strong opposition to his plan. During the meeting, Yuma and the diplomat, J Peter Pham, discussed political events in Congo but the conversation took a negative turn. Pham, who was a special envoy at the time, warned Yuma that if he continued with Kabila's plan, the US was prepared to deport his daughters who were studying in the US. Despite the threat, Yuma remained determined and even enlisted an aide to Rep Hank Johnson to extend an invitation for him to visit the US and discuss his work in Congo. The invitation was also extended to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, but the State Department rejected it, viewing it as an attempt to evade the visa ban. Despite this setback, Yuma continued to recruit influencers to support his cause. Denison briefly joined the Washington lobbying team with the task of securing Yuma's travel to the US without facing legal consequences, as shown in a June 2020 email. State Department officials were contemplating placing Yuma on a sanctions list, potentially freezing his assets in international banks. The $3 million contract between the men did not mention the assignment involving money transfer, but instead stated that Denison was to promote the business climate in Congo. After receiving $1.5 million and being instructed to transfer most of it to an associate of Yuma's, Denison became concerned about potential involvement in a money-laundering scheme, leading him to hire a lawyer, resign from the job, and return all the funds. Denison described Yuma as a "huge crook." Yuma chose not to answer a question related to the issue. Tshisekedi and Yuma, who are both presidents, were seen walking together near a large terraced canyon at a cobalt mine owned by Glencore in the Copperbelt region. This region is heavily associated with mining, to the point where roadside markets sell mining gear alongside fresh produce. This outing, which took place in May, was awkward for the two political rivals. Tshisekedi, who has been in office since early 2019 following a disputed election, has gained support from the Biden administration, who view him as an ally in the fight against climate change. He holds the position of chair of the African Union and has made several appearances alongside President Joe Biden at international events, such as a recent meeting in Rome and another in Glasgow at a global climate conference. In his homeland, Tshisekedi has declared his goal of transforming Congo into the global hub for strategic minerals. However, some Congolese and American officials believe that Yuma must be removed for this vision to be realized. Despite efforts to pressure his removal, Yuma still holds significant influence, leaving the State Department puzzled. Yuma continues to operate as usual, surrounded by a team of assistants who refer to him as President Yuma, recognizing his authority and aspirations in the business world. He discusses plans to add seven additional floors and a helipad to his office building in downtown Kinshasa. During the United Nations General Assembly meeting in New York, one of his lobbyists sought out Tshisekedi to urge him to support Yuma. Yuma conducted a nationwide tour in Congo this year that resembled a political campaign, visiting every province and beginning in Tshisekedi's hometown. During the tour, he met with a group of pineapple juice sellers and gave them $5,000 in cash to help their business. In an interview, he explained that he wants to demonstrate his support, similar to the president. Yuma hopes to be recognized for bringing in more US investors through his reform initiatives. He stated, "I consider myself a friend of America and always strive to assist and encourage US investment in DRC [Congo]. As I mentioned before, I have a great affection for America." One of these days, people will realize that I am a strong supporter of America and will continue to assist as a good friend. If he wants to succeed by revitalizing the mining industry, it will be a challenging task. Throughout the day, the main highway is filled with trucks carrying copper and chemicals for metal extraction, while motorcycles transport stolen cobalt alongside them.