In the political landscape of 2016-20, this belief was exaggerated. Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election with a minority of the popular vote, but more Americans voted for Republican congressional candidates than Democratic ones. Additionally, more Americans voted for right-of-center presidential candidates, including the Libertarian vote, than for Hillary Clinton and Jill Stein. Despite Republican structural advantages, Democrats were able to regain control of the House of Representatives in 2018 and the presidency in 2020 and Senate in 2021. These victories continued the trend of American politics in the 21st century, which has seen significant shifts every few election cycles rather than one party becoming dominant. Looking ahead to the political landscape after 2024, it may resemble the challenges faced by liberals during the Trump era. David Shor, a prominent figure in liberalism, has warned that a combination of unfavorable Senate map for Democrats along with existing disadvantages in the Electoral College and Senate could result in the party winning a majority of votes but still losing the White House and facing a strong Republican presence in the Senate. This is a concerning situation for liberals, but conservatives should not be pleased either. Conservatives have been defending institutions like the Senate and the Electoral College by arguing that the US is a democratic republic, not a pure democracy, as their influence in these institutions has grown in recent years. The arguments lose credibility when the system consistently produces undemocratic results. For example, if state legislatures replace voters' preferences in elections, it undermines the legitimacy of the Electoral College and the Senate. A scenario where one party consistently holds power without majority support leads to delegitimization and disillusionment. Simply defending the constitutional significance of state sovereignty is not enough to address this issue. To prevent conservative victories from undermining conservative governance, the Republican Party should strive to win majority support instead of relying on the advantages of the current system. A political party will not easily give up its advantages, and there will never be a bipartisan agreement to abolish the Senate. However, it is reasonable to expect a party to strive for more electoral success, as seen in the approaches of Ronald Reagan and Richard Nixon. The current situation, which appears challenging for the Democrats, presents an opportunity for the Republicans to address Electoral College concerns by winning elections outright through reasonable policies and candidates. This includes moving away from voter-fraud paranoia and divisive politics, such as rejecting the libertarian views of the Tea Party era. And it implies - and I am concerned that this may be too difficult for the GOP to do - selecting a different candidate than Trump for the 2024 election. The Republican Party could potentially increase its Senate or Electoral College majorities through its structural advantages even if it wins popular support. This type of amplification is common in many democratic systems, not just our own. It is distinct from consistently losing the popular vote but still gaining power. As for how the Democrats should address their shortcomings - that is a more detailed conversation, but two brief points for now. First, if the party wants to address its structural challenges with electoral reforms, it needs to have a clear understanding of which reforms would be effective. This clarity has been lacking during the Biden administration, with liberal reformers focusing on voting bills that ultimately failed and wouldn't have significantly benefited the party if they had passed. Another reform idea, granting statehood to the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, may not have been possible during this time but would better address the challenges Democrats face in the Senate. Therefore, pushing for an expanded Senate may be a more realistic long-term strategy for liberal activists and legislators. Secondly, if Democrats want to regain parity in the Senate and Electoral College without structural reform, they may need to focus on winning back culturally conservative Latino and working-class white voters who were part of Barack Obama's coalition but have since shifted towards the right. The faction would have two main goals: to stick to a carefully tested economic policy agenda that is different from the business-friendly agenda supported by many centrist Democrats, and to consistently set itself apart from organized progressivism on cultural and social issues. This would not be done in a tactical manner, but rather in a principled approach, showing voters that this faction truly believes in its own moderation and will continue to challenge progressive beliefs even in Washington. While there are currently scattered politicians who somewhat align with this faction, there is a need for a cohesive agenda, financial support from donors, and intellectual backing. However, necessity may soon force the Democratic Party to address these issues. Copyright 2022 by The New York Times Company.