The discovery was astounding in its extent. Reporters from even small countries like Guinea-Bissau were asked to make deals with Chinese journalists. China was circulating their propaganda newspaper, China Daily, not only in English but also in Serbian. A journalist from the Philippines believed that over half of the articles on a Philippine news service were from the Chinese state agency Xinhua. A media organization in Kenya received funding from Chinese investors, and subsequently terminated a writer who covered China's oppression of the Uyghur minority. Journalists in Peru received harsh criticism from Chinese government officials on social media. This appeared to be part of a larger strategy to challenge the dominance of global news outlets like the BBC and CNN, and to promote Chinese influence in media worldwide. The International Federation of Journalists will release a report on Wednesday shedding light on China's plans for this new power, based on interviews conducted by journalist Louisa Lim in 54 countries. The interviews conducted by Lim, a former NPR bureau chief in Beijing and current senior lecturer at the University of Melbourne, revealed that China has utilized its global media infrastructure to spread positive narratives about the country and counter disinformation during the pandemic. This strategy, outlined in a report co-written by Julia Bergin and Johan Lidberg of Monash University in Australia, highlights a shift in global power dynamics rather than a secretive plot. China's media tactics, while not a secret, have been compared to those used by other powerful countries throughout history. The report also noted that China's media efforts have been closely tied to its diplomatic activities during the pandemic, including the distribution of protective equipment and vaccines to countries worldwide. Italian reporters were pressured to air President Xi Jinping's Christmas speech and were given an Italian translation. The Chinese embassy in Tunisia provided hand sanitiser and masks to the journalists' union, and expensive television equipment and free, pro-China content to the state broadcaster. In Serbia, a pro-government tabloid displayed a billboard with an image of Xi Jinping and the message "Thank you, brother Xi." The media and vaccine campaigns are connected to China's "Belt and Road" global investment initiative, which comes with conditions such as debt and support in key UN votes. China faces challenges due to its increasing authoritarianism, treatment of the Uyghurs, and crackdown on dissent in Hong Kong, which have negatively impacted global perceptions of the country even before the start of the pandemic in Wuhan. Some governments are starting to restrict the operations of Chinese state media in their countries, such as Britain revoking the license of the main Chinese state broadcaster. China's diplomatic efforts are focused on countries that may not have as much cultural or financial power as European nations, but still have a vote at the UN. Despite appearing to be spontaneous and originating from local embassies, China's actions are making a global impact on the media landscape. According to Lim and two other New York Times reporters, journalists from around the world had varying attitudes towards Chinese government pressure, from concern to confidence in navigating a complex media environment. Zuliana Lainez, the secretary-general of the National Association of Journalists of Peru, expressed concern about the close relationship between the Peruvian state media and the Chinese embassy. She noted that the state news agency and state-controlled newspaper often act as mouthpieces for China, and raised alarm about the embassy's efforts to modernize newsrooms' technology. Lainez emphasized the need to scrutinize these relationships, as they are not free from potential influence. On the other hand, Stefano Polli, the deputy director of the Italian news service ANSA, viewed China's use of media as a way to increase its influence in global politics. He defended his service's contract with Xinhua as a normal commercial arrangement, despite criticism from international journalists. China has also restricted foreign journalists within its borders, leading international media to rely more on official sources and denying visas to American journalists, such as those from the New York Times. Luca Rigoni, a well-known anchor for an Italian TV channel owned by Mediaset, stated that his news organization does not have its own correspondent in China but has a formal agreement with Chinese state media for coverage. However, this partnership ended after Rigoni reported on the theory that the virus originated from a Chinese lab. Despite this, Rigoni, whose company is owned by former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, believes that China's control over media is not unique, as many countries have government-controlled TV and radio programs. According to Anthony Bellanger, the general secretary of the International Federation of Journalists, China is becoming increasingly influential in the information war, but it is important to push back against similar pressures from the US, Russia, and other governments worldwide. However, recent reports suggest that China is currently the most dedicated to this campaign, as they are spending significant amounts of money to spread their messages globally. In comparison, the US, which once led covert and overt influence efforts during the Cold War, has seen a decline in its official channels. While the CIA's influence operations have evolved over time, President Trump has attempted to use outlets like Voice of America and Radio Liberty as more overt propaganda tools, a move that has faced resistance from Democrats and journalists. The American government's inability to reach a consensus on how to utilize its own media outlets has resulted in companies like Netflix and Disney, which have more power and funding, taking the lead. Many journalists worldwide are doubtful about the effectiveness of Chinese government propaganda, a sentiment I shared when I discarded a week's worth of unread China Daily editions. Propaganda that may be successful within China is struggling to compete in the competitive global market for audience attention. Eric Oduor, the secretary-general of the Kenya Union of Journalists, noted that China's efforts to expand its content in Kenyan media have not yet had a significant impact. Some argue that even though journalists may see certain information as unprofessional or obvious propaganda, it still has an impact. Erin Baggott Carter, an assistant professor of political science at the University of Southern California, discovered in her research that American news organizations that allowed their journalists to go on official trips to China shifted their coverage from military competition to economic cooperation. In discussions with journalists from various countries, I noticed that they did not mention the United States when talking about Chinese influence. Unlike the US, where there is often a focus on a global struggle between two powerful nations and different systems of government, journalists in countries like Indonesia, Peru, and Kenya described a more unilateral effort by China to increase its influence and promote its narrative. Lim mentioned that Americans tend to be self-centered and believe that everything revolves around the US. Many Americans and those in the Western world frequently overlook events in non-English languages and assume that Western values are universal.