Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi is shifting her focus from being a symbol of freedom against Myanmar's military rule to taking on a leadership role in the country's emerging democracy. This transition has been challenging, as evidenced by a question posed to her by a student from the Kachin ethnic minority during a talk in London in June. The student inquired why Suu Kyi, who belongs to the majority Burman ethnic group, appeared hesitant to denounce a violent government military operation against Kachin rebels, resulting in the displacement of 75,000 individuals. Suu Kyi's response was carefully neutral, stating that more information is needed before passing judgment on either side. The Kachin community was extremely angry. The response from the Kachinland News website was deemed offensive. Protesters from the Kachin group gathered outside of her next event in London. An "open letter" from 23 Kachin groups around the world accused Suu Kyi of supporting violence sanctioned by the state. It may have been unimaginable in April that a woman as respected as her would face such hostility. A decisive win in a by-election led Suu Kyi and 42 other members of her National League for Democracy into Myanmar's parliament, but she is no longer unquestionably idolized. Once admired for her brave opposition to the old junta for two decades, Suu Kyi now faces criticism as she gains influence as a lawmaker. Despite her growing power in parliament, some ethnic groups accuse her of turning a blind eye to human rights abuses in Myanmar's troubled border regions. Economists are concerned that her negative assessments of Myanmar's business environment may deter foreign investors. Analysts believe her party lacks substantial policies beyond those of its well-known leader. Additionally, she faces challenges from internal discord within the democracy movement she co-established. Critics worldwide have criticized her unclear stance on the pressing humanitarian crisis regarding the stateless Rohingya Muslims in western Myanmar, where violent clashes have resulted in numerous casualties and displaced individuals. Rejected by both Myanmar and nearby Bangladesh, where 300,000 refugees reside, numerous Rohingya people are residing in terrible conditions in Rakhine State. The United Nations has labeled this Muslim minority as "virtually friendless" in a country where Buddhism is dominant. The conflict began in June, just before Suu Kyi's visit to Europe, her first in 24 years. In Norway, after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize she won in 1991 while under house arrest, a journalist questioned Suu Kyi about the citizenship status of the Rohingya in her country. Suu Kyi's response, "I do not know," caused frustration among both the Rohingya seeking citizenship in Myanmar and the locals in Rakhine who see them as invaders. This response was in stark contrast to the moral certainty she displayed in her Nobel speech, where she spoke about the plight of displaced people. As a political party leader, Suu Kyi now must embrace strategic ambiguity, a departure from the moral clarity that once made her a global outcast. She needs to maintain her popularity among the majority of Burmans and Buddhists, while also not pushing away ethnic minorities or people of other religions. She also has to work with the disliked military, which is still the most powerful force in Myanmar. Her political skills have been evident to observers in Myanmar since 1988, when she came back after living abroad for many years. Despite facing harsh repression from the military, she emerged as the leader of the democracy movement and continued to inspire others even while spending much of the next twenty years in prison or under house arrest. In a lecture at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government in Cambridge, Massachusetts on September 27, she expressed her dislike for being called an icon, stating that she sees herself as a politician. Despite this, she declined interview requests from Reuters for this article. Myanmar's reforms have progressed rapidly since her release from house arrest in November 2010, just before a military-controlled election installed a quasi-civilian government. This year, Myanmar has released political prisoners, relaxed media restrictions, and begun addressing economic issues. The country's transition from a dictatorship is frequently likened to the events of the Arab Spring. However, unlike the Arab Spring, Myanmar's reforms were initiated by former military leaders like President Thein Sein, with Aung San Suu Kyi playing a crucial role in the process. Their meeting in Naypyitaw in August 2011 marked the beginning of Suu Kyi's constructive interaction with the government led by former military officials. She referred to him as "genuine" in his efforts to reform Myanmar, which led to US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's visit to Naypyitaw and the lifting of most Western sanctions. Having a reputation as a saintly figure with unwavering principles can be problematic in the world of politics, where compromise and negotiation are necessary. Being idolized can also create unrealistic expectations, even for someone like Suu Kyi, who Amnesty International refers to as a "human rights superstar." Suu Kyi understands that criticism and attacks are common hazards for politicians. Being praised and admired can also be a danger that comes with her job, and it is much less desirable of the two, she mentioned that statement 14 years ago. Nowadays, she frequently goes to her parliamentary district of Kawhmu, a small and poor rice-growing area close to the commercial capital Yangon. During a recent morning, as she was being driven in an SUV on Kawhmu's bumpy roads, villagers came out of their huts to show their support for "Mother Suu." The issues in Kawhmu - such as household debt, lack of electricity, and unemployment - reflect the larger problems faced by Myanmar. Aung Lwin Oo, a 45-year-old carpenter and member of the National League for Democracy, expressed concern about the lack of young people in some villages in the area, as they have all migrated to Thailand and Malaysia for work. Aung Lwin Oo's comments were made during Suu Kyi's visit to a Buddhist monastery, where she prayed with monks, resolved a money dispute between representatives from two villages, and had lunch with NLD members at the party's Kawhmu headquarters. The group also discussed drainage problems with local officials. Her new job may not be glamorous, but those close to her say she takes pleasure in it. Win Tin, a senior member of the NLD and a close friend, stated, "She finds joy in political life, she fully embraces it." She is also adjusting to living in Naypyitaw, the newly constructed capital surrounded by a fence topped with razor wire. The Lower House of parliament is filled with vibrant attire worn by ethnic delegates, creating a lively atmosphere. Seated next to Suu Kyi is a Member of Parliament from Chin State who is dressed in a headpiece made of boar's teeth and hornbill feathers. On the other side of the chamber, men in green uniforms are in the majority. Following a questionable referendum in 2008, Myanmar's constitution sets aside a quarter of parliamentary seats for military personnel appointed by armed forces chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, a protege of the former dictator, Than Shwe. Suu Kyi's mere presence in parliament lends credibility to a political system created by the junta that once imprisoned her. Her party has had to make significant changes to their longstanding beliefs in order to reach this point. The NLD did not participate in the constitution-drafting process or the 2010 election, which was believed to be unfairly influenced in favor of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. Suu Kyi's party also insisted that the military acknowledge the results of a previous election in 1990, which the NLD won convincingly but was invalidated by the ruling junta. Despite initially boycotting elections, the NLD decided to join the by-elections in April. Currently, the party holds less than ten percent of seats in the lower house, but Suu Kyi ensures that the NLD has a significant impact. She took a stand against a higher education bill that she believed was inadequate, resulting in its cancellation in July. Additionally, she played a role in preventing a provision in a foreign-investment law that would have shielded Myanmar's corrupt businessmen. In August, she was appointed as the head of a parliamentary committee focused on "rule of law and tranquility," which could increase her impact. Despite her popularity, her ability to reform the constitution and reduce the military's power is still a key goal for the NLD. Obtaining three-quarters support in parliament, including from military delegates, is a challenging task for Suu Kyi. According to Ohn Kyaing, a member of parliament and spokesman for the NLD party, Suu Kyi is very persuasive. However, without the military's assistance, changing the constitution seems impossible. Despite the NLD's by-election victory indicating potential success in the 2015 general election, the party does not appear ready to govern. The NLD was established in September 1988 following a violent military crackdown that resulted in the deaths and injuries of numerous pro-democracy demonstrators. Suu Kyi was detained by the junta when the NLD was less than a year old, and its members were frequently harassed, imprisoned, and subjected to torture. In 2003, government forces ambushed Suu Kyi's convoy, resulting in the deaths of many of her supporters. Fortunately, she managed to survive the attack. As a result, most NLD offices were forced to close. When Suu Kyi was released from house arrest in 2010, her party was inactive with older leaders. She worked to revive it by opening many offices and transitioning two elderly co-founders into advisory roles. The party has now grown to a million members, according to spokesman Ohn Kyaing. However, this success has created new challenges. The NLD is planning to host its inaugural national party conference either at the end of 2012 or the beginning of 2013. Protests have broken out in various regions, including Suu Kyi's Kawhmu, regarding the selection of attendees. This issue underscores the tension between long-standing NLD members, who endured decades of persecution, and new members who joined during Myanmar's reform period. Ohn Kyaing stated, "The original members are reluctant to relinquish their positions because of their past struggles." Additionally, there is a power struggle between the central party headquarters and its branches, with local officials accusing their leaders of being overbearing or unresponsive. As a result, at least five members were suspended for either defying or protesting against the party leadership. Suu Kyi leads a seven-person Central Executive Committee that is known to approve her decisions, according to current and former members of the NLD. This included the party's decision in April to decline taking a parliamentary oath to uphold the constitution. Aung Kyi Nyunt, an NLD legislator, stated that while imposing her decisions may not be democratic, it is not authoritarian as she does not force others to follow her decisions, as they already agree with her. After a two-week confrontation and disapproval from followers, the "Iron Aunty" retreated and her MPs resumed their positions. The NLD also has a strained relationship with Myanmar's revitalized media. A newspaper reported in May that Suu Kyi's bodyguards had attacked one of its journalists, a claim the NLD disputes. Some websites in Burmese language are focused on tarnishing Suu Kyi's reputation. Their baseless rumors, such as one alleging she has a teenage daughter with a Burmese partner, bear a striking resemblance to propaganda from the junta era. The websites, whose owners protect their identities by registering through proxies, were unable to be contacted for a comment. The NLD's entrance into parliament has also brought attention to a lack of specific policies and experts to create them, a significant weakness as Myanmar's government is quickly creating new legislation. When asked about the NLD's stance on the Rohingya in Kawhmu, Suu Kyi appeared to suggest that the party did not have a formal policy on the issue, stating that it should be a national effort rather than solely the responsibility of the NLD. Suu Kyi's popularity in Myanmar is not as widespread as some Western admirers believe. While she is beloved in the lowlands where the majority ethnic Burmans reside, her support dwindles in the border regions where ethnic minorities have long fought against the Burman-dominated military. In rural Shan State, which is named after the largest minority group, it is difficult to come across images of Suu Kyi. Suu Kyi used her first speech in parliament in July to advocate for increased legal protection for minorities. However, this has not shielded her from criticism by ethnic leaders. One of them is Khun Htun Oo, a prominent Shan politician who was imprisoned for nearly seven years by the previous regime. According to Khun Htun Oo, Suu Kyi has been rendered ineffective by her involvement in parliament, as he informed reporters in Washington last month, just before they both received awards from a human-rights organization. During her US trip, Suu Kyi's trustworthiness decreased after she made a mistake in an interview with CNN. She mentioned having a fondness for Myanmar's military, which was established by her father, sparking criticism on Facebook, the country's primary platform for political discourse. The NLD had previously supported calls for a UN inquiry into alleged atrocities in Myanmar. The push for retributive justice has been abandoned since Suu Kyi was released. In March, she stated that she believes in restorative justice instead. Suu Kyi clarified that restorative justice does not involve prosecuting members of the military junta. Western governments follow Suu Kyi's lead on human rights issues, using her statements as excuses to avoid taking action on justice and accountability, according to Mark Farmaner of Burma Campaign UK. It was observed that British Foreign Secretary William Hague took over two months to make a statement about the violence against the Rohingya minority. The spokesperson for the NLD, Ohn Kyaing, mentioned that Aung San Suu Kyi will address the Rohingya issue at the appropriate time, stating that timing is crucial in politics.