No one present in the room had been told about Abiy Ahmed's second trip since securing a peace deal last year that ended two decades of hostility between the neighboring countries. A senior official mentioned that the foreign office was not informed and they only found out about the trip through Eritrean media, Facebook, and Twitter. Abiy's unexpected visits are characteristic of his leadership style, which some view as relying on personal boldness and charisma rather than traditional government channels. The foreign ministry spokesman, Nebiat Getachew, stated that the policy was well-coordinated despite the lack of prior notification. He did not verify whether Abiy had taken the July trip without notifying the ministry. Abiy received international praise for the agreement with Eritrea, making him a top contender for the Nobel Peace Prize, following Greta Thunberg. However, some Ethiopians are irritated by Abiy's unpredictable behavior. It is uncertain how much support Abiy's reforms have within the ruling coalition, which has been in power in some form since 1991, and how sustainable those reforms would be without his guidance. He has already survived an assassination attempt, when a grenade was thrown at a rally last year. Comfort Ero, Africa programme director at the International Crisis Group think tank, believes that lasting change cannot be achieved through a "cult of personality". She emphasized that none of Abiy's promised transformative reforms will be successful unless he works through the institutions. Ethiopia has been one of Africa's fastest growing economies for over ten years, but there is concern about Abiy's ability to implement all his reforms, which is causing worry among citizens and foreign investors who he has been trying to attract to modernize the country's telecoms and banking sectors. Some analysts believe that Abiy, a former military officer with expertise in cyber intelligence, may occasionally circumvent government ministries in order to ensure that his reforms continue to progress rapidly without getting bogged down in red tape. These reforms, such as allowing political parties to operate, freeing jailed journalists, and holding accountable officials accused of torture, have been met with enthusiastic support at public gatherings. Dereje Feyissa, a professor at Addis Ababa University, suggests that Abiy's success may be attributed to his charismatic leadership style, but raises concerns about its long-term viability. The initial excitement is fading away as some believe that Abiy's quick and significant changes are a strategic move to catch opponents off guard, particularly those who were part of the previous Tigrayan-dominated administration. Abiy, who belongs to the Oromo ethnic group, has made significant changes since coming into power in April 2018, including the arrest or dismissal of numerous high-ranking officials, most of whom were Tigrayans, for corruption or human rights violations. His actions have been seen as weakening the existing institutions in the first few months of his term. Jawar Mohammed, an Oromo activist and informal adviser to the prime minister, stated that the institutions were either not functioning properly or working against the prime minister's agenda. He believes that the prime minister's success so far could not have been achieved without addressing this issue. One of Abiy's major accomplishments was the peace deal with Eritrea in July last year, which ended a nearly two-decade military stalemate. Historian Asle Sveen, who has written about the Nobel Peace Prize, stated that the deal made Abiy a deserving candidate for the prize envisioned by Alfred Nobel. Sveen noted that the peace deal with Eritrea, along with Abiy's democratic reforms internally, have made him very popular. However, some benefits of the peace did not last long. Land borders that were opened in July were closed in December without any official explanation. Analyst Will Davison suggested that the previous year's reconciliation between Eritrea and Ethiopia may have been influenced by the Eritrean president's belief that the rise of Abiy signaled the decline of Tigray's ruling party, a long-time rival. Despite losing power at the federal level, Tigray's ruling party still maintains control over its region, which has a border with Eritrea, hindering further improvement in relations between the two countries. Foreign ministry spokesman Nebiat stated that Eritrea and Ethiopia had restored diplomatic relations, air links, and phone connections. "He stated that there are other ongoing efforts to formalize relationships," he said. According to analysts and diplomats, Abiy's diplomatic ventures, including his unexpected trip, are often courageous personal endeavors. A senior official from the ministry mentioned that the foreign ministry has been disregarded, which could potentially put our foreign interests at risk. The official also mentioned that Abiy has been discussing significant policy matters with Eritrea, Somalia, and affluent Gulf countries without obtaining agreement within his government. Nebiat disagreed with this statement. He stated that the Ethiopian government always carries out a well-coordinated foreign policy and diplomacy. He dismissed any other claims as unfounded. Some countries appreciate Abiy's hands-on approach. Following the killing of over 100 protesters by Sudanese police in June, Abiy traveled to Khartoum to persuade Sudan's new military leaders and the opposition to resume discussions. He also convinced Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to support his mediation efforts, which ultimately resulted in a power-sharing agreement in August. Amjad Farid, a senior representative of the civilian group that negotiated with the military, stated that Abiy played an important part. Abiy has implemented reforms both domestically and internationally, publicly denouncing past abuses and appointing former dissidents to key positions. Daniel Bekele, a former political prisoner and Africa director at Human Rights Watch in New York, now leads the government's human rights commission. Birtukan Mideksa, who established a political party and was imprisoned following a controversial election in 2005, is now leading the electoral commission. However, there is often ethnically motivated violence and efforts to address past wrongs have been sluggish. A reconciliation commission created in December lacks clear direction, expertise, and has only convened twice, according to Laetitia Bader of Human Rights Watch. Bader noted that it is uncertain whether this initiative will be more than just symbolic.