No one in the room had been told about Abiy Ahmed's second trip since securing a peace deal last year that ended two decades of hostility between the neighbors. A senior official present mentioned that the foreign office was not informed and they found out about it from Eritrean media, Facebook, and Twitter. Abiy's unexpected visits are characteristic of his reliance on bold personal actions and charisma to bring about change instead of going through government institutions, as both supporters and critics have noted. The foreign ministry spokesman, Nebiat Getachew, stated that the policy was well-coordinated. He did not verify whether Abiy had taken the July trip without informing the ministry. Abiy received international praise for his agreement with Eritrea. He is currently the second favorite to win a Nobel Peace Prize, following climate activist Greta Thunberg. However, some Ethiopians are irritated by Abiy's unpredictable behavior. It is uncertain how much support Abiy's reforms have within the ruling coalition, which has been in power in some form since 1991, or how sustainable those reforms would be without his guidance. He has previously survived one attempt on his life: a grenade was thrown at a rally last year. Comfort Ero, the Africa programme director at the International Crisis Group think tank, stated that lasting change cannot be achieved through a "cult of personality". She emphasized that none of the transformational reforms promised by Abiy will be successful unless he focuses on working through the institutions. Ethiopia has experienced rapid economic growth for more than ten years, but there is uncertainty surrounding Abiy's ability to implement all of his reforms, which concerns both citizens and foreign investors he has been trying to attract to modernize the country's outdated telecoms and banking sectors. Some people believe that Abiy, a former military officer with expertise in cyber intelligence, may choose to bypass ministries in order to keep the rapid pace of his reforms and prevent them from getting stuck in bureaucracy. These reforms, such as allowing political parties, freeing imprisoned journalists, and holding officials accountable for torture, have been met with enthusiastic support at rallies. According to Dereje Feyissa, a professor at Addis Ababa University, Abiy's leadership style is based on his charisma, but the question remains whether this approach can be maintained in the long term. The initial excitement and enthusiasm are fading. Some believe that Abiy's quick and drastic changes are a strategic move to surprise his opponents from the previous Tigrayan-dominated administration. Abiy, who belongs to the Oromo ethnic group, has taken action against many senior officials, particularly Tigrayans, for corruption and human rights violations since assuming office in April 2018. He has been criticized for weakening the country's institutions in the early months of his leadership. Jawar Mohammed, an Oromo activist and informal adviser to the prime minister, said that the institutions were not functioning properly or were working against his agenda. He believes that the prime minister's progress would not have been possible without addressing this issue. One of Abiy's significant achievements was the peace deal signed in July last year, which ended a nearly two-decade military standoff with Eritrea after their border war from 1998-2000. Historian Asle Sveen, who has written extensively about the Nobel Peace Prize, stated that the deal made Abiy a fitting candidate for the prize envisioned by Alfred Nobel. Sveen noted that the peace agreement resolved a long-standing conflict with Eritrea and that Abiy is popular for this accomplishment, as well as for his internal democratic reforms. However, some of the benefits of the peace did not last long. Land borders were opened in July but then closed in December without any official explanation. According to Will Davison, an Ethiopia analyst at Crisis Group, last year's reconciliation may have been partially motivated by the Eritrean president's belief that the rise of Abiy signaled the decline of Tigray's ruling party, which had been his main adversary for over twenty years. Despite losing power at the federal level, Tigray's ruling party still maintains control over its own region, which has a significant border with Eritrea, contributing to the limited progress in relations between the two countries. Nebiat, the foreign ministry spokesman, mentioned that Eritrea and Ethiopia had reestablished diplomatic ties, air travel, and phone connections. "He stated that there are ongoing efforts to formalize relationships," he said. Abiy's diplomatic efforts, such as his unexpected trip, are seen as daring personal actions by analysts and diplomats. A senior official from the foreign ministry mentioned that the ministry has been left out of these initiatives, which could potentially harm our interests abroad. The official also mentioned that Abiy has been discussing major policy matters with Eritrea, Somalia, and wealthy Gulf countries without first reaching a consensus within the government. Nebiat, on the other hand, disagreed with this viewpoint. He stated that the Ethiopian government consistently carries out a well-coordinated foreign policy and diplomacy. He dismissed any other allegations as unfounded. Abiy's personal involvement has been well-received by some countries. Following a violent incident in Sudan, Abiy traveled to Khartoum to facilitate discussions between the military rulers and opposition, with the support of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. These efforts resulted in a power-sharing agreement in August. Amjad Farid, a senior representative of the civilian group involved in talks with the military, stated that Abiy played a significant role. Abiy has implemented reforms domestically and internationally, publicly denouncing past abuses and appointing former dissidents to key positions, such as Daniel Bekele who now leads the government's human rights commission. Birtukan Mideksa, the founder of an opposition party who was imprisoned following a contested election in 2005, now leads the electoral commission. However, there is often ethnically motivated violence, and efforts to address past injustices have been sluggish. A reconciliation commission established in December has an uncertain purpose, lacks expertise, and has only convened twice, according to Laetitia Bader, an Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. Bader stated that it is still uncertain whether this action will have a meaningful impact or if it is simply superficial.