Students who arrive late will not be allowed to enter. If you talk to your neighbor during class, you will receive a warning. If you continue to talk, you will be asked to leave. Fadoua El Ouni was surprised when she took Kais Saied's constitutional law course at Carthage University, but later found that not all university courses were as strict. Saied was highly regarded on campus for captivating his students with his commanding voice and formal speech. When El Ouni heard him speaking in everyday Tunisian dialect, she described it as a surreal experience. Despite his suspension of parliament and dismissal of the prime minister, Tunisians are unsure how to reconcile his strict reputation with his sudden popularity among the youth. Some view him as a hero fighting against corruption, while others see him as a dangerous leader. Supporters believe he is the last hope for achieving the goals of the revolution, while critics question his authoritarian tendencies. Monica Marks, a professor of Middle East politics, believes that Saied embodies both positive and negative qualities. "We have seen that even people who are clean and have good intentions can sometimes become ruthless." Saied, a law professor for many years, is not known for extravagance like the family of Tunisia's former dictator. Instead, he frequents coffee shops and lives in a middle-class neighborhood with his family. His motivation stems from a sense of duty and responsibility to empower the youth and poor who sparked Tunisia's 2011 revolution. He aims to provide education, healthcare, and a better quality of life while fighting corruption, despite not seeking power for his own gain. Saied admitted to running for president reluctantly, against his own desires. "God commands that you must engage in warfare, even if you find it unpleasant. Responsibility can be burdensome, like a soldier forced to fight on the front lines despite not wanting to kill. Saied's office did not provide a response to an interview request. As a devout Muslim, Saied views his presidency as a test from God that he cannot decline. According to Mohamed-Dhia Hammami, a Tunisian political researcher at Syracuse University, Saied feels obligated to fulfill his duties because it is what the people expect of him." The concept in Islam is that everyone faces some form of trial. In his case, it is being the president. While this may seem like a fancy excuse for demagoguery, even his critics acknowledge that his beliefs are genuine, stemming from faith and a true concern for the underprivileged. Saied, who comes from a diverse background in Tunis, rose to prominence in 2011 after the initial revolutionary protests had subsided and Ben Ali had left the country. When protesters from marginalized areas organized large sit-ins in Tunis to demand major changes, Saied was one of the few established figures to support them. Videos of his visits quickly spread on Facebook. Despite being a member of an advisory committee during the drafting of a new constitution, Saied was not given one of the pens, which bothered him. He frequently appeared on Tunisian television criticizing the new constitution for giving too much power to Parliament and forcing voters to choose from political parties solely focused on gaining power. Tunisians would have a stronger sense of ownership over their democracy if they elected representatives with whom they had personal connections. The proposed solution was a political system that combined grassroots and top-down approaches, with power coming from directly elected local councils and a powerful president. Despite skepticism about the feasibility of this idea, one activist who interacted with the professor during the democratic transition noted that he was humble and generous, but also unwavering in his beliefs. (Due to the tense political atmosphere, most individuals interviewed preferred to remain anonymous when discussing the president.) For a large number of Tunisians, he was an essential figure to watch on television. Many felt that he was speaking the undeniable truth about what the constitution should entail, according to Amna Guellali, Amnesty International's deputy regional director for the Middle East and North Africa. His words were likened to a prophet's voice, carrying a significance beyond human understanding. His strict authority was admired by many, especially as corruption scandals and economic hardships plagued the country. This admiration led to the creation of Facebook pages encouraging him to run for president, a suggestion he rejected until 2019. The tale of his political campaign has become well-known in Tunisia: the use of the popular slogan "The people want," reminiscent of the 2011 revolution; the volunteers who joined his campaign without being asked; his insistence on limited campaign financing from his own wallet; the perception of being uncorrupt, despite rumors of foreign funding; and his landslide victory in the runoff election. He emphasized the importance of the people's sovereignty in an interview, stating that everything should start with them. He mentioned that he decided to run for president after being approached by a poor man in tears, which he described as a transformative moment. This encounter was not the last of its kind, as videos often circulate online of him interacting with impoverished protesters at the presidential palace or greeting everyday Tunisians on the street. Imen Neffati, a Tunisia researcher at Oxford University, stated that what sets this politician apart is his genuine concern for the people, a quality lacking in others. Critics, however, have labeled him as merely a law professor who did not complete his doctorate. Additionally, his conservative social views, such as supporting the death penalty and opposing equal inheritance for men and women, have been criticized. He has also spoken out against open homosexuality, attributing it to a foreign conspiracy. Despite these controversies, one trait that everyone acknowledges is his strong determination. An informal adviser and European ambassador stated that he will not negotiate with corrupt politicians or parties, which means he will not engage with Ennahda, the dominant party in Parliament, or most of Tunisia's business and political elite. According to diplomats, meetings at the presidential palace are one-sided lectures rather than dialogues. Advisers note that he only listens to a select few, including his wife. Since July 25, Saied's security forces have imposed travel bans and house arrests on judges, politicians, and business owners without proper legal process, leading to concerns, even among his supporters, that he is moving towards autocracy. Recently, his office extended the initial 30-day period for his "exceptional measures," but did not specify for how long. He is widely expected to attempt to alter Tunisia's electoral system and revise its constitution to increase presidential powers. Despite his promise to appoint a new prime minister by Tuesday, Tarek Kahlaoui, a Tunisian political analyst, was informed by presidential advisors that Saied sees the role more as a "manager" than a true head of government. Saied justified his power grab by referencing Article 80 of the constitution, which gives the president extensive emergency powers in times of immediate danger to the country. However, constitutional experts argued that his actions violated this provision, in part because it requires Parliament to remain in session. Despite his attention to legal details, those who know him mentioned that Saied often makes decisions based on emotion and instinct. Kahlaoui expressed that he believes he has been selected by the people, as they took to the streets and it was his time to take action.