Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is shifting her career path, moving from a symbol of freedom fighting against Myanmar's ruling military to a leader of a new fragile quasi-democracy. The transition has been challenging. During an event in London in June, a student from the Kachin minority questioned why Suu Kyi, who is from the Burman majority, appeared hesitant to denounce a violent military operation by the government against Kachin rebels, which has led to the displacement of around 75,000 individuals. Suu Kyi's response was carefully impartial, stating, "We want to gather more information before taking sides in this situation." The Kachin community was furious. The Kachinland News website described her response as offensive. Kachin protestors assembled outside her upcoming event in London. A "open letter" signed by 23 Kachin organizations from around the world accused Suu Kyi of supporting government-authorized violence. It might have been unimaginable in April that a woman as respected as her would provoke such anger. A landslide win in a by-election sent Suu Kyi and 42 other members of her party to Myanmar's parliament. Once seen as a fearless opponent of the old regime, Suu Kyi is now facing criticism while also gaining influence as a lawmaker. Despite her growing power in parliament, some ethnic groups accuse her of overlooking human rights abuses in Myanmar's border states. Economists are concerned that the negative assessments of Myanmar's business environment by a prominent figure may deter foreign investors. Political experts suggest that her party lacks substantial policies beyond those of its well-known leader. Additionally, she faces internal discord within the democracy movement she co-founded. Critics from around the world have criticized her unclear stance on the pressing issue of the stateless Rohingya Muslims in western Myanmar, where violent clashes have resulted in numerous casualties and displaced tens of thousands since June. Rejected by both Myanmar and nearby Bangladesh, where 300,000 refugees are currently residing, numerous Rohingya people are living in extremely poor conditions in Rakhine State. The United Nations has described the Muslim minority as having very few allies in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar. The unrest began in June, just before Suu Kyi's visit to Europe for the first time in 24 years. In Norway, a journalist questioned Suu Kyi about the citizenship status of the Rohingya in her country, shortly after she received the Nobel Peace Prize that she was awarded in 1991 while being held under house arrest. Suu Kyi's vague response to the issue of the Rohingya's citizenship status frustrated both the Rohingya community and the locals in Rakhine. This was a departure from the clear moral stance she took in her Nobel speech, where she spoke about the plight of displaced people. As a political party leader, Suu Kyi now employs strategic ambiguity instead of moral clarity. She needs to maintain her popularity among the majority of Burmans and Buddhists, while also not isolating ethnic minorities or citizens of other religions. Additionally, she must navigate her relationship with the highly disliked military, which holds significant power in Myanmar. Her political acumen has been evident to observers of Myanmar since 1988, when she came back to the country after living abroad. Despite facing a harsh crackdown by the military, she became the leader of the democracy movement. Despite spending a large portion of the following twenty years in prison or under house arrest, she continued to inspire the movement. During a lecture at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government in Cambridge, Massachusetts on September 27, she expressed her dislike for being labeled as an icon, stating that she views herself as a politician. Despite being freed from house arrest in November 2010, Suu Kyi declined several interview requests from Reuters. Myanmar's reforms have progressed since her release, leading to the installation of a quasi-civilian government following an election controlled by the military. This year, Myanmar has released political prisoners, relaxed media restrictions, and begun addressing economic issues. The country's transition from authoritarianism is frequently likened to the Arab Spring, but unlike the widespread protests seen in other countries, Myanmar's reforms were initiated by former military leaders like President Thein Sein. A crucial moment in this process was a meeting between Aung San Suu Kyi and Thein Sein in Naypyitaw in August 2011, which marked the beginning of Suu Kyi's constructive interaction with the military-led government. She described him as "genuine" in his efforts to reform Myanmar, which led to US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's trip to Naypyitaw and the lifting of Western sanctions. Being seen as a saintly figure with strong principles can be a hindrance in politics, a realm of concessions and bargaining. Excessive praise can create unrealistic expectations, even for Myanmar's acclaimed "human rights superstar," as dubbed by Amnesty International. Suu Kyi understands this, acknowledging that criticism and backlash are common in the field of politics. Being praised and idealized can also be a risk associated with one's occupation, which is considered less desirable compared to another option. This was written by her 14 years ago. Nowadays, she frequently travels to her parliamentary district of Kawhmu, a poor rice-growing region near Yangon, the country's business hub. During a recent visit, as she rode in an SUV along the bumpy roads of Kawhmu, villagers came out of their homes to applaud "Mother Suu." The issues faced by Kawhmu, such as debt, lack of electricity, and unemployment, are a microcosm of the challenges experienced by Myanmar as a whole. Aung Lwin Oo, a 45-year-old carpenter and member of the National League for Democracy, mentioned that some villages in the area are lacking young people as they have all moved to Thailand and Malaysia for work. Suu Kyi's itinerary for the day included a visit to a Buddhist monastery where she prayed with monks and helped resolve a financial dispute between representatives from two villages. She then had lunch with NLD members at the party's headquarters in Kawhmu, a tin-roofed wooden bungalow, and discussed drainage concerns with local officials. Her new job may not be glamorous, but according to aides, she is thoroughly enjoying it. Win Tin, a long-time confidant and elder of the NLD, stated that she relishes political life to the fullest. She has also been adjusting well to life in Naypyitaw, the newly constructed capital by the junta, residing in a house surrounded by a fence topped with razor wire. The Lower House of parliament is filled with colorful attire worn by many ethnic delegates, creating a festive atmosphere. Sitting next to Suu Kyi is a Member of Parliament from Chin State who wears a head-dress made of boar's teeth and hornbill feathers. On the other side of the chamber, men in green uniforms are predominant. The constitution of Myanmar, which was approved after a fraudulent referendum in 2008, sets aside a quarter of parliamentary seats for military members selected by armed forces chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, a protege of former dictator Than Shwe. Suu Kyi's presence in parliament adds credibility to a political system established by the junta that once imprisoned her. Her party has had to change many long-held beliefs in order to achieve this. The NLD refused to participate in both the process of creating the constitution and the 2010 election. The election was manipulated in favor of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, which is now in power and the NLD's main opponent in elections. Suu Kyi's group also insisted that the military acknowledge the results of a 1990 election, which the NLD won decisively but was invalidated by the military government. However, her party changed its position to participate in the by-elections in April. Even though the NLD has a small number of seats in the lower house, Suu Kyi ensures that the party has a significant impact. She took the lead in opposing a higher education bill she believed was inadequate, leading to its cancellation in July. She also played a role in removing a provision in a foreign-investment law that would have benefited Myanmar's corrupt businessmen. In August, she was appointed as the chair of a parliamentary committee focused on "rule of law and tranquility," which could increase her impact. Despite her influence, the NLD still aims to reform the constitution to reduce the military's power. It is a challenging task for Suu Kyi to garner three-quarters support in parliament, which includes the support of some military delegates. According to Ohn Kyaing, NLD party spokesman and member of parliament, Suu Kyi is very persuasive, but without the military's assistance, changing the constitution seems impossible. Despite the NLD's recent by-election victory, there is still work to be done to rejuvenate the party and prepare for the upcoming general election in 2015. The NLD was established in September 1988 following a violent military crackdown that resulted in the deaths or injuries of numerous pro-democracy demonstrators. Suu Kyi was detained by the junta before the NLD had even been in existence for a full year, and its members were constantly harassed, imprisoned, and subjected to torture. In 2003, supporters of the government launched a violent attack on Suu Kyi's convoy, resulting in the deaths of many of her followers. She narrowly escaped with her life. The majority of NLD offices were forced to close as a result of the government's actions. When Suu Kyi was released from house arrest in 2010, her party was inactive with old leaders. She worked on revitalizing it by opening many offices herself. Two elderly co-founders, Win Tin and Tin Oo, have taken on more ceremonial roles. The party has grown significantly, with a million members according to spokesman Ohn Kyaing. However, with success comes new challenges. The National League for Democracy (NLD) is planning to host its inaugural national party conference towards the end of 2012 or the beginning of 2013. Protests have broken out in various regions, including Suu Kyi's Kawhmu, regarding who should be allowed to attend the conference. This conflict underscores the tension between longstanding NLD members, who endured years of persecution, and newer members who joined during Myanmar's period of reform. Ohn Kyaing remarked, "The older members are reluctant to relinquish their positions because of the hardships they endured." Additionally, there is a power struggle between the central party headquarters and its branches in remote areas, with local officials accusing their leaders of being domineering or unresponsive. As a result, at least five members have been suspended for either defying or protesting against the party leadership. Suu Kyi leads a Central Executive Committee consisting of seven members, according to current and former NLD members, who believe that her decisions are essentially approved without question. One of these decisions was the NLD's decision in April to not take an oath to uphold and abide by the constitution. Aung Kyi Nyunt, an NLD legislator in the upper house, stated that although imposing her decisions may not be considered democratic, it is not authoritarian because she does not force others to follow her decisions, as they already agree with her. After facing two weeks of opposition and disapproval from her supporters, the "Iron Aunty" yielded and her MPs resumed their positions. The NLD is also facing challenges with Myanmar's revitalized media. One newspaper alleged in May that Suu Kyi's security personnel attacked one of its journalists, an accusation the NLD refutes. Several Burmese-language websites are focused on tarnishing Suu Kyi's reputation, spreading baseless rumors - such as one claiming she has a teenage daughter with a Burmese partner - reminiscent of propaganda from the junta era. The websites, whose owners protect their identities by registering through proxies, were unable to be contacted for comment. The NLD's entrance into parliament has brought attention to a lack of specific policies and experts to create them, which is a significant weakness as Myanmar's government is rapidly creating new laws. When asked by Reuters about the NLD's stance on the Rohingya in Kawhmu, Suu Kyi appeared to suggest that the party did not have a policy on the issue. She stated that it is not solely the NLD's responsibility to formulate such policies, but rather a task that involves the entire country. Suu Kyi's popularity in Myanmar is not as widespread as some Western admirers believe, as she is mainly revered in lowland areas where ethnic Burmans are the majority. In border regions with ethnic minorities who have long been in conflict with the Burman-dominated military, her popularity diminishes. In rural Shan State, which is named after the largest minority group, it is difficult to come across images of Suu Kyi. Despite using her first speech in parliament in July to advocate for increased legal protection for minorities, Suu Kyi still faces criticism from ethnic leaders. One of these critics is Khun Htun Oo, a prominent Shan politician who was imprisoned for nearly seven years by the previous government. According to Oo, Suu Kyi has been rendered ineffective by her involvement in parliament. This statement was made to reporters in Washington just before the two of them received awards from a human rights organization. During her trip to the US, Suu Kyi's trust has decreased after she made a mistake in an interview with CNN. She mentioned having a special fondness for Myanmar's military, which was established by her father, General Aung San. This display of loyalty to her father caused a backlash on Facebook, the primary platform for political discourse in Myanmar. The NLD has long supported calls for a United Nations Commission of Inquiry to investigate reported war crimes and human rights abuses in Myanmar. This initiative has been silently abandoned following Suu Kyi's release. Suu Kyi stated in March that their belief is in restorative justice rather than retributive justice, clarifying that this does not involve prosecuting junta members. Western governments follow Suu Kyi's lead on human rights issues and often use her statements as excuses to avoid taking action on matters of justice and accountability, according to Mark Farmaner of the Burma Campaign UK. He observed that it took over two months for British Foreign Secretary William Hague to address the violence against the Rohingya minority. NLD spokesman Ohn Kyaing stated that Suu Kyi will address the Rohingya issue at the appropriate time, emphasizing the importance of timing in politics.