No one in the room had been told about Abiy Ahmed's second trip since securing a peace deal last year that ended two decades of hostility between the neighbors. A senior official present mentioned that the foreign office was not informed and they found out about it from Eritrean media, Facebook, and Twitter. Abiy's surprise visits are characteristic of his approach, with supporters and critics agreeing that he often uses bold personal initiatives and charisma to bring about change instead of relying on government institutions. The foreign ministry spokesman, Nebiat Getachew, stated that the policy was well-coordinated. He did not verify whether Abiy had taken the July trip without notifying the ministry. Abiy's agreement with Eritrea received praise internationally. He is the second favorite to win a Nobel Peace Prize, following climate activist Greta Thunberg. However, some Ethiopians are irritated by Abiy's unpredictable behavior. It is uncertain how much support his reforms have within the ruling coalition, which has been in power in some form since 1991, and whether these reforms would continue without his leadership. He has already survived one attempt on his life, when a grenade was thrown at a rally last year. Comfort Ero, Africa programme director at the International Crisis Group think tank, emphasized that lasting change cannot be achieved solely through a "cult of personality". She stated that Abiy's promised transformative reforms will only be successful if he works through the institutions. Ethiopia has experienced rapid economic growth for over ten years, but there is concern about Abiy's capability to implement all of his reforms, which is causing worry among citizens and foreign investors he has been trying to attract to modernize the country's telecoms and banking sectors. Some analysts believe that Abiy, a former military officer with expertise in cyber intelligence, occasionally circumvents government ministries in order to keep his rapid reforms on track and avoid bureaucratic delays. These reforms, such as lifting bans on political parties, freeing jailed journalists, and holding accountable officials accused of torture, have garnered enthusiastic support from the public. According to Dereje Feyissa, a professor at Addis Ababa University, Abiy's leadership style appears to be centered around his charisma, but the long-term sustainability of this approach remains uncertain. The initial excitement is fading away. Some believe that Abiy's quick and significant changes are a strategic move to catch his opponents off guard from the previous administration, which was controlled by the Tigrayans, a small yet influential ethnic group. Abiy, who is 43 years old and belongs to the Oromo group, the largest in the nation, led the protests that led to his predecessor's resignation. Since assuming office in April 2018, Abiy's administration has taken action against numerous senior officials, mostly Tigrayans, for corruption or human rights violations. "During the first six or seven months, he weakened the institutions ...." Jawar Mohammed, an Oromo activist and informal adviser to the prime minister, stated that the institutions were not functioning properly or were working against the prime minister's agenda. He believes that the prime minister's success would not have been possible without addressing these issues. One of Abiy's significant accomplishments was the peace deal signed with Eritrea in July last year, ending a nearly 20-year military stalemate. Historian Asle Sveen, who has written about the Nobel Peace Prize, noted that Abiy's actions align with Alfred Nobel's vision for the prize, as the peace deal with Eritrea and democratic reforms internally have made him a popular candidate. Some benefits of the peace were short-lived, as land borders that opened in July were closed in December without an official explanation. Will Davison, an Ethiopia analyst at Crisis Group, suggested that last year's reconciliation may have been influenced by the Eritrean president's belief that Abiy's rise signaled the decline of Tigray's ruling party. Despite losing power at the federal level, Tigray's ruling party still controls its own region, including a border with Eritrea, which may explain why relations between the two nations have not improved further. Nebiat, the foreign ministry spokesman, noted that Eritrea and Ethiopia had restored diplomatic relations, air links, and phone connections. "He stated that there are other ongoing efforts to solidify relations," he said. Abiy's bold diplomatic actions, such as his unexpected trip, are seen as personal initiatives by analysts and diplomats. According to a senior official from the foreign ministry, the ministry has been excluded from these efforts, potentially putting our interests at risk. The official mentioned that Abiy has been discussing important policy matters with Eritrea, Somalia, and wealthy Gulf states without consulting his government. Nebiat disagreed with this statement. He stated that the Ethiopian government consistently carries out a well-organized foreign policy and diplomacy. He dismissed any other allegations as unfounded. Many countries appreciate Abiy's hands-on approach. Following the killing of over 100 protesters by Sudanese police in June, Abiy traveled to Khartoum to encourage Sudan's new military leaders and the opposition to resume discussions. He also convinced Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to support his mediation efforts. These negotiations eventually resulted in a power-sharing agreement in August. Amjad Farid, a senior representative of the civilian group that engaged in talks with the military, stated that Abiy played a significant role. Abiy has implemented reforms domestically and internationally, publicly denouncing past abuses and distinguishing his administration from the previous one. He has also appointed former dissidents to key positions, such as Daniel Bekele, a former political prisoner who now leads the government's human rights commission and serves as Africa director at Human Rights Watch in New York. Birtukan Mideksa, who established a opposition party and was imprisoned following a controversial 2005 election, is now in charge of the electoral commission. However, there is often ethnic violence and efforts to address previous injustices have been sluggish. A reconciliation commission created in December lacks a clear mandate and expertise, and has only met twice, according to Laetitia Bader, an Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. Bader stated that it is still uncertain whether this action will be more than just a superficial change.