Nobody in the room had prior knowledge of Abiy Ahmed's second trip since securing a peace deal last year that ended decades of hostility between neighboring countries. A senior official present mentioned that the foreign office was unaware and found out about it through Eritrean media, Facebook, and Twitter. Abiy's unexpected visits are characteristic of his approach, which some view as relying on personal initiatives and charisma rather than government institutions to bring about change. The foreign ministry spokesman declared that policy was effectively coordinated. He did not verify whether Abiy traveled in July without informing the ministry. Abiy received international praise for the agreement with Eritrea, making him the second favorite to win a Nobel Peace Prize after Greta Thunberg. However, Abiy's unpredictable behavior frustrates some Ethiopians. It is uncertain how much support his reforms have within the ruling coalition, which has been in power since 1991, or how sustainable those reforms would be without his leadership. He has already survived one assassination attempt: a grenade thrown at a rally last year. According to Comfort Ero, Africa programme director at the International Crisis Group think tank, lasting change cannot be achieved through a "cult of personality." She emphasized that Abiy's promised reforms will not be successful unless he prioritizes working through the institutions. Ethiopia has been one of Africa's fastest growing economies for over ten years, but there is concern about Abiy's ability to successfully implement all of his reforms. This uncertainty is a source of worry for both citizens and foreign investors who have been courted to help modernize the country's telecoms and banking sectors. Some observers believe that Abiy, a former military officer with expertise in cyber intelligence, may occasionally choose to bypass ministries in order to ensure that his reforms continue to progress rapidly and avoid getting stuck in bureaucratic processes. These reforms, such as lifting bans on political parties, freeing imprisoned journalists, and holding officials accountable for torture, have garnered enthusiastic support from large crowds at rallies. Dereje Feyissa, a professor at Addis Ababa University, suggests that Abiy's leadership style seems to rely heavily on his charisma, but the question remains whether this approach can be sustained in the long run. The excitement is fading regarding Abiy's rapid changes, which some believe are designed to surprise and outmaneuver opponents from the previous administration, which was largely controlled by Tigrayans. Abiy, who is 43 years old and belongs to the Oromo ethnic group, which is the largest in the country, led the protests that led to the resignation of his predecessor. Since becoming prime minister in April 2018, Abiy's government has taken action against many high-ranking officials, particularly those from the Tigrayan ethnic group, for corruption or human rights violations. "He weakened the institutions in the initial six or seven months." Jawar Mohammed, an Oromo activist and informal adviser to the prime minister, stated that the institutions were not functioning properly or were working against the prime minister's agenda. He believes that the prime minister could not have achieved his current position without addressing this issue. One of Abiy's major accomplishments was the peace deal signed with Eritrea in July of last year, ending a nearly two-decade military standoff following a border war. Asle Sveen, a historian specializing in the Nobel Peace Prize, praised Abiy for fulfilling the criteria set by Alfred Nobel for the prize. Sveen highlighted the peace deal with Eritrea as a significant achievement, along with Abiy's efforts towards democratic reforms within the country. Some benefits of the peace did not last long. Land borders were opened in July but closed in December without any official explanation. According to Will Davison, an Ethiopia analyst at Crisis Group, last year's reconciliation was influenced by the Eritrean president's belief that Abiy's rise signified the decline of Tigray's ruling party, which had been a major opponent for over twenty years. Despite losing power at the national level, Tigray's ruling party still controls its own region, which shares a border with Eritrea, contributing to the lack of further warming in relations between the two countries. Nebiat, the foreign ministry spokesman, mentioned that Eritrea and Ethiopia had reestablished diplomatic relations, air links, and phone connections. "He stated that additional efforts are being made to solidify relationships on an institutional level," according to analysts and diplomats, Abiy's diplomatic actions, such as his unexpected visit, are often seen as daring personal ventures. A senior official in the foreign ministry expressed concern that their input has been ignored, potentially putting our international interests at risk. It was noted that Abiy has made significant policy decisions with countries like Eritrea, Somalia, and wealthy Gulf states without consulting his government first. Nebiat disagreed with this assessment. He stated that the Ethiopian government consistently carries out a well-organized foreign policy and diplomacy. He dismissed any other allegations as unfounded. Several nations appreciate Abiy's personal involvement in diplomatic matters. Following the killing of over 100 protesters by Sudanese police in June, Abiy traveled to Khartoum to persuade Sudan's new military leaders and the opposition to resume negotiations, and convinced Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to support his efforts. These negotiations resulted in a power-sharing agreement in August. "Abiy was instrumental," stated Amjad Farid, a senior member of the civilian group that engaged in discussions with the military. Abiy has implemented changes domestically and internationally. By publicly denouncing past wrongdoings, he clearly distinguished his administration from his predecessor's. He also appointed ex-dissidents to prominent positions, including Daniel Bekele, a former political prisoner and current Africa director at Human Rights Watch, who now leads the government's human rights commission. Birtukan Mideksa, who established a political party of opposition and was imprisoned following a controversial election in 2005, currently leads the electoral commission. However, there is often ethnically charged violence and efforts to address previous wrongdoings have been sluggish. A reconciliation commission was established in December, but it lacks clarity in its purpose, expertise, and has only convened twice, according to Laetitia Bader, an Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. Bader stated that it is uncertain whether this initiative will bring about real change or if it is merely symbolic.