Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi is moving from being a symbol of freedom against Myanmar's military rule to a leader in the country's new fragile democracy. This transition has been challenging, as shown when she was questioned about her reluctance to condemn a violent military operation against Kachin rebels during a talk in London. Suu Kyi, who is Burman and not from the Kachin minority, responded by saying that she wants more information before taking sides in the conflict that has caused the displacement of thousands of people. The Kachin community was extremely angry. The Kachinland News website described her response as offensive. Kachin demonstrators assembled outside her upcoming event in London. A "open letter" from 23 Kachin organizations worldwide accused Suu Kyi of supporting government-approved violence. The fact that a woman who was once highly respected could provoke such animosity may have been unimaginable just a few months ago. A resounding win in a by-election catapulted Suu Kyi and 42 other members of her National League for Democracy into Myanmar's parliament. However, the once unquestioned idol is now facing criticism as she takes on a powerful role as a lawmaker. Despite becoming a prominent figure in the newly empowered parliament, Suu Kyi is being accused by ethnic groups of turning a blind eye to human rights violations in Myanmar's troubled border regions. Economists are concerned that her negative assessments of Myanmar's business environment may deter foreign investors. Political experts note that her party lacks substantial policies beyond those of its renowned leader. Additionally, she faces internal discord within the democracy movement she co-founded. Critics on the global stage have criticized her unclear stance on the pressing humanitarian crisis involving the stateless Rohingya Muslims in western Myanmar, where clashes with ethnic Rakhine Buddhists have resulted in numerous casualties and displaced individuals. Rejected by Myanmar and Bangladesh, where 300,000 refugees are hosted, numerous Rohingya people reside in dreadful conditions in Rakhine State. The United Nations has labeled the Muslim minority as having very few allies in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar. Conflict began in June, just prior to Suu Kyi's visit to Europe after 24 years. In Norway, a journalist questioned Suu Kyi about the citizenship status of the Rohingya in her country, following her acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize she received in 1991 while under house arrest. Suu Kyi's response of "I do not know" caused frustration among both the Rohingya, who seek recognition as citizens of Myanmar, and the locals in Rakhine who see them as intruders. This response was a stark contrast to the clear moral stance she took in her Nobel speech, where she discussed the plight of displaced individuals. As a political party leader, Suu Kyi now must navigate the need for strategic ambiguity, a shift from her previous role as a moral beacon that isolated the former junta on a global scale. She needs to maintain her popularity among the majority of Burmans and Buddhists, while also keeping good relationships with ethnic minorities and people of other religions. Additionally, she must find a way to work with the powerful military in Myanmar, despite their negative reputation. Her political skills have been recognized since 1988, when she came back to Myanmar and became a leader in the democracy movement despite facing imprisonment and house arrest for many years. "I prefer not to be called an icon, as in my opinion, icons are passive," she stated during a presentation on September 27 at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government in Cambridge, Massachusetts. "I have always viewed myself as a politician. What do they think I have been doing for the past 24 years?" Suu Kyi turned down several interview requests from Reuters for this article. Myanmar's reforms have picked up pace since she was released from house arrest in November 2010, just before a military-controlled election installed a semi-civilian government. This year, Myanmar has released political prisoners, loosened restrictions on the media, and begun addressing economic issues. The country's transition from authoritarian rule is often likened to the Arab Spring, but unlike the protests in the Middle East, Myanmar's reforms were initiated by former military leaders like President Thein Sein. A crucial moment in this process was a meeting between Aung San Suu Kyi and Thein Sein in Naypyitaw in August 2011, which marked the beginning of Suu Kyi's constructive dialogue with the government controlled by former military officials. She labeled him as "genuine" in his efforts to reform Myanmar, which led to US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's visit to Naypyitaw and the lifting of most Western sanctions. Having a reputation for being saintly and having strong principles can be a hindrance in politics, where compromise and negotiation are necessary. Adulation can also create unrealistic expectations even for someone like Suu Kyi, who is considered a "human rights superstar" by Amnesty International. Suu Kyi understands that criticism and attacks are common for politicians. Being praised and idolized can also be seen as a risk that comes with the job, and is not as desirable as the alternative," she penned these words 14 years ago. Nowadays, she frequently travels to her parliamentary constituency of Kawhmu, a humble rice-growing region close to Yangon, the country's commercial hub. During a recent morning drive through Kawhmu's bumpy streets in an SUV, locals emerged from their homes to applaud "Mother Suu." The issues faced by Kawhmu - such as debt, absence of electricity, and unemployment - are a microcosm of the challenges encountered by Myanmar as a whole. "Some villages in this area have a lack of young people," explained Aung Lwin Oo, a 45-year-old carpenter and member of the National League for Democracy. "They have all migrated to Thailand and Malaysia for employment opportunities." Aung Lwin Oo mentioned that the work in those countries may not be glamorous. During her visit, Suu Kyi first visited a Buddhist monastery where she prayed with the monks and helped resolve a financial dispute between representatives from two villages. Later, she had lunch with NLD members at a tin-roofed wooden bungalow, which serves as the party's Kawhmu headquarters, and discussed drainage concerns with local authorities. According to aides, she finds satisfaction in her new job, which may not be glamorous. Win Tin, a confidant of the NLD elder, stated that she takes pleasure in political life to the fullest. She is also getting used to living in Naypyitaw, the secluded new capital constructed by the junta, where she resides in a house surrounded by a fence with razor wire on top. In the Lower House of parliament, the vibrant attire worn by numerous ethnic representatives creates a lively atmosphere. Sitting next to Suu Kyi is a Member of Parliament from Chin State adorned in a head-dress made of boar's teeth and hornbill feathers. On one side of the chamber, men in green uniforms dominate the room. The constitution of Myanmar, which was ratified in 2008 after a fraudulent referendum, sets aside a quarter of parliamentary seats for military personnel appointed by Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, a protege of the former dictator, Than Shwe. Suu Kyi's mere presence in parliament lends credibility to a political system established by the junta that once imprisoned her. Her party has had to make significant changes in their longstanding beliefs to be a part of this system. The NLD refused to participate in both the constitution-drafting process and the 2010 election, which was believed to be manipulated in favor of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. Suu Kyi's party also insisted that the military acknowledge the outcome of the 1990 election, which the NLD had won but was invalidated by the ruling junta. Despite initially opposing these actions, the NLD eventually changed its stance and joined the by-elections in April. Currently, the party only holds a small fraction of seats in the lower house, but Suu Kyi ensures that the NLD still has a significant impact. She took a leading role in opposing a higher education bill that she believed was inadequate, resulting in its cancellation in July. She also played a role in removing a clause in a foreign investment law that would have benefited Myanmar's corrupt businessmen. In August, she was appointed as the chair of a parliamentary committee focused on "rule of law and tranquility," which could increase her impact. Despite her influence, there are limitations to her power, as the National League for Democracy still aims to reform the constitution to reduce the military's control. It is a challenging task for Suu Kyi to secure three-quarters support in parliament, which includes some military delegates. Ohn Kyaing, NLD party spokesman and member of parliament, acknowledges Suu Kyi's persuasive abilities but recognizes that without the military's support, changing the constitution is unlikely. Despite the NLD's landslide victory in the by-election, the party still needs to rejuvenate itself to appear more like a potential government-in-waiting for the next general election in 2015. The National League for Democracy (NLD) was established in September 1988 following a military crackdown that resulted in the death or injury of many pro-democracy demonstrators. Suu Kyi was detained by the junta before the NLD was even a year old, and its members were harassed, imprisoned, and subjected to torture. In 2003, government forces assaulted Suu Kyi's convoy, leading to the deaths of numerous supporters. She narrowly managed to survive the attack. The majority of NLD offices were forced to close. When Suu Kyi was released from house arrest in 2010, her party was not very strong and had older leaders. She worked on revitalizing the party by opening many offices herself. Two of the party's elderly co-founders, Win Tin and Tin Oo, have been given more ceremonial roles. The party is now thriving with a million members, according to spokesman Ohn Kyaing. However, the success is leading to new challenges. The National League for Democracy (NLD) is planning to host its inaugural national party conference in late 2012 or early 2013. Protests have broken out in various regions, including Suu Kyi's Kawhmu, regarding the selection of attendees. This disagreement underscores the tension between long-standing NLD members, who endured twenty years of persecution, and new members who joined during Myanmar's era of reform. Ohn Kyaing stated, "The older members are reluctant to relinquish their positions because of their past struggles." Additionally, there is a power struggle between the central party headquarters and local branches, with some local officials criticizing their leaders for being domineering or unresponsive. As a result, at least five members have been suspended for defying or protesting against the party leadership. Suu Kyi leads a Central Executive Committee consisting of seven members, as reported by current and former NLD members. They claim that this committee simply approves her decisions, including the NLD's decision to reject taking a parliamentary oath in April. Aung Kyi Nyunt, an NLD legislator, acknowledges that while Suu Kyi's approach may not be democratic, it is not authoritarian because she does not force others to comply with her decisions; they already agree with her. After facing two weeks of opposition and disapproval from her supporters, the "Iron Aunty" eventually relented and her MPs returned to their seats. Additionally, the NLD has had a strained relationship with Myanmar's growing media presence. Reports have surfaced, such as one in May alleging that Suu Kyi's security personnel had attacked a journalist, which the NLD has disputed. Certain Burmese-language websites have been dedicated to tarnishing Suu Kyi's reputation, spreading baseless rumors - including one false claim that she has a teenage daughter with a Burmese lover - that are reminiscent of propaganda from the previous military regime. The websites, whose owners protect their identities by registering through proxies, were not able to be contacted for a comment. The NLD's entrance into parliament has also exposed a lack of specific policies and experts to create them, which is a significant weakness as Myanmar's government is quickly creating new laws. When asked by Reuters in Kawhmu to clarify the NLD's stance on the Rohingya, Suu Kyi appeared to suggest that the party did not have a policy on the issue. She stated that it is not solely the responsibility of the NLD to formulate this policy, but rather a matter that the entire country must be involved in. Suu Kyi's popularity in Myanmar is not as widespread as some Western admirers may believe. While she is greatly admired in the lowlands, where the majority Burmans reside and her image is prominent on various items, her reverence diminishes in the border regions where ethnic minorities, who have long fought against the Burman-dominated military, live. In the rural Shan State, where the largest minority resides, it is difficult to come across images of Suu Kyi. In July, Suu Kyi made her first speech in parliament, advocating for increased legal protection for minorities. However, her actions have not shielded her from criticism by ethnic leaders, including Khun Htun Oo, a prominent Shan politician who was imprisoned for nearly seven years under the former junta. According to Oo, Suu Kyi has been "neutralized" by her involvement in parliament, as he stated to reporters in Washington last month, just before they both received awards from a human rights organization. During her trip to the US, Suu Kyi's trustworthiness has decreased after she made a mistake in an interview with CNN. She confessed that she feels favorably towards Myanmar's military, which was established by her father, General Aung San. This statement sparked criticism on Facebook, the primary platform for political discussions in Myanmar. For years, the NLD supported demands for a United Nations Commission of Inquiry to investigate alleged war crimes and human rights violations in Myanmar. This initiative has been quietly abandoned following Suu Kyi's release. In March, she stated that their focus is on restorative justice rather than retributive justice. Suu Kyi clarified that restorative justice does not involve prosecuting junta members. Western governments look to Suu Kyi as a guide on human rights issues. Mark Farmaner of the Burma Campaign UK criticized these ambiguous statements, accusing Western governments of using them as excuses to avoid taking action on matters of justice and accountability. He observed that British Foreign Secretary William Hague took over two months to address the violence against the Rohingya minority. The NLD spokesman Ohn Kyaing stated that Suu Kyi will address the Rohingya issue at the appropriate time, emphasizing the importance of timing in politics.