His shiny leather shoes made a crunching sound as he walked on the dusty ground, which was scattered with cobalt-laden rocks spilled by miners from nylon bags. Albert Yuma Mulimbi, a well-known figure in Congo and chair of a government agency working with international mining companies to access the nation's copper and cobalt reserves, is committed to transforming Congo into a reliable source of cobalt for electric vehicles, aiming to improve safety and stop child labor in the mining industry. Despite his goals, many in Congo and the United States see Yuma as part of the problem. In his role as chairman of Gécamines, the state-owned mining company of Congo, he has been accused of participating in the diversion of billions of dollars in revenues. This information comes from confidential legal filings from the State Department, as well as interviews with numerous current and former officials from both countries. High-ranking State Department officials have attempted to remove him from his position at the mining agency and have pushed for him to be placed on a sanctions list, alleging that he has used his position to benefit friends, family, and political connections. Despite these accusations, Yuma denies any misconduct and is actively working on a lobbying and legal campaign to clear his name in both Washington and Kinshasa. In addition to his efforts to reform cobalt mining, Yuma has established his own foreign policy network, hiring influential lobbyists, sending a large sum of money to a former White House official, providing the U.S. with supposed intelligence on Russia and critical minerals, and even visiting Trump Tower in New York. During his visit to Trump Tower in 2018, Yuma briefly met with Donald Trump Jr. Even though he had significant access during the Trump administration, he was prohibited from entering the United States just two months later. His influence in the mining industry has made it challenging for Congo to attract new Western investors and secure its position in the clean energy revolution, which it is contributing to with its abundance of minerals like cobalt. Cobalt is essential for reducing overheating in electric cars and increasing their range, but it has earned a negative reputation as the "blood diamond of batteries" due to its high cost and the dangerous conditions in Congo, the world's leading cobalt producer. As a result, car manufacturers are seeking alternatives to cobalt in electric vehicles to avoid backlash from consumers, turning to other countries with smaller cobalt reserves as potential suppliers. If Congo does not address human-rights issues in its mines, it risks losing its role in the growing economy. Even if Yuma addresses the problems as promised, it may not be sufficient for new American investors who require assurance that Congo has taken steps to combat mining-industry corruption. President Felix Tshisekedi has attempted to marginalize Yuma by appointing his own people to Gécamines, but has not gone further in challenging him. In an interview in Kinshasa, Tshisekedi stated that he has his own plan for improving the country's mining conditions, emphasizing that the government, not Yuma, will make decisions. The confrontation between Yuma and the president reflects power struggles seen in African nations rich in natural resources in the past. The outcome of this situation has consequences that extend beyond the continent, as the worldwide effort to combat climate change requires a shift from gasoline-powered vehicles to battery-powered ones. For Congo, the key question is whether Yuma will help the country embrace the global green movement and achieve new prosperity, or if he will contribute to more conflict and instability. Statues at a main roundabout in Congo's Copperbelt mining hub represent the country's two mining economies: industrial and artisanal. High-tech, industrial mines operated by global corporations such as China Molybdenum employ a large number of workers in Congo's cobalt sector, and while they face their own issues, they are not primarily to blame for the country's negative reputation abroad. The artisanal sector, on the other hand, is a different story. Yuma aims to target most of his proposed reforms towards this sector, which is made up of regular individuals with no formal training, and sometimes even children. Artisanal mining is largely unregulated and often involves individuals trespassing on land owned by industrial mines. Along the main highway that cuts through many of the mines, there are continuous streams of people on motorbikes carrying bags of stolen cobalt, each valued at around $175, evading checkpoints by emerging from sunflower thickets. Due to a lack of alternative employment opportunities, many parents send their children to search for cobalt. Recently, a group of young boys were seen gathering rocks that had fallen off trucks on a road between two industrial mines. Other children in the area engage in even riskier work, such as mining in dangerous makeshift mines where some have lost their lives due to collapsing tunnels. The situation in Kasulo, where Yuma is presenting his plans, highlights the reckless mining practices driven by a gold-rush-like fervor. The authorized mine, operated by Gécamines, consists of large crude excavations in the ground. Kasulo, once a thriving rural village, transformed into a mining area after cobalt deposits were discovered under a resident's home. The finding sparked excitement, causing many individuals to search their yards. Currently, only a mango tree and some purple bougainvillea bushes remain from the old village gardens. Tarps in orange color are used to cover the hand-dug shafts to prevent flooding, where workers mine cobalt by chipping away at the rock. Georges Punga, who is now 41 years old, is a frequent worker at the mine. He mentioned that he began working in diamond mines at the age of 11. Since then, he has been traveling across the country in search of valuable resources such as gold, copper, and cobalt in Congo. Punga took a break from digging one afternoon and pulled his dusty blue pants away from his sneakers. His shins were covered in scars from years of work-related injuries. Despite earning less than $10 a day, he manages to support his family and ensure his children receive an education instead of working in the mines. "If I had the opportunity to find another job, I would take it," he stated. Officials in Congo are implementing measures to address the dangerous practices of miners, improve safety, and eliminate child labor, which is already prohibited by law. These steps include creating a new division of Gécamines, providing miners with safety gear, regulating pit depths, and transitioning to electronic payments. Yuma, as the chair of the board of directors, is leading these reforms, leaving Western investors and mining companies with no option but to cooperate with him due to the increasing demand for cobalt from small-scale mines in Congo. Once the cobalt is extracted from the mines, a new organization will purchase it from the miners and establish consistent pricing to ensure that the government can impose taxes on the sales. Yuma has a vision of creating a fund to provide financial assistance to workers in case cobalt prices decrease. Currently, miners typically sell the cobalt at a row of tin shacks stretching for a mile, where the noise of sledgehammers breaking rocks dominates the surroundings. At this location, international traders roughly evaluate the purity of the metal before making a purchase, leading to complaints from miners about being deceived. Yuma guided journalists from the Times on a tour of Kasulo and a recently constructed warehouse and laboratory complex nearby, which is intended to replace the shacks where the metal is bought. "We are currently experiencing an economic shift, with cobalt being a crucial product," stated Yuma as he proudly showcased the pristine but empty complex. The International Energy Agency argues that addressing the artisanal mining issue is a more effective strategy than completely disengaging from Congo, as this would only worsen the situation for impoverished miners and their families. However, critics point out that Yuma's plans, aside from investing in new infrastructure, have not made significant progress in improving conditions for miners. Many government officials in Congo and the United States doubt Yuma's suitability for the leadership role, questioning if his actions are primarily aimed at boosting his reputation and profiting from the cobalt trade without addressing child labor and workplace hazards. Meanwhile, in Yuma's Gécamines office, bottles of Dom Pérignon were cooling next to chunks of valuable metals and minerals from Congo's soil. He consumed an espresso before his interview with the Times, surrounded by contemporary Congolese art from his personal collection. He stated that his lavish lifestyle was proof that he did not need to engage in dishonest activities to succeed. Yuma, one of the wealthiest businessmen in Congo, obtained valuable riverside property in Kinshasa where his family established a textile business that produces the nation's military uniforms. He dismissed accusations of embezzling money from the Congolese government, citing his early success in driving a BMW at 20 years old in Belgium. Known for his perpetual flashy presence, he is famous for his extravagance. His daughter's 2019 wedding is still a topic of conversation, as it resembled a Las Vegas show with dancers in light-up costumes and large white giraffe statues as table centerpieces. He has held positions on the board of Congo's central bank and was recently reelected as president of the country's influential trade association, similar to the US Chamber of Commerce. The mining agency he chairs was nationalized and renamed under President Mobutu Sese Seko after Congo gained independence from Belgium in 1960. Gécamines, which once had a monopoly on copper and cobalt mining, was one of the top copper producers globally by the 1980s. Jobs at the company offered competitive wages, healthcare benefits, and educational opportunities for employees' families. However, the funds of the company were allegedly misused by Mobutu and his associates during his 32-year rule, a practice that continued with his successors, as reported by anti-corruption organizations. As a result, Gécamines experienced a significant decrease in production by the 1990s, with no reinvestment in operations and accumulating a debt of over $1 billion. Consequently, half of the company's workforce was eventually let go. In order to stay afloat, Gécamines underwent restructuring by forming joint ventures with private, mostly foreign, investors, where the agency held a minority share. Yuma assumed control in 2010 with promises to restore Gécamines to its former status, but according to anti-corruption organizations, mining profits began to disappear. The Carter Centre, a nonprofit organization, estimated that from 2011 to 2014, approximately $750 million went missing from Gécamines' funds, partly attributing the responsibility to Yuma. Among the beneficiaries of Gécamines' partnerships under Yuma was Dan Gertler, a wealthy diamond trader from Israel. Gertler faced US sanctions due to questionable mining and oil deals amounting to hundreds of millions of dollars, as stated by the Treasury Department. An investigative report submitted to the State Department and Treasury accused Yuma of nepotism, having stakes in businesses that received funding from a government agency he oversaw, and directing work to a mining contractor in which he had shares. US authorities suspected Yuma of using mining money to support Kabila's backers, with suspicious financial transactions aligning with electoral cycles in Congo. Yuma denies accusations of cheating Congo out of $8.8 billion, claiming he has brought in billions in revenue for the country. Yuma has aggressively retaliated against watchdog groups and critics by labeling them "new colonialists" and accusing them of colluding with mining companies to obstruct his efforts to reform the industry. He believes this has led to the Congolese population being subjected to a form of modern slavery. Yuma has also submitted a 33-page document to the Times defending himself, highlighting the smear campaigns against him and his significant role in advancing the country's mining policy. In an effort to improve his image, Yuma addressed top officials and mining executives in Washington in 2018, emphasizing the importance of partnerships with American companies to secure the US supply chain. Despite facing accusations of exploiting the country's resources, Yuma's team of lobbyists and lawyers, including Joseph Szlavik and Erich Ferrari, worked to convince Washington of his value in accessing Congo's minerals and metals. Staying at the Four Seasons, he conducted meetings during two separate trips that spring with officials from the World Bank and the departments of Defence, Energy, and the Interior. He also made a trip to New York, where he had a meeting with Donald Trump Jr. During this visit, he was accompanied by Gentry Beach, a Texas hedge fund manager who was a significant campaign fundraiser for the former president and a close friend and former business partner of the younger Trump. Beach has been working on securing a mining deal in Congo and had previously been involved in a mining project there with Trump. Beach did not respond to requests for comment. Yuma downplayed his interaction with the president's son, stating that someone had wanted to introduce him to say hello. Trump claimed he did not remember the meeting. Throughout the various meetings, Yuma consistently emphasized that America required his assistance and that he was prepared to provide it. In Washington, he provided what he believed to be important information regarding Russia's attempts to obtain Congolese niobium, a durable metal resistant to corrosion and capable of withstanding high temperatures. Yuma reportedly helped prevent the sale in order to benefit the United States, as confirmed by two US officials present at the meeting. Issues began to arise during one of the trips. A State Department official warned a member of his lobbying team that Yuma was under investigation for corruption by the United States and would soon be punished. In June 2018, he was formally prohibited from returning to the United States. The State Department stated that the government is dedicated to fighting corruption, without mentioning Yuma by name but confirming that he was one of the officials involved. This action made Yuma realize he needed to be even more powerful. He intended to hire Herman Cohen, a former assistant secretary of state for African affairs under Bush, and George Denison, who had worked for President Gerald Ford. Joseph Gatt, a former Congolese airline and telephone executive living in Virginia and close to Yuma, also supported his cause. Gatt stationed a personal aide at the Fairmont, a luxury hotel near the White House, to organize meetings with lobbyists to advocate for Yuma's permission to visit the United States. Gatt praised Yuma in an interview, denying allegations against him and claiming he was innocent. Meanwhile, Yuma worked on improving his reputation in Congo by planning to become prime minister through a deal with the outgoing president, Kabila, according to State Department officials. However, a high-ranking US official visited Yuma at his residence in Kinshasa to communicate the United States' strong opposition to the plan. The diplomat, J Peter Pham, recounted in an interview that during their conversation, Yuma shared a bottle of Cristal Champagne and discussed political events in Congo. Despite Pham warning Yuma that the Americans were willing to deport his daughters who were studying in the US if he continued with Kabila's plan, Yuma remained determined. In response, Yuma's team enlisted an aide to Rep Hank Johnson to extend an invitation for Yuma to travel to the US and talk about his work in Congo. The invitation was also extended to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, but the State Department rejected it, viewing it as an attempt to bypass the visa ban. Despite this setback, Yuma continued to gather influential supporters. Denison briefly joined the lobbying team in Washington with the goal of securing Yuma's travel to the US without facing legal consequences, as shown in a June 2020 email. State Department officials were contemplating placing Yuma on a sanctions list, which could potentially freeze his assets in international banks. A $3 million contract between the men did not specify the assignment, instead stating that Denison was to improve the business climate in Congo. After receiving $1.5 million and being asked to transfer most of it to Yuma's associate, Denison became concerned about potential involvement in money laundering. He hired a lawyer, resigned from the job, and returned the funds, calling Yuma a "huge crook." Yuma chose not to answer a question regarding the matter. Tshisekedi and Yuma, who are both presidents, were seen walking near a large terraced canyon at a cobalt mine owned by Glencore in the Copperbelt region, known for its mining industry. This outing in May was uncomfortable for the two political rivals. Tshisekedi, a former opposition member who won a disputed election in early 2019, has gained support from the Biden administration, which sees him as an ally in fighting climate change. He currently serves as the chair of the African Union and has made several appearances with President Joe Biden at international events, such as a meeting in Rome and the global climate conference in Glasgow, Scotland. Back in his home country, Tshisekedi has declared his plans to transform Congo into the global hub for strategic minerals. However, certain Congolese and American officials believe that in order for this vision to become a reality, Yuma must be removed from power. Despite efforts to pressure for Yuma's removal, he still holds significant influence, leaving the State Department puzzled. In the meantime, Yuma continues to operate as usual, surrounded by a team of assistants who refer to him as President Yuma, acknowledging his reputation for business acumen and his political aspirations. He discusses plans to add seven new floors and a helipad to his office building in downtown Kinshasa. He sent one of his lobbyists to find Tshisekedi in New York during the United Nations General Assembly meeting in September to urge him to support Yuma. Yuma went on a nationwide tour in Congo this year that resembled a political campaign, visiting every province with his first stop in Tshisekedi's hometown. During the tour, he met with a group of pineapple juice sellers and gave them $5,000 in cash to help their business. In an interview, he stated that he wants to demonstrate his support, similar to the president. Yuma is aiming to receive recognition for bringing in more US investors, believing that his reform initiatives will make a difference. He expressed his friendship towards America and emphasized that he always works with good intentions to support and encourage US investments in the Democratic Republic of Congo, adding that he has a strong fondness for America. My kids were studying at the university in that area. In the future, people will recognize that I am a strong ally of America and I will keep offering my assistance. If his success hinges on overhauling the mining industry, it will be a difficult task. Throughout the day, a main road lined with numerous industrial mines sees trucks carrying copper and chemicals for metal extraction. However, weaving between them are motorcycles carrying stolen cobalt, with one person driving and another acting as a lookout on large bags.