Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi is moving from being a symbol of freedom opposing Myanmar's ruling military to leading a political party in the country's fragile new quasi-democracy. The transition has faced challenges, as evidenced by a question from a student in London about her reluctance to denounce a violent government military operation against Kachin rebels, which has led to the displacement of 75,000 individuals. Suu Kyi responded in a neutral manner, stating that more information is needed before taking sides. The Kachin community was very angry. The Kachinland News website described her response as disrespectful. Kachin protesters congregated outside her upcoming event in London. A "open letter" from 23 Kachin organizations around the world stated that Suu Kyi was supporting government-approved violence. It might have been hard to believe that a woman as respected as her would provoke such animosity a few months ago. A landslide win in a by-election led to Suu Kyi and 42 other members of her National League for Democracy entering Myanmar's parliament. Previously revered for her long-standing opposition to the old regime, Suu Kyi now faces criticism as she gains influence in parliament. Despite her growing power, some ethnic groups criticize her for not speaking out against human rights abuses in Myanmar's border states. Economists are concerned that her negative assessments of Myanmar's business environment may deter foreign investors. Political analysts note that her party lacks concrete policies beyond the pronouncements of its well-known leader. Additionally, she faces internal discord within the democracy movement she played a key role in establishing. Critics from around the world have criticized her unclear stance on the pressing humanitarian crisis involving the stateless Rohingya Muslims in western Myanmar, where violence between Rohingya Muslims and ethnic Rakhine Buddhists has resulted in numerous casualties and displaced tens of thousands of people. Rejected by Myanmar and Bangladesh, where 300,000 refugees reside, numerous Rohingya people reside in deplorable conditions in Rakhine State. The United Nations has labeled this Muslim minority group as "almost friendless" in a country dominated by Buddhists. The violence started in June right before Suu Kyi's first visit to Europe in 24 years. During her visit to Norway to receive the Nobel Peace Prize she won in 1991 while under house arrest, a journalist questioned Suu Kyi about the citizenship status of the Rohingya in her country. "I do not know," Suu Kyi stated. This response irritated both the Rohingya, who seek recognition as citizens of Myanmar, and the locals in Rakhine, who see them as invaders. This answer was different from the clear moral stance she took in her Nobel speech, where she discussed the plight of those who are displaced and forced to live among unwelcoming strangers. Suu Kyi's previous moral clarity played a role in isolating the former junta globally. However, her current position as a political party leader requires a more strategic approach with ambiguity. She needs to maintain her popularity among the majority of Burmans and Buddhists, while also not pushing away ethnic minorities or people of other religions. She also has to work with the highly disliked military, which holds the most power in Myanmar. Her political skills have been evident since 1988, when she came back to Myanmar after living abroad. Despite facing harsh treatment from the military, she became the leader of the democracy movement and continued to inspire others even while in jail or under house arrest for most of the following two decades. In a lecture at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government, she expressed her dislike of being called an icon, stating that she sees herself as a politician. She highlighted her political work over the past 24 years and declined interview requests for this article. Myanmar's reforms have progressed since her release from house arrest in 2010. This year, Myanmar has released political prisoners, loosened restrictions on media, and begun addressing economic issues. The country's transition from authoritarianism is frequently likened to the Arab Spring, although it was achieved through the efforts of former military leaders like President Thein Sein rather than through protests. A crucial moment in this process was a meeting between Aung San Suu Kyi and Thein Sein in Naypyitaw in August 2011, signaling the beginning of Suu Kyi's pragmatic approach to working with the government. She labeled him as "sincere" in his efforts to reform Myanmar, which led to US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's visit to Naypyitaw and the lifting of most Western sanctions earlier this year. Being seen as saintly and principled can be detrimental in the political arena, where compromise and negotiation are necessary. Even Myanmar's acclaimed "human rights superstar," as dubbed by Amnesty International, cannot meet all expectations. Suu Kyi understands that facing criticism and attacks comes with the territory of being a politician. Being praised and admired can also be a risk that comes with the job, and is much less desirable than the other option. This was written 14 years ago by a person who now regularly visits their parliamentary district of Kawhmu, a small and poor rice-growing area near the city of Yangon. During a recent morning drive through Kawhmu's rough roads in an SUV, villagers came out of their homes to cheer for "Mother Suu." The issues faced in Kawhmu, such as household debt, lack of electricity, and unemployment, are a microcosm of the struggles faced by Myanmar as a whole. Aung Lwin Oo, a 45-year-old carpenter and member of the National League for Democracy, mentioned that some villages in the area do not have any young people as they have all gone to work in Thailand and Malaysia. Despite the unglamorous nature of the work, Aung San Suu Kyi's first stop that day was at a Buddhist monastery where she prayed with the monks and resolved a money dispute between representatives from two villages. She then had lunch with NLD members at the party's Kawhmu headquarters and discussed drainage issues with local officials. Her new job may not be glamorous, but those close to her say she finds joy in it. Win Tin, a senior member of the NLD and a longtime friend, commented, "She takes pleasure in political activities and embraces it wholeheartedly." She is also adjusting to living in Naypyitaw, the newly constructed and secluded capital, residing in a residence enclosed by a fence with razor wire on top. In the Lower House of parliament, the vibrant attire worn by ethnic delegates creates a lively and celebratory ambiance. Seated next to Suu Kyi is a Member of Parliament from Chin State who is wearing a headdress adorned with boar's teeth and hornbill feathers. On one side of the chamber, there are men in green uniforms who appear to be dominant. The constitution of Myanmar, which was approved through a fraudulent referendum in 2008, designates a quarter of parliamentary seats for military personnel selected by armed forces chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, who is a protege of former dictator Than Shwe. Suu Kyi's mere presence in parliament lends legitimacy to a political system established by the junta that once imprisoned her. Her party has made significant changes in their beliefs in order to reach this point. The NLD refused to participate in the constitution-drafting process and the 2010 election, which was manipulated in favor of the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. The NLD, led by Suu Kyi, also insisted that the military acknowledge the results of the 1990 election, which the NLD had won decisively but was disregarded by the junta. However, the party changed its stance and participated in the by-elections in April. Despite holding less than ten percent of the lower house seats, Suu Kyi manages to make the NLD's influence greater than its size suggests. She opposed a higher education bill that she considered inadequate, resulting in it being abandoned in July and sent back to legislators for revision. She also played a role in removing a provision in a foreign investment law that would have benefited Myanmar's corrupt businessmen. In August, she was appointed as the chair of a parliamentary committee focused on "rule of law and tranquility," potentially increasing her impact. Despite her influence, there are still challenges in reforming the constitution to reduce the military's power, which remains a key priority for the NLD. Obtaining three-quarters support in parliament, which includes some military delegates, is a challenging task for Suu Kyi. According to Ohn Kyaing, NLD party spokesman and member of parliament, Suu Kyi is very persuasive, but changing the constitution without the military's support is unlikely. Despite the NLD's overwhelming victory in the recent by-election, the party does not appear ready to govern. The NLD was established in September 1988 following a violent suppression that resulted in the deaths and injuries of numerous pro-democracy demonstrators. Suu Kyi was arrested by the military junta less than a year after the party's formation, and its members were subjected to harassment, imprisonment, and torture. In 2003, government militants assaulted Suu Kyi's convoy, resulting in the deaths of many of her followers. Fortunately, she managed to survive the attack. The majority of NLD offices were closed down. When Suu Kyi was released from house arrest in 2010, her party was weak and led by elderly individuals. She worked on revitalizing it by establishing numerous offices personally. Two of the party's original members, Win Tin and Tin Oo, who are both elderly, have been given advisory positions. The party has experienced significant growth, now boasting a million members according to spokesman Ohn Kyaing. However, this success has led to new challenges. The National League for Democracy (NLD) is planning to host its inaugural national party conference in late 2012 or early 2013. Protests have broken out in various areas, such as Suu Kyi's Kawhmu, regarding who will be able to participate in the conference. This disagreement showcases the tension between long-standing NLD members, who endured decades of persecution, and newer members who joined during Myanmar's period of reform. Ohn Kyaing stated, "The older members are reluctant to relinquish their positions due to their past struggles." Additionally, there is a power struggle between the central party headquarters and local branches, with local officials accusing their leaders of being domineering or unresponsive. As a result, at least five members have been suspended for either defying or protesting against the party leadership. A seven-member Central Executive Committee, led by Suu Kyi, is responsible for approving her decisions according to past and current NLD members. One of these decisions was the NLD's rejection in April of a parliamentary oath to uphold the constitution. Aung Kyi Nyunt, an NLD upper house legislator, believes that while imposing her will may not be democratic, it is not authoritarian as Suu Kyi does not force others to comply with her decisions, they already agree with her. After facing criticism from supporters and a two-week stand-off, the "Iron Aunty" finally relented and allowed her MPs to take their seats. The NLD has a strained relationship with Myanmar's media, with reports of Suu Kyi's bodyguards allegedly assaulting a reporter in May, a claim that the NLD denies. Some Burmese-language websites have been spreading false information about Suu Kyi, including unsubstantiated rumors such as her having a teenage daughter with a Burmese lover, which is reminiscent of propaganda from the junta era. The websites, which are owned by individuals who protect their identities by registering through proxies, could not be contacted for comments. The NLD's entrance into parliament has also brought attention to a lack of specific policies and experts to create them, a significant weakness as Myanmar's government is rapidly creating new laws. When asked by Reuters in Kawhmu about the NLD's stance on the Rohingya, Suu Kyi appeared to suggest that the party did not have one, stating that it is a matter that the entire country should be involved in rather than being solely the responsibility of the NLD. Suu Kyi's popularity in Myanmar is not as widespread as some Western admirers believe. While she is beloved in the lowlands where ethnic Burmans reside, her support diminishes in the border regions where ethnic minorities have long-standing conflicts with the Burman-dominated military. In rural Shan State, which is named after the largest minority group, it is difficult to come across images of Suu Kyi. In July, Suu Kyi used her first speech in parliament to advocate for increased legal protection for minorities. However, despite this, she continues to face criticism from ethnic leaders, including Khun Htun Oo, a prominent Shan politician who was previously imprisoned by the former junta for nearly seven years. According to Htun Oo, Suu Kyi has been "neutralized" by her involvement in parliament. He made this statement to reporters in Washington last month, just a day before they both received awards from a human rights organization. During her trip to the US, Suu Kyi's trust has decreased due to a mistake she made in an interview with CNN. She mentioned having a fondness for Myanmar's military, which was established by her father, General Aung San. This statement led to a backlash on Facebook, the primary platform for political discourse in Myanmar. The NLD has long supported calls for a UN Commission of Inquiry into reported atrocities in the country. The push for retributive justice has been abandoned since Suu Kyi's release. Suu Kyi stated in March that she believes in restorative justice, not punishing junta members. Western governments follow Suu Kyi's lead on human rights, using her statements as a reason to not take action on justice and accountability issues, according to Mark Farmaner of Burma Campaign UK. It was observed that British Foreign Secretary William Hague took over two months to make a statement on the violence against the Rohingya minority. NLD spokesman Ohn Kyaing mentioned that Suu Kyi will address the Rohingya issue at the appropriate moment, stating that timing is crucial in politics.