He introduced himself as a Syrian refugee in broken English, explaining that he had walked across half the continent and lost his documents. He was photographed and fingerprinted by officers, and would later receive shelter, an asylum hearing, and monthly benefits over the next year. He identified himself as David Benjamin. He was actually a lieutenant in the German army, but prosecutors claim he disguised himself as a refugee in a far-right plot to carry out assassinations and cause civil unrest in Germany. The officer, Franco A, denies these allegations. He claims he was attempting to reveal weaknesses in the asylum system. However, his complex dual identity, spanning 16 months, was exposed when police apprehended him trying to retrieve a concealed loaded handgun in an airport bathroom in Vienna. Aydan Ozoguz, a lawmaker who was in charge of refugees and integration at the time, described it as a "shocking moment." She stated that while the asylum system should detect fraudsters, the bigger concern is how someone like Franco A could serve as a soldier in Germany. The arrest of Franco A in April 2017 shocked Germany. Ever since then, his case has largely faded from public attention, but that is expected to change when he goes to trial early next year. When the trial begins, Germany will also be under scrutiny for its oversight that allowed a German officer, who couldn't speak Arabic, to pose as a refugee for an extended period. This incident highlights the country's historical lack of action against far-right extremism. The investigation into Franco A's case revealed a complex web of extremist networks within Germany's security services, a threat that authorities only recently realized was more widespread than they had previously thought. A meeting of Uniter, a private network that organises tactical defence training workshops, in Paderborn, Germany, March 8, 2020. The New York Times reported on two groups in Germany, one led by a former soldier and police sniper who stockpiled weapons and maintained enemy lists, while the other was led by a special-forces soldier known as Hannibal and brought attention to Germany's elite force, the KSK. Following the discovery of explosives and SS memorabilia on the property of a sergeant major, an entire KSK unit was disbanded. The article includes interviews with members of these networks, including Franco A., and explores his transformation from a promising officer to a suspected terrorist, reflecting the story of modern Germany. One nation was created from its loss in World War II and raised by a liberal agreement that dismissed nationalism and taught its people to feel remorse. This Germany is evolving into a more uncertain country as its past wartime experiences fade and an inactive far-right movement begins to oppose a society that is becoming more diverse. The postwar consensus in Germany is now uncertain. When I initially encountered Franco A over a year ago at a restaurant in Berlin, he brought along various documents, including notes and excerpts from his police file. At that time, he appeared self-assured. A terrorism case against him was dismissed by a Frankfurt court due to insufficient evidence, but the Supreme Court reinstated the case after prosecutors appealed. Franco A, feeling shaken, contacted me on my cellphone. If found guilty, he could be sentenced to as much as 10 years in prison. Even though he was awaiting trial, he agreed to a series of exclusive recorded interviews and welcomed me and two New York Times audio producers to his childhood home, where he still resides, to talk about his life, beliefs, and aspects of his case. I visited multiple times over the following year, most recently the week before Christmas. At times, he would show us videos of himself in refugee disguise. On one occasion, he guided us down a creaky stairwell, through a secure metal door, into his "prepper" cellar, where he had hidden ammunition and a copy of Hitler's "Mein Kampf" before they were seized by the authorities. Franco A denies any involvement in a terrorist plot. He claims that he pretended to be a refugee in order to expose Chancellor Angela Merkel's decision to allow over 1 million refugees into Germany, which he viewed as a danger to the country's security and identity. He believed that the system was unable to handle the influx of refugees, allowing anyone to enter. He maintained that he was defending the Constitution, not harming it. He asserted that he never intended to carry out any violent actions, and he did not. He questioned why he would not have done so if he had wanted to. The accusations against Franco A. outlined in the Supreme Court decision include the discovery of a loaded gun hidden at the Vienna airport, an illegal assault rifle, a visit to the parking garage of a presumed target, as well as numerous voice memos and diaries used as evidence in his prosecution. Transcripts from police reports and evidence files reveal his admiration for Hitler, skepticism towards Germany's Holocaust atonement, belief in global Jewish conspiracies, arguments against immigration impacting Germany's ethnic purity, admiration for President Vladimir Putin, and advocacy for destroying the state. Military uniforms were found in Franco A's "prepper" basement in Offenbach, Germany on July 9, 2020, reflecting his private thoughts that he believes cannot be prosecuted. While some of his extreme views may be shared by neo-Nazis and far-right circles, his concerns about immigration and national identity are becoming more common in Germany, Europe, and the United States. In his generation, which grew up in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, during the resulting wars and a time of global economic crisis, skepticism of government, far-right messaging, and the embrace of conspiracy theories have not only infiltrated parts of the security services, but have also become more mainstream. Thomas Haldenwang, the president of the domestic intelligence agency in Germany, noted in an interview that far-right extremist views have become increasingly prevalent in society, including in Parliament where the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) is the leading opposition party. Haldenwang's agency is considering placing the entire AfD party under observation due to concerns about its potential danger, despite the party's claims of being defenders of the Constitution. This is the ongoing struggle for democracy in Germany. During my interviews with Franco A., high-ranking defense officials have shifted from casually responding to my questions about extremist groups to expressing serious concern publicly. In March 2019, I inquired about the number of far-right extremists in the military to a defense ministry official who initially stated there were only four, which was surprising. The man said there were four extremist networks. German authorities had previously ignored the issue, but this changed this year. Franco A. was promoted by his superiors despite expressing extreme views in his thesis. He joined extremist networks with many other soldiers and police officers. He spoke at a far-right event that was known to security services, but it was a janitor at the Vienna airport who discovered a hidden gun in a maintenance shaft in a disabled restroom. The gun was black, compact, and loaded with six bullets, and Austrian officers were surprised by its unique make - a 7.65-caliber Unique 17 manufactured by a now-defunct French gunmaker between 1928 and 1944. It was discovered that the pistol was preferred by German officers during the Nazi occupation of France. In order to discover who had concealed it, the police set up an electronic trap. Two weeks later, on Feb 3, 2017, they caught Franco A. in the act of trying to open the wall shaft with a tube of hair gel. A dozen police officers quickly surrounded him with guns drawn, and two officers in plain clothes entered the restroom to question him. “I admitted to hiding a weapon here,” Franco A. remembered saying. He explained that he had returned to retrieve it and bring it to the police. “I believe someone began laughing,” he added. The account he provided to Austrian authorities during questioning that evening was so unrealistic that he was hesitant to share it with me when we spoke. However, eventually he did recount the story. A photo of Franco A. was taken at a ceremony at the Saint-Cyr military academy in France and at his home in Offenbach, Germany on July 9, 2020. This incident was reported by The New York Times. He concealed it to prevent missing his flight and later chose to return it to the police. Franco A. was photographed at a ceremony at the Saint-Cyr military academy in France, and at his home in Offenbach, Germany on July 9, 2020. "I feel silly admitting this," he said. "I know nobody believes me." Franco A. was released that evening. However, the officers confiscated his phone and a USB stick discovered in his backpack. They proceeded to take his fingerprints and sent them to German authorities for confirmation. When the results returned weeks later, the officers were surprised to discover that Franco had two identities. According to his ID, he was a German officer stationed with the Franco-German brigade in Illkirch, close to Strasbourg. However, his fingerprints were found to belong to a migrant who was registered near Munich, causing alarm among investigators. They began to question whether Franco A. had hidden the gun with intention to carry out an attack in the future. Franco A. was apprehended on the night of the yearly fraternity ball, organized by Austria's far-right Freedom Party, known for drawing militant counterdemonstrators. One speculation was that Franco A. had intended to shoot someone that night while posing as a leftist. When German authorities took over the investigation, they discovered two documents on his UBS stick: the "Mujahedeen Explosives Handbook" and "Total Resistance," a guide for urban guerrilla warfare from the Cold War era. Through his cellphone, they uncovered a vast network of far-right Telegram chat groups consisting of soldiers, police officers, and others preparing for what they referred to as Day X, the collapse of social order. Additionally, his phone contained numerous audio recordings of his thoughts over several years. On April 26, 2017, during a military training exercise in a Bavarian forest, Franco A. was arrested by ten federal police officers. Ninety additional individuals were carrying out raids in Germany, Austria, and France at the same time. During these raids, law enforcement officials uncovered over 1,000 rounds of ammunition, numerous handwritten notes, and a diary. As they delved into the writings, they uncovered a man who had held radical beliefs since his teenage years. In interviews with Franco A., he delved even further into his past, discussing his childhood and a family history that closely mirrors Germany's own. Echoes of History Franco A was around 12 or 13 years old when he purchased his first German flag, a small tabletop banner he found in a souvenir shop during a family vacation in Bavaria. This act, which would be considered harmless in other countries, was seen as a rebellious gesture in postwar Germany where national pride was frowned upon due to the country's Nazi history. Franco A expressed his deep connection to Germany as he displayed photos of his childhood bedroom with the flag prominently featured in the foreground. Growing up in his working-class neighborhood, he didn't see many German flags because of the influx of guest workers from southern Europe and Turkey who helped rebuild postwar Germany and changed its society. Franco A's mother, who lives above him, remembers only a few children with migrant backgrounds in her class in the 1960s. When Franco A attended school, children with two German parents were the minority. His father, an Italian guest worker, left the family when he was young, and Franco A refers to him as his "producer" rather than his father. In an audio recording from January 2016, Franco A discussed the guest worker program as a deliberate attempt to weaken German ethnicity. He mentioned that he himself considered himself a result of this racial animosity. He shared that his grandfather was born in 1919, the year the Treaty of Versailles was signed, marking Germany's defeat in World War I. This treaty led to the spread of the "stab in the back" myth, suggesting that Germany was betrayed by leftists and Jews in power despite winning the war. This propaganda contributed to the growth of anti-democratic groups within the military, which amassed weapons, planned coups, and eventually supported the rise of Nazism - similar to the accusations made against Franco A today. He mentioned that his grandparents frequently looked after him, giving him soup and sharing stories about their experiences during the war. His grandfather would entertain him with tales of his time in the Hitler youth, and the police had taken a copy of "Mein Kampf" that belonged to him. His grandmother, who was 20 years old at the time, had to flee with her sister from the Red Army in Poland. She recounted to the boy how their wooden cart had broken down, leading them to seek shelter in a field near Dresden. That evening, she recounted how the sisters witnessed the destruction of the city in a heavy bombardment that claimed the lives of up to 25,000 civilians, a tragic event that has since been appropriated as a symbol of resentment by the extreme right. In later years, Franco A recorded himself role-playing a hypothetical conversation in which he raised the issue of the Dresden bombing and questioned whether Jews could expect Germans to carry a perpetual sense of guilt. His educators encouraged him to challenge authority and form his own opinions. Coming of age during the 1968 student movement, they aimed to pass on the liberal values that emerged from it, such as skepticism towards nationalism and a commitment to acknowledging the country's past wrongs. None of the teachers I interviewed noticed any early signs of extremism in him, remembering instead his independent and curious nature. They were unaware that at that point in time, he had become immersed in a vast online realm of conspiracy theories that would have a lasting impact on him. These beliefs started to form in his teenage diary, which he described as a place where he was exploring ideas rather than expressing a firm ideology or purpose. He wrote about contemplating ways to alter the trajectory of German history, such as becoming a soldier and rising to a prominent position in the military to eventually become the leader of the German armed forces. In 2008, during the financial crisis following Lehman Brothers' collapse, Franco A joined the military at the age of 19. He was chosen as one of the few German officer cadets to attend the esteemed Saint-Cyr military academy in France, which was established by Napoleon in 1802. Franco A spent five years studying abroad, including time at Sciences Po in Paris, King's College London, Sandhurst (a top British officer training school), and the University of Cambridge. In 2013, he wrote a master's thesis titled "Political Change and Strategy of Subversion," where he argued that immigration and the mixing of races by subversive minorities had historically led to the downfall of great civilizations. He warned that Europe and the West were at risk if they did not protect themselves. He wrote that ethnically diverse societies were unstable and allowing migration was a form of "genocide." He suggested that the Old Testament was the basis for all subversion, allowing Jews to gain global dominance, which he called potentially the biggest conspiracy in history. The French commander of the military academy was shocked by these views and reported them to Franco A's German superiors. The commander stated that if a French participant had expressed similar views, they would be removed from the course. The German military hired historian Jörg Echternkamp to evaluate the thesis, which he deemed as a "radical nationalist, racist appeal" combined with insecurity due to globalization, making it socially dangerous. Despite this assessment, Franco A was not removed from service or reported to Germany's military counterintelligence agency, responsible for monitoring extremism in the armed forces. Instead, he was called to a German military branch office in Fontainebleau, near Paris, where an officer from the internal disciplinary unit informed him that his thesis did not align with Germany's values. Franco A explained that as the second best student in his year, he felt pressured to produce something exceptional and lost himself in his thoughts. The senior officer, after three hours of questioning, believed Franco A had become too caught up in his intellectual abilities. He was reprimanded and asked to submit a new thesis. Upon returning to Germany in 2014, Franco A was described as a exemplary soldier by his superior in Dresden. In November 2015, he received a positive review for his work with ammunition. Is he preparing for action? Displayed prominently on Franco A's bookshelf is a book called "The Magic Eye," which contains colorful images that, when stared at for a long time, reveal entirely different images. Franco A himself is described in a similar way. In interviews, he presents himself as a peace-loving critical thinker who has been unfairly targeted in a political environment that does not tolerate dissent. However, records and interviews with investigators and others who know him paint a different picture. Upon returning from France, Franco A. began associating with soldiers who shared his beliefs. It ended up being easy to locate them. A colleague and friend connected him with a nationwide online chat group consisting of many soldiers and police officers worried about immigration. The officer who established the network was part of Germany's elite special forces, the KSK, located in Calw, and went by the alias Hannibal. Hannibal also headed an organization called Uniter, providing paramilitary instruction. This group is now being monitored by the domestic intelligence agency. Franco A participated in at least two Uniter meetings and had badges belonging to the group. Police interviews indicated that he was considered intelligent by his peers at the KSK base, with several soldiers knowing him. Some of the chat members were "preppers" who were preparing for what they thought would be the downfall of Germany's social structure. According to prosecutors, Franco A started to gather food rations and supplies in a "prepper" cellar, as well as obtaining guns and ammunition illegally. This occurred during a time when Russia had invaded Ukraine, there was an increase in Islamist terrorism in Europe, and Angela Merkel had welcomed many Muslim asylum-seekers from conflict-ridden countries like Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. The feeling of actual war or civil disorder looming in Germany seemed tangible to Franco A, leading him to consider violence, according to prosecutors. He believed that the authorities' battle against terrorism was actually a battle against the people, as stated in the indictment. In order to reveal the truth, he believed it needed to be presented in a convincing manner. To achieve this, he believed a significant event, or trigger, was necessary, prompting him to begin searching for potential triggers or targets, according to prosecutors. He refutes the claim, however, just before starting his first assignment in the Franco-German brigade near Strasbourg in 2015, he pretended to be a refugee. While waiting for his first interview as David Benjamin at the police station, Franco A considered whether to claim Damascus or Aleppo as his birthplace. Eventually, he fabricated an extensive family background. After completing his military training in France, he became fluent in French. During interviews, he identified himself as a Syrian Christian with French heritage. He mentioned attending a French high school and working as a fruit farmer in Tel al-Hassel, a village near Aleppo. Despite trying to be well-prepared, he found it unnecessary in the end. German authorities did not question his background during that chaotic time. Shortly after going to the police station, he applied for asylum and was taken to various temporary shelters. He was eventually placed in a small residence in Baustarring, a Bavarian hamlet located 250 miles west of his army base. Franco A recorded numerous videos of the shelters using his cellphone camera, expressing doubt about the level of neediness of the asylum-seekers. He noted that many of the Syrians had fled from previously middle-class lives in cities that had been destroyed by conflict, and he remarked that they appeared to be "more like tourists" than refugees. He explained his choice of opting for a subpar telephone instead of a high-quality one, stating that he did not want to draw attention to himself. However, this decision resulted in him ending up with the worst option. He criticized the system for being too lenient and forgiving, noting that despite rejecting job offers, he still received his monthly stipend. He only visited the shelter occasionally and missed two consecutive appointments. According to Franco A, Merkel's government had played a role in causing a humanitarian crisis by participating in conflicts in the Middle East. It felt as though he was witnessing a real-life example of the case study outlined in his former mentor's discredited thesis. During his asylum hearing, the Moroccan interpreter expressed uncertainty about his Arabic language skills, but hesitated to question him due to his Jewish-sounding name, fearing she might be perceived as anti-Semitic as a Muslim. Franco A was given "subsidiary protection," enabling asylum-seekers without identity papers to remain and work in Germany. During this time, he became more prominent in far-right circles. Franco A mentioned participating in debates at bars and being asked to speak at events. He recalled speaking at the "Prussian Evening" on Dec 15, 2016, held at Hotel Regent in Munich and organized by a publisher with ties to Holocaust denial. His discussion that evening was about "German conservatives - a minority in their own country." His voice recordings became more urgent throughout the year. In a recording from January 2016, just three weeks after becoming a refugee, he mentioned that those who spoke out against the government were often killed. He also expressed a willingness to kill if necessary, stating, "Let's not hesitate, not to murder but to kill." He also mentioned a fear of being murdered himself, declaring, "I know you will murder me. I will murder you first." Prosecutors claim that Franco A, who had been leading a double life for almost seven months, went to Berlin in the summer of 2016 and may have been a potential target. He went to a private underground parking garage near the Jewish quarter to take photos of car license plates, as investigators later found on his cellphone. The garage was located in a building that housed the offices of the Amadeu Antonio Foundation, an organization founded by Jewish activist Anetta Kahane, who has been a target of far-right hatred for many years. Prosecutors believe that Kahane, 66, was one of several prominent targets identified by Franco A. for their pro-refugee positions, based on notes they confiscated. Other individuals mentioned in the notes were Foreign Minister Heiko Maas, who was previously the justice minister, and Claudia Roth, a Green lawmaker who held the position of Parliament's vice president at the time. Kahane's name was mentioned multiple times in the notes, including at the end of a list of ordinary items and a reminder to contact the bank where his refugee alter ego had an account. Franco A presented the notes to me, describing them as a regular to-do list. One page included details about Kahane's background, age, and work address. He sketched a detailed map of where her parking garage was located, along with a note saying they were in a situation where they couldn't act as they wished. Before and after the trip to Berlin, Franco allegedly purchased equipment for a handgun and was seen at a shooting range with an assault rifle. He also visited Paris, where he met with a Russian think tank leader and is suspected of buying a French handgun found in Vienna. Prosecutors claim there is sufficient evidence to suggest that Franco was planning a murder, although he denies all allegations. He stated that the prosecutors' claims do not indicate any intention to harm Kahane. During a six-hour interview one evening, he mentioned having pictures on his phone but argued that this did not prove his presence. Despite initially refusing to discuss the matter due to his impending trial, he eventually spoke hypothetically about the situation. Franco A explained that if he had gone, it would have been for a conversation. He added that he would have rang the bell only to discover that Kahane was not present. He could have then proceeded to the parking garage with the intention of gathering information about the car. He mentioned that by some stroke of luck, he might have come across the person he was looking for. He denied any plans of killing Kahane, stating that it would only have been the preparation for an assassination at worst, not an act of terrorism. He questioned how this could pose a threat to the state, considering that the person in question was not a politician. Kahane was visited to inquire about her opinion on the matter. The day we first met, she had just received another neo-Nazi threat in her email. Threats like these were common for her. The message threatened to harm her with a swastika and a sharp ax, then leave her to die in a side street after cutting her spine. However, she found the lack of awareness from German authorities to be even scarier than the threats. She remembered the day the police informed her that they had arrested a neo-Nazi soldier who intended to kill her. The conversation was about Franco A. and two of his companions. She jokingly asked if they had caught all three of them. She mentioned that people often underestimate the number of Nazis involved. The German Constitution includes Article 20.4, which permits resistance in cases where democracy is threatened, inspired by Hitler's 1933 actions. It is well-liked by far-right extremists who criticize Merkel's government as unconstitutional. The Constitution holds a prominent position in Franco A's personal library, and he frequently references it. Just before Christmas, I visited him again, and he was unhappy that I had copies of his voice memos. I questioned him about certain statements he made, such as calling Hitler "above everything." He explained that he meant it ironically and played me the recording to prove it. The conversation had a casual and playful tone, with both voices laughing. However, the intention behind the remarks was not immediately clear. I also inquired about a different recording from January 2016. Franco A. claimed that anyone who helps to dismantle the government is doing a positive thing, stating that laws held no weight. This contradiction raised questions about his commitment to defending the Constitution. After a moment of silence, Franco A. reviewed his own words. He flipped through the notes belonging to his attorney, but he could not find a response. This content is from around 2020 and is copyrighted by The New York Times Company.