The discovery was extremely surprising due to its widespread nature. Reporters from even small countries like Guinea-Bissau had been asked to make deals with Chinese journalists. China was providing its propaganda newspaper China Daily in English and Serbian. A journalist from the Philippines believed that over 50% of the articles on a Filipino news service originated from the Chinese state agency Xinhua. A media organization in Kenya received funding from Chinese investors and subsequently dismissed a writer who had covered China's mistreatment of the Uyghur minority. Journalists in Peru received harsh criticism on social media from aggressive Chinese government officials. This phenomenon, which initially appeared as isolated incidents in each country, was actually part of a larger strategy aimed at challenging the dominance of global news media outlets such as the BBC and CNN. The goal was to introduce Chinese influence, money, and perspective into media outlets worldwide. However, this raised the question of China's intentions with this newfound power. The International Federation of Journalists, a union based in Brussels with a broad perspective on global media, is set to release a report on the matter. Louisa Lim, the author of the first report, conducted research in 54 countries to gather insights from journalists. According to Lim, a former NPR bureau chief in Beijing who is now a senior lecturer at the University of Melbourne, the interviews demonstrate how China utilized its global media infrastructure to promote positive narratives about the country during the pandemic. The report, co-written by Julia Bergin and Johan Lidberg, highlights China's media strategy as a part of a continuing global power shift, rather than a secret plot. Chinese officials argue that their actions are not unique, as other powerful global players have engaged in similar tactics for over a century. The report also notes that China's media push coincided with its diplomatic efforts during the pandemic, providing aid and vaccines to countries worldwide while carefully managing its public image. Italian journalists were pressured to broadcast President Xi Jinping's Christmas speech and were given an Italian translation. In Tunisia, the Chinese embassy provided hand sanitizer and masks to the journalists' union, as well as expensive television equipment and free, pro-China content to the state broadcaster. In Serbia, a pro-government tabloid sponsored a billboard thanking Xi Jinping. The media and vaccine campaigns are linked to China's "Belt and Road" initiative, where support comes with conditions such as debt and support in UN votes. China faces challenges due to its authoritarianism, treatment of Uyghurs, and crackdown on dissent in Hong Kong, which have negatively impacted global perceptions of the country even before the pandemic. And some governments have started to make it more difficult for Chinese state media to operate in their countries, such as Britain's media regulator revoking the license of the main Chinese state broadcaster. China's diplomatic efforts are primarily focused on countries that have a vote at the UN, rather than those with cultural or financial power like European countries. Despite appearing to be ad-hoc and managed locally, China's actions are influencing the global media landscape. According to Lim, Beijing is gradually reshaping the media landscape worldwide. In conversations with journalists from five continents, ranging from concern over Chinese government pressure to confidence in handling them as just another interest group in a complicated media environment. Zuliana Lainez, the secretary-general of the National Association of Journalists of Peru, pointed out the frequent presence of China in state media in Peru, where the government is friendly to China and powerful political figures received early access to a Chinese-made vaccine. She described the Peruvian state news agency and the state-controlled newspaper El Peruano as being like mouthpieces for the Chinese embassy, noting that China's embassy has also invested in modernising some newsrooms' technology. Lainez expressed concern about these actions not being free and needing to be monitored closely. On the other hand, Stefano Polli, the deputy director of the Italian news service ANSA, sees China's increased use of media as a way to gain more influence in the global geopolitical balance. He defended his service's contract to translate and distribute Xinhua, despite criticism from international journalists, as a normal commercial agreement. China has tightened restrictions on foreign journalists in the country, leading international news outlets to rely more on official sources and preventing American reporters, including most of the New York Times bureau, from obtaining visas. Luca Rigoni, a well-known anchor at an Italian TV channel owned by Mediaset, revealed that his news organization had a formal agreement with Chinese state media for reporting in China, but this collaboration ceased after he covered the theory that the virus originated from a Chinese lab. Rigoni, whose company is owned by former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, remarked that he believes China's control over media is not unique, as there are other countries where government or parliamentary entities oversee main TV and radio programs. Anthony Bellanger, the general secretary of the International Federation of Journalists, expressed in an email that China is becoming a significant player in the information war, but it is crucial to push back against similar pressures from the US, Russia, and other governments worldwide. However, recent reports suggest that Beijing is currently more dedicated to this campaign, as they are investing millions of dollars annually to spread their messages globally. While the US was a pioneer in influence tactics during the Cold War, their official channels have diminished over time. President Donald Trump has attempted to transform American outlets like Voice of America and Radio Liberty into more direct propaganda tools, leading to pushback from Democrats and journalists. The American government's inability to reach a consensus on how to utilize its own media outlets has hindered its ability to effectively communicate with the public. Companies like Netflix and Disney, with their significant cultural power and resources, have taken on this role instead. Journalists globally have expressed doubt about the effectiveness of Chinese government propaganda, a sentiment I also felt when I received a week's worth of unread editions of China Daily. The type of propaganda that may work within China struggles to compete in the competitive market for people's attention. According to Eric Oduor, the secretary-general of the Kenya Union of Journalists, China's attempts to promote its content in Kenyan media have not yet had a significant impact. Some argue that what journalists consider amateurish or obvious propaganda still has an effect. Erin Baggott Carter, an assistant professor of political science at the University of Southern California, discovered in her research that American news organizations that allowed their journalists to go on official trips to China shifted their focus from covering military competition to covering economic cooperation. In conversations with journalists worldwide about Chinese influence, I also noticed their lack of discussion about the United States. In the US, discussions about Chinese influence often revolve around a perceived global power struggle between two major nations and systems of government. However, journalists from countries such as Indonesia, Peru, and Kenya described a more one-sided scenario: a deliberate Chinese campaign to build influence and promote China's narrative. Lim stated, "Americans tend to be inward-looking and always assume everything revolves around the US." Many Americans and people in the Western world frequently overlook events in languages other than English, assuming that Western values are universally applicable.