In 2016, Freeport-McMoRan, a mining company based in Arizona, had made a deal to sell a site in Congo that plays a significant role in China's control over the global cobalt supply. Cobalt is a crucial raw material for electric car batteries, which are essential for moving away from fossil fuels and reducing climate change. Perriello, a high-ranking US diplomat in Africa at the time, expressed concerns within the State Department. Kapanga, the Congolese general manager of the mine, pleaded with the American ambassador in Congo to intervene, warning that the decision was a mistake and jeopardized long-standing relationships in Congo, a major source of cobalt worldwide. Presidents beginning with Dwight D Eisenhower had provided significant financial aid, including military equipment, to the mineral-rich country. Richard Nixon and the State Department led by Hillary Clinton continued to support this relationship. Freeport-McMoRan also invested billions in the country before selling the mine to a Chinese company. The Chinese company, China Molybdenum, successfully purchased both Tenke Fungurume mine during the Obama administration and another cobalt reserve during the Trump presidency. China's strategic pursuit of cobalt in Congo has given it a significant advantage over the United States in the race to dominate the auto industry's electrification. The New York Times investigation revealed a history of cobalt acquisitions where the US essentially handed over resources to China, neglecting to protect decades of investments in Congo. Perriello, who was no longer in office, became aware of the plan to sell Tenke Fungurume in 2016 after visiting the mine and was convinced that American ownership would benefit both the US and the people of Congo, despite the owner's questionable reputation in other countries. Freeport-McMoRan received positive reviews for its operations in Congo, employing thousands of locals and providing essential services such as schools, health care clinics, and clean water. Former assistant secretary of state Linda Thomas-Greenfield, now the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, was consulted by Perriello about keeping the mine under American ownership. Perriello also brought up the issue with the National Security Council. Despite concerns about the potential consequences of allowing Chinese companies to take over, no other serious bidders emerged for the mine. Kathleen L Quirk, president of Freeport-McMoRan, explained in an interview that they were able to complete the deal quickly due to their swiftness compared to others. The company had been determined to sell as they had suffered significant losses in the oil and gas industry and needed to reduce their debt. The decision to unload their Congo operations was a purely financial one, with no emotional attachment involved. The lack of oversight of transactions by American companies abroad has exposed significant blind spots of US leaders, providing an opportunity for the Chinese government to exploit, as revealed in previously unreported documents, emails, and interviews with various individuals. The US government and private sector have been making efforts to recover from past mistakes and secure new cobalt supplies for clean energy transition, but these efforts are not as extensive as Chinese attempts to control critical resources like cobalt and lithium for a green future. Nixon was seen standing outside the White House with the first lady in August 1970, engaging in Cold War Gamesmanship. President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, now Congo, was preparing for a visit. It had been ten years since Congo gained independence from Belgium, and as the leader of a country rich in natural resources, Mobutu held significant global influence. He not only controlled these resources but also played a crucial role as a mediator for the United States in preventing the Soviet Union from expanding its influence in Africa. Access to minerals and metals in Congo had been a top priority for the United States since World War II, with Albert Einstein even writing to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1939, advising him to stockpile Congolese uranium for the development of atomic bombs. By the mid-1960s, the CIA had established one of its most extensive operations in the country, funding a group of mercenaries and Congolese troops to run missions with US warplanes to suppress rebels supported by the Soviet Union. Mobutu, a former army sergeant who later became a corrupt dictator, saw the Americans as an ideal partner to help increase the country's mining wealth. He approached Maurice Tempelsman, a prominent New York diamond merchant, to discuss mining rights in Tenke Fungurume. However, just before his trip to Washington in August 1970, Mobutu surprised everyone by announcing that he had decided to contract a Belgian company to develop the mine. Washington entered a state of emergency as it attempted to reclaim the concession, demonstrating extreme generosity. Herman J Cohen, a US diplomat in Congo during that time, remembered Nixon instructing his administration to fulfill Mobutu's every desire. Hundreds of millions of dollars in US aid had already been provided to Mobutu, and now Nixon approved the gift of multiple C-130 transport planes. The climax of the campaign occurred at a formal dinner for Mobutu at the White House, as described by Cohen. After eating, Tempelsman invited Mobutu for a private boat trip on the Potomac River. They received news that the Americans would be granted the mining concession. A mining engineer named Mark Mollison from New York City traveled to southeastern Congo to visit Tenke Fungurume, which was now an abandoned construction site. Mollison was surprised by what he saw. He observed hilltops with patches where copper and cobalt were visible on the surface. Mollison remembered that the ore was much more valuable than what they were mining in Arizona. In the late 1990s, Mollison was part of a new group of mining executives who had come to take over after the Tempelsman group had left two decades earlier. The Tempelsman group had spent $250 million but had to withdraw due to various obstacles, including rebels who disrupted the transportation of cobalt and copper to the coast by shutting down a railroad. Kissinger, the secretary of state, was involved in crafting a message to apologize to the Congolese government in January 1976 for the project's suspension. Many years after Mobutu was removed from power, interest in mining in Congo was reignited. Rebel leader Laurent-Désiré Kabila had taken control of valuable land near the towns of Tenke and Fungurume, where the mine was located. This sparked excitement for a new chapter in Congo's mining industry. Western mining executives and Wall Street bankers descended on the region, meeting at a hotel to secure financial commitments for mining access from Kabila's representatives. A banker's memo summarized Kabila's perspective as "Rules of the game: you give and I give." To secure a deal, the Canadian mining company Lundin Group agreed to give $50 million to the rebels. Mollison's task, upon arriving months later, was to assess whether his company, now known as Freeport-McMoRan, should partner with Lundin to complete Tempelsman's work at Tenke Fungurume. Freeport-McMoRan later promoted this project as the largest private investment in Congo. Mollison pondered, "What will this place require? Electric power.." There was a significant amount of infrastructure in place, including roads and access to water. Freeport-McMoRan gained a majority stake in the mine, with Lundin holding a smaller stake and Gécamines retaining a portion as well. Despite challenges such as civil war, the project was fully operational by the end of 2007. Freeport-McMoRan engaged in a period of extensive construction, including building a highway for exporting cobalt and copper in Africa and refurbishing a hydroelectric plant for $215 million. Former employee Pierrot Kitobo Sambisaya described the company's efforts as impressive, creating one of the most advanced and efficient cobalt and copper mines globally. Freeport-McMoRan made a major mistake by shifting its focus from mining to fossil fuels, spending $20 billion to acquire two oil and gas companies in 2012. However, when oil prices dropped, the company struggled with debt. In May 2016, CEO Richard Adkerson reluctantly announced the sale of Tenke Fungurume to China Molybdenum for $2.65 billion. The executives at the mine, including Kapanga, the general manager, were troubled by the news. Kapanga, who had previously worked as a Congolese presidential adviser and diplomat, contacted the American ambassador, James Swan, expressing his concerns about the United States seemingly letting go of its largest private investment in Congo, Tenke Fungurume. Swan did not comment when approached by The New York Times. At that time, American diplomats in Congo were focused on trying to persuade President Joseph Kabila to step down from office. He assumed power after his father's assassination in 2001 and proceeded to embezzle millions from the public coffers for the next 15 years. The sale of Tenke Fungurume was finalized in November 2016, but received little notice in the US except from financial news outlets. President Trump's administration, early on, indicated a possible focus on countering China's control over mineral resources, particularly cobalt, with reports highlighting the sale of Tenke Fungurume and the potential for supply shortages. Nonetheless, history repeated itself as Freeport-McMoRan still possessed an undeveloped site with a crucial source of cobalt. The US government showed little concern when the company revealed plans to sell the site, known as Kisanfu, last year. Nazak Nikakhtar, former Commerce Department assistant secretary for critical mineral supplies, expressed dismay at the lack of attention given to the sale. Despite this, the sale to China Molybdenum for $550 million proceeded as planned, just before Trump's term ended. The most recent significant investment by the United States in Congo's cobalt and copper mines disappeared along with it.