W. F. Bailey The Story of the First Trans-Continental Railroad Its Projectors, Construction and History 
 
 
 Transcriber's note Pg 1 
 Obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all 
 other inconsistencies are as in the original. Author's spelling has 
 been maintained. 
 
 
 
 Preface Pg 2 
   
 For some reason the people of today are not nearly as familiar with 
 the achievements of the last fifty years as they are with those of 
 earlier days. 
   
 The school boy can glibly recount the story of Columbus, William Penn, 
 or Washington, but asked about the events leading up to the settlement 
 of the West will know nothing of them and will probably reply "they 
 don't teach us that in our school"--and it is true. Outside of the 
 names of our presidents, the Rebellion, and the Spanish-American War, 
 there is practically nothing of the events of the last fifty years in 
 our school histories, and this is certainly wrong. "Peace hath her 
 victories as well as War," and it is to the end that one of the great 
 achievements of the last century may become better known that this 
 account of the first great Pacific Railroad was written. 
   
 It was just as great an event for Lewis and Clark to cross the Rockies 
 as it was for Columbus to cross the Atlantic. The Mormons not only 
 made friends with the Indians as did Penn, but they also "made the 
 desert to blossom as the rose," and Washington's battles at Princeton, 
 White Plains, and Yorktown were but little more momentus in their 
 results than Sandy Forsythe's on the Republican, Custer's on the 
 Washita, or Crook's in the Sierra Madre. 
   
 The construction of the Union Pacific Railroad was of greater 
 importance to the people of the United States than the inauguration of 
 steamship service across the Atlantic or the laying of the Atlantic 
 Telegraph. Yet the one has been heralded from time to time and the 
 other allowed to sink into temporary obscurity. 
   
 To make good Americans of the coming generation all that is necessary 
 is to make them proud of American achievements and the West was and is 
 a field full of such. 
   
 The building of the Pacific Railroad was one of the great works of 
 man. Its promoters were men of small means and little or no financial 
 backing outside of the aid granted them by the Government. It took 
 nerve and good Yankee grit to undertake and carry out the project. How 
 it was done it is hoped the succeeding pages may show. 
 
 
 
 Preface Pg 3 
   
 Fair Oaks, California, 1906. 
   
   
   
   
      Poem read at the Celebration of the opening of 
              the Pacific Railroad, Chicago, 
                    May 10th, 1869. 
   
   
   Ring out, oh bells. Let cannons roar 
     In loudest tones of thunder. 
   The iron bars from shore to shore 
     Are laid and Nations wonder. 
   
   Through deserts vast and forests deep 
     Through mountains grand and hoary 
   A path is opened for all time 
     And we behold the glory. 
   
   We, who but yesterday appeared 
     But settlers on the border, 
   Where only savages were reared 
     Mid chaos and disorder. 
   We wake to find ourselves midway 
     In continental station, 
   And send our greetings either way 
     Across the mighty nation. 
   
   We reach out towards the golden gate 
     And eastward to the ocean. 
   The tea will come at lightning rate 
     And likewise Yankee notions. 
   From spicy islands off the West 
     The breezes now are blowing, 
   And all creation does its best 
     To set the greenbacks flowing. 
   
   The eastern tourist will turn out 
     And visit all the stations 
   For Pullman runs upon the route 
     With most attractive rations. 
   
 --_From the Chicago Tribune, May 11th, 1869. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER I (The Project and the Projectors) 
   
 President Jefferson First to Act on a Route to the Pacific--Lewis and 
 Clark Expedition--Oregon Missionaries--Railroad Suggested--Mills 
 1819--The Emigrant 1832--Parker 1835--Dr. Barlow's Plan--Hartwell 
 Carver's--John Plumbe's--Asa Whitney--Senator Benton's National Road. 
   
   
 It would appear that Thomas Jefferson is entitled to the credit of 
 being the first to take action towards the opening of a road or route 
 between the eastern states and the Pacific Coast. While he was in 
 France in 1779 as American Envoy to the Court of Versailles he met one 
 John Ledyard who had been with Captain Cook in his voyage around the 
 world, in the course of which they had visited the coast of 
 California. Out of the acquaintance grew an expedition under Ledyard 
 that was to cross Russia and the Pacific Ocean to Alaska, thence take 
 a Russian trading vessel from Sitka to the Spanish-Russian settlement 
 on Nookta Sound (Coast of California) and from there proceed east 
 overland until the settlements then confined to the Atlantic Seaboard 
 were reached. 
   
 Through the efforts of Jefferson the expedition was equipped and 
 started. The Russian Government had promised its support but when the 
 party had crossed Russia, were within two hundred miles of the 
 Pacific, Ledyard was arrested by order of the Empress Catherine, the 
 then ruler of Russia, and the expedition broken up. 
   
 Jefferson became President in 1801. In 1803 on his recommendation, 
 Congress made an appropriation "for sending an exploring party to 
 trace the Missouri River to its source, to cross the highlands (i. e. 
 Rocky Mountains) and follow the best route thence to the Pacific 
 Ocean." 
   
 So interested was Jefferson that he personally prepared a long and 
 specific letter of instructions and had his confidential man placed in 
 charge. "The object of your mission," said Jefferson, in this letter 
 of instruction "is to explore the Missouri River and such other 
 streams as by their course would seem to offer the most direct and 
 practicable communication across the continent for the purpose of 
 commerce." This expedition known as the Lewis and Clark, made in 
 1804-1806, brought to light much information relative to the West and 
 demonstrated conclusively the feasibility of crossing overland as well 
 as the resources of the country traversed. 
   
 As a result the far West became the Mecca of the fur trappers and 
 traders. Commencing with the Astoria settlement in 1807, for the next 
 forty years or until the opening of the Oregon immigration in 1844, 
 they were practically the only whites to visit it outside of the 
 missionaries, who did more or less exploring and visiting the Indians 
 resulting in the Rev. Jason Lee in 1833 and Dr. Marcus Whitman in 1835 
 having established mission stations in Oregon. 
   
 The next record is of one Robert Mills of Virginia who suggested in a 
 publication on "Internal Improvements in Maryland, Virginia, and South 
 Carolina," issued in 1819, the advisability of connecting the head of 
 navigation of some one of the principal streams entering the Atlantic 
 with the Pacific Ocean by a system of steam propelled carriages. (H. 
 Doc. 173, 29th Cong.) This was before there was a mile of Steam 
 
 Railroad in the world, and under the then existing circumstances was 
 so chimerical as to hardly warrant mention. 
   
 In a weekly newspaper published in 1832 at Ann Arbor, Michigan, called 
 "The Emigrant," appeared what was probably the first suggestion in 
 print on the advisability of a Pacific Railroad. The article suggests 
 the advisability of building a line from New York to the Mouth of the 
 Oregon (Columbia River) by way of the south shore of Lake Erie and 
 Lake Michigan, crossing the Mississippi River between 41 and 42 north 
 latitude, the Missouri River about the mouth of the Platte, thence to 
 the Rocky Mountains near the source of the last named river, crossing 
 them and down the valley of the Oregon to the Pacific. It further 
 suggested that it be made a national project, or this failing the 
 grant of three millions of acres to a Company organized for the 
 purpose of constructing it. No name was signed to the article, but the 
 probabilities are that it was written by S. W. Dexter, the Editor of 
 the paper. 
   
 With the Whitman party leaving the East for the far northwest to 
 establish a Mission Station was the Rev. Samuel Parker, a Presbyterian 
 minister, who was sent under the auspices of the Missionary Board of 
 his Church to investigate and report on the mission situation and to 
 suggest a plan for Christianizing the Indians. He crossed the 
 continent to Oregon and on his return in 1838, his journal was 
 published. It presented a very correct and interesting account of the 
 scenes he visited. In it he says, "There would be no difficulty in the 
 way of constructing a railroad from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean 
 * * * * and the time may not be so far distant when trips will be made 
 across the continent as they are now to Niagara Falls to see Nature's 
 wonders." 
   
 To just whom belongs the credit of being the first to advocate a 
 railroad to the Pacific Coast is in dispute. No doubt the idea 
 occurred to many at the time they were being introduced and 
 successfully operated in the East. The two items referred to seem to 
 be the first record of the idea or possibility. 
   
 About the same time, although the date is not positively fixed, Dr. 
 Samuel Bancroft Barlow, a practising physician of Greenville, Mass., 
 commenced writing articles for the newspapers, advocating a Pacific 
 railroad and outlining a plan for its construction. 
   
 His proposition contemplated a railroad from New York City to the 
 mouth of the Columbia River. As illustrating the lack of knowledge 
 regarding the cost and operations of railroads, we quote from his 
 writings "Premising the length of the road would be three thousand 
 miles and the average cost ten thousand dollars per mile, we have 
 thirty million dollars as the total cost, and were the United States 
 to engage in its construction, three years time would be amply 
 sufficient * * * * At the very moderate rate of ten miles an hour, a 
 man could go from New York to the mouth of the Columbia River in 
 twelve days and a half." 
   
 Another enthusiast was Hartwell Carver, grandson of Jonathan Carver 
 the explorer of 1766. His proposition was to build a railroad from 
 Lake Michigan (Chicago) to the South Pass, with two branches from 
 there, one to the mouth of the Columbia River, and the other due west 
 to California. South Pass received its name from being South of the 
 pass in general use. Strange to say his "true Pacific Route" 
 formulated without knowledge of the lay of the land was absolutely 
 the best and the one that today is followed by the Union Pacific 
 Railway and affiliated lines, substituting Granger for South Pass. 
 Carver's proposition was to build the line by a private corporation 
 who were to receive a grant of land for their right of way, the whole 
 distance, with the privilege of taking from the public lands, material 
 used in construction, with the further privilege of purchasing from 
 the United States Government, eight million acres of selected lands 
 from the public domains at one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre, 
 payable in the stock of the Company. His road was to be laid on stone 
 foundations and to be equipped with sleeping cars, dining cars and 
 salon cars. His ideas as to the cost of the work were far too low, but 
 outside of this he was seemingly inspired. At the time he was writing, 
 1835, there were seven hundred and ninety-seven miles of railroads in 
 operation in the United States. Passenger coaches were patterned after 
 the old stage coach, the track iron straps on wooden stringers, yet 
 here he was outlining what today is an accomplished fact. A railroad 
 with stone ballast from Chicago to the South Pass (Granger, Wyo.) one 
 branch diverging from there to the mouth of the Columbia, (Portland, 
 Ore.,) the other to California, (San Francisco and Los Angeles, Cal.,) 
 traversed by trains comprised of sleeping cars, dining cars and buffet 
 cars. The Union Pacific and its connections. 
   
 Carver spent the best years of his life and what was in those days an 
 ample fortune in endeavoring to further his project. The great 
 opposition to his plan arose from the proposed diversion of the public 
 lands and the stock feature, neither Congress nor the public taking 
 kindly to the idea of the Government giving lands for stock in a 
 private corporation. 
   
 A third proposition was fathered by John Plumbe of Dubuque, Iowa, who 
 suggested at a public meeting, held at his home town in March 1838, 
 that a railroad be built from the great lakes to the Columbia River. 
 His plan contemplated an appropriation from Congress of alternate 
 sections of the public lands on either side of the right of way. The 
 company to be capitalized at one hundred million dollars, twenty 
 million shares at five dollars each. Twenty-five cents per share to be 
 paid down to provide a fund to commence operations and subsequent 
 assessments of like amount to be paid as the money was needed until 
 the full amount had been paid in. One hundred miles to be constructed 
 each year and the whole line completed in twenty years. 
   
 All of these propositions were more or less visionary and advanced by 
 men of theory with little or no capital. They had the effect of 
 awakening public interest and paved the way for a more feasible plan. 
 The question of a Pacific railway, its practicability, earnings, and 
 effect, were constantly before the people. In 1844 the idea had become 
 firmly fixed, the leading advocate being a New York merchant named 
 Asa Whitney, who has been called the "Father of the Pacific Railway." 
 Mr. Whitney had spent some years in commercial life in China, 
 returning to the United States with a competency. Becoming enthused 
 with the idea, he put his all,--energy, time, and money into the 
 project of a trans-continental railroad, finding many supporters. At 
 first he advocated Carver's plan, but becoming convinced that it was 
 not feasible, he sprung a new one of his own. He proposed that 
 Congress should give to him, his heirs and assigns, a strip of land, 
 sixty miles wide, with the railroad in the center, this from a point 
 on Lake Michigan to the Pacific Coast. This land he proposed to 
 colonize and sell to emigrants from Europe, from the proceeds build 
 the line, retaining whatever surplus there might be after its 
 completion, as his own. 
   
 Whitney was an indefatigable worker, thoroughly in earnest, a fluent 
 speaker, both in public and private, well fortified with statistics 
 and arguments. He personally travelled the whole country from Maine to 
 fifteen miles up the Missouri River. The legislatures of Maine, New 
 Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Connecticut, New York, 
 Maryland, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Tennessee, Alabama, and 
 Georgia, all endorsed his plan by favorable resolutions. 
   
 The Senate Committee on public lands made a report recommending his 
 proposition. Thus strongly endorsed, his plan was brought before 
 Congress in 1848 in a bill entitled "Authorizing Asa Whitney, his 
 heirs or assigns, to construct a railroad from any point on Lake 
 Michigan or the Mississippi River he may designate, in a line as 
 nearly straight as practicable, to some point on the Pacific Ocean 
 where a harbor may be had." The road to be six foot gauge, sixty-four 
 pound rails. The Government to establish tolls and regulate the 
 operation of the line, Whitney to be the sole Owner and receive a 
 salary of four thousand dollars per year for managing it. 
   
 The proposition was debated for days in the Senate and then was tabled 
 on a vote of twenty-seven to twenty-one. The opposition dwelt largely 
 on the length of time Whitney would necessarily require. Say he could 
 colonize and sell a million acres a year, this would only be funds 
 enough to build one hundred miles and consequently the two thousand 
 miles would require at least twenty years. The defeat was largely 
 owing to the opposition of Senator Benton of Missouri, the most 
 pronounced friend of the West in the House, who used the argument of 
 the power and capital it would put in the hands of one man, Whitney's. 
 This he characterized as a project to give away an Empire, larger in 
 extent than eight of the original states, with an ocean frontage of 
 sixty miles, with contracting powers and patronage exceeding those of 
 the President. 
   
 Upon the defeat of Whitney's project, Benton brought forward in 1849 
 one of his own for a great national highway from St. Louis to San 
 Francisco, straight as may be, with branches to Oregon and Mexico. The 
 Government to grant a strip one mile wide, so as to provide room for 
 every kind of road, railway, plank, macadamized, and electric motor, 
 or otherwise constructed where not so practicable or advantageous. 
 Sleighs to be used during those months when snow lay on the ground. 
 Funds for its construction to be provided by the sale of public lands. 
 Bare in mind this was only fifty-six years ago, but eighteen years 
 before the Union Pacific Railway was completed, and was the 
 proposition advocated by the recognized leader of the Senate in 
 matters western. 
   
 Up to the year 1846 when by the treaty of Guadeloupe-Hidalgo, Mexico, 
 ceded to us California, our only territory on the Pacific Coast was 
 Oregon and Washington. The acquisition of California, followed very 
 shortly by the gold discoveries and the consequent influx of people, 
 gave that state a large population and furnished a prospective 
 business for a Pacific railway. This had heretofore been a matter of 
 theory, very questionable, to say the least, being based on very hazy 
 estimates of the prospective volume of trans-pacific business. With an 
 active and aggressive population of three hundred thousand in 
 California, practically all of eastern birth and affiliations the 
 situation became materially changed and the necessity of railroad 
 communication apparent. Both great political parties pledged their 
 support in their quadrennial platforms. Presidents--Pierce, Buchanan, 
 and Lincoln, in their several messages to Congress, strongly 
 recommended its construction. The matter had been thoroughly 
 discussed, both in and out of Congress and the whole country was 
 convinced of the advisability of its construction, and only awaited a 
 leader and a feasible plan. From 1850 to 1860 the question vied with 
 that of slavery in public interest. Survey after survey was undertaken 
 by the Government and private parties. Senator Benton being the first 
 to introduce a resolution looking to the appropriation of sufficient 
 money to pay for a survey. This being in 1851. The question of the 
 North and South, entered into the matter, as it did everything else in 
 the days preceding the Rebellion. "You shall not build through free 
 soil," said the South and "we won't permit it to run through the Slave 
 States," said the North. Compromise was out of the question, and it 
 was not until the southern element had been eliminated from Congress 
 by their secession was any action possible. 
   
 It was found that private corporations, duly aided by land grants from 
 the Government, were able to build the necessary connecting links 
 through the comparatively level country, between Chicago and St. 
 Louis, and the Missouri River. From the Missouri River west it was 
 felt that the undertaking was too great for any one set of men or 
 corporation, besides local interests in California were already in the 
 field, consequently two companies were determined upon, one of them 
 working eastward, the other westward, and it was thus arranged. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER II (The Proposition in Congress) 
   
 Situation 1861--Curtis Bill of 1862--Amended Charter of 1864--Further 
 Amendments--1866--Legal Complications in New York--Controversy With 
 Central Pacific. 
   
   
 Commencing with the session of 1835, when a memorial on the subject of 
 railroad communication between Lake Michigan and the Pacific Coast, 
 was presented by Hartwell Carver, up to the present, the Pacific 
 Railways have been ever present in Congress. The Catalogue of 
 Government Publications gives one hundred and eighty-five having the 
 Union Pacific, or Pacific Railroads as their subject. 
   
 It is not necessary to recount the many schemes for the construction 
 of these roads that were proposed to Congress. We have already 
 outlined the principal ones previous to 1861. 
   
 At this time our country was in the midst of its greatest 
 difficulties. The North and South unable to harmonize over the slavery 
 question, had recourse to the arbitration of arms. The Union forces 
 had met with numerous and severe reverses. The people of the Pacific 
 Coast were loud in their demands for better means of communication. 
 The Government was straining to what seemed the breaking point, their 
 credit and resources to carry on the war and as a Government 
 enterprise the building of a Pacific Railway was out of the question. 
 All were convinced of not only the desirability of such a line but of 
 the absolute necessity thereof, and it had resolved itself into a 
 question of ways and means. Previous discussions had thrashed out the 
 chaff and it now remained for Congress to winnow the wheat. Government 
 surveys had demonstrated the existence of five feasible routes through 
 or over the Rocky Mountains. The Northern, now followed by the 
 Northern Pacific Railroad, the South Pass, Snake and Columbia Rivers, 
 now traversed by the Union Pacific Railroad to Granger, thence the 
 Oregon Short Line and Oregon Railway and Navigation Company. The 
 Middle Route-Union Pacific Railroad in connection with the Southern 
 Pacific Company (Central Pacific Railroad). The thirty-ninth parallel 
 route, now followed by the Santa Fe Route and the Southern via El 
 Paso, now followed by the Sunset Route. The first two while available, 
 could be eliminated owing to their not reaching California direct, as 
 could also the two latter, on account of their traversing in part at 
 least, country that was then in a state of insurrection. 
   
 These reasons were in themselves sufficient to determine the 
 selection, but with the many other arguments advanced, there was no 
 trouble in bringing Congress to adopt practically unanimously the 
 "South Pass" "Middle" "True Pacific" Route as it was variously 
 called. For years this had been the route of the fur traders and 
 trappers, the emigrant, the Overland Stage, and the Pony Express, and 
 if these various interests had agreed as to this being the shortest 
 and best route it was evident there were good and sufficient reasons 
 for their decision, it being incontrovertible that it was the shortest 
 one that reached the desired territory. Especially as their decision 
 was reinforced by the result of numerous surveys made by the 
 Government. 
   
 The bill creating the Union Pacific Railroad was known as the "Curtis 
 Bill" from its author, Congressman S. R. Curtis of Iowa. It carried 
 the title of "An Act to aid in the construction of a railroad and 
 telegraph line from the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean and to 
 secure to the United States Government, the use thereof for postal, 
 military, and other purposes." 
   
 This act passed the Senate, June 20th, 1862, by a vote of thirty-five 
 to two and became a law July 1st, of that same year. In addition to 
 creating the Union Pacific Railroad Company it also authorized the 
 Central Pacific Railroad Company to build a railroad from Sacramento 
 to the eastern boundary of California, where it was to connect with 
 the Union Pacific Railroad. The bill also recognized a Company 
 chartered by the legislature of Kansas under the name of the 
 Leavenworth, Pawnee and Western Railway Company, later known as the 
 Kansas Pacific Railway. This latter line was to be built from 
 Leavenworth west to a junction with the Union Pacific Railroad at or 
 near the hundredth Meridian or about two hundred and fifty miles west 
 of Omaha. 
   
 The principal features of the bill so far as the Union Pacific 
 Railroad were concerned, were, the creation of a Board of 
 Commissioners consisting of one hundred and fifty-eight commissioners 
 to represent the interest of the United States Government and who were 
 to be named by the Secretary of the Interior. These were to constitute 
 a preliminary organization. 
   
 The Union Pacific Railroad proper was to commence at a point on the 
 hundredth Meridian, west of Greenwich, between the Valley of the 
 Platte River on the north and the Valley on the Republican River on 
 the south, with branch lines to be known as the Iowa Branch from said 
 point to the Missouri River. On the west it was to extend to the 
 Eastern boundary of California, where it was to connect with the 
 Central Pacific Railroad. 
   
 The Capital stock of the Company was to consist of ten thousand shares 
 at one thousand dollars each, not more than two hundred shares to be 
 held by any one person. Right of way through public lands was granted 
 with the privilege of taking therefrom, without charge, earth, stone, 
 lumber, or other material for construction purposes. The Company was 
 granted every alternate section of land as designated by odd numbers 
 to the amount of five sections per mile, on each side of the road 
 within the limits of ten miles, not sold, reserved or otherwise 
 disposed of by the Government, and to which a pre-emption or homestead 
 claim had not been made up to the time the road was finally located, 
 mineral lands being excepted. All lands thus granted, not sold or 
 disposed of three years after the line was completed, were to be sold 
 by the Government at not to exceed one dollar and twenty-five cents 
 per acre, the proceeds to accrue to the Railroad Company. Nothing but 
 American iron was to be used in the rails. As fast as sections of 
 forty miles were completed and accepted by commissioners appointed by 
 the Government for that purpose, one thousand dollar bonds of the 
 United States bearing six per cent. interest, payable in thirty years, 
 were to be issued to the Company constructing the line. Sixteen 
 thousand dollars in bonds to the mile for the distance east of the 
 Rocky Mountains and forty-eight thousand to the mile for one hundred 
 and fifty miles for the mountain portion of the line. Three-fourths of 
 these bonds were to be delivered to the railroad Company as the 
 sections were accepted, the remaining fourth to be retained by the 
 Government until the entire line was completed. The bonds to 
 constitute a first mortgage on the entire line equipment, terminals, 
 etc? The road to be completed within twelve years, the first one 
 hundred miles within two years. Five per cent. of the net earnings, 
 together with the entire amount accruing on transportation furnished 
 the Government was to be applied to the payment of these bonds, 
 principal and interest. 
   
 The Bill which in reality constituted a Charter, also provided that 
 the gauge of the road and its eastern terminus should be left to the 
 President of the United States to determine. 
   
 These somewhat onerous conditions were accepted by the promoters. 
 Subscription books opened but capital fought shy of the proposition. 
 Two years solicitation only resulted in subscriptions to the amount of 
 two million dollars being paid up in cash. 
   
 It being evident that the necessary funds could not be procured on the 
 terms of the original act, an appeal was made to Congress resulting in 
 a supplementary act passing the House of Representatives, July 2nd, 
 1864, and soon thereafter becoming law. This increased the amount of 
 the Land Grant to the odd numbered sections within ten miles of either 
 side the track, and made the bonds of the Government a second mortgage 
 instead of first, they to be issued on sections of twenty miles 
 instead of forty, two-thirds of the bonds being available as soon as 
 the grading was done. The limit extended in which the line must be 
 completed, and but one-half the earnings on Government business 
 withheld to meet the bonds. The Company was also authorized to 
 maintain a ferry or ferries across the Missouri River at Omaha as a 
 means of connection with the Iowa Lines until such time as they could 
 construct a bridge suitable for this purpose. Coupled with these 
 favorable amendments were two provisions that eventually militated 
 against the Company. One of them permitting the Kansas Pacific Railway 
 to connect with the Union Pacific Railroad at any point its projectors 
 saw fit at or east of a point fifty miles west of Denver, Colo., 
 instead of at the hundredth Meridian. This created a competitor 
 instead of a feeder. The second was allowing the Central Pacific 
 Railroad Company to build on east one hundred and fifty miles to meet 
 the road from the East instead of stopping at the California State 
 line. The restriction to one hundred and fifty miles was withdrawn in 
 subsequent legislation. This resulted in a race as to which Company 
 should cover the most ground and involved both of them in much 
 additional expense. With the Charter thus amended, the Union Pacific 
 Railroad Company which had not thus far done any real work, commenced 
 active construction. The Credit Mobilier was formed to do the actual 
 building, and with many trials, discouragements, and unforeseen 
 expense, the work was continued to its completion. 
   
 The initial eastern point had been fixed by the Charter two hundred 
 and forty-seven miles west of Omaha--at the hundredth Meridian, 
 branches being contemplated to connect it with the Missouri River. In 
 1866 Congress authorized commencement at Omaha without reference to 
 this fact,--the line to extend from Omaha to a connection with the 
 Central Pacific Railroad. 
   
 The question of the gauge or width of track was another matter that 
 occupied the attention of Congress. The question had by the Charter 
 been left to the President. There was a divergence of opinions as to 
 the best gauge for railroad tracks. At this time the Erie, and Ohio 
 and Mississippi Railroads used a six foot gauge. The California 
 legislature had fixed five foot as the gauge in that state, while the 
 principal eastern roads including the Baltimore and Ohio, New York 
 Central as well as the Chicago and Iowa lines, were what is known as 
 standard gauge (i. e. four feet, eight and a half inches.) A committee 
 of Parliament had settled on five feet, three inches as the gauge in 
 England. President Lincoln had announced himself as in favor of five 
 foot and the Central Pacific people had ordered their equipment of 
 that width. The influence of the Chicago-Iowa lines as well as that of 
 the Union Pacific people, was thrown in favor of the so called 
 standard gauge, and on March 2nd, 1863, Congress passed what is one of 
 the shortest laws on the Statute Books, namely, 
   
      "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
      the United States in Congress assembled, that the gauge of 
      the Pacific Railroad and its branches through its whole 
      extent from the Pacific Coast to the Missouri River, shall 
      be and hereby is established at four feet, eight and 
      one-half inches." 
   
 In 1869 about the time the Credit Mobilier Company was about to turn 
 the finished road over, disgruntled stock and bondholders under the 
 leadership of "Jim Fisk" endeavored to wrest possession from the Union 
 Pacific Railway Company. Certain stock was recorded in his name and 
 although paid for with a check that was refused by the bank on which 
 it was drawn, Fisk went into court and secured an injunction 
 preventing the board of directors acting until his relations with the 
 Company had been adjudicated by the Courts. Under cover of these legal 
 proceedings in the state courts, the New York Offices were forcibly 
 entered, the books and securities of the Company removed and a feeling 
 of insecurity and uncertainty aroused that caused a serious 
 depreciation in the value of the securities they were endeavoring to 
 market. W. M. Tweede being appointed receiver by the State Courts of 
 such property of the Company as was to be found within its 
 jurisdiction. It is said the trouble cost the Company some six or 
 seven million dollars. Appealing to Congress, they were granted 
 authority to remove its eastern offices from New York City to Boston. 
 The next appearance in Congress was made necessary by a dispute with 
 the Central Pacific Company over the point of connection. The Union 
 Pacific Company claimed their grade extended to Humboldt Wells, five 
 hundred miles west of Ogden, while the Central Pacific in reprisal 
 claimed the line to the western end of Weber Canon some thirty miles 
 east of Ogden. The facts were the two completed lines met at 
 Promontory Point fifty-three miles west of Ogden, April 28th, 1869. By 
 act of Congress, it was decided that the Union Pacific Railroad 
 Company should build the line to Promontory where the two roads should 
 connect but that the Central Pacific Railroad Company should pay for 
 and own the line west of Ogden. This was "settled out of Court" and 
 the action of Congress simply ratified an agreement made by the two 
 Companies. 
   
 The above covers the more important matters so far as the action of 
 Congress was concerned. Many other minor matters received attention at 
 their hands--both before and since the completion of the road. As is 
 stated in the opening paragraph of this chapter, the Pacific Railroads 
 have been ever present in Congress. The more important questions being 
 referred to in their order later. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER III (Mostly Financial) 
   
 Preliminary Organization--Board of Commissioners--Company 
 Organized--Directors and Officers Elected--Hoxie Contract--Credit 
 Mobilier--Ames' Interest--Compromise Contract--Davis Contract--Cost of 
 Line--Land Grant. 
   
   
 When the Pacific Railroad Bill passed Congress and received the 
 President's signature in 1862, there was a well organized company to 
 take hold of the western or California end. The Union Pacific or 
 eastern end was not in such good shape. Thomas C. Durant, who was 
 afterwards Vice President of the Company had with a few associates 
 taken a prominent part in the matter but no regular organization 
 existed. 
   
 Under the Charter there were one hundred and fifty-eight persons 
 named, who, together with five to be appointed by the Secretary of the 
 Interior were to constitute a "Board of Commissioners" to effect a 
 preliminary organization, open books for the subscription of stock and 
 to call a meeting of the stockholders to elect a board of directors as 
 soon as two thousand shares had been subscribed and ten dollars per 
 share paid in. 
   
 When the board of directors had been elected, the property or rather 
 the proposition was to be turned over to them and the duties of the 
 Board of Commissioners should cease and terminate. 
   
 The Company thus organized, should follow established precedents, 
 stockholders should hold annual meetings, elect a board of directors, 
 and adopt bylaws and rules for the conduct of its affairs. The 
 directors thus elected to be not less than thirteen in number, two to 
 be added to their number by appointment of the President of the United 
 States. The Board of Directors to elect the officers of the company 
 and exercise supervision. 
   
 The Board of Commissioners met in Chicago in September, 1862, and 
 organized, electing W. B. Ogden, President and H. V. Poor, Secretary, 
 as called for in the charter, and subscription books were duly opened. 
 There was no disposition on the part of moneyed men to subscribe for 
 the stock and it was only owing to a few public-spirited men coming in 
 and taking the two thousand shares that the Charter did not lapse. 
 When the necessary stock had been subscribed, a meeting of the 
 stockholders was held in New York City, in October, 1863, at which a 
 Board of Directors were to be elected,--a strange situation confronted 
 them, there being no man or set of men who were able to assume 
 control, although there were no lack of cliques who were desirous of 
 doing so, but these were largely irresponsible parties either lacking 
 in the necessary capital or not command the confidence of those who 
 did have it. 
   
 Something had to be done, and accordingly thirty men of more or less 
 prominence were elected to the position of directors, some of them 
 without their knowledge and some declined to serve. The Company was 
 accordingly organized October 30th, 1863. General John A. Dix, who was 
 elected President, had been a member of the Cabinet and later a 
 general in the United States Army, was a man who was universally 
 respected. The position was not of his seeking, and he gave notice he 
 had neither the time nor inclination to give active attention to its 
 affairs and the burden was practically assumed by the Vice-President 
 Elect, Thomas C. Durant. But two hundred and eighteen thousand dollars 
 the ten dollars per share called for by the Charter on two thousand 
 one hundred and eighty shares had been paid in and further funds were 
 not obtainable. Agitation was kept up and due representation made to 
 Congress, resulting in an amendment to the Charter being passed. After 
 the passage of the Supplementary Act in 1864 made necessary by the 
 failure to secure funds, it was still regarded as an unpromising 
 investment for the reason that investors could not feel any assurance 
 that they or their friends would have any voice in the management of 
 affairs or control of the Company. The capital of the Company was 
 fixed by the supplementary act at one hundred million dollars, (one 
 million shares at one hundred dollars each), consequently any interest 
 holding over fifty millions of the stock would be paramount and vice 
 versa. Until it was determined who would be in control, investors 
 fought shy. Under the Charter the subscription books must remain open 
 until the completion of the road, making it possible for outsiders to 
 wait until the road was near completion and then step in and by large 
 subscriptions acquire control. 
   
 As there were some funds available, a contract was entered into in 
 May, 1864, with H. M. Hoxie, to build the first hundred miles. This 
 contract was extended to cover from Omaha to the hundredth Meridian, 
 two hundred and forty-seven miles, on October 3rd, 1864, and on the 
 7th of the same month assigned to a company (simple partnership) 
 composed of Vice-President Durant and six others, all stockholders of 
 the Railroad Company. The capital of this partnership consisted of 
 four hundred thousand dollars (but a small percentage of the amount 
 necessary to carry out the Hoxie contract). The members of the firm 
 were unable or else unwilling, owing to the immense personal liability 
 involved, to put up further funds and some other action was necessary. 
   
 Durant and his friends accordingly purchased the Charter of a 
 Pennsylvania Corporation of limited liability and elastic powers, 
 known as the "Pennsylvania Fiscal Agency" changed its name by 
 legislative enactment to the Credit Mobilier of America. Subscribers 
 of the two million one hundred and eighty thousand dollars of Union 
 Pacific Stock were given the option of either exchanging Union Pacific 
 stock for that of the Credit Mobilier, sell their Union Pacific stock 
 to the Credit Mobilier, or turn it back to the Union Pacific Railroad 
 Company and have it redeemed. By this the stockholders of the Credit 
 Mobilier became the sole holders of the Union Pacific stock. 
   
 The Hoxie contract was reassigned to the Credit Mobilier who duly 
 completed the work, finishing the line to the point specified October 
 5th, 1866. Owing to their inability to raise funds, it seemed as 
 though the two companies, Union Pacific and Credit Mobilier, would 
 fall down. There was no sale for the First Mortgage bonds of the 
 railroad, the Government bonds were but little better, being worth but 
 sixty-five cents on the dollar. Durant and his friends were not men of 
 wealth nor did they command the confidence of wealthy men. The Company 
 had become greatly involved and was compelled to sell some of its 
 rolling stock to pay pressing debts. It was at this junction that 
 Oakes Ames entered the field, being persuaded, it is said, to do so by 
 President Lincoln who desired to enlist his well-known executive 
 ability and capital in the enterprise. Through the efforts of himself 
 and associates the paid up subscriptions were increased to two and a 
 half million dollars. 
   
 The original or first contract made with Hoxie for a hundred miles had 
 been extended to cover up to the hundredth Meridian, and the line to 
 that point, two hundred and forty-seven miles from Omaha, was 
 completed October 5th, 1866. 
   
 The second contract made was with a Mr. Boomer for one hundred and 
 fifty-three and thirty-five hundredths miles from the hundredth 
 Meridian west, at the rate of nineteen thousand five hundred dollars 
 per mile for that part of the distance East of the North Platte River 
 and twenty thousand dollars per mile west thereof. Bridges, station 
 buildings, and equipment to be additional. This contract was also 
 assigned to the Credit Mobilier. On this, fifty-eight miles were 
 completed when dissensions arose, occasioned by financial stringency 
 among the stockholders of the Credit Mobilier. Vice-President Durant 
 going into court, compelled suspension of action on the third 
 contract, made March 1st, 1867, with one J. M. Williams who had 
 assigned it to the Credit Mobilier. This covered two hundred and 
 sixty-six and fifty-two hundredths miles, commencing at the hundredth 
 Meridian at the rate of fifty thousand dollars per mile. For a time 
 matters were at a standstill, injunctions preventing the completion of 
 present or the making of new contracts. 
   
 Finally a compromise was affected between the two factions, Durant and 
 his friends on the one side, and the Ames interests on the other. 
   
 Under this, a fourth contract was made with Oakes Ames for which he 
 was to receive from forty-two thousand to ninety-six thousand dollars 
 per mile or forty-seven million nine hundred and fifteen thousand 
 dollars for six hundred and sixty-seven miles, commencing at the 
 hundredth Meridian. This it is supposed is the largest contract ever 
 made by one individual. It was later transferred by Oakes Ames to 
 seven trustees acting for the Credit Mobilier, he and his brother 
 Oliver Ames being among the number. This last contract carried the 
 line to nine hundred and fourteen miles from Omaha. 
   
 The fifth contract was made with J. W. Davis for one hundred and 
 twenty-two miles at twenty-three million four hundred thousand 
 dollars, and was in turn assigned to the same seven trustees for 
 completion. In adjustment of accounts the Union Pacific Railroad 
 Company would turn over to the Credit Mobilier or the Trustees for the 
 Credit Mobilier in payment for the work as fast as it was completed 
 First Mortgage (Union Pacific Railroad) Bonds, Government Bonds, Union 
 Pacific Railroad Income Bonds and Union Pacific Railroad Stock, these 
 being sold or hypothecated by the trustees, furnished them the 
 necessary funds required to pay for the construction work. 
   
 As the Union Pacific Stock could only be sold for cash at par 
 according to act of Congress, notwithstanding it was only worth thirty 
 cents on the market, the Railroad Company would give their check to 
 the Credit Mobilier on construction account and this check could then 
 be used in payment of stock, making it a cash transaction. 
   
 In settlement of the several contracts, the Union Pacific Railroad 
 Company paid the Credit Mobilier: 
   
   Hoxie Contract                    Miles 
     Omaha to 100th Meridian           247  $12,974,416.24 
   Ames Contract 
     100th Meridian West               667   57,140,102.94 
   Davis Contract 
     To point five miles west of Ogden 125   23,431,768.10 
                                            ______________ 
                                      1039  $93,546,287.28 
   
 These figures represent stocks and bonds at par and deducting amount 
 of depreciation, would bring the actual cost of the Main Line Omaha to 
 Ogden to about seventy-three million dollars. 
   
 There were issued in payment for this construction, equipment, station 
 building, and the expense of the Company during the construction 
 period. 
   
   Government Bonds       $ 27,236,512.00 
   First Mortgage Bonds     27,213,000.00 
   Income Bonds              9,355,000.00 
   Land Grant Bonds          9,224,000.00 
   Union Pacific Stock      36,000,000.00 
                          _______________ 
                          $109,028,512.00 
   
 There were granted to the Union Pacific Railroad Company under its 
 Charter land grants of eleven million three hundred and nine thousand 
 eight hundred and forty-four acres. Up to December 31st, 1866, sales 
 of this land had brought in nineteen million ninety thousand six 
 hundred and seventy-two dollars and forty-two cents and unsold land 
 was then valued at two million three hundred and ninety five thousand 
 five hundred and seven dollars. 
   
 During the palmy days of the Credit Mobilier following the adjustment 
 of the differences with the Durant faction, thousands of dollars were 
 spent in advertising and placing the stock. Display advertisements 
 were inserted in all the prominent newspapers and paid agents located 
 in all the important cities. The result demonstrated the wisdom of the 
 expenses, as not only were large quantities of its stock sold but the 
 prices obtained for it were greatly advanced. 
   
 No sooner was the completion of the road assured than did antagonism 
 and hostility appear. For instance in 1867 a government inspector 
 appointed for the purpose of examining and accepting completed 
 sections of the road, refused to do so, until he received "his fee" 
 (?) which he put at twenty-five thousand dollars, he being in no way 
 entitled to anything from the Company. By his refusal he tied up the 
 issue of the Government bonds, seriously affecting the credit of the 
 Company at a critical time. 
   
 In Washington the lobbyists were demanding blackmail with threats of 
 organized hostility. Speculators in Well Street were a unit in bearing 
 the stock and in attacking the credit of the Company. 
   
 The stock of the Credit Mobilier up to the assignment by Ames to the 
 seven trustees, had not met with anything like a ready sale. For 
 reasons of policy, some of this was assigned to members of Congress, 
 Senators, and other public men. Some being paid for, others had it 
 carried on their account. After the crisis had passed, the value of 
 the stock rapidly appreciated and in the forthcoming political 
 campaign the subornation of Congress in the interest of the Credit 
 Mobilier by the use of this stock was made an issue and occasioned a 
 great outcry. The accusation was thoroughly investigated by two 
 committees during the next session and it was clearly proven to have 
 been unfounded, so far as members of Congress having received the 
 stock as bribes, it being demonstrated that the Company had no further 
 favors to ask from Congress and that the members receiving it had paid 
 the market value therefor. Notwithstanding, Oakes Ames was called to 
 the bar of the House and severely censured for having sold it to them. 
 The facts were, popular clamor demanded a scapegoat and Ames was 
 selected. This, and the anxiety and strain of the load he had been 
 carrying proved too much for him and he died May 8th, 1873. After his 
 death the voice of calumny silenced, his work and character received 
 the recognition it so well deserved. 
   
 The cost of material used in the construction of the road was 
 enormous, thus the ties brought from the East ran as high as two 
 dollars and fifty cents laid down in Omaha. The rails for the first 
 four hundred and forty miles one hundred and thirty-five dollars per 
 ton. This was before railroad connection was established between 
 Council Bluffs and the East. After that the price got down to 
 ninety-seven dollars and fifty cents per ton. 
   
 The pay of laborers ran from two dollars and twenty-five cents to 
 three dollars and fifty cents per day. Train men two hundred dollars 
 per month for conductors, one hundred and twenty-five dollars for 
 brakemen, two hundred dollars to two hundred and fifty dollars for 
 engineers, and one hundred and fifty dollars to one hundred and 
 seventy-five dollars for firemen. Telegraph operators eighty dollars 
 to a hundred dollars. 
   
 At times the Company (Credit Mobilier) was paying as high as five 
 hundred thousand dollars per month interest. And in fact it was 
 claimed by several of the directors that the paramount reason for the 
 haste displayed in building the road was not so much the competition 
 with the Central Pacific as it was to get rid of the enormous interest 
 charges they were paying and which they would cut off upon the road 
 being accepted by the Government and the consequent receipt of 
 Government Bonds. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER IV (Commencement of the work) 
   
 Selection of Omaha as Eastern Terminus--Celebration Over Breaking 
 Ground--Speech, George Francis Train--Commencement of Work--Conditions 
 October, 1864--Routes Considered. 
   
   
 The first move towards the construction of the road was the selection 
 of an eastern terminus which by the Charter was left to the President 
 of the United States. This was fixed by President Lincoln on December 
 2nd, 1863, the official announcement being as follows: "I, Abraham 
 Lincoln, President of the United States, do upon application of said 
 Company (The Union Pacific Railroad) designate and establish such 
 first above named point on the western boundary of the state of Iowa 
 east of and opposite to the east line of Section Ten in Township 
 fifteen, north of range thirteen, east of the sixth principal Meridian 
 in the territory of Nebraska." 
   
 "Done at the city of Washington this 7th day of March in the year of 
 our Lord 1864. 
   
                                         Abraham Lincoln." 
   
 Immediately upon receipt of advice as to the President's action on 
 December 2nd, 1863, the citizens of Omaha regardless of their 
 connection with the road arranged to break ground for the Union 
 Pacific Railroad and to properly celebrate the commencement of the 
 work and especially the selection of their city as the eastern 
 terminus, which was accordingly done. The spot selected for the 
 initial point was near the Ferry Landing and not far above where the 
 Union Pacific shops are now located. This particular spot with the 
 first mile of track constructed, was long ago swept away by the 
 Missouri River. 
   
 The ceremonies were commenced by asking the Divine Blessing on the 
 enterprise in a prayer by the Rev. T. B. Lemon, Pastor of the First 
 Methodist Church in Omaha. The Reverend Gentleman petitioned that the 
 road make one the people of the East and West. That it would result in 
 peopling the waste places of the West; that it might lend security to 
 those on the frontier, and other similar requests, all of which have 
 been fulfilled to a degree that is past being coincidental. The first 
 earth was then removed by Governor Saunders of Nebraska Territory, 
 Mayor Kennedy of Omaha, George Francis Train and others assisting. 
 Congratulatory messages were received from different parts of the 
 country. Speeches were made by A. J. Poppleton and others, the day 
 being wound up by a banquet in the evening. The speech of the day was 
 delivered by George Francis Train, then in his heyday, which is so 
 characteristic of the man and of the ideas then prevalent relative to 
 the road and the results of its construction as to warrant the 
 following somewhat lengthy extracts: 
   
 "I have no telegrams to read, no sentiments to recite. The official 
 business being over and as I happen to be lying around loose in this 
 part of the country at this particular time, it gives me a chance to 
 meet some of the live men of Nebraska at the inauguration of the 
 grandest enterprise under God the world had ever witnessed. 
   
 "America is the stage, the world the audience of today, while one act 
 of the drama represents the booming of cannon on the Rapidan, the 
 Cumberland and the Rio Grande, sounding the death knell of rebellion, 
 the next scene has the booming of cannon on both sides the Missouri to 
 celebrate the grandest work of peace that ever engaged the energies of 
 man. The great Pacific Railroad is commenced and if you know the men 
 who have hold of the enterprise as well as I do, no doubt would arise 
 as to its speedy completion. 
   
 "Four thousand years ago the Pyramids were started, but they simply 
 represented the vanity of man. The Chinese wall was grand in 
 conception, but built to break the tide of invasion. The Suez Canal 
 was gigantic, but how limited all those things appear in comparison to 
 this enterprise. 
   
 "Before the first century of our nation's birth we may see in the New 
 York Depots, some strange Pacific Railroad notices such as, 
   
      'European passengers for Japan will please take the night 
      train. Passengers for China this way. African and Asiatic 
      freight must be distinctly marked For Pekin via San 
      Francisco.' 
   
 "Ere ten years go by I intend to let the European traveller get a new 
 sensation by standing on the ridge pole of the American Nation and 
 sliding off into the sea. 
   
 "One day a dispatch will come in--we have tapped a mountain of copper, 
 nineteen miles square, later on--we have just opened up another field 
 of coal--or--we have struck another iron mountain this morning--when 
 Eureka--a telegram electrifies the speculators in Wall Streets and 
 gold drops below par--at ten this morning we struck a pick into a 
 mountain of solid gold. 
   
 "The Pacific Railroad is the nation, and the nation is the Pacific 
 Railroad. Labor and capital shake hands today. The lion and the lamb 
 sleep together. Here in the West are the representatives of labor and 
 in the East are those of capital. The two united make the era of 
 progress. Steam, Gas, and Electricity are the liberty, fraternity, and 
 equality of the people. The world is on the rampage. Events are 
 earthquakes now. 
   
 "Ten millions of emigrants will settle in this golden land in twenty 
 years." 
   
 Early in 1864 work was begun on the first hundred miles. The actual 
 work being commenced within the corporate limits of Omaha in February. 
 About one hundred thousand dollars was spent in grading a due westerly 
 route out of Omaha. This was abandoned on account of it being so 
 hilly, and a route south and thence west was adopted. The ties for 
 this section were cottonwood from the Missouri River bottom lands, 
 treated with a view of making them last. It was found that the 
 treatment was not effective and for the balance of the road, hard wood 
 ties from Michigan, Indiana, and even as far east as Pennsylvania were 
 used, some of them costing as much as two dollars and fifty cents laid 
 down in Omaha. 
   
 At this time there was no railroad completed into Omaha from the East. 
 The Chicago and Northwestern being the first to reach there, and its 
 first train ran into Council Bluffs on Sunday, January 17th, 1867. 
 Consequently all supplies, other than those coming to them via the 
 Missouri River, had to be wagoned from Des Moines, Iowa, one hundred 
 and thirty-three miles. 
   
 On the Missouri River the Company had in service six large steamboats 
 carrying supplies and material for construction from Kansas City where 
 there was railroad connection with the East by way of the Hannibal and 
 St. Joseph Railroad and the Missouri Pacific Railroad. 
   
 Everything had to be brought in, the country being destitute of even 
 stone and lumber, involving great expense and delays. While the level 
 country enabled rapid progress to be made in grading, it was almost 
 impossible to bring forward the requisite material to keep up with the 
 graders and track-layers. 
   
 The contract for the first hundred miles had been let May, 1864, to 
 Hubert M. Hoxie. By its terms he was to receive securities to the face 
 value of $50,000 per mile. Sidings were to be not less than 6 per 
 cent. of the main line. Station buildings, water-tanks and equipment 
 was to be furnished by him to the value of five thousand dollars per 
 mile. Hoxie before this had been in the employ of the Company in 
 charge of the Ferry between Omaha and Council Bluffs. In March 1865, 
 his contract was transferred to the Credit Mobilier Company, which as 
 has been previously stated, was organized by the promoters and 
 insiders of the Railroad Company to do the actual construction. 
 Several experiences with individual contractors had demonstrated that 
 they could not be relied upon, in fact that it required more in the 
 way of capital-influence, and omnipresence than any individual could 
 exert, consequently all original contracts for the construction and 
 equipping of the line were handled by the Credit Mobilier who 
 subcontracted it with firms and individuals, they by their close 
 relations with the Company and financial interests as well as by their 
 wide ramifications, being able to purchase materials and supplies to 
 better advantage. 
   
 Everything was still held at war prices, iron, ties, lumber, 
 provisions, etc., while currency and the Government bonds on which 
 they were relying, were greatly depreciated in value. Labor was scarce 
 and only to be had at extravagant figures. 
   
 In the report of one of the Government inspectors, made in 1864, when 
 the grading had progressed some twenty miles out of Omaha, he stated: 
 "There are now some two hundred men employed on the work and a like 
 number of horses and oxen, together with two excavating machines that 
 are doing the work of many men. It is confidently expected that this 
 Section (the first forty miles) will be ready to be laid with rails by 
 June 1st, next." This he regarded as very commendable but as compared 
 with four years later, when there were nearly twelve thousand men 
 engaged and track was going down from two to ten miles a day, it seems 
 anything else but satisfactory. 
   
 A great amount of the preliminary work in the way of reconnoissance, 
 surveying, and even locating was done under Governmental auspices 
 previous to 1860, most of it by officers of the army. All of their 
 reports and surveys were by action of Congress given to the Railroad 
 Company, thus saving them greatly in time as well as in money. In 
 addition to the Government surveys the Company investigated and did 
 more or less surveying before deciding upon the route to be followed 
 through the Rockies. 
   
 In the report of the Government directors for 1866 they refer to the 
 following eight routes as having been investigated during the 
 preceding year by the Company, viz.: 
   
   1st Via South Platte River and Hoosier Pass. 
   2nd Via Platte River and Tarryall Pass. 
   3rd Via North Fork of South Platte River. 
   4th Via Berthoud Pass. 
   5th Via Boulder Pass. 
   6th Via Cash le Poudre-Dale Creek and Antelope Pass. 
   7th Via Evans Pass. 
   8th Via Lodge Pole Creek, Cow Creek, and Evans Pass. 
   9th Via Lodge Pole Creek and Cheyenne Pass. 
   10th Via Lodge Pole Creek and South Pass. 
   
 The first seven of these routes included Denver en route. Something 
 that the Company considered essential and which was very reluctantly 
 abandoned. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER V (Progress Made) 
   
 Completion of Eleven Miles--Excursion--Officers--Labor 
 Supply--Ex-Soldiers--Methods Employed--Progress Made--Headquarter 
 Towns--Rough Times--Competition With Central Pacific for 
 Territory--Stations--Buildings, Etc. 
   
   
 As we saw in our last chapter, ground was broken at Omaha, December 
 2nd, 1863. This, however, was more in the nature of a jollification on 
 the part of the citizens of Omaha over the selection of their city as 
 the eastern terminus of the line,--it being under the auspices of "the 
 leading citizens," organized and enthused by the irrepressible George 
 Francis Train. 
   
 Grading was commenced in July, 1864, and track-laying the spring of 
 The start was not auspicious, the line was originally located 
 
 directly west from Omaha, but after one hundred thousand dollars had 
 been spent, it was abandoned on account of the hills and consequent 
 heavy grades, and two new lines were surveyed, one to the north and 
 then west and the other south nearly to Bellevue, Kan., and then west. 
 This latter was called the "Ox-bow Route" and was finally selected by 
 the Company, notwithstanding violent opposition on the part of the 
 people of Omaha, who feared that the Company would cross the Missouri 
 at Bellevue, thus leaving Omaha out. 
   
 September 25th, 1865, saw eleven miles finished, and in November an 
 excursion was run from Omaha to the end of the track, fifteen miles. 
 This was gotten up by Vice-President Durant, who took an engine and 
 flat car, inviting about twenty gentlemen to go with him on the first 
 inspection trip to Sailing's Grove. Among the excursionists was 
 General Sherman who gloried in the undertaking and expressed regret 
 that at his age he could hardly anticipate living until the completion 
 of the work. The party was very enthusiastic, and as the narrator 
 naively puts it "as the commissary was well supplied, the gentlemen 
 enjoyed themselves." 
   
 For a number of reasons the work dragged. It took one year to complete 
 the first forty miles. The lack of rail connections east of Omaha 
 were, previous to January, 1867, when the Chicago and Northwestern 
 Railroad reached Council Bluffs, a very serious occasion of expense 
 and delay. The work was new, those in charge were not at that time 
 experienced, funds were scarce, and the credit of the Company not yet 
 established, and as a result the average rate of progress during the 
 first twelve months was but a mile a week. 
   
 The work of construction was in charge of Vice-President and General 
 Manager, Thomas C. Durant.--The location, General Granville M. Dodge, 
 Chief Engineer, formerly General of the United States Army and who had 
 up to this time been in charge of the department. The operation of the 
 line, forwarding of material and supplies, actual construction, etc., 
 was in charge of Samuel B. Reed, General Superintendent and Engineer 
 in charge of Construction. The track laying was done under contract by 
 "Casement Brothers" (General and Daniel) while Mr. H. M. Hoxie was 
 ubiquitous with the title of General Western Agent. Colonel Silas 
 Seymour of New York was Consulting Engineer and Mr. W. Snyder, 
 Assistant Superintendent and General Freight and Ticket Agent. 
   
 Another of the reasons for the slow progress made up to 1865 was the 
 scarcity of labor. The surrounding territory had no surplus workmen 
 and the East had not as yet grasped the idea that the road was 
 actually under construction. With the disbandment of the armies, both 
 North and South after the war, this situation was changed for the 
 better. Large numbers of the ex-soldiers drifted West and were glad to 
 find steady work at remunerative wages with the construction forces. 
   
 The Secretary of the Interior in his annual report for 1866 stated 
 that out of fifteen hundred laborers employed on the Pacific Railways, 
 three hundred were negroes and performed their duties faithfully and 
 well, and he recommended legislation looking to the employment of more 
 of the surplus freedmen on the same work. Among the officials,--engineers 
 and bosses,--there were many who were ex-officers in the army. Thus 
 the Chief Engineer had been a General, the Consulting Engineer, a 
 Colonel, the head of the track-laying force, a General. This can best 
 be explained by quoting from a paper on trans-continental railroads 
 read by General Dodge, before the Society of the Army of the Tennessee 
 at Toledo, Ohio, September, 1888. 
   
 "The work was military in character and one is not surprised to find 
 among the superintendents and others in charge, a liberal sprinkling 
 of military titles. Surveying parties were always accompanied by a 
 detachment of soldiers as a protection against Indians. The 
 construction trains were amply supplied with rifles and other arms and 
 it was boasted that a gang of track-layers could be transmuted into a 
 battalion of infantry at any moment. Over half of the men had 
 shouldered muskets in many a battle." 
   
 The same facts are brought out by the following extract from a 
 newspaper of that day. 
   
 "The whole organization of the road is semi-military. The men who go 
 ahead (surveyors and locators) are the advance guard, following them 
 is the second line (the graders) cutting through the gorges, grading 
 the road and building the bridges. Then comes the main body of the 
 army, placing the ties, laying the track, spiking down the rails, 
 perfecting the alignment, ballasting and dressing up and completing 
 the road for immediate use. Along the line of the completed road are 
 construction trains pushing 'to the front' with supplies. The advance 
 limit of the rails is occupied by a train of long box-cars with bunks 
 built within them, in which the men sleep at night and take their 
 meals. Close behind this train come train loads of ties, rails, 
 spikes, etc., which are thrown off to the side. A light car drawn by a 
 single horse gallops up, is loaded with this material and then is off 
 again to the front. Two men grasp the forward end of the rail and 
 start ahead with it, the rest of the gang taking hold two by two, 
 until it is clear of the car. At the word of command it is dropped 
 into place, right side up, during which a similar operation has been 
 going on with the rail for the other side,--thirty seconds to the rail 
 for each gang, four rails to the minute. As soon as a car is unloaded, 
 it is tipped over to permit another to pass it to the front and then 
 it is righted again and hustled back for another load. 
   
 "Close behind the track-layers comes the gaugers, then the spikers and 
 bolters. Three strokes to the spike, ten spikes to the rail, four 
 hundred rails to the mile. Quick work you say,--but the fellows on the 
 Union Pacific are tremendously in earnest." 
   
 Or as another writer has it, "We witnessed here the fabulous speed 
 with which the line was built. Through the two or three hundred miles 
 beyond were scattered ten to fifteen thousand men (?) in great gangs 
 preparing the road-bed with plows, scrapers, shovels, picks, and 
 carts, and among the rocks, with drills and powder were doing the 
 grading as rapidly as men could stand and move with their tools. Long 
 trains brought up to the end of the track, loads of ties and rails the 
 former were transferred to teams and sent one or two miles ahead and 
 put in place on the grade, then spikes and rails were reloaded on 
 platform cars and pushed up to the last previously laid rail and with 
 an automatic movement and celerity that was wonderful, practiced hands 
 dropped the fresh rails one after another on the ties exactly in line. 
 Hugh sledges sent the spikes home,--the car rolled on and the 
 operation was repeated; while every few minutes the long heavy train 
 behind sent out a puff of smoke from its locomotive and caught up with 
 its load of material the advancing work. The only limit to the 
 rapidity with which the track could thus be laid was the power of the 
 road behind to bring forward material." 
   
 The above description applies to the later period of construction, 
 when the forces had become thoroughly organized and the work 
 systematized. The following table shows the rate of construction: 
   
   Ground broken at Omaha                       December 2nd, 1863. 
   Work commenced at Omaha                      Spring, 1864. 
     11 Miles completed to Gilmore              September 25th, 1865. 
     40 Miles completed to Valley               December 31st, 1865. 
     47 Miles completed to Fremont              January 24th, 1866. 
     50 Miles completed                         March 13th, 1866. 
    100 Miles completed                         June 2nd, 1866. 
    247 Miles completed to the 100th Meridian   October 5th, 1866. 
    305 Miles completed                         December 31st, 1866. 
    414 Miles completed to Sidney, Wyo.         August, 1867. 
    516 Miles completed to Cheyenne, Wyo.       November 13th, 1867. 
    573 Miles completed to Laramie, Wyo.        May 9th, 1868. 
    745 Miles completed                         December 31st, 1868. 
   1033 Miles completed to Ogden, Utah          March 8th, 1869. 
   1086 Miles completed: 
         To Promontory, Utah                    April 28th, 1869. 
         Formal connection made                 May 10, 1869. 
         Regular train service commenced        July 15th, 1869. 
   Completed according to Judicial decision     November 6th, 1869. 
   
 The progress made was daily wired East and published in the principal 
 newspapers. Thus in the "Chicago Tribune" items such as "One and 
 nine-tenth miles of track laid yesterday on the Union Pacific 
 Railroad" appeared in every issue. 
   
 During the construction of the line, headquarters were established at 
 different points at the front, which were used as a basis of 
 operations for the construction of the section beyond. These places 
 enjoyed a temporary boom, some of them like Jonah's Gourd to wither up 
 and die away, others profiting by the start are today points of 
 importance. The first of these was North Platte, Nebraska, its 
 selection being caused by the delay incident to bridging the river. 
 This was the terminus of the road during the fall of 1866 and up to 
 June 1867. During this time it was the distributing point for all the 
 country west. The mixture of railroad laborers, freighters, etc., all 
 of them with more or less money, inaugurated a rough time and was the 
 beginning of the wild scenes that attended the construction of the 
 line. The town during the winter had a population of five thousand and 
 over a thousand buildings. With the completion of the line to Sidney, 
 Wyo., in June, 1867, the rough element left and established themselves 
 at that point, leaving at North Platte about three hundred of the more 
 sedentary law-abiding class who had determined on that point for their 
 home. In moving to the front, houses were torn down, loaded on cars to 
 be taken to the new site and there re-erected. 
   
 When it was known that Cheyenne was to be the terminus for the winter 
 of 1867-1868, there was a grand hegira of roughs, gamblers, 
 prostitutes from all along the line and from the East. The population 
 jumped to six thousand. Dwellings sprang up like mushrooms. They were 
 of every conceivable character. Some simply holes in the ground roofed 
 over, known as "dug outs," others of canvas, while some few were of 
 wood and stone. Town lots were sold at fabulous prices. The only 
 pastimes were gambling and drinking. Shooting scrapes with "a man for 
 breakfast" were an every day occurrence, and stealing so common as to 
 occasion no comment. It is said of old Colonel Murrian, the then Mayor 
 of Cheyenne, that he advanced the City's script eighteen cents on the 
 dollar, by inflicting a fine of ten dollars on those who "made a gun 
 play" i. e. shot at any one,--and that it was his custom to add a 
 quarter to the fines he inflicted, making them ten dollars and 
 twenty-five cents or twenty-five dollars and twenty-five cents, with 
 the explanation that his was dry work and the extra quarter was to 
 cover the stimulant his arduous duties required. 
   
 Such conditions brought about an uprising on the part of the more 
 respectable element. Vigilance committees with "Judge Lynch" in 
 command, took hold and from his Court there was neither appeal, nor 
 stays. Witnesses were not held to be essential. The toughs were known 
 and the judgments of the Court generally right. At least the 
 defendants were not left in a condition to make complaint or appeal. 
 The Vigilance Committee during the first year of its existence hung 
 or shot twelve of the desperadoes, and were instrumental in sending as 
 many more to the Penitentiary. The effect was to compel the tough 
 element to either leave or abide by the laws and to put the decent 
 element in control. 
   
 The next headquarters was Benton, Wyo. In two weeks (July 1868) a city 
 of three thousand inhabitants sprang up as if by the touch of 
 Aladdin's Lamp. It was laid out in regular squares, divided into five 
 wards, had a Mayor and Board of Aldermen, a Daily Paper and volume of 
 ordinances for the City Government. It was the end of the freight and 
 passenger service and the beginning of the division under 
 construction. Twice a day, long trains arrived from and departed for 
 the East, while stages and wagon trains connected it with points in 
 Idaho, Montana, and Utah. All the passengers and goods for the West, 
 came here by rail and were re-shipped to their several destinations. 
   
 Twenty-three saloons paid license to the city, while dance halls and 
 gambling dens were even more numerous. The great institution was the 
 "Big Tent." This was a frame structure, one hundred feet long and 
 forty feet wide, floored for dancing, to which and gambling it was 
 entirely devoted. A visitor to the city thus described it: "One to two 
 thousand men and a dozen or more women were encamped on the alkali 
 plain in tents and shanties." Only a small proportion of them had 
 aught to do with the road or any legitimate occupation. Restaurant and 
 saloon keepers, gamblers, desperadoes of every grade, the vilest of 
 men and women made up this "Hell on Wheels" as it was most aptly 
 termed. Six months later, all that was left to mark the site was a few 
 rock piles and half destroyed chimneys together with piles of old 
 cans. The city after a tumultuous existence of only sixty days had 
 "got up and pulled its freight" to the next headquarters. 
   
 Green River, Bryan, Bear River City, and Wasatch were the headquarters 
 successively. The first, owing to the railroad having made it the end 
 of a division and located shops there, has survived; the other three 
 are but memories. 
   
 At Bear River City, the tough element who had been driven out of the 
 different points East, congregated in large numbers, proposing to make 
 a stand, it being supposed it would become a permanent town. The law 
 abiding element numbered about a thousand, the toughs as many more. 
 Three thugs were hung for murder, and in a reprisal the town was 
 attacked on November 19th, 1868, by the tough element. They seized and 
 burned the jail, then sacked and destroyed the plant of the "Frontier 
 Index," a printing outfit that followed up the railroad, issuing a 
 Daily Paper, and which had been particularly outspoken in its 
 denunciation of the lawless element. They then proceeded to attack 
 some of the stores, but were met by the townspeople and in the 
 pitched battle that ensued, badly defeated. They made an undignified 
 retreat, leaving fifteen of their number dead in the streets. From 
 this time on the tough element fought shy of the city and with the 
 extension of the road, its business left. Today there is not a thing 
 to indicate that a town of four or five thousand had ever stood there. 
   
 The tough element started in to make Rawlins one of the "Hells" but 
 the decent element had had enough and proceeded to clean up the 
 town--showing they proposed to stand no foolishness. 
   
 The last of the railroad towns was Wasatch located at the eastern end 
 of the longest tunnel (770 feet) on the road. In fact it was the delay 
 occasioned by this work that gave rise to the town. When the line was 
 put down a temporary track was built around the obstruction so as to 
 permit the materials for the track beyond to reach the front. This 
 place originally had a machine shop, round house and eating station 
 all of which were removed to Evanston in 1870. 
   
 Upon the passage of the supplementary Charter in 1864 the restriction 
 confining the Central Pacific to the State of California was withdrawn 
 and they were authorized to build for one hundred and fifty miles east 
 of the California boundary. This latter restriction was also withdrawn 
 by Congress in 1866, leaving the meeting point to be determined by the 
 rapidity of the construction of the respective lines, or as the Act 
 of Congress put it, they could locate, construct, and continue their 
 line until it should meet the Union Pacific continuous line. With the 
 experience of three years behind them and the Land Grant, Government 
 Bonds and prospective earnings, not to speak of the element of pride 
 ahead, the two lines entered into a race the like of which had never 
 been seen. The rivalry extended from the Presidents of the respective 
 Companies down to the boy who carried water to the graders. Both 
 forces, justly proud of their achievements, considered themselves a 
 little better than the other. One form of the rivalry was as to which 
 outfit could get the greatest amount of track down in one day. The 
 Union Pacific's forces led off with six miles, soon after the Central 
 went them a mile better. Then seven and a half miles were put down by 
 the Union Pacific; the Central Pacific forces not to be outdone 
 announced they could get down ten miles inside of one working day. 
 Vice-President Durant offered to wager ten thousand dollars it could 
 not be done, and the Central Pacific outfit resolved it should be 
 done. Waiting until there were but fourteen miles for them to lay, 
 they started in and laid ten miles and two hundred feet from seven 
 A.M. to seven P.M., using four thousand men in the operation. And then 
 the Union Pacific outfit was mad. They claimed if they had massed 
 their forces, made special preparation, etc., they could do better 
 than their competitors, but they could not prove it for there was no 
 more track to lay. 
   
 The Central Pacific people ran their grade east of Ogden to Echo 
 Canon, this when their completed line was only built to the vicinity 
 of Wadsworth, Nev. The Union Pacific Railroad located their line to 
 the California State line and had their graders at work as far west as 
 Humboldt Wells, Nev., four hundred and sixty miles west of Ogden. This 
 line west of Promontory was never built, however, and it is said that 
 one million dollars was expended in this way. As it was the Central 
 Pacific had their grade established some eighty miles east of 
 Promontory Point, thirty miles east of Ogden, and this when the Union 
 Pacific were laying their completed track within a mile of and 
 parallel to their grade. The prize was so great that every nerve was 
 strained on the part of both contestants as to who should push their 
 track the further. The advantages were about equal. The Central 
 Pacific were somewhat nearer their base of supplies, their laborers 
 were the quiet, orderly, and easily managed Chinese and then they were 
 in comparatively good financial shape. The Union Pacific, though 
 farther from their base of supplies, were in railroad communication 
 with the points of manufacture, their men, while turbulent and hard to 
 control, were enthusiastic and worth three to one of the opposing 
 forces. They were well paid, well housed and well fed, and were 
 handled by men who had as a rule, army experience back of them and 
 who certainly were "bosses" in the best and fullest sense. During the 
 winter of 1868-1869 the advantage was with the Central Pacific 
 Company. Their line across the Sierras was fully protected by snow 
 sheds and they only met with one week's suspension of business from 
 snow troubles during the whole winter, while the Union Pacific were 
 blocked between Cheyenne and Green River for four long months. The 
 rate of construction grew rapidly. During 1864 there were about two 
 hundred men employed on the grading and track-laying. While it took 
 one year to complete the first forty miles, the second year, the year 
 1865, saw two hundred and sixty five miles done, over a mile a day 
 working time, and this was exceeded from that on. There were about two 
 thousand five hundred graders employed in 1867 in addition to four 
 hundred and fifty track-layers and from this number up, until the 
 completion of the road. Their forces numbered twelve thousand men and 
 three thousand teams, while six hundred tons of material were placed 
 daily during the spring of 1869 when the contest was at its height. 
 The maximum track laid in one day, was seven and a half miles. As the 
 line progressed round houses were put up at Omaha, North Platte, 
 Cheyenne, Laramie, and Ogden, each having twenty stalls, and at Grand 
 Island, Sidney, Rawlins, Bitter Creek, Medicine Bow and Bryan, of ten 
 stalls each. These were substantial buildings of brick or stone with 
 sheet-iron roofs thoroughly fire proof. 
   
 In addition to the large shops at Omaha where much of the building of 
 equipment was done, repair shops were built at Cheyenne and Laramie. 
   
 Stations were established at an average of fourteen miles apart. The 
 station buildings were built of wood and of two classes, three-fourths 
 of them twenty-five by forty feet, the remaining one-fourth thirty-six 
 by sixty feet. At each station water tanks were erected, surmounted by 
 wind mills. Sidings three thousand feet long were located at each 
 station and in some cases at points intermediate fifteen hundred feet 
 long. In all there was about six per cent of the main line distance in 
 side tracks. 
   
 To accommodate not only the Public, but their own employees, the 
 Company put up good sized hotels at North Platte, Cheyenne, Laramie 
 and Rawlins. 
   
 Eating houses were established at Grand Island, North Platte, Sidney, 
 Cheyenne, Laramie, Rawlins, Bryan (Near Granger long ago passed out of 
 existence) Wasatch (afterwards removed to Evanston) and Ogden. During 
 construction days the charge for a meal was a dollar and a quarter, 
 but with the opening of the road this was reduced to one dollar and 
 afterwards to the present price seventy-five cents. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER VI (Indian Troubles during construction) 
   
 History of 1864-1865-1866-1867-1868 and 1869--Government Posts 
 Established--Major North and His Pawnees--Ex-Soldiers Ogallala--Plum 
 Creek--Sidney--Battle At Julesburg. 
   
   
 The country through which the Union Pacific Railroad was built was the 
 hunting grounds of the Pawnee, Sioux, Arapahoes, Crows, Blackfeet, 
 Bannock, Snake and Shoshones, the first three on the plains and the 
 others to the west. These were among the most warlike tribes of the 
 West, and during the construction of the road they were the occasion 
 of serious trouble, not to speak of the annoyance and delay as well as 
 the extra expense occasioned. 
   
 The following summarizes the conditions existing on the plains during 
 the time the road was under construction. 
   
 During the summer of 1864, the whole line of the Overland Stage from 
 St. Joseph, Mo., to Salt Lake City, was subject to Indian 
 depredations, so much so, that Ben Holliday, its proprietor, asked the 
 Government for five soldiers at each of the stage stations, and two to 
 accompany each coach. Without these, he stated, he would discontinue 
 the line. 
   
 The year 1865 was known as "The Bloody Year on the Plains," and its 
 history is one constant account of attacks, skirmishes, depredations 
 and murders by the Indians. 
   
 Notwithstanding the Peace Conference at Laramie in May, the year 1866, 
 was not much better and the relations between the whites and the 
 Indians were kept at a fighting point, culminating in the massacre by 
 the Indians at Fort Phil Kearney of eighty-one regular soldiers. 
   
 The year 1867 opened with troubles all along the line. The Government 
 inspectors reported "Indian depredations have caused serious 
 embarrassment to the locating, construction and operation of the line. 
 Constant and persistent attacks have occasioned great delay and 
 expense." The Government aroused to the dangers of temporizing, pushed 
 a large number of troops into the field, restored old and built many 
 new posts. This, together with the ease of communication resulting 
 from the rapidly extending railroad, had a deterrent effect on the 
 Indians. 
   
 1868 was a repetition of the preceding year. A Peace Conference at 
 Fort Laramie called for April was not attended by the Indians until 
 November. Numerous attacks were made by them on the whites and the 
 country kept in a turmoil. During the fall there was desperate 
 fighting and the army assisted by citizens soldiers punished the 
 Indians as they had never been punished before, resulting in a much 
 better condition of affairs during 1869 and thereafter. Nearly all the 
 Indian troubles occurred on the plains and east of Cheyenne. West 
 thereof, either owing to better organization on the part of the 
 railroad and military, or else to the intimidation of the tribes, 
 there was but little annoyance from this source. 
   
 The surveying parties were as a rule accompanied by a small detachment 
 of regulars and to this fact may be attributed their comparative small 
 loss of life. While they lost but few of their number, still they were 
 compelled to work at great disadvantage and frequently brought to a 
 full stop by the presence of war parties in numbers too great to be 
 ignored. 
   
 They, the surveying and engineering parties, were not so strong 
 numerically as the grading outfits and did not have their resources. 
 The different parties not only were frequently driven in but a number 
 of them were obliged to fight for their lives. The station Hilldale, 
 Wyo., perpetuates the name of one engineer, Mr. Hill, who was killed 
 near this place by the Indians while locating the road. Another victim 
 of the Indians was Colonel Percy in charge of an engineering party on 
 the preliminary survey. He was surprised by a party of them 
 twenty-four miles west of Medicine Bow, Wyo.--retreating to a cabin he 
 stood them off for three days, at the end of which time they managed 
 to set fire to the building and when the roof fell in he was compelled 
 to get out, whereupon he was attacked and killed. This took place near 
 Hanna Station, Wyo., which was originally called Percy in memory of 
 the Colonel. 
   
 Realizing the necessity of military to protect the construction 
 forces, the Government established numerous forts or posts along the 
 line, viz: 
   
 Fort McPherson, Neb. (originally called Cantonment McKeon, then 
 Cottonwood Springs Cantonment). Established February, 1866. 
   
 Fort Sedgwick, Colo., about four miles from the town of Julesburg, 
 Colo. 
   
 Fort Mitchell, near Scotts Bluffs, Neb., a temporary proposition 
 occupied only during the construction period. 
   
 Fort Morgan, Wyo., not far from Sidney, Wyo., established May, 1865, 
 abandoned May, 1868. 
   
 Fort D. A. Russell, near Cheyenne, Wyo., established July, 1867, still 
 occupied as an army post. 
   
 Fort Sanders, Wyo., near Laramie, established June, 1866. 
   
 Fort Fred Steele, fifteen miles east of Rawlins, established June, 
 1868. 
   
 Fort Halleck, twenty-two miles west of Medicine Bow, abandoned 1866. 
   
 General Sherman had prophesied that the influx of graders, teamsters, 
 with their following would bring enough whiskey into the country to 
 kill off all the Indians, and that the only good Indians were the dead 
 ones. 
   
 One of the most valuable forces during the building of the road was a 
 battalion of four companies of Pawnee Indians mustered into the United 
 States' service under the command of Major Frank J. North, January 
 13th, 1865, this action being taken at the instance of General Custer. 
 They proved most effective, notwithstanding their somewhat ludicrous 
 appearance. They were furnished the regular soldiers' uniform which 
 they were permitted to modify to suit their individual ideas and 
 taste. As a rule their head dress was the customary Indian one of 
 feathers. Their arms were the regulation carbine and revolver of the 
 cavalry to which they added on their own accord, hatchet, knife, 
 spear, etc., and when fighting was to be done they would strip down to 
 the buff or rather the copper skin. 
   
 The construction forces at this time were being annoyed by the 
 Cheyennes and Sioux, both of whom were the bitter foes of the Pawnees. 
 Fort Kearney was the headquarters of Major North and his Pawnees and 
 their duty was to protect the construction forces while at work. 
   
 As illustrating conditions existing, the following is of interest: A 
 large body of Indians appeared on the scene near Julesburg, Major 
 North and forty of his Pawnees started from Fort Kearney to the scene 
 of the anticipated trouble. On the way he found the bodies of fourteen 
 white men who had been killed by the Indians and their bodies 
 mutilated beyond recognition, their scalps torn off, tongues cut out, 
 legs and arms hacked off and their bodies full of arrows. On arriving 
 at Julesburg, he found the place besieged. Falling on the Sioux, he 
 put the whole band to fight, killing twenty-eight in the transaction. 
 This party of Indians had but a few days before surprised a party of 
 fourteen soldiers, killing them all. Soon after this trouble broke out 
 with the Cheyennes. Major North and a party of twenty of his Pawnees 
 started to look into the matter, and while out, struck a band of 
 twelve Cheyennes. Taking after them, the Major was the only one who 
 could get near them on account of his men's horses being tired out, 
 but being better mounted, he was able to get within gun shot and 
 killed one of the Cheyennes. Seeing his Pawnees were some distance in 
 the rear, the whole party turned on Major North. He shot his horse, 
 and using its body for a breastwork, fought the whole party, killing 
 or wounding nine of them and held them at bay until his men were able 
 to come up. This fight was considered one of the most daring on the 
 Plains and added greatly to the fame of the Major and his Pawnees. 
 After the completion of the road, Major North retired, and in company 
 with W. F. Cody (Buffalo Bill) went into the cattle business near 
 North Platte. 
   
 As has been stated, many of the officers and men engaged on the work 
 were ex-soldiers accustomed to the use of arms. The construction 
 trains and in fact all of the workers were liberally supplied with 
 arms, principally rifles, and it was the boast that ten minutes any 
 time was long enough to transform a gang of graders or track layers 
 into a battalion of infantry. Every man on the work was armed, and it 
 was the custom for the graders to carry their guns to and from their 
 work, keeping them stacked within easy distance while at actual work. 
   
 "The front" was seldom bothered. As a rule there were too many at hand 
 to make an attack attractive. It was the little detached parties or 
 single individuals that were most often molested. After the rails were 
 down, the trains passing to and from the front and the employees at 
 the isolated stations and most especially the section gangs were in 
 constant danger. 
   
 Among the first serious experiences was that of a construction train 
 near Ogallala, Neb. A party of Sioux decided to capture it and compel 
 it to stop; they massed their ponies on the track, with the result 
 that there were some twenty or more dead horses, without damage of any 
 consequence to the train. The trainmen used their guns and pistols to 
 good advantage, resulting in a number of the Indians being killed. 
 Later on, one of the Sioux of the party, on being interviewed, said, 
 "Smoke wagon, big chief, ugh, no good." 
   
 At another time, the Indians succeeded in capturing a freight train 
 near Plum Creek and held it and its crew in their possession. 
   
 General Dodge, the Chief Engineer, with a number of men, train crew, 
 discharged men, etc., was running special, returning from the front to 
 Omaha when the news reached them, and to quote the General's own 
 words: 
   
 "They (the men on his special train) were all strangers to me. The 
 excitement of the capture and the reports coming by telegraph brought 
 all of them to the platform and when I called on them to fall in and 
 go forward and retake the captured train, every man on the special 
 went into line and by his position showed he had been a soldier. We 
 ran down slowly until we came in sight of the train. I gave the order 
 to deploy as skirmishers, and at the command they went forward as 
 steadily and in as good order as we had seen the old soldiers climb 
 the face of the Kennesaw under fire." The train was quickly 
 recaptured. 
   
 Another incident occurred in the same locality, four miles west of 
 Plum Creek, in July, 1867. A band of Southern Cheyennes, under Chief 
 Turkey Leg, took up the rails and ties over a dry ravine. It so 
 happened that the train was preceded by a hand car with three section 
 men--encountering the break, the car and men fell into the ravine and 
 one of their men was captured and scalped. In his agony, he grabbed 
 his scalp and got away in the darkness as had his two more fortunate 
 companions. The engineer discovered the break by the light of his 
 headlight, but not in time to stop his train, and the engine and two 
 car loads of brick, immediately following it, toppled into the ravine 
 with the balance of the train, box cars loaded with miscellaneous 
 freight, piled up and round about. The engineer and fireman were 
 caught and killed in the wreck. The conductor, discovering the 
 presence of the savages, ran back and flagged the second section 
 following, which was backed up to Plum Creek Station. In the morning 
 the inhabitants of Plum Creek, together with the train crews, sallied 
 out to give battle with the Indians, but found they had departed. From 
 the cars, they had thrown out boxes and bales, taking from them 
 whatever had struck their fancy. Bolts of bright colored flannels and 
 calicoes had been fastened to their ponies, which streamed in the 
 wind, or dragged over the prairies. Major North and his Pawnees were 
 at the front scattered in small detachments between Sidney and 
 Laramie; within twenty-four hours they arrived on the scene in a 
 special train. Following the trail, in about ten days they fell upon 
 the Cheyennes, one hundred and fifty in number, and killed fifteen, 
 taking two prisoners, one of them the nephew of Turkey Leg, their 
 chief. 
   
 Another occurrence took place in April, 1868, near Elm Creek Station, 
 a band of Sioux attacked, killed and scalped a section gang of five, 
 and on the same day attacked the station of Sidney, coming out on the 
 bluff above it and firing down on the town. At the time of the attack, 
 two conductors were fishing in Lodge Pole Creek, a little way below 
 the station; They were discovered by the Indians, who charged on them 
 and shot one who fell forward as if killed. The other happened to 
 have a pistol on his person with which he kept them at a distance 
 until he reached the station, where he arrived with four arrows 
 sticking in him and some four or five other bullet and arrow wounds, 
 none of which proved serious. His companion also recovered. 
   
 Another serious attack was made on a train near Ogallala Station in 
 September, 1868. The ends of two opposite rails were raised so as to 
 penetrate the cylinders, the engine going over into the ditch and the 
 cars piling up on top of it. The fireman was caught in the wreck and 
 burned to death, the engineer and forward brakeman, riding on the 
 engine, escaped unhurt. The train crew and passengers being armed, 
 defended the train, keeping the Indians off until a wrecking train and 
 crew arrived. Word being sent to Major North, who was at Willow 
 Island, with one Company of his Pawnees, he came to the scene, 
 followed the Indians and overtaking them, two were killed, the balance 
 escaping. The following month the same party attacked a section gang 
 near Potter Station, driving them in and running off a bunch of twenty 
 horses and mules. About fifteen of Major North's Pawnees started in 
 pursuit, overtook and killed two and recovered the greater part of the 
 stolen stock. 
   
 The great battle of construction days occurred near Julesburg in July, 
 The regulars, under General Carr, and the Pawnees (one hundred 
 
 and fifty); under Major North, had put in two months scouting for 
 several bands of Cheyennes and Sioux that had been raiding through the 
 Republican and Solomon Valleys, attacking settlements, burning houses, 
 killing and scalping men, women and children and raising Cain 
 generally. They ran them to earth near Summit Springs where they were 
 encamped. On July 11th, they surprised and attacked the Indians who 
 were under the leadership of Tall Bull, a noted Cheyenne Chief. One 
 hundred and sixty warriors were slain, among them Tall Bull. He was 
 seen as the attack was made, mounted upon his horse with his squaw and 
 child behind him trying to escape. Being headed off, he rode into a 
 draw or pocket in the side of a ravine where some fifteen other 
 warriors had taken refuge. He had been riding on a very fine horse, 
 this he took to the mouth of the draw and shot. He then sent his squaw 
 and child out to give themselves up; this they did, the squaw 
 approaching Major North with hands raised in token of submission. She 
 then advised the Major there were still seven warriors alive in the 
 draw, entreating that their lives be spared. As the Indians were 
 shooting at every man they caught sight of, it was impossible to save 
 them and they were finally shot down. Among the prisoners taken was a 
 white woman who had been captured by the Indians on one of their 
 raids. She had been appropriated by Tall Bull as his squaw, and when 
 the village had been attacked, he had shot her and left her in his 
 tepee supposedly dead. Soon after the fight commenced, she was found 
 by one of the officers who, entering in the lodge, saw her in a 
 sitting position with blood running down her waist. She was a German, 
 unable to speak English, and up to this time had supposed the fight 
 was between Indians. On realizing that white men were in the vicinity 
 and thinking when he started to leave her, that she was about to be 
 deserted, she clasped him around his legs and in the most pitiful 
 manner, begged him by signs and with tears not to leave her to the 
 savages. After the fight she was taken to Fort Sedgwick where she 
 recovered, and in a few months afterwards married a soldier whose time 
 had expired. During the fight the troops captured nearly six hundred 
 head of horses and mules, together with an immense amount of 
 miscellaneous plunder, including nineteen hundred dollars in twenty 
 dollar gold pieces that had been taken from the German woman's father 
 at the time he had been killed and she captured. Of this sum, nine 
 hundred dollars was turned over to the woman; six hundred dollars by 
 the Pawnees, and the balance by the regulars. Had the latter been as 
 generous as the scouts when the appeal for its restoration was made, 
 every dollar would have been returned. 
   
 The above incidents are but a few out of thousands that occurred 
 during the stormy construction days. They illustrate the trials and 
 dangers encountered by the hardy pioneers. It was not only at "the 
 front" that trouble was incurred, but after the building had 
 proceeded, the section men, station employees and train crews were in 
 constant danger. At the stations, it was a rule to build sod forts 
 connected by underground passage with the living quarters to which 
 retreat could be had in case of Indian attacks. For some time small 
 squads of soldiers were stationed at every station and section house 
 along the line, being quartered in sod barracks. 
   
 With the completion of the road and the establishment of regular train 
 service, immigration soon poured in to such an extent as to make the 
 settlers numerous enough to protect themselves, and it was not long 
 until "Lo," like the buffalo, was only a memory. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER VII (The Builders) 
   
 Their Material and Methods--Oakes Ames (Financier)--George Francis 
 Train (Promoter)--John A. Dix (First President)--Thomas C. Durant 
 (Vice President and President)--Granville M. Dodge (Chief 
 Engineer)--Subordinate Officials--Casement Brothers, Track-layers, 
 Mormons--Materials Used--Their Source--Methods. 
   
   
 At Sherman Station, the highest point on the Union Pacific Railroad, 
 stands a monument some sixty feet square and about the same height, 
 bearing the simple legend, "In Memory of Oakes Ames and Oliver Ames." 
 This was erected in compliance with a resolution passed at the meeting 
 of the Company's stockholders held in Boston, March 10th, 1875, which 
 read as follows, "Resolved that in memory of Oakes Ames and in 
 recognition of his services in the construction of the Union Pacific 
 Railroad to which he devoted his means and his best energies with a 
 courage, fidelity, and integrity unsurpassed in the history of 
 railroad construction, the directors (of this Company) are requested 
 to take measure in co-operation with such friends as may desire to 
 contribute, for the erection at some point in the line of the road, 
 of a suitable and permanent monument." (By the recent shortening of 
 the line this monument has been left some three miles away from the 
 present track. Its removal to Cheyenne Depot Grounds or some other 
 equally prominent position is under consideration.) 
   
 Oliver Ames was born at North Easton, Mass., January 10th, 1804; he 
 passed his youth and early manhood assisting his father in the work of 
 a farmer and later of manufacturing shovels, attending during the 
 winter a country school. Serving first as apprentice, then foreman, he 
 was in due time taken into partnership with his father to whose 
 business he succeeded. 
   
 From twenty thousand dozen shovels turned out in 1845, their output 
 increased to one hundred and twenty-five thousand dozens in 1870. A 
 tireless worker dispensing with clerk or bookkeeper, his accounts were 
 kept in his head. Over six feet in height, weighing over two hundred 
 pounds, broad shouldered and massive in built. Elected to Congress in 
 1860 where he was kept until 1872. Becoming associated with the Union 
 Pacific in 1865, at the time when the enterprise was languishing for 
 lack of funds and it seemed almost hopeless. His attention was first 
 directed in that channel by his duties as a member of the House 
 Committee of Railroads in 1865. He was then a man of considerable 
 means, recognized as an authority on business matters, and he enjoyed 
 the confidence of President Lincoln and other prominent men of that 
 day to a marked degree. In fact, it was at the urgent solicitation of 
 the President that he undertook the almost hopeless task of 
 financiering the construction of the road. 
   
 Entering into the undertaking with all of his energy and means, using 
 his influence and persuasive powers with his fellow capitalists, he 
 was able to raise by various means, the necessary funds for the 
 construction of the line. Among others who took stock in the Company 
 and Credit Mobilier were a number of public men, including 
 Vice-President Colfax, Speaker James G. Blaine, James A. Garfield, 
 afterwards President, and others of that ilk. The cry of corruption 
 and bribery was raised in the campaign of 1872, resulting in 
 investigation by Congressional Committees and a trial by the House, 
 which rendered a very remarkable verdict, censuring Mr. Ames for 
 having induced members of Congress to invest in the stock of a 
 corporation in which he was interested and whose interests depended on 
 legislation of Congress--but with the further finding on the part of 
 the House Committee that no one had been wronged--that the Congressmen 
 in question had paid him what the stock cost him and no more--that he 
 had neither offered nor suggested a bribe--that their object in taking 
 the stock originally was a profitable investment, and at the time no 
 further action at the hands of Congress was desired. 
   
 Leaving Congress at the end of ten years' service, in 1872; he died 
 from the effects of pneumonia during May, 1873, universally respected 
 and esteemed, and the one man above all others who by financiering the 
 proposition, was entitled to a monument at the hands of the 
 stockholders of the Union Pacific Railroad. The following remarks made 
 by him in regard to the road, at a time of apparently hopeless 
 financial stringency, indicate quite clearly the character of the man 
 and his views of the work: 
   
 "Go ahead; the work shall not stop if it takes the shovel shop. What 
 makes me hold on is the faith of you soldiers," referring to the 
 opinions held by the ex-soldiers employed on the construction. Or 
 again, when it became evident that either the Ames' or the Railroad 
 Company would have to go to the wall, "Save the credit of the road--I 
 will fail." 
   
 George Francis Train may well be considered as the promoter of the 
 Union Pacific Railroad. In season and out. Before Congressional 
 Committees, public meetings, or to the unfortunate individual whom he 
 succeeded in buttonholing "the Union Pacific Railroad," was the 
 subject of endless oratory. In no small degree was he responsible for 
 the opinion, "The road should and must be built," that became 
 prevalent in 1860-1864, and which resulted in the action of Congress 
 looking to the construction of the line. He was prominent in its 
 affairs and largely instrumental in the formation of the Credit 
 Mobilier. 
   
 As to the man himself, he was a genius, if, as a celebrated writer 
 has said, "Genius is a form of insanity." A contemporaneous writer 
 (George D. Prentice) thus describes him: 
   
 "A locomotive that has run off the track, turned upside down and its 
 wheels making a thousand revolutions a minute. A kite in the air 
 without a tail. A ship without a rudder. A clock without hands. A 
 sermon that is all text; the incarnation of gab. Handsome, vivacious, 
 versatile, muscular, neat, clean to the marrow. A judge of the effect 
 of clothes, frugal in food and regular only in habits. With brains 
 enough in his head for twenty men all pulling different ways. A man 
 not bad--a practical joke in earnest." 
   
 Among his many undertakings were the Freeing of Ireland, Candidacy for 
 the Presidency, Woman's Suffrage, Circumnavigation of the world. As 
 illustrative of his character the following incident is apropos: While 
 publishing a newspaper in England he was assessed a small fine, 
 failing to pay which he was put in jail, where he preached to the 
 prisoners on the rights of man and attacked the monarchy. The day 
 following the authorities freed him on the ground that he was 
 demoralizing the prisoners. Time has dealt lightly with him, and no 
 one can read of his latter days--his brilliancy all eclipsed--a 
 recluse except for his love and companionship for children--unmoved. 
 In his day he was a power and in no small degree did he contribute to 
 the living monument of great men--The Union Pacific Railroad. 
   
 The first President of the Company, Major General John A. Dix, was 
 selected for the universal respect in which he was held. Secretary of 
 the Treasury in 1861, resigning to go as general in the Union Army, he 
 was the one man who it was felt would command confidence in the early 
 days of the proposition, when the promoters had not as yet an 
 opportunity to gain the respect of the financial world or of Congress. 
 It was understood that he would not be able to devote his entire time 
 or attention to the proposition, being in the Army at the time of his 
 election. Still in no small degree did he contribute to its success. 
 Appointed Minister to France in 1866, his absence from the United 
 States made necessary his retirement. On his return in 1869, he was 
 elected Governor of New York; and died greatly honored on April 21st, 
 1879. 
   
 The man who built the road was Thomas C. Durant. During the whole of 
 its construction he was the man in control. He was Vice President and 
 General Manager, with headquarters at Omaha; from the day ground was 
 broken until the line was finished. He had been connected with several 
 of the Iowa Lines previous to the commencement of work on the Union 
 Pacific Railroad, mostly as contractor. As an organizer and director 
 he was unsurpassed. In all the accounts of matters affecting the Union 
 Pacific Railroad--hearings before Congress, Opening Ceremonies, 
 Excursions given, appointment of officials and completion ceremonies, 
 his name appears. He made enemies as do all strong men, and he also 
 disagreed with his associates as to the best methods to pursue--still, 
 he built the road, and after the man who persuaded the public it was 
 necessary and the one who found the funds, he it is who is entitled to 
 credit. Mr Durant severed his official connections with the road May 
 24, 1869, shortly after its completion, remaining, however, its 
 largest stockholder. 
   
 The surveying and actual work of construction of the Union Pacific was 
 done under the direction of General Granville M. Dodge. From 1854 to 
 1860 General Dodge was engaged in preliminary surveys for the Pacific 
 Railroad, under governmental auspices. Entering the Union Army he 
 reached the grade of Major General and at the close of the war entered 
 the service of the Union Pacific Railroad Company as General 
 Superintendent and Chief Engineer. To his ability and knowledge was 
 due the location of the line and the rapidity with which the work was 
 done. The General is still living--is in active service--having, 
 during the last thirty years been connected with construction of many 
 of the important railroads of the West, among them the Texas and 
 Pacific Railway, Missouri, Kansas and Texas, International and Great 
 Northern and Fort Worth and Denver City. He had been President of the 
 Missouri, Kansas & Texas Railway; St. Louis, Des Moines and Northern 
 Railway, Fort Worth and Denver City Railway, etc. 
   
 Peter A. Dey was the first engineer of the line, but left in 1864. He 
 was not able to accept the methods of enormous expenditures the 
 Company and the Credit Mobilier were adopting and retired on the 
 ground that the Hoxie contract was made against his recommendation. 
   
 Colonel Silas Seymour was Consulting Engineer of the line during 
 1865-1866 and 1867, leaving it to enter the service of the Kansas 
 Pacific Railway. 
   
 M. Hoxie was first in charge of Council-Bluffs-Omaha Ferry, then of 
 
 the steamboats carrying construction material on the Missouri River, 
 later Assistant General Superintendent, earning for himself the title 
 of "The Ubiquitous." He died in 1866, while holding the position of 
 Vice President and General Manager of the Missouri Pacific Railway. 
   
 B. Reed, Superintendent of Construction, was the man who had the 
 
 handling of the forces at the front. He it was who ran the 
 construction trains--fought the Indians and the toughs and bore the 
 heat and burden of the day. He also made the surveys and located the 
 line between Salt Lake Valley and Green River. 
   
 T. Brown, Assistant Engineer, was in charge of the advance survey 
 
 under the direction of General Dodge and also located the line from 
 the "foot of the Black Hills" to Julesburg. 
   
 James A. Evans was Division Engineer and in that capacity made many of 
 the profiles, plats and estimates and final surveys. Also made the 
 final surveys and location between Green River and the foot of the 
 Black Hills. 
   
 B. Warren was Superintendent Utah Division; Colonel Hopper, 
 
 Superintendent Laramie Division; L. H. Eicholtz, Engineer of Bridges 
 and Buildings, and General Ledlie, Bridge Builder. 
   
 Among others to whom credit is due is Brigham Young, the then head 
 (President) of the Mormon Church, and other prominent Mormons. The 
 contract for grading from the head of Echo Canon to Ogden, known as 
 "the hundred mile job," costing two and a half million dollars, was 
 taken by President Young personally, and by him sublet in part to 
 Bishop John Sharp and Joseph A. Young, the President's eldest son. 
 They employed between five and six hundred men and the amount of their 
 contract was about one million dollars. Other subcontractors were 
 Apostle John Taylor, George Thatcher, Brigham Young, Jr., etc. 
 President Young is said to have cleared about eight hundred thousand 
 dollars out of this contract. East of his section the grading was done 
 by Joseph F. Nounnan & Company, Gentile bankers of Salt Lake City, who 
 sublet it to the Mormons. West of President Young's section the 
 grading was done by Sharp & Young, the same parties mentioned above as 
 subcontractors under President Young. It was conceded that the Mormons 
 carried out their contracts not only to the letter, but in the spirit. 
 Doing some of the best work on the line. 
   
 The track laying proper was done by General J. S. (Jack) Casement and 
 his brother, D. T. (Dan), with Captain Clayton as their 
 Superintendent. They had in their employ as high as two thousand men 
 at one time and worked under a contract that gave them a substantial 
 bonus for all track laid in excess of two miles a day, as well as made 
 them allowance for idle time occasioned by their being unable to work 
 on account of the grade not being ready for them. Thus they were to 
 receive eight hundred dollars per mile of track laid if two miles or 
 less was laid in a day. If they laid over two miles in one day they 
 were to receive twelve hundred dollars per mile, and for time they 
 were idle waiting for the grade they were to receive three thousand 
 dollars per day. 
   
 Many other names should be mentioned here and would did space permit, 
 but will have to be omitted. 
   
 The men who built the Union Pacific Railroad are entitled to great 
 credit and praise. They made money, much money out of the project, but 
 they were entitled to it. Their success brought in its train the usual 
 consequences, they have been accused of almost every crime in the 
 calendar, assailed by the press, investigated by Congress, and sued by 
 their less fortunate associates. Their achievement speaks for them 
 louder than words and they can leave their reputations to history for 
 vindication. 
   
 The line was originally laid with fifty pound iron from the mills of 
 Pennsylvania for four hundred and forty miles and with fifty-six 
 pound iron west of there. As has been mentioned before, the first 
 section was laid with cottonwood ties of local growth, treated by the 
 burnettizing process, which was erroneously supposed would prevent 
 decay. West of there hard wood ties from the East were used, some of 
 them coming from far away Pennsylvania, and costing the Company two 
 dollars and fifty cents laid down in Omaha. For the mountain section, 
 ties of local growth were largely and satisfactorily used. The basis 
 was twenty-four hundred ties to the mile on the plains, twenty-six 
 hundred and forty through the mountains, and twenty-five hundred west 
 of Laramie. 
   
 The lumber for bridges and building came from Minnesota and Wisconsin, 
 excepting in the far West, where native lumber was used. 
   
 The grading was done to a very large extent by manual labor. It was 
 before the day of the steam shovel or air drill. Pick and shovel and 
 wheelbarrow reinforced by teams and scrapers were the means used, 
 excepting where rock was encountered and then hand drills and black 
 powder and occasionally nitro-glycerine were relied upon to quarry the 
 rock which was very much in demand for masonry work. 
   
 The graders worked as much as two hundred miles ahead of the track. 
 They were housed in tents, and all supplies for their sustenance and 
 material used by them were necessarily hauled from the several 
 terminal points. This resulted in the employment of a good sized army 
 of teamsters and freighters. In the buffalo they had a food that, 
 while cheap, was of the first order, and the number thus utilized was 
 away up in the thousands. 
   
 No pretense was made to ballast the track, as the construction work 
 was done. The ties were laid on the grade with just enough dirt on 
 them to keep them in place. Speedy construction was considered of the 
 first importance and then the ballasting could be done much cheaper 
 after the track was down. 
   
 To a very great extent temporary trestles of timber were used, to be 
 replaced later by more permanent culverts of stone. In some places 
 where the piles were thus replaced by masonry, it was necessary to 
 tear out the stone and put in piles again. The heavy freshets proved 
 more than the culverts could carry off, and besides the stone work 
 would wash out much quicker than did piles. 
   
 The bridges were mostly Howe wooden truss uncovered, with stone or 
 wooden abuttments. Where the span was short, wooden trestles on piles 
 were used. 
   
 One reason for deferring the masonry work as well as the ballasting 
 was the inability to handle the necessary supplies. Every engine and 
 all the equipment were kept in constant use hauling construction 
 material to the front. 
   
 Notwithstanding what, to the contractor of today, would seem 
 antiquated and expensive methods, the work progressed and made headway 
 to an extent that has never since been equalled. It was the immense 
 army, as high as twelve thousand men at times, that enabled this to be 
 the case. One-fifth the number of men with modern methods and 
 labor-saving devices would have been equally efficious. 
   
 The expense of hauling water and supplies for the army of men was 
 enormous. The statement has been made that this cost more than it did 
 to do the actual grading. 
   
 The great bugaboo of the day was the question of operating the line 
 during the winter season, it being the general impression that the 
 snow fall was so great through the Rocky Mountain region as to render 
 it impossible to keep the line open. To ascertain the facts in regard 
 to this as well as to obtain data as to the best method of overcoming 
 the same, engineers were stationed at points where it was anticipated 
 there would be trouble. For three winters they were kept in tents and 
 dug outs to obtain information on this point, and on the spring and 
 winter freshets which it was anticipated would be a source of great 
 annoyance. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER VIII (Completion of the Line) 
   
 Connection Made Between Union and Central Pacific Railroads May 9th, 
 1869--Ceremonies at Promontory May 10th, 1869--Celebrations in New 
 York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Omaha, Salt Lake City and San Francisco. 
   
   
 By the terms of the supplementary Charter of 1864, a great incentive 
 was given the two Companies, the Union Pacific Railroad and the 
 Central Pacific Railroad to get down as great a mileage as possible. 
 In addition to the Government grant of Land and Bonds based on 
 mileage, there was the traffic of the Mormon country and Salt Lake 
 City at stake. Besides this, it was readily seen that the line having 
 the greatest haul would be correspondingly benefitted when it came to 
 subdividing earnings on trans-continental business. With these for 
 incentive, both Companies put forth every effort to cover the ground. 
 In the early part of 1869, rails of each Company were going down from 
 six to ten miles a day. Records in track-laying were made then that 
 have never been broken. Near Promontory a sign is still standing to 
 announce "Ten miles of track laid in one day." Actual figures are not 
 obtainable, but reliable contemporaries at that time stated there were 
 twenty-five thousand men employed on the construction work of the two 
 lines, as well as six thousand teams and two hundred construction 
 trains. Both Companies were anxious to establish point of advantage 
 that they could use in the controversy that was inevitable and which 
 would determine the mileage and territory each was to enjoy. On April 
 29th, nine and a half miles remained unfinished. Three and a half for 
 the Central Pacific Railroad, they having laid ten miles the day 
 before, and six miles for the Union Pacific Railroad, the latter being 
 the ascent of Promontory Hill and including a stiff bit of rock work. 
 When the two tracks came together, the Central Pacific Railroad had 
 nearly sixty miles of grading done parallel to the Union Pacific 
 Railroad track--that is from Promontory east to the mouth of Weber 
 Canon, while the Union Pacific Railroad had located their line to the 
 California State line and most of the grading was done as far west as 
 Humboldt Wells, Nev., four hundred and fifty miles from Ogden. 
   
 As stated the two tracks were brought together at Promontory on May 
 9th, 1869, but two rail lengths were kept open until the questions at 
 issue were adjusted and also until a suitable program could be 
 arranged for celebrating the event. Everything satisfactorily 
 arranged, Monday, the 10th of May, 1869, was set for the ceremonies. 
   
 The Central Pacific Railroad completed their track up to Promontory 
 May 1st. It was the intention to have the opening ceremonies on 
 Saturday, May 8th, and the Central Pacific officials were on hand for 
 that purpose. The Union Pacific party coming west were delayed some 
 forty-eight hours at Piedmont by a gang of graders and track-layers, 
 who not having received their wages side tracked the special train 
 with Vice-President Durant and his party, holding them as hostages 
 until the Company had paid over to the contractor some two hundred and 
 fifty thousand dollars due him and which he in turn distributed among 
 his men. 
   
 As early as 8:00 A.M. on the 10th, the spectators, mostly workmen of 
 the respective companies, or other citizens of the railway camps 
 commenced to arrive. At 8:45 a special over the Central Pacific 
 Railroad came in with a large number of passengers. At 9:00 the Union 
 Pacific Railroad contingent arrived in two trains and at 11:00 the 
 Central Pacific Railroad's second train, carrying President Stanford 
 and other officers of that Company, and their guests completing the 
 party. In all there were about eleven hundred persons present, 
 including a detachment of the 21st United States Infantry, and its 
 band from Fort Douglass, Utah. 
   
 The Chinese laborers of the Central Pacific Railroad soon leveled the 
 gap preparatory to putting down the ties and all but one rail length 
 was finished. Then Engines Number 119 of the Union Pacific Railroad 
 and No. 60 the "Jupiter" of the Central Pacific Railroad were brought 
 up to either side of the gap. These engines were gaily decorated with 
 flags and evergreens in honor of the occasion. A suitable prayer was 
 offered by Rev. Dr. Todd, of Pittsfield, Mass. The remaining ties were 
 then laid, the last one being of California Laurel finely polished and 
 ornamented with a silver plate bearing the inscription "The last tie 
 laid on the Pacific Railroad, May 10th, 1869", with the names of the 
 directors of the Central Pacific Railroad and that of the donor. This 
 tie was put in position by Superintendents Reed of the Union Pacific 
 Railroad and Strawbridge of the Central Pacific Railroad, and was 
 taken up after the ceremonies and has since that time been on 
 exhibition in the Superintendent's office of the Southern Pacific 
 Company at Sacramento, (Cal.) Depot. 
   
 For the closing act, California presented a spike of gold; Nevada one 
 of silver; Arizona one of combined iron, gold and silver; and the 
 Pacific Union Express Company, a silver maul. At twelve noon at a 
 given signal, Governor Stanford on the South side of the rail and 
 Vice-President Durant on the north, struck the spikes driving them 
 home. 
   
 The two engines were then moved up until they touched and a bottle of 
 wine poured over the last rail as a libation. The trains of the 
 respective roads were then run over the connecting link and back to 
 their own lines. Speeches and a banquet closed the occasion. 
   
 In the Crocker Art Gallery in Sacramento hangs a large oil painting of 
 the meeting of the two engines. The artist having inserted actual 
 portraits of many of the more prominent officials of the two lines who 
 participated in the ceremonies. 
   
 By previous arrangement, the strokes on the final spikes were to be 
 signaled over all the wires of the several telegraph companies through 
 the United States, business being suspended for this purpose. First 
 the message was sent over the wires "Almost ready. Hats off; prayer is 
 being offered." Then "We have got done praying; the spike is about to 
 be presented." Seven minutes later "All ready now; the spike will soon 
 be driven." The signal will be three dots for the commencement of the 
 blows. Connection being made between the hammers and the wires, the 
 blows on the spikes were flashed over practically the whole telegraph 
 system of the United States. At 2:47 P.M. Washington time, 12 M. 
 Promontory local time, came the signal "Done" and the bells of 
 Washington, New York, Chicago, San Francisco, and hundreds of other 
 cities and towns announced that the American continent had been 
 spanned, that through rail communication was established, never to be 
 broken, that the Union Pacific Railroad was completed. 
   
 The formal announcement to President Grant and through the Press 
 Associations to every inhabitant of the civilized world, was couched 
 in the following language: 
   
   Promontory Summit, Utah, May 10th, 1869. 
   
 "The last rail is laid, the last spike driven. The Pacific Railroad is 
 completed. The point of junction is ten hundred and eighty-six miles 
 west of the Missouri River and six hundred and ninety miles east of 
 Sacramento City." 
   
                Leland Stanford, Central Pacific Railroad. 
 C. Durant, 
 
                Sidney Dillon, 
                John Duff, Union Pacific Railroad. 
   
 No sooner were the ceremonies complete than there was a rush made to 
 obtain souvenirs. In ignorance of the fact that the "Last Tie" had 
 been taken up and an ordinary one substituted, the relic hunters 
 carried off the substitute piecemeal. In fact some half dozen "last 
 ties" were so taken in the first six months after the roads were 
 completed. 
   
 An odd coincidence occurred at the closing ceremonies. The rail on the 
 east was brought forward by the Union Pacific laborers--Europeans, 
 that on the west by Chinese, both gangs having Americans as bosses. 
 Consequently here were Europe, Asia, and America joining in the work, 
 the Americans dominating. 
   
 Next morning the Union Pacific Railroad brought in from the East half 
 a dozen passenger coaches for the Central Pacific Railroad, these 
 being attached to the special train of Governor Stanford when he was 
 returning to California, constituting the first through equipment. 
   
 All over the land the different cities vied with one another in 
 celebrating the event--which it was truly felt marked the beginning of 
 a new epoch in the history of the United States. 
   
 New York City celebrated with the "Te Deum" being sung in "Trinity," 
 the chimes ringing out "Old Hundred" (Praise God from whom all 
 blessings flow), and a salute of a hundred guns fired by order of the 
 Mayor. 
   
 Philadelphia rang "Liberty Bell" and all fire alarm bells. 
   
 Chicago had a parade four miles long, the City being lavishly 
 decorated, and Vice-President Colfax speaking in the evening. 
   
 Omaha had the biggest day in its history: a hundred guns when the news 
 came. A procession embracing every able-bodied man in the town, in the 
 afternoon. Speeches, pyrotechnics, and illuminations in the evening. 
   
 At Salt Lake the Mormons and Gentiles held a love feast in the 
 Tabernacle and decided to build a few railroads for themselves. 
   
 San Francisco could not wait until the 10th. They started the evening 
 of the 8th, when it was announced at the theaters the two roads had 
 met, and it took two good solid days of celebrating to satisfy the 
 people of that town. 
   
 It was rightly felt that the completion of the line was an event in 
 the history of our country. It marked the progress of the West, united 
 the Pacific Coast population with that of the East. It was the 
 commencement of the end of the Indian troubles--assured the settlement 
 of the West, and the development of its mines and other resources. 
   
 There has been but three general celebrations held in this country 
 over works of public improvement viz: the Erie Canal, Atlantic Cable, 
 and the Pacific Railroad. Of the three the latter was by far the more 
 general. 
   
 The Poem by Bret Harte on this event is reproduced below: 
   
     What the Engines Said. 
   
   What was it the engines said, 
   Pilots touching head to head. 
   Facing on the single track, 
   Half a world behind each back. 
   This is what the engines said, 
   Unreported and unread. 
   
   With a prefatory screech, 
   In a florid Western speech, 
   Said the engine from the West, 
   "I am from Sierra's crest, 
   And if Altitudes' a test, 
   Why I reckon its confessed, 
   That I've done my level best." 
   "Said the engine from the East, 
   They who work best, talk the least, 
   Suppose you whistle down your brakes, 
   What you're done is no great shakes. 
   Pretty fair, but let our meeting, 
   Be a different kind of greeting, 
   Let these folks with champagne stuffing, 
   Not the engines do the puffing. 
   
   "Listen where Atlanta beats, 
   Shores of-snow and summer heats. 
   Where the Indian Autumn skies 
   Paint the woods with wampum dyes. 
   I have chased the flying sun, 
   Seeing all that he looked upon, 
   Blessing all that he blest. 
   Nursing in my iron-breast; 
   All his vivifying heat. 
   All his clouds about my crest 
   And before my flying feet 
   Every shadow must retreat." 
   
   Said the Western Engine, "phew!" 
   And a long whistle blew, 
   "Come now, really that's the oddest 
   Talk for one so modest. 
   You brag of your East, you do, 
   Why, I bring the East to you. 
   All the Orient, all Cathay 
   Find me through the shortest way 
   And the sun you follow here 
   Rises in my hemisphere. 
   Really if one must be rude, 
   Length, my friend, ain't longitude." 
   
   Said the Union, "don't reflect, or 
   I'll run over some director," 
   Said the Central, "I'm Pacific 
   But when riled, I'm quite terrific, 
   Yet today we shall not quarrel 
   Just to show these folks this moral 
   How two engines In their vision 
   Once have met without collision." 
   That is what the engines said; 
   Unreported and unread, 
   Spoken slightly through the nose 
   With a whistle at the close.' 
   
 The first through train reached Omaha May 6th, arriving in two 
 sections and bringing about five hundred passengers. 
   
 Although through trains were on regular schedule commencing with May 
 11th, it was not until November 6th, 1869, that the road was actually 
 completed (according to Judicial decision.) Congress to make sure of 
 the fact, authorized the President by resolution passed April 10th, 
 1869, to appoint a board of five "eminent" citizens to examine and 
 report on the condition of the road and what would be required to 
 bring it up to first class condition. This board duly reported in 
 October, 1869, that the line was all right, but that a million and a 
 half could be spent to advantage in ballasting, terminal facilities, 
 depots, equipment, etc. On the strength of which the wise-acres 
 decided the road could not be considered complete and withheld a 
 million dollars worth of bonds due under the charter act. It was 
 October 1st, 1874, before the fact that the line was actually 
 completed sifted through departmental red tape, and the Secretary of 
 Interior on the further report of "three eminent citizens" discovered 
 that the road had been completed November 6th, 1869 as reported by the 
 previous board of five, and further that the total cost of the line 
 had been one hundred and fifteen million, two hundred and fourteen 
 thousand, five hundred and eighty-seven dollars and seventy-nine 
 cents, as shown by the books of the Company. 
   
 For a while business was interchanged at Promontory, but it was but a 
 short time until the two Companies got together and an agreement was 
 reached by which Ogden should be the terminus, and that the Central 
 Pacific Railroad Company should purchase at cost price two million, 
 six hundred and ninety-eight thousand, six hundred and twenty dollars 
 the line from a point five miles west of Ogden to the connection at 
 Promontory. This five miles was subsequently sold to the Central 
 Pacific Railroad. This arrangement was as the West puts it "clinched" 
 by a Resolution of Congress, making Ogden the terminus. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER IX (The Kansas Division (Kansas Pacific Railway) 
   
 Conflicting Interest on Location--Leavenworth, Pawnee and Western 
 Chartered By Kansas--Plans to Connect With the Union Pacific at the 
 Hundredth Meridian--Supplementary Charter 1864--San Diego Or 
 Denver--Construction Work--Indian Troubles--Receiverships--Consolidation 
 With the Union Pacific. 
   
   
 At the time Congress passed the Pacific Railroad Bill in 1862 there 
 were three conflicting interests contending as to the location. First 
 that in favor of the Northern (now the Northern Pacific) Route, second 
 the Central, and third that in favor of the Missouri-Kansas location. 
 The Northern interest had not developed to a sufficient extent to cut 
 much figure, only having the support of Minnesota, Wisconsin and 
 Michigan. The Central Route was backed by Chicago and the railroad 
 interests centering there. The Missouri-Kansas Route had the support 
 of St. Louis and the territory tributary thereto. The last two were 
 sufficiently persistent to have both of them recognized. Accordingly 
 the Charter called for the one line commencing at the hundredth 
 Meridian and running west with branches of feeders reaching that 
 point, one from Omaha (Iowa Branch, Union Pacific Railroad), one from 
 Sioux City (to be known as the Sioux City Branch, Union Pacific 
 Railroad), one from St. Joseph or Atchison (to be built by the 
 Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad, later known as the Central Branch, 
 Union Pacific Railway, Eastern Division and then the Kansas Pacific 
 Railway); this latter in connection with the Pacific Railroad of 
 Missouri from St. Louis to Kansas City to be the St. Louis line. 
   
 The Pacific Railroad Bill of 1862 read, "The Leavenworth, Pawnee, and 
 Western Railroad Company of Kansas are hereby authorized to construct 
 a railroad from the Missouri River at the mouth at the Kansas River 
 where it should connect with the Pacific Railroad of Missouri (now the 
 Missouri Pacific Railroad) to the hundredth Meridian of longitude upon 
 the same terms and conditions as applied to the construction of the 
 Pacific Railroad which it was to meet and connect with at the meridian 
 point named." Through Kansas it was to be located so as to make 
 connections with the several railroads through Iowa and Missouri, 
 provided it could be done without deviating from the general direction 
 of the whole line to the Pacific Coast. It further specified that two 
 hundred miles should be built within the first two years and one 
 hundred miles a year thereafter, and after finishing their own line 
 they could unite on equal terms with the Union Pacific Railroad 
 Company in the construction of the latter's line west of the 
 hundredth-Meridian. This gave them the alternate sections of land 
 within five miles on either side and United States Bonds to the amount 
 of sixteen thousand dollars per mile,--similar to the aid extended the 
 Union Pacific Railroad Company by the Government. 
   
 The Leavenworth, Pawnee and Western Railroad Company had been 
 incorporated by the legislature of the state of Kansas in 1855, and 
 was organized in January, 1857, but nothing was done of any 
 consequence under its state Charter. The Company was re-organized 
 June, 1863, and changed its name to harmonize with the Act of Congress 
 to "Union Pacific Railway, Eastern Division." Under its state Charter 
 it was to have extended from Leavenworth, Kan., on the East to Pawnee, 
 Kan. (Fort Riley) on the West, with the privilege of building on west 
 to the Kansas State line,--the state charter not permitting work 
 outside of the Kansas boundaries. 
   
 Ground was broken on the line at Wyandotte, Kan., the state line 
 between Kansas and Missouri, in August, 1863. Active grading commenced 
 at Wyandotte, September 1st, 1863. The contract for the construction 
 was first let by the Leavenworth, Pawnee, and Western Railroad Company 
 to Ross, Steele and Company, but before they got down to actual work 
 the Company had been re-organized as the Union Pacific Railway, 
 Eastern Division, and had changed hands. The work was begun by Samuel 
 Hallett who had been very prominent in promoting the latter Company, 
 the contract being in the name of Hallett and Fremont. The Fremont 
 being the erstwhile candidate for the Presidency of the United States. 
 He is best known today as "The Pathfinder," from his several exploring 
 expeditions between the Mississippi Valley and the Pacific Ocean. 
 Fremont had been identified with the idea of a railroad to the Pacific 
 in the interest of St. Louis, Mo. He, however, did not continue as one 
 of the contractors but withdrew. It was a time of bitter feeling over 
 the Slavery Question. Missouri was "Pro Slavery," Kansas "Free Soil." 
 Hallett inaugurated his work by planting a post inscribed on the 
 Missouri side "Slavery," and on the Kansas side "Freedom." Mr. Hallett 
 was assassinated on the streets of Wyandotte, July 27th, 1864. An 
 employee named Talbot had surreptitiously written the Secretary of the 
 Interior in regard to the work not being up to requirements, more 
 especially that the buildings were simply makeshifts put up to evade 
 the law, etc. Through this and other complaints the Government refused 
 to accept the first section of forty miles and withheld the bonds and 
 land grants that Congress had granted. Hallett on his trips to 
 Washington became aware of Talbot's action, and on his return called 
 him to task with the result that Talbot shot him from a doorway as he 
 was returning to his work from his midday lunch. After Hallett's death 
 the work passed into the hands of St. Louis parties with John D. Perry 
 as Director. 
   
 Under the Supplementary Pacific Railroad Bill of 1864, the conditions 
 as far as the Union Pacific Railroad--Eastern Division as it was then 
 called, were materially improved. It was authorized to connect with 
 the Union Pacific Railroad at any point deemed desirable, but no more 
 bonds or land grants were to be given than if connection were made as 
 originally contemplated at the hundredth Meridian. It was also given 
 the option of building from the mouth of the Kansas River to 
 Leavenworth thence west, or of building directly west with a branch 
 from Leavenworth connecting with the main line at Lawrence, but in the 
 latter case no bonds or land grant would be given account the branch 
 line mileage. Another feature of the Bill was permission to build on 
 west to a connection with the Central Pacific Railroad, provided when 
 it, the Union Pacific Railroad--Eastern Division reached the hundredth 
 Meridian, the Union Pacific Railroad proper was not proceeding with 
 the construction of its line in good faith. The Company under the 
 discretion granted them elected to abandon the junction with the Union 
 Pacific Railroad at the hundredth Meridian and to build directly West. 
 The Company proceeded to explore the country South and West in search 
 of a practicable route to the Pacific, which being found they then 
 went further and had the several routes thoroughly surveyed. In their 
 investigations they had four thousand four hundred and sixty-four 
 miles chained and leveled. The most extensive survey on record. 
   
 Careful surveys demonstrated that the distance to the point of 
 connection with the Union Pacific Railroad would have been three 
 hundred and ninety-four miles from Kansas City, and this much of the 
 line--Kansas City to Pond Creek, Kan.--was bonded-aided and land 
 grant, the Government aid amounting to six million three hundred and 
 two thousand dollars. 
   
 The Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad reached St. Joseph, February, 
 1859, Kansas City, soon afterwards. The Missouri Pacific Railway 
 reached Kansas City, October 1865. Owing to the fact that there were 
 these railroad connections between the East and the eastern terminal 
 of the line the work of construction was greatly facilitated and the 
 expense of building the line greatly reduced. 
   
 The headway made was slow at first. The work was new to the officers 
 in charge as well as to the men. The following table shows the 
 progress made: 
   
   Sept. 1, 1863   commenced work at State Line (Wyandotte, Kan.) 
   Nov. 28, 1864   reached Lawrence--40 miles. 
   Oct. 30, 1865   first 40 miles accepted by the Government. 
   Dec. 15, 1865   50 miles done. 
   Aug. 18, 1866   reached Manhattan--118 miles. 
   Oct. 7, 1866    reached Pawnee (Fort Riley) 135 miles. 
   Jan. 7, 1867    to Mile Post 155. 
   April 8, 1867   to Mile Post 181. 
   Oct. 15, 1867   to Mile Post 335. 
   Fall 1867       to Mile Post 405 (Phil Sheridan.) 
   Mar. 24, 1870   reached Kit Carson--487 miles. 
   Aug. 15, 1870   completed into Denver. 
   
 The difference in altitude between Kansas City and the western 
 boundary of Kansas is some twenty-seven hundred feet and is thus 
 distributed--six hundred feet the first two hundred miles, seven 
 hundred and sixty-nine feet in the next hundred miles, and thirteen 
 hundred and twenty thence to the Kansas line. 
   
 The original intention had been to follow the Republican River, but 
 this was changed and the "Smoky Hill Route" from Junction City, Kan., 
 west adopted. When the road reached Monument, three hundred and 
 eighty-six miles from Kansas City, dissensions arose among the 
 stockholders. One faction was for building to San Diego on the Pacific 
 Coast via New Mexico and Arizona, another was for building to Pueblo 
 and up the Arkansas River, while the third and successful one was for 
 pushing straight ahead to Denver and from there to a connection with 
 the main line of the Union Pacific Railroad,--the idea being to secure 
 for St. Louis a portion of the trans-continental business and the line 
 the carrying thereof. 
   
 The line was built under contract by the following firms: Hallett and 
 Fremont--Wyandotte to Lawrence, Kan., thirty-nine miles. Ira M. 
 Schoemaker and Company--Lawrence to Mile Post one hundred and forty--a 
 distance of one hundred miles. Schoemaker and Miller--Mile Post one 
 hundred and forty to Mile Post four hundred and five--two hundred and 
 sixty miles. West of Mile Post four hundred and five or "Phil 
 Sheridan" as it was then called, the Denver extension was built by the 
 Company itself, General W. J. Palmer being in charge. 
   
 During the construction of the line, the contract to feed the forces 
 at the front was let to Goddard Brothers who utilized to a very great 
 extent buffalo meat for this purpose. To procure these they employed 
 F. Cody at five hundred dollars per month. During this engagement 
 
 Cody claims to have killed four thousand two hundred and eighty 
 buffaloes, earning for himself the appellation "Buffalo Bill" by which 
 name he has ever since been known. The best heads were by special 
 arrangement shipped to the headquarters of the Company at Kansas City, 
 where they were nicely mounted and used as an advertisement of the 
 road. 
   
 The line reached Ellsworth, Kan., the spring of 1867 and made for some 
 time its terminus there. In all the history of "Boom Towns" or 
 "railroad towns" there were none that surpassed this place. For 
 ninety-three consecutive days there was one or more homicide in the 
 town or its immediate vicinity--one hundred in all. 
   
 Another place that sprang into prominence during the time it was the 
 end of the track was "Phil Sheridan" located near the point where the 
 road crossed the hundredth Meridian, Mile Post four hundred and five. 
 During its brief existence it was a rattling noisy place, full of life 
 and vigor, rowdyism predominating. Not a stake, brick, or shingle is 
 left to mark its site. It was here the construction rested for nearly 
 a year and a half, financial troubles,--uncertainty as to whether to 
 build to San Diego, Cal., or Denver, and some very fine work on the 
 part of the Union Pacific proper being the occasion of the suspension 
 of work. 
   
 On June 26th, 1865, work was begun on the branch line from Leavenworth 
 to Lawrence (Leavenworth and Lawrence Railroad), Major B. S. Hennings 
 being in charge as Superintendent. Upon the completion of the branch 
 in the spring following, the headquarters of the Union Pacific 
 Railway--Eastern Division was moved to Lawrence, the operation of the 
 line being under the direction of R. H. Shoemaker, Superintendent, 
 who was succeeded in December, 1867, by George Noble. The work of 
 construction was in charge of General W. W. Wright. 
   
 At the meeting of the Company held April 1st, 1867, Mr. John D. Perry 
 of St. Louis was elected President, Mr. Adolph Meier of the same place 
 Vice-President, and among the directors was Thomas A. Scott, of 
 Philadelphia, (afterwards President of the Pennsylvania Railroad.) 
   
 In 1864 the population of the State of Kansas was one hundred and 
 thirty-five thousand eight hundred and seven and in 1870 when the line 
 was completed three hundred and sixty-four thousand three hundred and 
 ninety-nine. This marvelous increase was due in no small degree to the 
 construction of this line and the facilities it provided for the 
 settlers to reach the cheap land in the interior of the state as well 
 as the security it gave them against Indian depredations. Stage Lines 
 between the Missouri River points and Denver had been running between 
 St. Joseph, Atchison, and Omaha for several years, but after the line 
 was built some distance the route was changed and connection was made 
 between the end of the track and Denver by the Holliday Overland Mail. 
   
 Much trouble was caused by the Indians during the construction, even 
 more than was encountered: on the Union Pacific Railroad. To this 
 cause in no small degree were the delays of 1868 and 1869 
 attributable. It was necessary not only to arm the engineer corps, 
 but also the graders, the Government issuing arms and ammunition for 
 that purpose. Military escorts and guards were furnished by the Army 
 to the Railroad men, both on the grade or ahead surveying. For the 
 better protection of the road and construction forces Army Posts or 
 Forts proper were maintained as follows: 
   
   Fort Riley               Mile Post 140 
   Fort Harker              Mile Post 230 
   Fort Hays                Mile Post 300 
   Fort Wallace             Mile Post 412 
   
 It was the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Sioux, and the Utes who made the 
 trouble. 
   
 In March 1869, the Company was authorized by special act of Congress 
 to assume the name of the Kansas Pacific Railway Company instead of 
 the Union Pacific Railroad (Eastern Division.) A witty epigram on this 
 change that went the rounds of the papers at the time read as follows: 
   
   The Union Pacific's about to apply 
     For a change In Its name and no wonder; 
   Tis as warlike as Jove that great God of the skies, 
     And Pacific about as his thunder. 
   And talking of this, it is strange as it goes 
     Through perpetual snows in some quarters, 
   This railroad should be in the midst of its foes 
     Perpetually in hot water. 
   
 While those in authority had decided to push through to Denver, the 
 idea of building through to San Diego was not abandoned, and in 1872 a 
 branch line was commenced at Kit Carson destined to Pueblo and thence 
 South along the Rampart Range to New Mexico and thence to the coast. 
 This line was completed nearly due south to Fort Lyon and some twenty 
 miles of grading done between Fort Lyon and Pueblo. Financial 
 stringency together with the building of the Atchison, Topeka and 
 Santa Fe into the same territory resulted in the abandonment of these 
 plans and eventually the track from Kit Carson to Lyons was taken up 
 under the following circumstances. 
   
 The owners of the Central Branch (Union Pacific), R. M. Pomeroy of 
 Boston and associates, were pushing the construction of this line 
 westwardly and announced their intention of building to Denver, thus 
 making a competitor for the Kansas Pacific Railway. Mr. Jay Gould who 
 at that time (1879) was the principal owner of the latter line, while 
 out on an inspection trip over the line instructed his General 
 Manager, "Sill Smith" Mr. Sylvester T. Smith to build into their 
 territory and parallel them. Out of this grew the Junction City and 
 Fort Kearney Railway (now a part of the Union Pacific Railroad). Smith 
 was unable to buy sufficient rails to build and accordingly took up 
 those on the branch of the Kansas Pacific Railway, Kit Carson to 
 Lyons, i. e. the Arkansas Valley Railroad and re-laid them on the 
 Junction City Line. Some of the Arkansas Valley Railway bonds were 
 owned in Holland and a representative of the Dutch happened along on 
 an investigating tour, but was unable to find any road. The matter 
 soon got into Court and an effort was made to locate who was 
 responsible for the tearing up of the Arkansas Valley Railway. Finally 
 General Manager Smith was put on the stand and frankly acknowledged 
 what he had done--and that he had no orders from President, Directors, 
 or any one. The question was then asked who ordered you to build the 
 Junction City and Fort Kearney Railway and the answer was Jay Gould; 
 and who is he, for at that time he was not the well-known man he 
 afterwards became. At this point Judge Dillon obtained permission to 
 interrupt the proceedings with a query as in whose behalf all this 
 investigating was being done. The holders of the bonds was the 
 reply--then that must be myself, for said he, I have here in my hands 
 all of the bonds in question. Mr. Gould had quietly bought in the 
 bonds while the matter was in the Courts, bringing the inquiry to an 
 end. 
   
 The line cost for its six hundred and seventy-three miles, Kansas City 
 to Denver, and branch, Leavenworth to Lawrence, thirty-six million 
 seven hundred and forty-seven thousand three hundred dollars, or about 
 fifty-two thousand dollars per mile. 
   
 In 1873 the road was unable to meet its obligations and was placed in 
 the hands of C. S. Greeley and Henry Villard, Receivers,--a majority 
 of its stock passing into the hands of interests friendly to Mr. Jay 
 Gould about 1877. Complaint was made that Villard and Greeley were 
 not the proper men to act as receivers, that they were antagonistic to 
 the owners of the bonds--lacking practical knowledge, etc. The matter 
 finally reached the Supreme Court of the United States who in 
 remanding it back to the District Court ordered their removal and the 
 appointment of one man and he a practical railroad man as receiver in 
 their stead. Under this order, in 1879, Sylvester T. Smith who had 
 been connected with the road in various capacities, including that of 
 General Manager, was appointed receiver. 
   
 In 1879 the Company was re-organized and in January 1880 consolidated 
 with the Union Pacific Railroad under the name of the Union Pacific 
 Railway Company, the holders of Kansas Pacific Railway stock being 
 given share for share in the new consolidated Company. 
   
 The basis of the consolidation being 
   
                              Miles Capital Stock      Funded Debt. 
   
   Union Pacific Railroad     1,042 $36,762,300.00   $78,508,350.65 
   Kansas Pacific Railway       675  10,000,000.00    30,567,282.78 
   Denver Pacific Railroad      106   4,000,000.00       581,000.00 
                              -----  -------------   -------------- 
                              1,823  50,762,300.00   109,656,633.43 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER X (The Denver-Cheyenne Line (Denver Pacific Railroad) 
   
 Proposition for Pacific Railroad to Reach Denver--Cheyenne Route 
 Selected--Branch Line Proposed--Denver Pacific Incorporated and 
 Built--Pro-Rata Controversy--Operated By Kansas Pacific--Consolidation 
 With the Union Pacific. 
   
   
 In the original plan for the Union Pacific Railroad it was the 
 intention that the line would run through Denver and from there 
 directly West across the mountains to Salt Lake. When the line was 
 finally located it passed through Cheyenne, leaving Denver some one 
 hundred miles to the South, the reasons for this being the much 
 shorter distance via Cheyenne as well as the decidedly better 
 gradients that were possible via South Pass Route as against the 
 routes via Denver and Berthoud or Evans Passes. The Denver Route was 
 only given up after repeated efforts had been made to find a 
 satisfactory line that way. 
   
 The City of Denver had for some time past been encountering a streak 
 of hard luck--Failure of some of its most promising mines in 
 1861--Division of the Citizens over the Civil War in 1862 and 
 1863--Fire and Flood followed by the Indian War on the plains in 1864 
 cutting off communication with the East--then the grasshoppers plague 
 with the diversion of the Pacific Railway. Vice President Durant had 
 made the remark "it's too dead to bury," and this it was that spurred 
 its citizens up. 
   
 In 1867 the Authorities of the Union Pacific Railroad offered to build 
 a branch from some point on their main line to Denver, provided the 
 citizens of that place would pay for the grading of the line and 
 furnish right of way and grounds for terminal. The citizens of Denver 
 were sore at being left to one side on the great overland route and 
 gave the proposition but a luke-warm reception. It is true, County 
 Commissioners of Arapahoe County, in which Denver is located, ordered 
 an election in August, 1867, to vote on the proposition of issuing two 
 hundred thousand dollars in bonds in favor of such a branch line. The 
 election resulted in an overwhelming majority in favor of it, eleven 
 hundred and sixty for to one hundred and fifty-seven against. The 
 County Commissioners in their negotiations with the Union Pacific 
 people coupled with the proposition certain conditions as to the route 
 which the branch line should follow, which not being satisfactory to 
 the Railroad people, they refused to accept the bonds on the 
 conditions required. 
   
 On November 13th, 1867, George Francis Train addressed a public 
 meeting at Denver on the subject of a connection between Denver and 
 the Union Pacific Railroad and as a result the Denver Pacific Railway 
 and Telegraph Company was organized five days later. On the day 
 following the organization the directors met and elected Bela M. 
 Hughes President, D. H. Moffat, Treasurer, and F. M. Case, Chief 
 Engineer,--one fourth of the necessary funds being subscribed. An 
 arrangement was made with the Union Pacific Railroad Company by the 
 terms of which that Company was to complete the road as soon as it was 
 ready for the rails. In other words the road was to be located, 
 graded, and tied by the Denver Pacific Company, and ironed and 
 equipped by the Union Pacific Railroad Company. 
   
 In connection with the Denver Pacific proposition an application was 
 made to Congress for a land grant to assist in the construction of the 
 road, but before this was acted upon the Kansas Pacific Railroad 
 Company had agreed to transfer the land grant which they had been 
 given by Congress so far as it applied to their proposed line from 
 Denver North, and the application of the Denver Pacific Railroad to 
 Congress was consequently changed to one for bonds. This was granted 
 in 1869 to the amount of twenty-four thousand dollars per mile, or two 
 and a half million dollars in all. 
   
 The grading was commenced May 18th, 1868, and the same fall was 
 completed to Cheyenne, one hundred and six miles. Owing to the delay 
 of Congress in acting on the bond proposition as well as on account of 
 the financial stringency the Union Pacific Railroad Company was then 
 encountering, the latter was not able to carry out its contract in 
 regard to the completion of the Denver Pacific Railroad, and the 
 arrangement was accordingly cancelled. An arrangement was then entered 
 into with the Kansas Pacific Railway by which the latter Company took 
 a certain amount of stock in the Denver Pacific Railroad and proceeded 
 with its construction, completing the line between Cheyenne and Denver 
 on June 22nd, 1870. 
   
 There was great rejoicing over the event. The last spike,--one of 
 solid silver contributed by the miners of Georgetown, Colo.,--was 
 driven by Governor Evans of Colorado. 
   
 The first engine to enter Denver was the first engine that the Union 
 Pacific Railroad owned. It had been the first to enter Cheyenne, also 
 the first into Ogden. 
   
 In 1872 the road passed into the control of the Kansas Pacific Railway 
 Company by purchase who operated it until the consolidation of both 
 lines with the Union Pacific Railroad Company in 1880. 
   
 The Kansas Pacific Railway was completed into Denver in August 1870, 
 and immediately embarked in the through trans-continental traffic from 
 Kansas City and points east thereof, via Denver and the Denver 
 Pacific Railroad. This was, of course, in competition with the Main 
 Line of the Union Pacific Railroad who in accepting business at 
 Cheyenne were losing the haul from Omaha to that point. The Kansas 
 Pacific Railway and the Denver Pacific Railroad people were insistent 
 and with no little degree of correctness that under the original 
 Charter the Union Pacific Railroad was compelled to accept business 
 from all connections,--but the terms thereof were not fixed and 
 instead of accepting a division based on the mileage of the respective 
 lines as insisted upon by the two lines named, the Union Pacific 
 Railroad officials demanded a constructive mileage that would result 
 in their line from Cheyenne to Ogden receiving six tenths of their 
 local rates between those points when the business was competition 
 with their long haul via Omaha. An agreement to work on this basis 
 pending judicial decision was made between the two interests in 
 September 1874. The question would not down, it was brought before 
 Congress, Courts, and Arbitrators constituting a "Cause Célèbre" the 
 Pro-rata controversy. 
   
 Out of this grew the building of a rival line between Denver and 
 Cheyenne wholly under the Union Pacific Railroad's control--locally 
 known as the Colorado Central Railroad. This line was comprised of the 
 Colorado Central Railroad, Denver to Golden, sixteen miles. It was 
 commenced on New Year's Day 1868, being the first railroad in the 
 state of Colorado. Its extension to Longmont, built in 1871, and the 
 line Longmont to Cheyenne completed in 1877. This line was some one 
 hundred and thirty miles against one hundred and six by the Denver 
 Pacific Railroad, notwithstanding which it was used by the Union 
 Pacific Railroad as its Denver connection until the adjustment of the 
 differences between the different interests, which was brought about 
 by an agreement made June 1st, 1878, by which the Kansas Pacific 
 Railway and the Denver Pacific Railway were to be operated by the 
 Union Pacific Company. This was followed by an absolute merger of the 
 three roads, in January 1880 the new combination being known as the 
 Union Pacific Railway Company. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER XI (History of the Line since its completion) 
   
 Government Indebtedness--Absorption Other Lines--Receivership--Train 
 Robbers--Settlement With Government. 
   
   
 Upon the completion of the Union Pacific the rates for both freight 
 and passengers were fixed at what now seems a very high figure. Thus 
 passenger fares locally were ten cents per mile. Complaints arising, 
 the matter was taken up in Congress and steps taken towards the 
 appointment of a Board of Commissioners who should have authority to 
 fix rates, both freight and passengers. 
   
 The whole question of earnings and expenses of the line was an unknown 
 quantity and as soon as experience demonstrated what was reasonable 
 and just, the Company voluntarily adjusted their schedules,--until 
 today the rates over the line are about on a parity with those charged 
 by eastern lines through much more thickly settled states. 
   
 In 1869 the agitation looking to a bridge across the Missouri River in 
 place of the slow and often unreliable ferry culminated, and on March 
 11th of that year the structure was commenced. Three years were 
 required for the work and the first train crossed on March 11th, 1872. 
 By an agreement made with the city of Omaha that city was to be made 
 the eastern terminus regardless of the bridge. This, however, was 
 upset by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States 
 declaring the bridge an integral part of the line and that it 
 commenced in Iowa not Nebraska. 
   
 In 1870 the question of repayment of the Government Loans made in the 
 shape of Bonds arose,--more particularly that of the interests 
 accruing thereon,--the bonds themselves not falling due until 
 1895-1899. It was a question whether the lines were to pay this 
 interest in cash or through services rendered in transporting men, 
 materials, and mails for the Government. The matter soon got into the 
 Courts and their decision as rendered by Justice Davis of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States so fully and explicitly covers the ground 
 as to warrant the somewhat lengthy extracts given below: 
   
 In his opinion, Judge Davis said, "This enterprise (the building of 
 the Pacific Railroads) was viewed as a national undertaking for 
 national purposes and the public mind was directed to the end rather 
 than the particular means to be employed for the purpose. Although the 
 road was a military necessity, there were other reasons active at the 
 time in producing an opinion as to its necessity besides the 
 protection of our exposed frontiers. There was a vast unpeopled 
 territory between the Missouri River and Sacramento which was 
 practically worthless without the facilities afforded by a railroad 
 for the transportation of persons and property. With its construction 
 the agricultural and mineral resources could be developed, settlements 
 made, and the wealth and power of the United States essentially 
 increased. And then there was also the pressing want in times of peace 
 even of an improved and cheaper method for the transportation of the 
 mails and supplies for the army and the Indians." 
   
 The policy of the country, to say nothing of the supposed want of 
 power, stood in the way of the United States taking the work into its 
 own hands. Even if this were not so, reasons of economy suggested it 
 were better to enlist private capital and individual enterprise in the 
 project. This Congress undertook to do, and the inducements held out 
 were such as it was believed would procure the requisite capital and 
 enterprise. But the purpose in presenting these inducements was to 
 promote the construction and operation of a work deemed essential to 
 the security of great public interests. Besides it is fair to infer 
 that Congress supposed that the services to be rendered by the road to 
 the Government would equal the interest to be paid. Congress well knew 
 that the Government bound itself to pay interest every six months and 
 the principal at the time the bond matured, resting satisfied with 
 the entire property of the Company as security for the ultimate 
 payment of the principal and interest. 
   
 This settled the interest question and the next one to arise was the 
 question as to the payment of five per cent, of the net earnings 
 towards the extinguishment of the Government indebtedness, as provided 
 for in the act of 1862, viz., "And after said road is completed, until 
 said bonds and interest are paid, at least five per centum of the net 
 earnings shall be annually applied to the payment thereof." By act of 
 Congress, June 22nd, 1874, the Secretary of the Treasury was directed 
 to require this payment, failing which, to bring suit. The Supreme 
 Court decided this in 1878 that the Company must pay this five per 
 cent and defined net earnings as what was left out of the gross 
 earnings after deducting all the expense of organization, operation, 
 or for betterments paid out of earnings. 
   
 In 1878 the so called "Thurman Act" became law, by which a sinking 
 fund was established looking to the extinguishing of the Company's 
 indebtedness to the Government. This sinking fund was to be made up of 
 one half the amount accruing on Government Transportation, the five 
 per cent of net earnings, plus enough more of the earnings to make up 
 in all twenty-five per cent of the total net earnings, but not to 
 exceed eighty-five thousand dollars per annum,--this sinking fund to 
 be invested by the Secretary of the Treasury in Government Bonds. 
   
 Up to 1879 the policy of the Company was to transfer all through 
 freight at its eastern termini, none of its equipment being allowed to 
 leave its own rails. 
   
 Soon after the absorption of the Kansas Pacific Railroad and through 
 it the Denver Pacific Railroad, the Union Pacific entered upon a 
 policy of extension by the absorption of other roads and building of 
 branch lines. 
   
 Under this arrangement the Texas lines--Fort Worth, Texas, to Denver, 
 Colo., eight hundred and one miles--were completed and added to the 
 system. This line was built under the name of the Denver, Texas and 
 Gulf (formerly Denver and New Orleans), the Fort Worth and Denver City 
 and the Denver City and Fort Worth Railroads. 
   
 In 1880 the Railroad from Atchison west--originally the line that was 
 to have connected with the Union Pacific Railroad at the hundredth 
 Meridian, known as the Central Branch Union Pacific--became part of 
 the system by purchase and was leased to the Missouri Pacific Railway 
 Company who have since that time operated it. 
   
 Another line added to the system was the narrow (three foot) gauge 
 line from Denver to Leadville and Gunnison. This line was commenced in 
 1873 under a Charter from the Colorado Legislature, reaching Buena 
 Vista, February 22nd, 1880 and Gunnison, the summer of 1881. It was 
 absorbed by the Union Pacific on January 1st, 1881. 
   
 The Utah and Northern was commenced in 1871 by the citizens of Utah 
 and reached Logan in 1873 and Franklin, Idaho, in 1874. The means for 
 building this road was raised by the people of Northern Utah with 
 great difficulty, much of it being donated in labor,--in grading, 
 track work, right of way, etc. After an attempt to operate as a local 
 line more or less successful, it was sold to the Union Pacific 
 Railroad in February 1877 and by them extended to Silver Bow, 
 Mont.--Huntington. Ore., with a branch connecting the main line of the 
 Union Pacific at Granger, Wyo., with Pocatello, Idaho, on the old Utah 
 and Northern. 
   
 On May 17th, 1869, one week after the ceremonies at Promontory, the 
 Utah Central was commenced by the Mormons, Brigham Young being 
 President of the Company. It was completed Ogden to Salt Lake City, 
 January 10th, 1870. The work on the line was done very largely by the 
 Mormons in exchange for stock, its equipment being turned over to them 
 by the Union Pacific as part payment (to the Mormons) for work done on 
 the grading of the line. 
   
 The Utah Southern--Salt Lake City to Frisco, Utah, was commenced in 
 May. 1871, and completed in June 1880, and absorbed by the Utah 
 Central in 1881. 
   
 In 1873 the line from Julesburg to Denver was located and most of the 
 grading done in that year and the two following. Financial stringency 
 together with complications arising over their relations with the 
 Kansas Pacific Railway forced the abandonment of the project. After 
 the consolidation in 1880 the line was recommenced, practically new 
 grades being necessary. It was completed in 1882, the work being done 
 under the Colorado Central Railroad Charter. 
   
 All of the above lines were absorbed by the Union Pacific Railway and 
 were a part of that system up to 1893 when the total mileage reached 
 eight thousand one hundred and sixty-seven, made up of one thousand 
 eight hundred and twenty-three miles Union Pacific and six thousand 
 three hundred and forty-four miles, owned, leased and controlled. On 
 the 13th of October, 1893, the United States Court at Omaha appointed 
 H. H. Clark, Oliver W. Mink, and E. Ellery Anderson, Receivers, and 
 
 in the following month Frederick R. Coudert and J. W. Doane were added 
 to represent the interests of the United States, this receivership 
 being forced on the Company by the very general business depression of 
 1893 and the consequent decrease in traffic and earnings. At the time 
 of appointing receivers for the main line, the Texas Line and the 
 Denver, Leadville and Gunnison (South Park) were segregated and placed 
 under the control of separate receivers. The Oregon Short Line and the 
 Oregon Railway and Navigation Company reverted to the hands of the 
 original Companies, and have ever since been operated independently, 
 although the controlling interest in both lines is owned by the Union 
 Pacific Railway Company. In all, three thousand one hundred and 
 thirteen miles of affiliated lines were segregated from the parent 
 Company. In February, 1899, the "Julesburg Cut Off"--Julesburg to 
 Denver--reverted to the Company, having been operated by the Receiver 
 of the Union Pacific Denver and Gulf Railway in the interim. 
   
 Among other troubles which the line has encountered during its 
 thirty-eight years existence has been that of train-robbers. These 
 were a class of men the outgrowth of Western desperadoism, now happily 
 passed into history. Without the fear of God, Man, or the Law, they 
 would singly or in bands attack trains, rob the mail, express and 
 sometimes the passengers. 
   
 Among the most noted cases of this kind were the Big Springs Robbery, 
 occurring September 18th, 1877, when a gang of twelve masked men took 
 possession of the station at that point, bound and gagged the 
 employees, cutting the telegraph wires, and upon the arrival of the 
 western train took possession of it, securing sixty-five thousand 
 dollars from the express car, and thirteen thousand dollars and four 
 gold watches from the passengers,--then mounting their horses they 
 rode off. A reward of ten thousand dollars for their arrest 
 immediately followed and three of the robbers were caught and hung. 
 About one half of the money was recovered when they were captured. It 
 is said the balance of the gang were apprehended and dealt with by a 
 frontier Court, 'Judge Lynch' officiating, this however is tradition, 
 its truth not being known. 
   
 Another robbery was that committed by Sam. Bass and associates who 
 held up the west bound Pacific Express train securing from the express 
 car some sixty thousand dollars in gold. This money was all recovered 
 and most of the band either killed or arrested. 
   
 Another great event of this kind occurred in the hills of Wyoming, 
 west of Cheyenne during 1898. The first section of the Overland West 
 Bound carrying the mail and express was flagged and brought to a stop. 
 A culvert behind it blown up with dynamite to prevent the second 
 section interfering, and the express cars were then looted and the 
 robbers rode off. Persistent pursuit lasting for years, however, 
 brought them one by one to justice, one being killed near Kansas City 
 while resisting arrest, another killed at Cripple Creek under similar 
 circumstances. 
   
 In 1897 (January 1st) the present Company, Union Pacific Railroad 
 Company, was organized under the laws of Utah as successor to the 
 Union Pacific Railway Company. 
   
 During the construction days, Wells, Fargo and Company operated the 
 Express service over the line. On completion the Company organized its 
 own express "The Union Pacific Railroad Express" which continued to 
 handle the express until re-organized as the Pacific Express Company. 
   
 Congress was appealed to in 1893 to pass a refunding bill, but failed 
 to act. 
   
 Numerous unsuccessful attempts were made to reorganize the property, 
 but this was impossible with the debt to the Government in an 
 unsettled condition. Finally in 1899 an agreement (see foot note) as 
 reached between the re-organization Committee and the Attorney General 
 by which the line was to be foreclosed and the debt adjusted. This was 
 accordingly done in 1899. The account standing: 
   
   Amount due Government. From Union Pacific. From Kansas Pacific. 
   Principal                 $27,236,512.00 
   Interest                   31,211,691.75 
                              ------------- 
   Total                     $58,448,203.75      $12,891,900.19 
   Less Sinking Fund          18,194,618.26        6,303,000.00 
                              -------------       ------------- 
   Balance due               $40,253,585.49       $6,588,900.19 
   
 and these amounts were accordingly turned over to the United States 
 Government closing the account. 
 
 
 
 Footnote Pg 4 
   
 The agreement In question was signed by Sidney 
          Dillon, President of the Union Pacific Railroad Company; 
          Robert B. Carr, President of the Kansas Pacific Railway 
          Company; W. A. H. Loveland, President of the Colorado Central 
          Railroad Company, and concurred with by Henry Villard and 
          Carlos S. Greeley, Receivers of the Kansas Pacific Railway. 
   
          It provided that the three lines should be operated as one 
          property, under the general direction of the Union Pacific 
          Railroad Company. The gross earnings to be pooled and 
          apportioned between them on certain specified agreed per 
          cents, based on the earnings of the respective roads during 
          the preceding year, the arrangement to be binding for fifty 
          years and to be subject to the approval of the Court in whose 
          hands the Kansas Pacific Railway then was. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER XII (The Central Pacific Railroad) 
   
 Suggested By Theo. D. Judah--Huntington, Crocker and Hopkins--Struggle 
 for Congressional Aid--Progress Made. 
   
   
 The preceding chapters in tracing the history of the Union Pacific 
 Railroad cover in a measure the preliminary events leading up to the 
 building of the Central Pacific Railroad,--its connection from Ogden 
 West. 
   
 In addition to this there is a wealth of incident connected with its 
 history that will well repay the student. The following are a few and 
 but a very few of its salient points. 
   
 For some years previous to the time when the final act was passed by 
 Congress--which was to provide those of the western coast with speedy 
 and safe communication with the homes of their youth--the question of 
 a grand trunk road had been discussed by Californians as a public, and 
 as private individuals. Many self-reliant men were sanguine of 
 success, could the project be rightly brought before Congress. This 
 feeling grew among the people of California, until a man who sought 
 office at the hands of the people could not be elected were he not a 
 "railroad man," provided that office was one wherein the holder could 
 injure the prospects of the proposed road. Through the counties where 
 the line was supposed to run, the question was strongly agitated, for 
 those counties were expected to assist the undertaking, by voting 
 their credit in various sums. So eager were the people of the interior 
 of the State to have the enterprise commenced and completed, that they 
 were willing to accede to any terms which would insure the success of 
 the enterprise and relieve them from the oppression of a powerful 
 water monopoly, which controlled a majority of the shipping both via 
 the Panama Route and around Cape Horn. 
   
 The members of Congress from California knew that their election was 
 in part owing to this feeling, and that much was expected of them by 
 their constituents. They failed not when the time arrived, but to 
 one--A. A. Sargent--more than all others, is California indebted for 
 the great work which now binds her to her Eastern sisters. 
   
 But we are proceeding too fast, overlooking, but not forgetting, 
 another name, none the less honored because the bearer lived not to 
 behold the final completion of the work he initiated and so earnestly 
 advocated. Theodore D. Judah now sleeps the sleep that knows no 
 awaking, but still his presence can be seen and felt in every mile of 
 the grand road which his genius brought into being. His name was a 
 household word in the West, for thousands knew and appreciated the 
 manly spirit and genial mind of the earnest, persistent and sanguine 
 Engineer. 
   
 In the then little hamlet of Sacramento, dwelt C. P. Huntington, 
 "Charley" Crocker, Mark Hopkins, and a few others--warm personal 
 friends of Judah--who, often, in the long, winter evenings, gathered 
 around the stove in Huntington and Hopkin's store room, and there 
 discussed the merits and demerits of the Judah theory. These and some 
 other gentlemen became convinced that the engineer was right--that the 
 scheme was practicable. They subscribed fifty dollars a piece, and, in 
 the summer, Judah and his assistants made a careful survey of the 
 passes in the Sierras. This was in the summer of 1860, and in the fall 
 the engineer party returned, toil-worn and travel-stained, but vastly 
 encouraged and elated with the result of their summer's work. So 
 favorable was the report that fifteen hundred dollars were immediately 
 raised to be used the following summer in the same manner. The summer 
 of 1861 found Judah and his party in the gulches and defiles of the 
 Sierras, earnestly prosecuting their labors. The result but confirmed 
 the previous report, with, if possible, more encouraging details 
 regarding country, cost, etc. Judah then visited many of the principal 
 capitalists of San Francisco to obtain subscriptions for the work, but 
 failed to obtain a dollar. "But this road--what is it? Nothing that 
 concerned them. It did not represent capital. A poor engineer wanted 
 to make some money, and had started the idea for that purpose." These 
 wise men shook their heads, and sneered at the undertaking. "What can 
 they do," said they, "even with their Charter from the State? They 
 have no money--they are poor men. It's only a sharp dodge on their 
 part. They think the road will be undertaken in time, and then when 
 that time arrives, they will stand a chance to sell their Charter and 
 realize a few thousands--that's all. But they'll be dead before a 
 railroad will be built across the continent." Such was the general 
 tone of conversation among moneyed men regarding the road in its 
 infancy, and it cannot be denied that the people of California owe 
 nothing to the capitalists of their State--not even their thanks--for 
 aid in the earliest days of the enterprise. The bone and sinew of the 
 people--the mechanic and the merchant, the farmer, laborer and 
 miner--did all that could be expected of them. But the capitalists 
 held back--and for good reason. They feared that the railroad would 
 give the death blow to the monopolies in which they were more or less 
 interested. Sacramento alone deserves the credit of having originated 
 and brought to a successful completion the Central Pacific Railroad. 
 When the State had chartered the Company, when only funds were 
 necessary to insure the completion of the work, only two subscriptions 
 were obtained in San Francisco, and one of these came from a woman. 
   
 In 1862, Judah went to Washington with charts, maps, etc., of the 
 road. Sargent was there, as enthusiastic in the support of the measure 
 as Judah himself. He drew up the bill under which the road was built. 
 James H. Campbell, of Pennsylvania, and Schuyler Colfax (than whose 
 there is no more honored name in California,) were his most efficient 
 supporters in the House. In the Senate, McDougal, of California, 
 Wilson, of Massachusetts, and Morrill, of Maine, also stood manfully 
 by the measure. And there was fought the great battle. There, 
 enlightened ideas, assisted by young and vigorous intellects, met and 
 conquered prejudice and moneyed opposition, and opened a new 
 commercial era in the annals of the Union. But it was not accomplished 
 without a long and wearying struggle, in which the bull-dog 
 pertinacity and fierce grip of Sargent was manifested. Day after day, 
 for weary weeks, in the Committee of the Whole, Sargent and Campbell 
 stood up alternately, and answered objections as fast as made, in 
 short, sharp, close and cutting speeches. And night after night, they 
 held interviews with Eastern Senators and Representatives, while at 
 their side, supplying them with information on all desired points, sat 
 Theodore D. Judah, the engineer, earnest and hopeful to the last. 
 Senators did not nor would not believe that the road could or would be 
 built. Said Lovejoy, during one of the debates: "Do I understand the 
 gentleman from California to say that he actually expects this road 
 to be built?" "The gentleman from Illinois may understand me to 
 predict that if this bill is passed, the road will be finished within 
 ten years," responded Sargent. People can now judge between Lovejoy's 
 and Sargent's ideas of the vigor of the West. 
   
 The end came, the bill was finally passed, and the news thereof caused 
 the hearts of Californians to leap for joy. Ground was broken at 
 Sacramento, and work was commenced immediately. Another battle was to 
 be fought, a financial one. Before they could receive any aid from the 
 Government, forty miles of road must be built and stocked, which would 
 cost at least four million dollars, for that forty miles carried the 
 road far up among the Sierras, through a great portion of their heavy 
 work. Money was "tight"--in fact it always is when a man wants 
 some--commanding two per cent. per month in California. The 
 corporators put in their entire fortunes. The city of San Francisco 
 issued bonds in assistance of the work; the State and several counties 
 also rendered material aid, but all combined was but a trifle compared 
 to what was required. C. P. Huntington, then Vice-President of the 
 road, went to New York for aid, but among the capitalists there he met 
 the same answer that had been given to Judah by the moneyed men of San 
 Francisco. Finally, he met with Fisk and Hatch, dealers in government 
 stocks. They feared not the result of the scheme. These energetic 
 capitalists with the promptness of young and active minds--while 
 older capitalists were questioning whether there was really a serious 
 intention of building the road--pledged their faith to furnish the 
 Company with what money they required and when they required it. The 
 sum ranged from five million dollars to twenty million dollars per 
 year; but they failed not, the money was always ready. The success of 
 the enterprise was now assured. The bonds of the Company were put on 
 the market, and advanced rapidly in price, and soon the Company had at 
 their command all needful funds. 
   
 When the summit of the Sierras was reached, the road was pushed 
 rapidly forward. But long ere this was gained, when the Company was 
 toiling among the mountains, jeers and taunts of derision could be 
 found in plenty in the columns of California newspapers. "The Dutch 
 Flat Swindle," as the road was termed by some of these far sighted 
 journalists--when the Company was laboring to overcome the heavy grade 
 near that town--has passed into a byword in California, and now is 
 suggestive of success. The route, after the "summit" was gained, was 
 then comparatively easy, and rapid progress was made. The Chinese 
 laborers, who had worked on the road from first to last, drove the 
 work forward, and on May 10th, 1869, the roads met on Promontory 
 Point, six hundred and ninety miles from Sacramento. The following 
 will show the number of miles completed during each year: In 
 1863-1864-1865, twenty miles each year; in 1866, thirty miles; in 
 1867, forty-six miles; in 1868 three hundred and sixty-three miles; in 
 1869, one hundred and ninety-one miles. 
 
 
 
 Appendix I Pg 5 
  Roster Union Pacific Railroad 
 PRESIDENT. 
   
 B. Ogden, Elected Sept., 1862. 
 
     Jno. A. Dix, Elected                       Oct., 1863. 
     Oliver Ames, Elected                       June, 1868. 
     Thos. A. Scott, Elected                   April, 1871. 
     Horace F. Clark, Elected                  March, 1872. 
     Jno. Duff, Elected                         July, 1873. 
     Sidney Dillon, Elected                     June, 1874. 
     Chas. Francis Adams, Elected               June, 1884. 
     Sidney Dillon, Elected                     Dec., 1890. 
 H. H. Clark, Elected May, 1892. 
 G. Burt, Elected Jan., 1898. 
 H. Harriman, to date. 
 
   
   
     VICE PRESIDENT. 
   
     Thos. C. Durant, Elected                   Oct., 1863. 
     Jno. Duff, Elected                          May, 1869. 
     Elisha Atkins, Elected                      May, 1874. 
     Tom Potter, Elected                         May, 1887. 
 H. Holcomb, Elected Oct., 1888. 
 H. H. Clark, Elected. May, 1891. 
 
     Elisha Atkins, Elected                     Nov., 1892. 
 W. Mink, Elected March, 1898. 
 M. D. Cornish, Elected July, 1898. 
 
   
   
     2ND. VICE PRESIDENT. 
   
 R. Callaway Sept., 1884, to June, 1887. 
 M. Lane May, 1889, to Oct., 1891. 
 W. Mink May, 1893, to March, 1898. 
 
   
   
     3RD. VICE PRESIDENT. 
   
     Thos. L. Kimball            Nov., 1889, to Aug., 1891. 
 
 
 
 Appendix I Pg 6 
   
 SECRETARY. 
   
 V. Poor, Elected Sept., 1862. 
 
     Chas. Tuttle, Elected                       Oct., 1863. 
 H. Rollins, Elected June, 1869. 
 McFarland, Elected March, 1877. 
 
     Alex. Millar, Elected                      April, 1889. 
   
   
     TREASURER. 
   
 W. Olcott, Elected Sept., 1862. 
 
     Jno. J. Cisco, Elected                      Oct., 1863. 
 M. S. Williams, Elected June, 1869. 
 H. Rollins, Elected May, 1872. 
 McFarland, Elected April, 1877. 
 
     Jas. G. Harris, Elected                    April, 1889. 
 V. S. Crosby, Elected Feb., 1899. 
 
   
   
     GENERAL MANAGER. 
   
     Thos. C. Durant                Oct., 1863 to May, 1869. 
 H. H. Clark Aug., 1878 to Sept., 1884. 
 R. Callaway Oct., 1884 to May, 1887. 
 
     Tom Potter                     May, 1887 to July, 1887. 
     Thos. L. Kimball             March, 1888 to Nov., 1889. 
 Dickinson Dec., 1889 to May, 1890. 
 H. H. Clark Jan., 1891 to April, 1893. 
 Dickinson April, 1893. 
 L. Mohler, to date. 
 
   
   
     ASSISTANT GENERAL MANAGER. 
   
     Thos, L, Kimball              Nov., 1880 to July, 1884. 
 M. Cummings Jan., 1887 to Dec., 1887. 
 S. Mellen Nov., 1888 to March, 1889. 
 M. Cummings   March, 1889 to Dec., 1889. 
 Dickinson Feb., 1889 to Dec., 1889. 
 H. Holcomb Dec., 1890 to May, 1891. 
 Dickinson May, 1891 to April, 1893. 
 
   
   
     GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT. 
   
 M. Dodge Oct., 1863 to May, 1867. 
 Snyder May, 1867 to July, 1869. 
 G. Hammond Sept., 1869 to Oct., 1870. 
 E. Sickles Nov., 1870 to May, 1872. 
 H. H. Clark June, 1874 to Aug., 1878. 
 
     Sylvester T. Smith            Nov., 1884 to June, 1887. 
 Dickinson July, 1887 to March, 1889. 
 
   
   
     ASSISTANT GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT. 
 
 
 
 Appendix I Pg 7 
   
 M. Hoxie Aug., 1869. 
 M. Mead Sept., 1869 to Dec., 1870. 
 H. H. Clark Sept., 1871 to June, 1874. 
 Dickinson Nov., 1884 to Aug., 1887. 
 
   
   
     TRAFFIC MANAGER. 
   
     Thos. L. Kimball             Aug., 1884 to Sept., 1887. 
 S. Mellon March, 1889 to April, 1892. 
 
   
   
     FREIGHT TRAFFIC MANAGER. 
   
 P. Vining Nov., 1882 to Jan., 1884. 
 A. Munroe Oct., 1892 to date. 
 
   
   
     ASST. GENERAL TRAFFIC MANAGER. 
   
 P. Shelby Jan., 1886 to Sept., 1887. 
 A. Munroe Nov., 1889 to March, 1891. 
 Campbell July, 1890 to March, 1891. 
 
   
   
     GENERAL PASSENGER AGENT. 
   
     Webster Snyder                 Oct., 1865 to May, 1867. 
 D. Whitcomb June, 1868 to Jan., 1869. 
 
     Francis Colton                 Nov., 1869 to Dec, 1870. 
     Thos. L. Kimball             March, 1871 to Nov., 1880. 
 W. Morse          Nov., 1880 to Sept., 1887. 
 S. Tebbets Sept., 1887 to March, 1889. 
 L. Lomax March, 1889 to date. 
 
   
   
     GENERAL TICKET AGENT. 
   
     Jos. Budd                     Feb., 1869 to Oct., 1869. 
     Thos. L. Kimball             April, 1872 to Nov., 1880. 
 S. Stebbins Nov., 1880 to Sept., 1887. 
 
   
   
     ASST. GENERAL PASSENGER AGENT. 
   
     Beverly R. Keim              Sept., 1870 to Jan., 1871. 
 C. Thompson Feb., 1871 to April, 1873. 
 S. Stebbins April, 1880 to Jan., 1881. 
 B. Jones May, 1881 to Nov., 1887. 
 L. Lomax Sept., 1887 to March, 1889. 
 W. Lee                 March, 1889 to April, 1891. 
 W. Scott Nov., 1889 to Nov., 1891. 
 H. Hurlburt March, 1891 to Aug., 1894. 
 H. Payne March, 1894 to April, 1895. 
 H. Hutchison   Feb., 1898 to July, 1900. 
 
     Garret Fort                        Sept., 1900 to date. 
 
 
 
 Appendix I Pg 8 
   
 GENERAL FREIGHT AGENT. 
   
 H. H. Clark June, 1868 to Sept., 1868. 
 F. Test Oct., 1868 to Feb., 1869. 
 Brownson                March, 1869 to July, 1870. 
 M. Martin Aug., 1870 to Dec., 1870. 
 Brownson March, 1869 to July, 1870. 
 P. Vining Oct., 1871 to Nov., 1882. 
 P. Shelby Nov., 1882 to Jan., 1886. 
 A. Munroe Jan., 1886 to Dec., 1889. 
 S. Tebbets Dec., 1889 to Nov., 1890. 
 B. Whitney Aug., 1890 to March, 1891. 
 A. Munroe March, 1891 to Nov., 1892. 
 
     Elmer H. Wood                        July 1898 to date. 
   
   
     AUDITOR. 
   
 F. Ham 
 W. Gannett May, 1872 to July, 1873. 
 B. Wilbur July, 1873 to Dec., 1873. 
 W. Gannett                  Dec., 1873 to July 1883. 
 W. Young July, 1883 to date. 
 
   
   
     Among the SUPERINTENDENTS and DIVISION SUPERINTENDENTS 
     were: 
   
 M. Barr, R. Blickensderfer, J. O. Brinkerhoff, W. H. Baldwin, 
 
     Jr., S. H. H. Clark, C. H. Chappel, J. N. Campbell, G. M. 
     Cummings, J. K. Choate, H. Dorrance, W. B. Doddridge, E. 
     Dickinson, A. A. Egbert, L. Fillmore, C. W. Fisher, W. E. 
     Green, W. W. Hungerford, D. S. Ives, C. W. Johnson, R. Law, 
 I. Nichols, J. T. Odell, C. F. Resseguie, J. Rapelje, W. W. 
 
     Riter, C. J. Smith, C. E. Wartele, D. V. Warren, E. W. Weed. 
   
   
 _Roster Kansas Pacific Railway._ 
   
     PRESIDENT. 
   
     Jno. D. Perry                        1865 to May, 1871. 
 E. Carr June, 1871 to Aug., 1876. 
 Meier Aug., 1876 to Nov., 1876. 
 
     Sidney Dillon                  Aug., 1879 to May, 1880. 
   
   
     VICE PRESIDENT. 
   
 Meier 1865 to Aug., 1876. 
 F. Oakes Aug., 1876 to Nov., 1876. 
 M. Egerton Aug., 1879 to May, 1880. 
 
     R. E. Carr (2nd Vice Pres.)  March, 1871, to May, 1871. 
 
 
 
 Appendix I Pg 9 
   
     SECRETARY. 
   
 B. Lamborn June, 1868 to Sept., 1874. 
 M. Edgerton Sept., 1874 to Nov., 1876. 
 H. Calif Aug., 1879 to May, 1880. 
 
   
   
     TREASURER. 
   
     Gen. W. J. Palmer              June, 1868 to May, 1869. 
 S. Greeley June, 1869 to Nov., 1876. 
 M. Ham Aug., 1879 to May, 1880. 
 
   
   
     GENERAL MANAGER. 
   
 E. Carr Dec., 1876 to Aug., 1878. 
 
   
   
     GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT. 
   
 Anderson May, 1869 to May, 1870. 
 
     Ed. S. Bowen                  June, 1871 to Nov., 1874. 
 S. Lyford Dec., 1874 to Nov., 1876. 
 F. Oakes Nov., 1876 to April, 1879. 
 
     Syl. T. Smith                  July, 1879 to May, 1880. 
   
   
     ASST. GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT. 
   
 D. Meier 1867 to April, 1869. 
 
     Geo. Noble                     May, 1871 to Feb., 1874. 
   
   
     AUDITOR. 
   
     Syl. T. Smith                  May, 1869 to Dec., 1878. 
 C. Clements July, 1879, to May, 1880. 
 
   
   
     GENERAL PASSENGER AND TICKET AGENT. 
   
 M. Webster June, 1868, to Feb., 1869. 
 B. Gemmell June, 1870, to Feb., 1871. 
 R. Keim March, 1871, to July, 1876. 
 A. Parker   July, 1876, to Nov., 1876. 
 
     Peter B. Groat              March, 1878, to Dec., 1879. 
 E. Cornell Jan., 1877, to July, 1878. 
 
     Thos. L. Kimball              Dec., 1879, to May, 1880. 
   
   
     GENERAL FREIGHT AGENT. 
   
 M. Webster June, 1868, to Feb., 1869. 
 B. Gemmell June, 1870, to Dec., 1870. 
 F. Oakes Jan., 1871, to Dec., 1876. 
 
     John Muir                     Jan., 1877, to May, 1880. 
 
 
 
 Appendix II Pg 10 
 Statistics Union Pacific Railroad 
 The following is a statement of the gross earnings and operating 
 expenses of the line for the fiscal year, ending June 30th, of the 
 years named below: 
   
   Year.        Gross           Operating     U.P.R.R.    U.P. Sys. 
               Earnings.        Expenses.     Mileage.    Mileage. 
   
    1865 Up to April 1st, 1867, road was         ....       .... 
    1866 in the hands of and run by contractors  ....       .... 
    1867 ... $4,812,155.80        .........       550       .... 
    1868 ...  5,066,651.61        .........       700       .... 
    1869 ...  6,663,851.16                       1038       .... 
    1870 ...  8,408,723.24      6,078,932.30     1039       .... 
    1871 ...  7,240,833.78      3,502,648.49     1032       .... 
    1872 ...  8,892,605.00      4,800,573.00     1032       .... 
    1873 ...                    4,974,861.02     1038       .... 
    1874 ...                    4,854,703.00     1038       .... 
    1875 ...                    4,982,047.00     1038       .... 
    1876 ...                    5,268,211.29     1039       .... 
    1877 ...                    5,273,421.69     1042       1125 
    1878 ...                    5,376,586.00     1042       1618 
    1879 ...                    5,475,503.00     1042       1865 
    1880 ...                   10,545,119.00     1825       2854 
    1881 ...                   12,480,343.00     1821       4270 
    1882 ...                   10,727,049.00     1819       4696 
    1883 ...                   10,354,531.00     1835       6166 
    1884 ...                    8,895,152.00     1832       5627 
    1885 ...                    9,050,355.20     1832       5712 
    1886 ...                                     1832       4509 
    1887 ...                                     1824       4623 
    1888 ...                                     1824       .... 
    1889 ...                                     1824       .... 
    1890 ...                                     1824       .... 
    1891 ...                                     1822       .... 
    1892 ...                                     1822       .... 
    1893 ...                                     1823       .... 
    1894 ...                                     1823       .... 
    1895 ...                    9,939,907.00     1823       .... 
    1896 ...                    9,347,672.00     1823       .... 
    1897 ...                                     1823       .... 
    1898 ...                                     1849       .... 
    1899 ...                                     ....       .... 
    1900 ... 23,046,907.33     12,554,328.96     2968       5877 
 
 
 
 Appendix II Pg 11 
   
 Statistics Kansas Pacific Railway._ 
   
 Following statement shows gross earnings, operating expenses 
 (including taxes), of the line up to its consolidation with the Union 
 Pacific Railroad in January, 1880. 
   
                 Gross            Operating     K.P.       Owned or 
   Year.        Earnings.         Expenses.    Mileage.   Controlled. 
   
   1867      $1,816,458.11     $1,199,534.16     234[A]      ..... 
   1868       1,910,161.83      1,346,494.20     403[A]      ..... 
   1869       2,225,850.11      1,386,180.02     439[A]      ..... 
   1870       3,360,786.61      2,480,040.46     552[A]      ..... 
   1871       3,312,517.83      2,302.589.96     673         ..... 
   1872       3,723,713.18      2,229,265.77     673         ..... 
   1873       3,563,299.49      2,116,990.59     673         ..... 
   1874       3,356,749.95      1,671,045.57     673         ..... 
   1875       3,363,760.46      1,790,879.95     673         ..... 
   1876       3,000,800.66      1,782,818.53     673         ..... 
   1877       3,284,734.06      1,916,956.74     673         ..... 
   1878       3,610,224.00      2,411,562.00     677         ..... 
   1879       4,873,729.00      ............     677         ..... 
   
           [Footnote A: Average number miles operated.] 
   
   
 _Statistics Kansas Pacific Railway._ 
   
 The following statement shows the number of Engines and cars owned 
 during the years named: 
   
                              Baggage            Total 
                   Passenger  Mail and  Freight  Number 
   Year.  Engines.  Coaches.  Express.   Cars.    Cars. 
   
   1869     29        21         10       782      813 
   1870     50        35         11      1025     1071 
   1871     76        42         15      1048     1139 
   1872     88        47         19      1070     1136 
   1873     88        53         18      1040     1145 
   1874     88        55         18      1163     1236 
   1875     88        44         18      1107     1204 
   1876     88        43         18      1078     1110 
   1877     88        41         16      1153     1257 
   1878     88        42         17      1307     1382 
   1879     94        41         17      1280     1396 
 
 
 
 Appendix III Pg 13 
   
 _Nomenclature of the Union Pacific Railroad._ 
   
   
 There are two versions of the name Union Pacific. One that it was the 
 expression of the union sentiment prevalent among its projectors and 
 builders, it being named during the dark and gloomy days of the War of 
 the Rebellion; the other being that the whole project was the union of 
 many and varied projects all looking to the building of a Pacific 
 Railroad, and it was natural that the proposition that embraced them 
 all should be called the "Union Pacific." We would rather believe it 
 was somewhat of both these reasons that brought about the name in 
 question. 
   
 COUNCIL BLUFFS, IA.--Received its name from a council being held there 
 in 1804 between Lewis and Clark's Expedition and a party of Ottoe and 
 Missouri Indians. 
   
 OMAHA, NEB.--Named after a tribe of Indians variously known as Mahas 
 or Omahas. 
   
 PAPILION, NEB.--Called after the creek on which it is located, named 
 by Lewis and Clark and derived from a Latin word meaning butterfly. 
   
 MILLARD, NEB.--Named ofter the Hon. Ezra Millard, a prominent citizen 
 of Omaha in the early days. 
   
 ELKHORN, NEB.--So called from the Elkhorn River near by. 
   
 FREMONT, NEB.--Named after Gen'l. Fremont, the "Pathfinder." 
   
 AMES, NEB.--Named after Oliver Ames, one of the prominent men in the 
 history of the road. The place was originally called Ketchum. 
   
 NORTH BEND, NEB.--So named from a northward bend in the Platte River. 
   
 SCHUYLER, NEB.--Named after Schuyler Colfax, Vice-President of the 
 United States. 
   
 COLUMBUS, NEB--Was first settled by a party of Germans from Columbus, 
 Ohio, who named it after their old home. 
   
 CLARK, NEB.--Called after S. H. H. Clark, Gen'l Supt. of the road 
 while it was being constructed. 
   
 CENTRAL CITY, NEB.--Originally called Lone Tree. Named Central City 
 owing to the "Nebraska Central R. R." making connection there with the 
 Union Pacific. 
   
 CHAPMAN, NEB.--Called after a roadmaster of that name. 
   
 LOCKWOOD, NEB.--Named after a storekeeper of that name located there 
 in the early days. 
   
 GRAND ISLAND, NEB.--Named after an island in the Platte River. 
   
 WOOD RIVER, NEB.--Called after a stream of that name adjacent to the 
 town. 
   
 SHELTON, NEB.--Named after the cashier of the Company at Omaha. 
   
 KEARNEY, NEB.--Named after Gen'l Kearney of Mexican War fame. Was the 
 site of Old Ft. Kearney established in 1858 for the protection of the 
 Overland Route. 
 
 
 
 Appendix III Pg 14 
   
 COZAD, NEB.--Named after a gentleman from Cincinnati, Ohio, who 
 purchasing 40,000 acres from the railroad laid out the town. 
   
 WILLOW ISLAND, NEB.--So named from the large number of willow bushes 
 on an island in the Platte River near by. 
   
 BRADYS ISLAND, NEB.--From an adjacent island in the Platte River. 
   
 OGALLALA, NEB.--From the Ogallala, a division of the Sioux or Dacotah 
 tribe of Indians, of which Spotted Tail was the most famous chief. The 
 word means "throwing at or into." 
   
 BRULE, NEB.--From the Brule Sioux. Red Cloud was its most famous 
 chief. The word is French meaning "burnt." They call themselves "Burnt 
 thighs." 
   
 BIG SPRINGS, NEB.--Named after several large springs in the vicinity. 
 A noted camping ground on the Overland. 
   
 JULESBURG, NEB.--Named after an agent of the Overland Mail Co., 
 variously referred to as Jules Bernard, Jules Beni, Jules Burg or 
 Dirty Jules, who was at one time agent of the Stage Company at that 
 point. 
   
 LODGE POLE, COLO.--From a stream of that name which the railroad 
 follows for some little distance. 
   
 SIDNEY, NEB.--Named after Sidney Dillon, at one time president of the 
 Union Pacific. 
   
 BROWNSON, NEB.--Called after a former General Freight Agent of the 
 Company. 
   
 KIMBALL, NEB.--Named after Thos. L. Kimball, General Passenger Agent, 
 and afterwards General Manager. 
   
 PINE BLUFFS, WYO.--Takes its name from the stunted growth along the 
 adjacent bluffs. 
   
 HILLSDALE, WYO.--Named after an engineer, (Hill) who was killed here 
 during the preliminary survey. 
   
 CHEYENNE, WYO.--From an Indian Tribe of that name. The word is 
 supposed to be derived from the French "Chien" a dog and to mean Dog 
 soldier. Other authorities connect it with the Indian word "Shallana" 
 meaning red or red man. 
   
 BUFORD, WYO.--Named after old Ft. Buford. 
   
 SHERMAN, WYO.--The highest point on the line named after the tallest 
 General (Sherman) in the Union Army. 
   
 TIE SIDING, WYO.--Vast quantities of ties were shipped from this point 
 for use in the construction, they coming from the mountains in the 
 vicinity. 
   
 LARAMIE, WYO.--The name comes from Jacques Laramie, a fur trader who 
 was killed in this vicinity by the Indians in 1820. 
 
 
 
 Appendix III Pg 15 
   
 MEDICINE BOW, WYO.--From the Medicine Bow Mountains among which it is 
 situated. 
   
 STEELE, WYO.--From Ft. Fred Steele, established in 1868 on the 
 
 same site. 
   
 RAWLINS, WYO.--Named after Gen. Jno. A. Rawlins, Gen'l Grant's, Chief 
 of Staff and his First Secretary of War. 
   
 CRESTON, WYO.--So called from being the crest of the Rocky Mountains. 
   
 GREEN RIVER, WYO.--From the river of that name whose waters run 
 through a green shale, and while not discoloring the water impart that 
 shade to the river. 
   
 BITTER CREEK, WYO.--From the creek of that name so called from the 
 character of its water. 
   
 GRANGER, WYO.--Named after an old settler, a Mr. Granger. 
   
 OGDEN, UTAH.--Named after Peter Ogden, an attache of the Hudson Bay 
 Co., who lived in this vicinity in the (18) thirties. 
 
 
 
 Appendix IV Pg 16 
   
 _Paddy Miles' Ride._ 
   
   
      The following is taken verbatim from a prominent newspaper 
      of 1869, and is a very excellent illustration of the style 
      of writing prevalent at that time. 
   
   
 Mr. Miles, or "Paddy" as he was familiarly called, was foreman to the 
 Casement Brothers, who laid the track of the Union Pacific Railroad. 
 One morning, Paddy started down Echo Canon with a long train of flat 
 cars, sixteen in number, loaded with ties and iron rails for the road 
 below Echo City, where were then, as now, the station, switches, etc. 
 The reader will remember that, from the divide to the mouth of Echo 
 Canon is heavy grade, no level space on which cars would slack their 
 speed. 
   
 The train had proceeded but a few miles down the canon, going at a 
 lively rate, when the engineer discovered that the train had parted, 
 and four loaded cars had been left behind. Where the train parted the 
 grade was easy, hence that portion attached to the locomotive had 
 gained about half a mile on the stray cars. But when discovered, they 
 were on heavy grade and coming down on the train with lightning speed. 
 What was to be done? The leading train could not stop to pick them up, 
 for, at the rate of speed at which they were approaching, a collision 
 would shiver both trains, destroying them and the lives of those on 
 board. 
   
 There were two men, Dutchmen, on the loose cars, who might put on the 
 brakes, and stop the runaway. The whistle was sounded, but they heard 
 it not; they were fast asleep, behind the piles of ties. On came the 
 cars, fairly bounding from the track in their unguided speed, and away 
 shot the locomotive and train. Away they flew, on, around curves and 
 over bridges, past rocky points and bold headlands; on with the speed 
 of the wind, but no faster than came the cars behind them. 
   
 "Let on the steam," cried Paddy, and with the throttle chock open, and 
 wild terrible screams of the whistle, the locomotive plunged through 
 the gorge, the mighty rocks sending back the screams in a thousand 
 ringing echoes. 
   
 "Off with the ties," shouted Paddy, once more, as the whistle shouted 
 its warning to the station men to keep the track straight and free, 
 for there was no time to pause--that terrible train was close on to 
 them, and if they collided, the canon would have a fearful item added 
 to its history. On went the train past the side-tracks, the almost 
 frantic men throwing off the ties, in hopes that some of them would 
 remain on the track, throw off the runaways, and thus save the forward 
 train. Down the gorge they plunged, the terror keeping close by them, 
 leaping along--almost flying, said one, who told us the tale--while 
 the locomotive strained every iron nerve to gain on its dreaded 
 follower. Again the wild scream of the locomotive of "Switches open," 
 rung out on the air and was heard and understood in Echo City. The 
 trouble was surmised, not known, but the switches were ready, and if 
 the leading train had but the distance it could pass on and the 
 following cars be switched off the track, and allowed to spend their 
 force against the mountain side. On shot the locomotive, like an arrow 
 from the bow, the men throwing over the ties until the train was well 
 nigh unloaded, when just as they were close to the curve by which the 
 train arrives at the station, they saw the dreaded cars strike a tie, 
 or something equally of service, and with a desperate plunge rush down 
 the embankment, some fifteen feet, to the little valley, and creek 
 below. "Down breaks," screamed the engine, and in a moment more the 
 cars entered Echo City, and were quietly waiting on the sidetrack for 
 further developments. The excited crowd, alarmed by the repeated 
 whistling, was soon informed of the cause of these screams, and 
 immediately went up the track to the scene of the disaster, to bring 
 in the dead bodies of the unfortunate Dutchmen, who were surely 
 crushed and torn in pieces. When they arrived at the scene of the 
 disaster, they found the poor unfortunates sitting on the bank, 
 smoking their pipes and unharmed, having just woke up. The first they 
 knew of the trouble was when they were pitched away from the broken 
 cars on the soft green sward. The debris of car frames, wheels and 
 ties gave them the first intimation they had received that something 
 was the matter. 
 
 
 
 Appendix V Pg 17 
   
 The following verbatim report of the engineer in charge of a surveying 
 party on the Kansas Pacific Railway in 1869 will illustrate the 
 difficulties encountered by those engaged in building the Pacific 
 Railroads. 
   
   Engineer's Office. 
   Phil Sheridan, June 20th, 1869. 
   
   Colonel William H. Greenwood, 
   Chief Engineer, Kansas Pacific Railway. 
   
   Sir:-- 
   
 On resuming the location of the line up the North Fork of the Smoky, 
 on Monday last, I made the change in the line mentioned in my last 
 report. 
   
 Commencing as far back as Station three hundred and forty-five, and 
 producing tangent to Station four hundred and thirty-eight by 
 twenty-seven. We then bore to the left with a two degree curve and 
 continued to Station five hundred and forty-one, leaving the line for 
 the night. The location of the line was continued on Tuesday to 
 Station seven hundred and nine and ninety-five hundredths, making a 
 total distance from Sheridan of eight and nine-tenths miles. The line 
 is an easy one for gradients; no heavy work occurs on it, but the many 
 crossings of the stream obtained, make frequent bridges necessary. 
 These should be of such a character as to allow a water-way of at 
 least thirty feet, but bridges of simple construction could be used, 
 stone of any kind being difficult to obtain. The soil is sandy and 
 easily worked, but will make a substantial road-bed. Having received 
 your verbal orders to run a rapid line from a point west of here on 
 the North Fork, where that valley makes its deflection to the South, 
 eastward to the three hundred and eighty-fifth mile post, I provided 
 myself with ten days' supplies and rations, and on Wednesday, the 
 sixteenth, moved up the North Fork as rapidly as the nature of the 
 ground permitted, camping at night near the four hundred and 
 twenty-fourth mile, on Mr. Reynold's preliminary line. Before camp was 
 fully arranged, a heavy squall struck it, tearing down all the tents, 
 destroying one old one used as a cook tent and injuring some of the 
 new ones. The herd was also stampeded, but was recovered without loss. 
 The next morning I went up the valley about ten miles and ascended the 
 divide to take observations. I found the course of the valley here was 
 south of west and continued four miles westward. Several large 
 branches, with deep, broad valleys, almost as large as the main 
 stream, came in from the North, which it would be impracticable to 
 cross. I returned, therefore, to a point in the valley near the four 
 hundred and thirtieth mile of Mr. Reynold's line, where ascent from 
 the valley seemed easy, and commenced my line at Station fifteen 
 hundred and fifty-seven by eighty-three and ascended to an upper 
 plateau in about one and a half miles, with a grade of fifty-two and 
 eight-tenths feet per mile. I then turned to about Magnetic east, and 
 we held this course with some deflections northward until night. This 
 day's work, some six miles, is extremely heavy, the first two miles 
 averaging about forty thousand cubic yards of earthwork each. On 
 Friday we continued the line, swinging more to the northward, as the 
 heavy ravines and rough country forced us away from our course. 
 Running ten miles, we found a good camping place at end of line, at 
 night, in a large branch of the North Fork, (the same which comes in 
 two miles west of Sheridan), where there were numerous large ponds of 
 water, the drainage from the late rains. 
 
 
 
 Appendix V Pg 18 
   
 The line during the day had 
 crossed the water courses at that immediate level, between the heavy 
 breaks near the divide and those near their outlets; still, the work 
 is very heavy, the crossings being wide and deep. Any attempt to 
 improve the line would only result in throwing it northward to the 
 divide, coinciding with your preliminary line of 1867. At the end of 
 the work, Friday, I obtain a grade of sixty-three feet per mile for 
 six thousand and one hundred feet with extremely heavy work on 
 straight lines. Saturday morning we made one and a half miles further 
 and were obliged to abandon the line for the day. On seventeen miles 
 of this work we obtain average per mile: 
   
   Excavation          5,500 cubic yards. 
   Embankment          9,600 cubic yards. 
      Total per mile  15,100 cubic yards. 
   
 I have suggested in the transit notes a change for three or four 
 miles, which will save considerable work and improve the alignment 
 materially. 
   
 On Saturday morning while looking up the line about two miles ahead of 
 the party, I was attacked by ten mounted Indians who came out of a 
 ravine and were very close before I discovered them. My horse was 
 wounded by a pistol ball in the hip at the first start, but I was able 
 to dodge them and was gaining enough distance to enable me to dismount 
 and fight them on foot, when another party, about forty in number cut 
 me off in front and surrounded me, leaving as I supposed, no chance of 
 escape. 
   
 Shooting down the nearest as they closed in, my horse, though wounded 
 in four places and drenched in blood, carried me bravely and broke 
 through their line, they closing up in my rear. One having a fast 
 horse closed in with me as mine stumbled and partially fell. He 
 emptied his revolver at me, but without other effect than to tear my 
 clothes, then striking me on the head with his lance-staff told me in 
 good English to "come off," which, under the circumstances, I did not 
 feel justified in doing. Having him then in good range, I placed my 
 gun against his side and fired, shooting him diagonally through the 
 body and dismounting him. 
   
 Feeling my horse giving away I threw myself from the saddle and 
 catching the nearest Indian as he turned disabled him so that he fell 
 to the ground in a short distance. 
   
 They were now all scattering under whip and spur, having turned the 
 moment I leaped from my horse. I had now come in sight of the party 
 and observed a fresh band endeavoring to cut off the level party and 
 back flagman. 
   
 Mr. Morton (rear flag) finding his pony too much excited to be managed 
 jumped off, successfully repelling the Indians with his carbine. 
 Messrs. Schuyler and McCarty, rodmen, went to his assistance, though 
 only armed with small revolvers. The Indians shooting as they passed, 
 struck Mr. Schuyler in the leg, the ball passing through the fleshy 
 part of the thigh, wounding him severely, but not seriously. 
 
 
 
 Appendix V Pg 19 
   
 The mules of the line wagon becoming unmanageable were unhitched and 
 fastened to the wagon securely while the instruments were being 
 secured and preparations made for a general attack. By the time I had 
 reached the wagon the men were concentrated and prepared for any 
 attack in force. The Indians now molested us but little, occasionally 
 making a dash and firing a few shots then dashing away again. We moved 
 slowly towards camp keeping out-flankers and in a short distance met 
 Lieutenant Smith with a few dismounted men. The first alarm being 
 given by Morton's pony coming in followed close by a few of the red 
 devils, camp had been struck and the wagons loaded preparatory to 
 moving out to meet us. An attempt was made to stampede the stock, but 
 it resulted in a miserable failure, the Spencer carbines of Lieutenant 
 Smith's detachment telling with effect. 
   
 As it was unwise to separate the force, and as Mr. Schuyler's wound 
 needed attendance, we deemed it best to come into Sheridan, it being 
 only fifteen miles. I cannot too highly commend the conduct of the 
 men, they were all cool and ready. Messrs. McCarty, Morton, Schuyler, 
 Scott and Wheeler (leveler), were especially noticeable for presence 
 of mind and cool courage at a very critical moment. Lieutenant Smith 
 and his men, by prompt and vigorous action alone, saved the stock and 
 rendered the safety of the line wagon certain. About seventy Indians 
 were engaged, of whom four are known to be killed. Several others 
 seemed hurt from their actions though nothing certain is known. 
   
 The fight has demonstrated to me the inefficiency of our escorts and 
 the need of more men upon the line, especially with the front and rear 
 flag and level party. 
   
 These men, engaged as they are, have no chance to observe any 
 movements about them and could be surprised very easily and shot down 
 without an opportunity of defense. The fact of my being surprised 
 myself, and allowing these Indians to get behind me and within fifty 
 and seventy-five yards before discovering them, although always on the 
 lookout, proves that we cannot feel safe without extraordinary 
 precautions. My horse was severely wounded, but was able to come in 
 here where he will receive every attention and will in a short time, I 
 think, be fit for service--say one or two months. I must repeat 
 urgently what I have before reported, the necessity for a good strong 
 horse, fast enough to outrun an Indian pony, strong enough to carry my 
 heavy weight, with endurance to keep up his speed for miles if 
 necessary, and hardy enough to stand constant hard riding such as will 
 enable me to see all of the country as we pass it. 
   
 Our loss in property was as follows: 
   
   Two shovels--(abandoned from necessity.) 
   One flag-- 
   One chain--overlooked and left lying on the ground. 
   Private loss.--One field glass (mode of loss unknown, probably 
     cut off by a ball.) 
   One spur--(cut off by ball, saving the foot.) 
   
 Part of this property may be recovered. 
   
 I shall start on the line again tomorrow and try and get through to 
 Carlyle Station. 
   
 I omitted last week to report some changes in the party. 
 
 
 Publication Date: January 30th 2015 https://www.bookrix.com/-mk496e398f1e345