George Rawlinson Ancient Egypt 
 
 
 Story 1 (The Land Of Egypt.) Pg 1 
   
 In Shape Egypt Is Like A Lily With A Crooked Stem. A Broad Blossom 
 Terminates It At Its Upper End; A Button Of A Bud Projects From The 
 Stalk A Little Below The Blossom,  On The Left-Hand Side. The Broad 
 Blossom Is The Delta,  Extending From Aboosir To Tineh,  A Direct Distance 
 Of A Hundred And Eighty Miles,  Which The Projection Of The Coast--The 
 Graceful Swell Of The Petals--Enlarges To Two Hundred And Thirty. The 
 Bud Is The Fayoum,  A Natural Depression In The Hills That Shut In The 
 Nile Valley On The West,  Which Has Been Rendered Cultivable For Many 
 Thousands Of Years By The Introduction Into It Of The Nile Water, 
 Through A Canal Known As The "Bahr Yousouf." The Long Stalk Of The Lily 
 Is The Nile Valley Itself,  Which Is A Ravine Scooped In The Rocky Soil 
 For Seven Hundred Miles From The First Cataract To The Apex Of The 
 Delta,  Sometimes Not More Than A Mile Broad,  Never More Than Eight Or 
 Ten Miles. No Other Country In The World Is So Strangely Shaped,  So 
 Long Compared To Its Width,  So Straggling,  So Hard To Govern From A 
 Single Centre. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 1 (The Land Of Egypt.) Pg 2 
 At The First Glance,  The Country Seems To Divide Itself Into Two 
 Strongly Contrasted Regions; And This Was The Original Impression Which 
 It Made Upon Its Inhabitants. The Natives From A Very Early Time 
 Designated Their Land As "The Two Lands," And Represented It By A 
 Hieroglyph In Which The Form Used To Express "Land" Was Doubled. The 
 Kings Were Called "Chiefs Of The Two Lands," And Wore Two Crowns,  As 
 Being Kings Of Two Countries. The Hebrews Caught Up The Idea,  And Though 
 They Sometimes Called Egypt "Mazor" In The Singular Number,  Preferred 
 Commonly To Designate It By The Dual Form "Mizraim," Which Means "The 
 Two Mazors." These "Two Mazors," "Two Egypts," Or "Two Lands," Were,  Of 
 Course,  The Blossom And The Stalk,  The Broad Tract Upon The 
 Mediterranean Known As "Lower Egypt," Or "The Delta," And The Long 
 Narrow Valley That Lies,  Like A Green Snake,  To The South,  Which Bears 
 The Name Of "Upper Egypt," Or "The Said." Nothing Is More Striking Than 
 The Contrast Between These Two Regions. Entering Egypt From The 
 Mediterranean,  Or From Asia By The Caravan Route,  The Traveller Sees 
 Stretching Before Him An Apparently Boundless Plain,  Wholly Unbroken By 
 Natural Elevations,  Generally Green With Crops Or With Marshy Plants, 
 And Canopied By A Cloudless Sky,  Which Rests Everywhere On A Distant 
 Flat Horizon. An Absolute Monotony Surrounds Him. No Alternation Of 
 Plain And Highland,  Meadow And Forest,  No Slopes Of Hills,  Or Hanging 
 Woods,  Or Dells,  Or Gorges,  Or Cascades,  Or Rushing Streams,  Or Babbling 
 Rills,  Meet His Gaze On Any Side; Look Which Way He Will,  All Is 
 Sameness,  One Vast Smooth Expanse Of Rich Alluvial Soil,  Varying Only In 
 Being Cultivated Or Else Allowed To Lie Waste. Turning His Back With 
 Something Of Weariness On The Dull Uniformity Of This Featureless Plain, 
 The Wayfarer Proceeds Southwards,  And Enters,  At The Distance Of A 
 Hundred Miles From The Coast,  On An Entirely New Scene. Instead Of An 
 Illimitable Prospect Meeting Him On Every Side,  He Finds Himself In a 
 Comparatively Narrow Vale,  Up And Down Which The Eye Still Commands An 
 Extensive View,  But Where The Prospect On Either Side Is Blocked At The 
 Distance Of A Few Miles By Rocky Ranges Of Hills,  White Or Yellow Or 
 Tawny,  Sometimes Drawing So Near As To Threaten An Obstruction Of The 
 River Course,  Sometimes Receding So Far As To Leave Some Miles Of 
 Cultivable Soil On Either Side Of The Stream. The Rocky Ranges,  As He 
 Approaches Them,  Have A Stern And Forbidding Aspect. They Rise For The 
 Most Part,  Abruptly In bare Grandeur; On Their Craggy Sides Grows 
 Neither Moss Nor Heather; No Trees Clothe Their Steep Heights. They Seem 
 Intended,  Like The Mountains That Enclosed The Abode Of Rasselas,  To 
 Keep In The Inhabitants Of The Vale Within Their Narrow Limits,  And Bar 
 Them Out From Any Commerce Or Acquaintance With The Regions Beyond. 
   
 Such Is The Twofold Division Of The Country Which Impresses The Observer 
 Strongly At The First. On A Longer Sojourn And A More Intimate 
 Familiarity,  The Twofold Division Gives Place To One Which Is Threefold. 
 The Lower Differs From The Upper Valley,  It Is A Sort Of Debatable 
 Region,  Half Plain,  Half Vale; The Cultivable Surface Spreads Itself Out 
 More Widely,  The Enclosing Hills Recede Into The Distance; Above All, 
 To The Middle Tract Belongs The Open Space Of The Fayoum Nearly Fifty 
 Miles Across In Its Greatest Diameter,  And Containing An Area Of Four 
 Hundred Square Miles. Hence,  With Some Of The Occupants Of Egypt A 
 Triple Division Has Been Preferred To A Twofold One,  The Greeks 
 Interposing The "Heptanomis" Between The Thebais And The Delta,  And The 
 Arabs The "Vostani" Between The Said And The Bahari,  Or "Country Of The 
 Sea." 
 
 
 
 Story 1 (The Land Of Egypt.) Pg 3 
   
 It May Be Objected To This Description,  That The Egypt Which It Presents 
 To The Reader Is Not The Egypt Of The Maps. Undoubtedly It Is Not. The 
 Maps Give The Name Of Egypt To A Broad Rectangular Space Which They Mark 
 Out In The North-Eastern Corner Of Africa,  Bounded On Two Sides By The 
 Mediterranean And The Red Sea,  And On The Two Others By Two Imaginary 
 Lines Which The Map-Makers Kindly Draw For Us Across The Sands Of The 
 Desert. But "This Egypt," As Has Been Well Observed,  "Is A Fiction Of 
 The Geographers,  As Untrue To Fact As The Island Atlantis Of Greek 
 Legend,  Or The Lyonnesse Of Mediaeval Romance,  Both Sunk Beneath The 
 Ocean To Explain Their Disappearance. The True Egypt Of The Old 
 Monuments,  Of The Hebrews,  Of The Greeks And Romans,  Of The Arabs,  And 
 Of Its Own People In This Day,  Is A Mere Fraction Of This Vast Area Of 
 The Maps,  Nothing More Than The Valley And Plain Watered By The Nile, 
 For Nearly Seven Hundred Miles By The River'S Course From The 
 Mediterranean Southwards."[1] The Great Wastes On Either Side Of The 
 Nile Valley Are In No Sense Egypt,  Neither The Undulating Sandy Desert 
 To The West,  Nor The Rocky And Gravelly Highland To The East,  Which 
 Rises In Terrace After Terrace To A Height,  In Some Places,  Of Six 
 Thousand Feet. Both Are Sparsely Inhabited,  And By Tribes Of A Different 
 Race From The Egyptian--Tribes Whose Allegiance To The Rulers Of Egypt 
 Is In The Best Times Nominal,  And Who For The Most Part Spurn The Very 
 Idea Of Submission To Authority. 
   
 If,  Then,  The True Egypt Be The Tract That We Have Described--The Nile 
 Valley,  With The Fayoum And The Delta--The Lily Stalk,  The Bud,  And The 
 Blossom--We Can Well Understand How It Came To Be Said Of Old,  That 
 "Egypt Was The Gift Of The River." Not That The Lively Greek,  Who First 
 Used The Expression,  Divined Exactly The Scientific Truth Of The Matter. 
 The Fancy Of Herodotus Saw Africa,  Originally,  _Doubly_ Severed From 
 Asia By Two Parallel _Fjords_,  One Running Inland Northwards From The 
 Indian Ocean,  As The Red Sea Does To This Day,  And The Other Penetrating 
 Inland Southwards From The Mediterranean To An Equal Or Greater 
 Distance! The Nile,  He Said,  Pouring Itself Into This Latter _Fjord_, 
 Had By Degrees Filled It Up,  And Had Then Gone On And By Further 
 Deposits Turned Into Land A Large Piece Of The "Sea Of The Greeks," As 
 Was Evident From The Projection Of The Shore Of The Delta Beyond The 
 General Coast-Line Of Africa Eastward And Westward; And,  He Added,  "I Am 
 Convinced,  For My Own Part,  That If The Nile Should Please To Divert His 
 Waters From Their Present Bed Into The Red Sea,  He Would Fill It Up And 
 Turn It Into Dry Land In The Space Of Twenty Thousand Years,  Or Maybe In 
 Half That Time--For He Is A Mighty River And A Most Energetic One." 
 Here,  In This Last Expression,  He Is Thoroughly Right,  Though The Method 
 Of The Nile'S Energy Has Been Other Than He Supposed. The Nile,  Working 
 From Its Immense Reservoirs In The Equatorial Regions,  Has Gradually 
 Scooped Itself Out A Deep Bed In The Sand And Rock Of The Desert,  Which 
 Must Have Originally Extended Across The Whole Of Northern Africa From 
 The Atlantic To The Red Sea. Having Scooped Itself Out This Bed To A 
 Depth,  In Places,  Of Three Hundred Feet From The Desert Level,  It Has 
 Then Proceeded Partially To Fill It Up With Its Own Deposits. Occupying, 
 When It Is At Its Height,  The Entire Bed,  And Presenting At That Time 
 The Appearance Of A Vast Lake,  Or Succession Of Lakes,  It Deposes Every 
 
 
 
 Story 1 (The Land Of Egypt.) Pg 4 
 Day A Portion Of Sediment Over The Whole Space Which It Covers: Then, 
 Contracting Gradually,  It Leaves At The Base Of The Hills,  On Both 
 Sides,  Or At Any Rate On One,  A Strip Of Land Fresh Dressed With Mud, 
 Which Gets Wider Daily As The Waters Still Recede,  Until Yards Grow Into 
 Furlongs,  And Furlongs Into Miles,  And At Last The Shrunk Stream Is 
 Content With A Narrow Channel A Few Hundred Yards In Width,  And Leaves 
 The Rest Of Its Bed To The Embraces Of Sun And Air,  And,  If He So Wills, 
 To The Industry Of Man. The Land Thus Left Exposed Is Egypt--Egypt Is 
 The Temporarily Uncovered Bed Of The Nile,  Which It Reclaims And 
 Recovers During A Portion Of Each Year,  When Egypt Disappears From View, 
 Save Where Human Labour Has By Mounds And Embankments Formed Artificial 
 Islands That Raise Their Heads Above The Waste Of Waters,  For The Most 
 Part Crowned With Buildings. 
   
 There Is One Exception To This Broad And Sweeping Statement. The Fayoum 
 Is No Part Of The Natural Bed Of The Nile,  And Has Not Been Scooped Out 
 By Its Energy. It Is A Natural Depression In The Western Desert, 
 Separated Off From The Nile Valley By A Range Of Limestone Hills From 
 Two Hundred To Five Hundred Feet In Height,  And,  Apart From The Activity 
 Of Man,  Would Have Been Arid,  Treeless,  And Waterless. Still,  It Derives 
 From The Nile All Its Value,  All Its Richness,  All Its Fertility. Human 
 Energy At Some Remote Period Introduced Into The Depressed Tract Through 
 An Artificial Channel From The Nile,  Cut In Some Places Through The 
 Rock,  The Life-Giving Fluid; And This Fluid,  Bearing The Precious Nile 
 Sediment,  Has Sufficed To Spread Fertility Over The Entire Region,  And 
 To Make The Desert Blossom Like A Garden. 
   
 The Egyptians Were Not Unaware Of The Source Of Their Blessings. From A 
 Remote Date They Speculated On Their Mysterious River. They Deified It 
 Under The Name Of Hapi,  "The Hidden," They Declared That "His Abode Was 
 Not Known;" That He Was An Inscrutable God,  That None Could Tell His 
 Origin: They Acknowledged Him As The Giver Of All Good Things,  And 
 Especially Of The Fruits Of The Earth. They Said-- 
   
     "Hail To Thee,  O Nile! 
     Thou Showest Thyself In This Land, 
     Coming In Peace,  Giving Life To Egypt; 
     O Ammon,  Thou Leadest Night Unto Day, 
     A Leading That Rejoices The Heart! 
     Overflowing The Gardens Created By Ra; 
     Giving Life To All Animals; 
     Watering The Land Without Ceasing: 
     The Way Of Heaven Descending: 
     Lover Of Food,  Bestower Of Corn, 
     Giving Life To Every Home,  O Phthah!... 
   
     O Inundation Of Nile,  Offerings Are Made To Thee; 
     Oxen Are Slain To Thee; 
     Great Festivals Are Kept For Thee; 
     Fowls Are Sacrificed To Thee; 
     Beasts Of The Field Are Caught For Thee; 
     Pure Flames Are Offered To Thee; 
     Offerings Are Made To Every God, 
     As They Are Made Unto Nile. 
     Incense Ascends Unto Heaven, 
 
 
 
 Story 1 (The Land Of Egypt.) Pg 5 
 
     Oxen,  Bulls,  Fowls Are Burnt! 
 
     Nile Makes For Himself Chasms In The Thebaid; 
     Unknown Is His Name In Heaven, 
     He Doth Not Manifest His Forms! 
     Vain Are All Representations! 
   
     Mortals Extol Him,  And The Cycle Of Gods! 
     Awe Is Felt By The Terrible Ones; 
     His Son Is Made Lord Of All, 
     To Enlighten All Egypt. 
     Shine Forth,  Shine Forth,  O Nile! Shine Forth! 
     Giving Life To Men By His Omen: 
     Giving Life To His Oxen By The Pastures! 
     Shine Forth In Glory,  O Nile!"[2] 
   
 Though Thus Useful,  Beneficent,  And Indeed Essential To The Existence Of 
 Egypt,  The Nile Can Scarcely Be Said To Add Much To The Variety Of The 
 Landscape Or To The Beauty Of The Scenery. It Is Something,  No Doubt,  To 
 Have The Sight Of Water In a Land Where The Sun Beats Down All Day Long 
 With Unremitting Force Till The Earth Is Like A Furnace Of Iron Beneath 
 A Sky Of Molten Brass. But The Nile Is Never Clear. During The 
 Inundation It Is Deeply Stained With The Red Argillaceous Soil Brought 
 Down From The Abyssinian Highlands. At Other Seasons It Is Always More 
 Or Less Tinged With The Vegetable Matter Which It Absorbs On Its Passage 
 From Lake Victoria To Khartoum; And This Vegetable Matter,  Combined 
 With Its Depth And Volume,  Gives It A Dull Deep Hue,  Which Prevents It 
 From Having The Attractiveness Of Purer And More Translucent Streams. 
 The Greek Name,  Neilos,  And The Hebrew,  Sichor,  Are Thought To Embody 
 This Attribute Of The Mighty River,  And To Mean "Dark Blue" Or 
 "Blue-Black," Terms Sufficiently Expressive Of The Stream'S Ordinary 
 Colour. Moreover,  The Nile Is Too Wide To Be Picturesque. It Is Seldom 
 Less Than A Mile Broad From The Point Where It Enters Egypt,  And Running 
 Generally Between Flat Shores It Scarcely Reflects Anything,  Unless It 
 Be The Grey-Blue Sky Overhead,  Or The Sails Of A Passing Pleasure Boat. 
   
 The Size Of Egypt,  Within The Limits Which Have Been Here Assigned To 
 It,  Is About Eleven Thousand Four Hundred Square Miles,  Or Less Than 
 That Of Any European State,  Except Belgium,  Saxony,  And Servia. 
 Magnitude Is,  However,  But An Insignificant Element In The Greatness Of 
 States--Witness Athens,  Sparta,  Rhodes,  Genoa,  Florence,  Venice. Egypt 
 Is The Richest And Most Productive Land In The Whole World. In Its Most 
 Flourishing Age We Are Told That It Contained Twenty Thousand Cities. It 
 Deserved To Be Called,  More (Probably) Than Even Belgium,  "One Great 
 Town." But Its Area Was Undoubtedly Small. Still,  As Little Men Have 
 Often Taken The Highest Rank Among Warriors,  So Little States Have 
 Filled A Most Important Place In The World'S History. Palestine Was 
 About The Size Of Wales; The Entire Peloponnese Was No Larger Than New 
 Hampshire; Attica Had Nearly The Same Area As Cornwall. Thus The Case Of 
 Egypt Does Not Stand By Itself,  But Is Merely One Out Of Many Exceptions 
 To What May Perhaps Be Called The General Rule. 
   
 If Stinted For Space,  Egypt Was Happy In Her Soil And In Her Situation. 
 The Rich Alluvium,  Continually Growing Deeper And Deeper,  And 
 Top-Dressed Each Year By Nature'S Bountiful Hand,  Was Of An 
 Inexhaustible Fertility,  And Bore Readily Year After Year A Threefold 
 
 
 
 Story 1 (The Land Of Egypt.) Pg 6 
 Harvest--First A Grain Crop,  And Then Two Crops Of Grasses Or Esculent 
 Vegetables. The Wheat Sown Returned A Hundredfold To The Husbandman,  And 
 Was Gathered At Harvest-Time In Prodigal Abundance--"As The Sand Of The 
 Sea,  Very Much,"--Till Men "Left Numbering" (Gen. Xli. 49). Flax And 
 Doora Were Largely Cultivated,  And Enormous Quantities Were Produced Of 
 The Most Nutritive Vegetables,  Such As Lentils,  Garlic,  Leeks,  Onions, 
 Endive,  Radishes,  Melons,  Cucumbers,  Lettuces,  And The Like,  Which 
 Formed A Most Important Element In The Food Of The People. The Vine Was 
 Also Grown In Many Places,  As Along The Flanks Of The Hills Between 
 Thebes And Memphis,  In The Basin Of The Fayoum,  At Anthylla In The 
 Mareotis At Sebennytus (Now Semnood),  And At Plisthine,  On The Shore Of 
 The Mediterranean. The Date-Palm,  Springing Naturally From The Soil In 
 Clumps,  Or Groves,  Or Planted In avenues,  Everywhere Offered Its Golden 
 Clusters To The Wayfarer,  Dropping Its Fruit Into His Lap. Wheat, 
 However,  Was Throughout Antiquity The Chief Product Of Egypt,  Which Was 
 Reckoned The Granary Of The World,  The Refuge And Resource Of All The 
 Neighbouring Nations In Time Of Dearth,  And On Which In The Later 
 Republican,  And In The Imperial Times,  Rome Almost Wholly Depended For 
 Her Sustenance. 
   
 If The Soil Was Thus All That Could Be Wished,  Still More Advantageous 
 Was The Situation. Egypt Was The Only Nation Of The Ancient World Which 
 Had Ready Access To Two Seas,  The Northern Sea,  Or "Sea Of The Greeks," 
 And The Eastern Sea,  Or "Sea Of The Arabians And The Indians." Phoenicia 
 Might Carry Her Traffic By The Painful Travel Of Caravans Across Fifteen 
 Degrees Of Desert From Her Cities On The Levantine Coast To The Inner 
 Recess Of The Persian Gulf,  And Thus Get A Share In The Trade Of The 
 East At A Vast Expenditure Of Time And Trouble. Assyria And Babylonia 
 Might For A Time,  When At The Height Of Their Dominion,  Obtain A 
 Temporary Hold On Lands Which Were Not Their Own,  And Boast That They 
 Stretched From The "Sea Of The Rising" To "That Of The Setting 
 Sun"--From The Persian Gulf To The Mediterranean; But Egypt,  At All 
 Times And Under All Circumstances,  Commands By Her Geographic Position 
 An Access Both To The Mediterranean And To The Indian Ocean By Way Of 
 The Red Sea,  Whereof Nothing Can Deprive Her. Suez Must Always Be Hers, 
 For The Isthmus Is Her Natural Boundary,  And Her Water-System Has Been 
 Connected With The Head Of The Arabian Gulf For More Than Three Thousand 
 Years; And,  In The Absence Of Any Strong State In arabia Or Abyssinia, 
 The Entire Western Coast Of The Red Sea Falls Naturally Under Her 
 Influence With Its Important Roadsteads And Harbours. Thus Egypt Had Two 
 Great Outlets For Her Productions,  And Two Great Inlets By Which She 
 Received The Productions Of Other Countries. Her Ships Could Issue From 
 The Nilotic Ports And Trade With Phoenicia,  Or Carthage,  Or Italy,  Or 
 Greece,  Exchanging Her Corn And Wine And Glass And Furniture And Works 
 In Metallurgy For Etruscan Vases,  Or Grecian Statues,  Or Purple Tynan 
 Robes,  Or Tin Brought By Carthaginian Merchantmen From The Scilly 
 Islands And From Cornwall; Or They Could Start From Heroopolis,  Or Myos 
 Hormus,  Or Some Port Further To The Southward,  And Pass By Way Of The 
 Red Sea To The Spice-Region Of "Araby The Blest," Or To The Abyssinian 
 Timber-Region,  Or To The Shores Of Zanzibar And Mozambique,  Or Round 
 Arabia To Teredon On The Persian Gulf,  Or Possibly To Ceylon Or India. 
 The Products Of The Distant East,  Even Of "Far Cathay," Certainly Flowed 
 Into The Land,  For They Have Been Dug Out Of The Ancient Tombs; But 
 Whether They Were Obtained By Direct Or By Indirect Commerce Must Be 
 Admitted To Be Doubtful. 
 
 
 
 Story 1 (The Land Of Egypt.) Pg 7 
 The Possession Of The Nile Was Of Extraordinary Advantage To Egypt,  Not 
 Merely As The Source Of Fertility,  But As A Means Of Rapid 
 Communication. One Of The Greatest Impediments To Progress And 
 Civilization Which Nature Offers To Man In Regions Which He Has Not Yet 
 Subdued To His Will,  Is The Difficulty Of Locomotion And Of Transport. 
 Mountains,  Forests,  Torrents,  Marshes,  Jungles,  Are The Curses Of "New 
 Countries," Forming,  Until They Have Been Cut Through,  Bridged Over,  Or 
 Tunnelled Under,  Insurmountable Barriers,  Hindering Commerce And Causing 
 Hatreds Through Isolation. Egypt Had From The First A Broad Road Driven 
 Through It From End To End--A Road Seven Hundred Miles Long,  And Seldom 
 Much Less Than A Mile Wide--Which Allowed Of Ready And Rapid 
 Communication Between The Remotest Parts Of The Kingdom. Rivers,  Indeed, 
 Are Of No Use As Arteries Of Commerce Or Vehicles For Locomotion Until 
 Men Have Invented Ships Or Boats,  Or At Least Rafts,  To Descend And 
 Ascend Them; But The Egyptians Were Acquainted With The Use Of Boats And 
 Rafts From A Very Remote Period,  And Took To The Water Like A Brood Of 
 Ducks Or A Parcel Of South Sea Islanders. Thirty-Two Centuries Ago An 
 Egyptian King Built A Temple On The Confines Of The Mediterranean 
 Entirely Of Stone Which He Floated Down The Nile For Six Hundred And 
 Fifty Miles From The Quarries Of Assouan (Syene); And The Passage Up The 
 River Is For A Considerable Portion Of The Year As Easy As The Passage 
 Down. Northerly Winds--The Famous "Etesian Gales"--Prevail In egypt 
 During The Whole Of The Summer And Autumn,  And By Hoisting A Sail It Is 
 Almost Always Possible To Ascend The Stream At A Good Pace. If The Sail 
 Be Dropped,  The Current Will At All Times Take A Vessel Down-Stream; And 
 Thus Boats,  And Even Vessels Of A Large Size,  Pass Up And Down The 
 Water-Way With Equal Facility. 
   
 Egypt Is At All Seasons A Strange Country,  But Presents The Most 
 Astonishing Appearance At The Period Of The Inundation. At That Time Not 
 Only Is The Lengthy Valley From Assouan To Cairo Laid Under Water,  But 
 The Delta Itself Becomes One Vast Lake,  Interspersed With Islands,  Which 
 Stud Its Surface Here And There At Intervals,  And Which Reminded 
 Herodotus Of "The Islands Of The Aegean." The Elevations,  Which Are The 
 Work Of Man,  Are Crowned For The Most Part With The White Walls Of Towns 
 And Villages Sparkling In The Sunlight,  And Sometimes Glassed In The 
 Flood Beneath Them. The Palms And Sycamores Stand Up Out Of The Expanse 
 Of Waters Shortened By Some Five Or Six Feet Of Their Height. 
 Everywhere,  When The Inundation Begins,  The Inhabitants Are Seen 
 Hurrying Their Cattle To The Shelter Provided In The Villages,  And,  If 
 The Rise Of The Water Is More Rapid Than Usual,  Numbers Rescue Their 
 Beasts With Difficulty,  Causing Them To Wade Or Swim,  Or Even Saving 
 Them By Means Of Boats. An Excessive Inundation Brings Not Only Animal, 
 But Human Life Into Peril,  Endangering The Villages Themselves,  Which 
 May Be Submerged And Swept Away If The Water Rises Above A Certain 
 Height. A Deficient Inundation,  On The Other Hand,  Brings No Immediate 
 Danger,  But By Limiting Production May Create A Dearth That Causes 
 Incalculable Suffering. 
   
 Nature'S Operations Are,  However,  So Uniform That These Calamities 
 Rarely Arise. Egypt Rejoices,  More Than Almost Any Other Country,  In an 
 Equable Climate,  An Equable Temperature,  And An Equable Productiveness. 
 The Summers,  No Doubt,  Are Hot,  Especially In The South,  And An 
 Occasional Sirocco Produces Intense Discomfort While It Lasts. But The 
 
 
 
 Story 1 (The Land Of Egypt.) Pg 7 
 Cool Etesian Wind,  Blowing From The North Through Nearly All The 
 Summer-Time,  Tempers The Ardour Of The Sun'S Rays Even In The Hottest 
 Season Of The Year; And During The Remaining Months,  From October To 
 April,  The Climate Is Simply Delightful. Egypt Has Been Said To Have But 
 Two Seasons,  Spring And Summer. Spring Reigns From October Into 
 May--Crops Spring Up,  Flowers Bloom,  Soft Zephyrs Fan The Cheek,  When It 
 Is Mid-Winter In europe; By February The Fruit-Trees Are In Full 
 Blossom; The Crops Begin To Ripen In March,  And Are Reaped By The End Of 
 April; Snow And Frost Are Wholly Unknown At Any Time; Storm,  Fog,  And 
 Even Rain Are Rare. A Bright,  Lucid Atmosphere Rests Upon The Entire 
 Scene. There Is No Moisture In The Air,  No Cloud In The Sky; No Mist 
 Veils The Distance. One Day Follows Another,  Each The Counterpart Of The 
 Preceding; Until At Length Spring Retires To Make Room For Summer,  And A 
 Fiercer Light,  A Hotter Sun,  A Longer Day,  Show That The Most Enjoyable 
 Part Of The Year Is Gone By. 
   
 The Geology Of Egypt Is Simple. The Entire Flat Country Is Alluvial. The 
 Hills On Either Side Are,  In The North,  Limestone,  In The Central Region 
 Sandstone,  And In The South Granite And Syenite. The Granitic Formation 
 Begins Between The Twenty-Fourth And Twenty-Fifth Parallels,  But 
 Occasional Masses Of Primitive Rock Are Intruded Into The Secondary 
 Regions,  And These Extend Northward As Far As Lat. 27 Deg.10'. Above The 
 Rocks Are,  In Many Places,  Deposits Of Gravel And Sand,  The Former Hard, 
 The Latter Loose And Shifting. A Portion Of The Eastern Desert Is 
 Metalliferous. Gold Is Found Even At The Present Day In Small 
 Quantities,  And Seems Anciently To Have Been More Abundant. Copper, 
 Iron,  And Lead Have Been Also Met With In Modern Times,  And One Iron 
 Mine Shows Signs Of Having Been Anciently Worked. Emeralds Abound In The 
 Region About Mount Zabara,  And The Eastern Desert Further Yields 
 Jaspers,  Carnelians,  Breccia Verde,  Agates,  Chalcedonies,  And 
 Rock-Crystal. 
   
 The Flora Of The Country Is Not Particularly Interesting. Dom And Date 
 Palms Are The Principal Trees,  The Latter Having A Single Tapering Stem, 
 The Former Dividing Into Branches. The Sycamore (_Ficus Sycamorus_) Is 
 Also Tolerably Common,  As Are Several Species Of Acacia. The Acacia 
 Seyal,  Which Furnishes The Gum Arable Of Commerce,  Is "A Gnarled And 
 Thorny Tree,  Somewhat Like A Solitary Hawthorn In Its Habit And Manner 
 Of Growth,  But Much Larger." Its Height,  When Full Grown,  Is From 
 Fifteen To Twenty Feet. The _Persea_,  A Sacred Plant Among The Ancient 
 Egyptians,  Is A Bushy Tree Or Shrub,  Which Attains The Height Of 
 Eighteen Or Twenty Feet Under Favourable Circumstances,  And Bears A 
 Fruit Resembling A Date,  With A Subacid Flavour. The Bark Is Whitish, 
 The Branches Gracefully Curved,  The Foliage Of An Ashy Grey,  More 
 Especially On Its Under Surface. Specially Characteristic Of Egypt, 
 Though Not Altogether Peculiar To It,  Were The Papyrus And The 
 Lotus--The _Cyperus Papyrus_ And _Nymphaea Lotus_ Of Botanists. The 
 Papyrus Was A Tall Smooth Reed,  With A Large Triangular Stalk Containing 
 A Delicate Pith,  Out Of Which The Egyptians Manufactured Their Paper. 
 The Fabric Was Excellent,  As Is Shown By Its Continuance To The Present 
 Day,  And By The Fact That The Greeks And Romans,  After Long Trial, 
 Preferred It To Parchment. The Lotus Was A Large White Water-Lily Of 
 Exquisite Beauty. Kings Offered It To The Gods; Guests Wore It At 
 Banquets; Architectural Forms Were Modelled Upon It; It Was Employed In 
 
 
 
 Story 1 (The Land Of Egypt.) Pg 8 
 The Ornamentation Of Thrones. Whether Its Root Had The Effect On Men 
 Ascribed To It By Homer May Be Doubted; But No One Ever Saw It Without 
 Recognizing It Instantly As "A Thing Of Beauty," And Therefore As "A Joy 
 For Ever." 
   
   
   
 Nor Can Egypt Have Afforded In ancient Times Any Very Exciting Amusement 
 To Sportsmen. At The Present Day Gazelles Are Chased With Hawk And Hound 
 During The Dry Season On The Broad Expanse Of The Delta; But Anciently 
 The Thick Population Scared Off The Whole Antelope Tribe,  Which Was 
 Only To Be Found In The Desert Region Beyond The Limits Of The Alluvium. 
 Nor Can Egypt,  In The Proper Sense Of The Word,  Have Ever Been The Home 
 Of Red-Deer,  Roes,  Or Fallow-Deer,  Of Lions,  Bears,  Hyaenas,  Lynxes,  Or 
 Rabbits. Animals Of These Classes May Occasionally Have Appeared In The 
 Alluvial Plain,  But They Would Only Be Rare Visitants Driven By Hunger 
 From Their True Habitat In The Libyan Or The Arabian Uplands. The 
 Crocodile,  However,  And The Hippopotamus Were Actually Hunted By The 
 Ancient Egyptians; And They Further Indulged Their Love Of Sport In The 
 Pursuits Of Fowling And Fishing. All Kinds Of Waterfowl Are At All 
 Seasons Abundant In The Nile Waters,  And Especially Frequent The Pools 
 Left By The Retiring River--Pelicans,  Geese,  Ducks,  Ibises,  Cranes, 
 Storks,  Herons,  Dotterels,  Kingfishers,  And Sea-Swallows. Quails Also 
 Arrive In Great Numbers In The Month Of March,  Though There Are No 
 Pheasants,  Snipe,  Wood-Cocks,  Nor Partridges. Fish Are Very Plentiful In 
 The Nile And The Canals Derived From It; But There Are Not Many Kinds 
 Which Afford Much Sport To The Fisherman. 
   
 Altogether,  Egypt Is A Land Of Tranquil Monotony. The Eye Commonly 
 Travels Either Over A Waste Of Waters,  Or Over A Green Plain Unbroken By 
 Elevations. The Hills Which Inclose The Nile Valley Have Level Tops,  And 
 Sides That Are Bare Of Trees,  Or Shrubs,  Or Flowers,  Or Even Mosses. The 
 Sky Is Generally Cloudless. No Fog Or Mist Enwraps The Distance In 
 Mystery; No Rainstorm Sweeps Across The Scene; No Rainbow Spans The 
 Empyrean; No Shadows Chase Each Other Over The Landscape. There Is An 
 Entire Absence Of Picturesque Scenery. A Single Broad River,  Unbroken 
 Within The Limits Of Egypt Even By A Rapid,  Two Flat Strips Of Green 
 Plain At Its Side,  Two Low Lines Of Straight-Topped Hills Beyond Them, 
 And A Boundless Open Space Where The River Divides Itself Into Half A 
 Dozen Sluggish Branches Before Reaching The Sea,  Constitute Egypt,  Which 
 Is By Nature A Southern Holland---"Weary,  Stale,  Flat And Unprofitable." 
 The Monotony Is Relieved,  However,  In Two Ways,  And By Two Causes. 
 Nature Herself Does Something To Relieve It Twice A Day,  In The Morning 
 And In The Evening,  The Sky And The Landscape Are Lit Up By Hues So 
 Bright Yet So Delicate,  That The Homely Features Of The Prospect Are At 
 Once Transformed As By Magic,  And Wear An Aspect Of Exquisite Beauty. At 
 Dawn Long Streaks Of Rosy Light Stretch Themselves Across The Eastern 
 Sky,  The Haze Above The Western Horizon Blushes A Deep Red; A Ruddy 
 Light Diffuses Itself Around,  And Makes Walls And Towers And Minarets 
 And Cupolas To Glow Like Fire; The Long Shadows Thrown By Each Tree And 
 Building Are Purple Or Violet. A Glamour Is Over The Scene,  Which Seems 
 Transfigured By An Enchanter'S Wand; But The Enchanter Is Nature,  And 
 The Wand She Wields Is Composed Of Sun-Rays. Again,  At Eve,  Nearly The 
 
 
 
 Story 1 (The Land Of Egypt.) Pg 9 
 Same Effects Are Produced As In The Morning,  Only With A Heightened 
 Effect; "The Redness Of Flames" Passes Into "The Redness Of Roses"--The 
 Wavy Cloud That Fled In The Morning Comes Into Sight Once More--Comes 
 Blushing,  Yet Still Comes On--Comes Burning With Blushes,  And Clings To 
 The Sun-God'S Side.[3] 
   
 Night Brings A Fresh Transfiguration. The Olive After-Glow Gives Place 
 To A Deep Blue-Grey. The Yellow Moon Rises Into The Vast Expanse. A 
 Softened Light Diffuses Itself Over Earth And Sky. The Orb Of Night 
 Walks In brightness Through A Firmament Of Sapphire; Or,  If The Moon Is 
 Below The Horizon,  Then The Purple Vault Is Lit Up With Many-Coloured 
 Stars. Silence Profound Reigns Around. A Phase Of Beauty Wholly 
 Different From That Of The Day-Time Smites The Sense; And The Monotony 
 Of Feature Is Forgiven To The Changefulness Of Expression,  And To The 
 Experience Of A New Delight. 
   
 Man Has Also Done His Part To Overcome The Dulness And Sameness That 
 Brood Over The "Land Of Mizraim." Where Nature Is Most Tame And 
 Commonplace,  Man Is Tempted To His Highest Flights Of Audacity. As In 
 The Level Babylonia He Aspired To Build A Tower That Should "Reach To 
 Heaven" (Gen. Xi. 4),  So In egypt He Strove To Startle And Surprise By 
 Gigantic Works,  Enormous Undertakings,  Enterprises That Might Have 
 Seemed Wholly Beyond His Powers. And These Have Constituted In all Ages, 
 Except The Very Earliest,  The Great Attractiveness Of Egypt. Men Are 
 Drawn There,  Not By The Mysteriousness Of The Nile,  Or The Mild Beauties 
 Of Orchards And Palm-Groves,  Of Well-Cultivated Fields And Gardens--No, 
 Nor By The Loveliness Of Sunrises And Sunsets,  Of Moonlit Skies And 
 Stars Shining With Many Hues,  But By The Huge Masses Of The Pyramids,  By 
 The Colossal Statues,  The Tall Obelisks,  The Enormous Temples,  The 
 Deeply-Excavated Tombs,  The Mosques,  The Castles,  And The Palaces. The 
 Architecture Of Egypt Is Its Great Glory. It Began Early,  And It Has 
 Continued Late. But For The Great Works,  Strewn Thickly Over The Whole 
 Valley Of The Nile,  The Land Of Egypt Would Have Obtained But A Small 
 Share Of The World'S Attention; And It Is At Least Doubtful Whether Its 
 "Story" Would Ever Have Been Thought Necessary To Complete "The Story Of 
 The Nations." 
 
 
 
 Story 1 (Footnotes:) Pg 10 
 [1] R. Stuart Poole,  "Cities Of Egypt," P. 4. 
   
 [2] Translation By F.C. Cook. 
   
 [3] Adapted From Mr. Kinglake'S "Eothen," P. 188. 
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 2 (The People Of Egypt.) Pg 11 
   
 Where The Egyptians Came From,  Is A Difficult Question To Answer. 
 Ancient Speculators,  When They Could Not Derive A People Definitely From 
 Any Other,  Took Refuge In The Statement,  Or The Figment,  That They Were 
 The Children Of The Soil Which They Had Always Occupied. Modern 
 Theorists May Say,  If It Please Them,  That They Were Evolved Out Of The 
 Monkeys That Had Their Primitive Abode On That Particular Portion Of The 
 Earth'S Surface. Monkeys,  However,  Are Not Found Everywhere; And We Have 
 No Evidence That In egypt They Were Ever Indigenous,  Though,  As Pets, 
 They Were Very Common,  The Egyptians Delighting In Keeping Them. Such 
 Evidence As We Have Reveals To Us The Man As Anterior To The Monkey In 
 The Land Of Mizraim Thus We Are Thrown Back On The Original 
 Question--Where Did The Man,  Or Race Of Men,  That Is Found In egypt At 
 The Dawn Of History Come From? 
   
 It Is Generally Answered That They Came From Asia; But This Is Not Much 
 More Than A Conjecture. The Physical Type Of The Egyptians Is Different 
 From That Of Any Known Asiatic Nation. The Egyptians Had No Traditions 
 That At All Connected Them With Asia. Their Language,  Indeed,  In 
 Historic Times Was Partially Semitic,  And Allied To The Hebrew,  The 
 Phoenician,  And The Aramaic; But The Relationship Was Remote,  And May Be 
 Partly Accounted For By Later Intercourse,  Without Involving Original 
 Derivation. The Fundamental Character Of The Egyptian In Respect Of 
 Physical Type,  Language,  And Tone Of Thought,  Is Nigritic. The Egyptians 
 Were Not Negroes,  But They Bore A Resemblance To The Negro Which Is 
 Indisputable. Their Type Differs From The Caucasian In exactly Those 
 Respects Which When Exaggerated Produce The Negro. They Were Darker,  Had 
 Thicker Lips,  Lower Foreheads,  Larger Heads,  More Advancing Jaws,  A 
 Flatter Foot,  And A More Attenuated Frame. It Is Quite Conceivable That 
 The Negro Type Was Produced By A Gradual Degeneration From That Which We 
 Find In egypt. It Is Even Conceivable That The Egyptian Type Was 
 Produced By Gradual Advance And Amelioration From That Of The Negro. 
   
 Still,  Whencesoever Derived,  The Egyptian People,  As It Existed In The 
 Flourishing Times Of Egyptian History,  Was Beyond All Question A Mixed 
 Race,  Showing Diverse Affinities. Whatever The People Was Originally,  It 
 Received Into It From Time To Time Various Foreign Elements,  And Those 
 In Such Quantities As Seriously To Affect Its Physique--Ethiopians From 
 The South,  Libyans From The West,  Semites From The North-East,  Where 
 Africa Adjoined On Asia. There Are Two Quite Different Types Of Egyptian 
 Form And Feature,  Blending Together In The Mass Of The Nation,  But 
 Strongly Developed,  And (So To Speak) Accentuated In Individuals. One Is 
 That Which We See In Portraits Of Rameses Iii,  And In Some Of Rameses 
 Ii.--A Moderately High Forehead,  A Large,  Well-Formed Aquiline Nose,  A 
 Well-Shaped Mouth With Lips Not Over Full,  And A Delicately Rounded 
 
 
 
 Story 2 (The People Of Egypt.) Pg 12 
 Chin. The Other Is Comparatively Coarse--Forehead Low,  Nose Depressed 
 And Short,  Lower Part Of The Face Prognathous And Sensual-Looking,  Chin 
 Heavy,  Jaw Large,  Lips Thick And Projecting. The Two Types Of Face Are 
 Not,  However,  Accompanied By Much Difference Of Frame. The Egyptian Is 
 Always Slight In Figure,  Wanting In Muscle,  Flat In Foot,  With Limbs 
 That Are Too Long,  Too Thin,  Too Lady-Like. Something More Of 
 Muscularity Appears,  Perhaps,  In The Earlier Than In The Later Forms; 
 But This Is Perhaps Attributable To A Modification Of The Artistic 
 Ideal. 
   
 As Egypt Presents Us With Two Types Of Physique,  So It Brings Before Us 
 Two Strongly Different Types Of Character. On The One Hand We See,  Alike 
 In The Pictured Scenes,  In The Native Literary Remains,  And In The 
 Accounts Which Foreigners Have Left Us Of The People,  A Grave And 
 Dignified Race,  Full Of Serious And Sober Thought,  Given To Speculation 
 And Reflection,  Occupied Rather With The Interests Belonging To Another 
 World Than With Those That Attach To This Present Scene Of Existence, 
 And Inclined To Indulge In a Gentle And Dreamy Melancholy. The First 
 Thought Of A King,  When He Began His Reign,  Was To Begin His Tomb. The 
 Desire Of The Grandee Was Similar. It Is A Trite Tale How At Feasts A 
 Slave Carried Round To All The Guests The Representation Of A Mummied 
 Corpse,  And Showed It To Each In Turn,  With The Solemn Words--"Look At 
 This,  And So Eat And Drink; For Be Sure That One Day Such As This Thou 
 Shalt Be." The Favourite Song Of The Egyptians,  According To Herodotus, 
 Was A Dirge. The "Lay Of Harper," Which We Subjoin,  Sounds A Key-Note 
 That Was Very Familiar,  At Any Rate,  To Large Numbers Among The 
 Egyptians. 
   
     The Great One[4] Has Gone To His Rest, 
       Ended His Task And His Race; 
     Thus Men Are Aye Passing Away, 
       And Youths Are Aye Taking Their Place. 
     As Ra Rises Up Every Morn, 
       And Turn Every Evening Doth Set, 
     So Women Conceive And Bring Forth, 
       And Men Without Ceasing Beget. 
     Each Soul In Its Turn Draweth Breath-- 
     Each Man Born Of Woman Sees Death. 
   
     Take Thy Pleasure To-Day, 
       Father! Holy One! See, 
     Spices And Fragrant Oils, 
       Father,  We Bring To Thee. 
     On Thy Sister'S Bosom And Arms 
       Wreaths Of Lotus We Place; 
     On Thy Sister,  Dear To Thy Heart, 
       Aye Sitting Before Thy Face. 
     Sound The Song; Let Music Be Played 
     And Let Cares Behind Thee Be Laid. 
   
     Take Thy Pleasure To-Day; 
       Mind Thee Of Joy And Delight! 
     Soon Life'S Pilgrimage Ends, 
       And We Pass To Silence And Night. 
     Patriarch Perfect And Pure, 
       Nefer-Hotep,  Blessed One! Thou 
     Didst Finish Thy Course Upon Earth, 
       And Art With The Blessed Ones Now. 
 
 
 
 Story 2 (The People Of Egypt.) Pg 13 
 People,  And Fun Was Allowed Entrance Even Into The Tombs. In The Large 
 Schools The Masters Had A Difficulty In Training The Young And Keeping 
 Down Their Passion For Amusements. When Oral Exhortation Failed Of 
 Success,  The Cane Was Used Pretty Smartly In Its Place; For The Wise Men 
 Of The Land Had A Saying That 'A Boy'S Ears Grow On His Back.'"[5] 
   
 Herodotus Tells Us How Gaily The Egyptians Kept Their Festivals, 
 Thousands Of The Common People--Men,  Women,  And Children 
 Together--Crowding Into The Boats,  Which At Such Times Covered The Nile, 
 The Men Piping,  And The Women Clapping Their Hands Or Striking Their 
 Castanets,  As They Passed From Town To Town Along The Banks Of The 
 Stream,  Stopping At The Various Landing-Places,  And Challenging The 
 Inhabitants To A Contest Of Good-Humoured Billingsgate. From The 
 Monuments We See How The Men Sang At Their Labours--Here As They Trod 
 The Wine-Press Or The Dough-Trough,  There As They Threshed Out The Corn 
 By Driving The Oxen Through The Golden Heaps. In One Case The Words Of A 
 Harvest-Song Have Come Down To Us: 
   
     "Thresh For Yourselves," They Sang,  "Thresh For Yourselves, 
     O Oxen,  Thresh For Yourselves,  For Yourselves-- 
     Bushels For Yourselves,  Bushels For Your Masters!" 
   
 Their Light-Hearted Drollery Sometimes Found Vent In caricature. The 
 Grand Sculptures Wherewith A King Strove To Perpetuate The Memory Of His 
 Warlike Exploits Were Travestied By Satirists,  Who Reproduced The Scenes 
 Upon Papyrus As Combats Between Cats And Rats. The Amorous Follies Of 
 The Monarch Were Held Up To Derision By Sketches Of A Harem Interior, 
 Where The Kingly Wooer Was Represented By A Lion,  And His Favourites Of 
 The Softer Sex By Gazelles. Even In Serious Scenes Depicting The Trial 
 Of Souls In The Next World,  The Sense Of Humour Breaks Out,  Where The 
 Bad Man,  Transformed Into A Pig Or A Monkey,  Walks Off With A Comical 
 Air Of Surprise And Discomfiture. 
   
 It Does Not,  However,  Help Us Much Towards The True Knowledge Of A 
 People To Scan Their Frames Or Study Their Facial Angle,  Or Even To 
 Contemplate The Outer Aspect Of Their Daily Life. We Want To Know Their 
 Thoughts,  Their Innermost Feelings,  Their Hopes,  Their Fears--In A Word, 
 Their Belief. Nothing Tells The Character Of A People So Much As Their 
 Religion; And We Are Only Dealing Superficially With The Outward Shows 
 Of Things Until We Get Down To The Root Of Their Being,  The Conviction, 
 Or Convictions,  Held In The Recesses Of A People'S Heart. What,  Then, 
 Was The Egyptian Religion? What Did They Worship? What Did They 
 Reverence? What Future Did They Look Forward To? 
   
 Enter The Huge Courts Of An Egyptian Temple,  Or Temple-Palace,  And You 
 Will See Portrayed Upon Its Lofty Walls Row Upon Row Of Deities. Here 
 The King Makes His Offering To Ammon,  Maut,  Khons,  Neith,  Mentu,  Shu, 
 Seb,  Nut,  Osiris,  Set,  Horus; There He Pours A Libation To Phthah, 
 Sekhet,  Tum,  Pasht,  Anuka,  Thoth,  Anubis; Elsewhere,  It May Be,  He Pays 
 His Court To Sati,  Khem,  Isis,  Nephthys,  Athor,  Harmachis,  Nausaas,  And 
 Nebhept. One Monarch Erects An Altar To Satemi,  Tum,  Khepra,  Shu, 
 Tefnut,  Seb,  Netpe,  Osiris,  Isis,  Set,  Nephthys,  Horus,  And Thoth, 
 
 
 
 Story 2 (The People Of Egypt.) Pg 14 
 Mentioning On The Same Monument Phthah,  Num,  Sabak,  Athor,  Pasht,  Mentu, 
 Neith,  Anubis,  Nishem,  And Kartak. Another Represents Himself On A 
 Similar Object As Offering Adoration To Ammon,  Khem,  Phthah-Sokari,  Seb, 
 Nut,  Thoth,  Khons,  Osiris,  Isis,  Horus,  Athor,  Uat (Buto),  Neith, 
 Sekhet,  Anata,  Nuneb,  Nebhept,  And Hapi. All These Deities Are 
 Represented By Distinct Forms,  And Have Distinct Attributes. Nor Do They 
 At All Exhaust The Pantheon. One Modern Writer Enumerates Seventy-Three 
 Divinities,  And Gives Their Several Names And Forms. Another Has A List 
 Of Sixty-Three "_Principal_ Deities," And Notes That There Were "Others 
 Which Personified The Elements,  Or Presided Over The Operations Of 
 Nature,  The Seasons,  And Events." The Egyptians Themselves Speak Not 
 Unfrequently Of "The _Thousand_ Gods," Sometimes Further Qualifying 
 Them,  As "The Gods Male,  The Gods Female,  Those Which Belong To The Land 
 Of Egypt." Practically,  There Were Before The Eyes Of Worshippers Some 
 Scores,  If Not Some Hundreds,  Of Deities,  Who Invited Their Approach And 
 Challenged Their Affections. 
   
 Nor Was This The Whole,  Or The Worst. The Egyptian Was Taught To Pay A 
 Religious Regard To Animals. In One Place Goats,  In another Sheep,  In a 
 Third Hippopotami,  In a Fourth Crocodiles,  In a Fifth Vultures,  In a 
 Sixth Frogs,  In a Seventh Shrew-Mice,  Were Sacred Creatures,  To Be 
 Treated With Respect And Honour,  And Under No Circumstances To Be Slain, 
 Under The Penalty Of Death To The Slayer. And Besides This Local 
 Animal-Cult,  There Was A Cult Which Was General. Cows,  Cats,  Dogs, 
 Ibises,  Hawks,  And Cynocephalous Apes,  Were Sacred Throughout The Whole 
 Of Egypt,  And Woe To The Man Who Injured Them! A Roman Who Accidentally 
 Caused The Death Of A Cat Was Immediately "Lynched" By The Populace. 
 Inhabitants Of Neighbouring Villages Would Attack Each Other With The 
 Utmost Fury If The Native Of One Had Killed Or Eaten An Animal Held 
 Sacred In The Other. In any House Where A Cat Or A Dog Died,  The Inmates 
 Were Expected To Mourn For Them As For A Relation. Both These And The 
 Other Sacred Animals Were Carefully Embalmed After Death,  And Their 
 Bodies Were Interred In Sacred Repositories. 
   
 The Animal-Worship Reached Its Utmost Pitch Of Grossness And Absurdity 
 When Certain Individual Brute Beasts Were Declared To Be Incarnate 
 Deities,  And Treated Accordingly. At Memphis,  The Ordinary Capital, 
 There Was Maintained,  At Any Rate From The Time Of Aahmes I. (About B.C. 
 1650),  A Sacred Bull,  Known As Hapi Or Apis,  Which Was Believed To Be An 
 Actual Incarnation Of The God Phthah,  And Was An Object Of The Highest 
 Veneration. The Apis Bull Dwelt In a Temple Of His Own Near The City, 
 Had His Train Of Attendant Priests,  His Harem Of Cows,  His Meals Of The 
 Choicest Food,  His Grooms And Currycombers Who Kept His Coat Clean And 
 Beautiful,  His Chamberlains Who Made His Bed,  His Cup-Bearers Who 
 Brought Him Water,  &C.,  And On Fixed Days Was Led In a Festive 
 Procession Through The Main Streets Of The Town,  So That The Inhabitants 
 Might See Him,  And Come Forth From Their Dwellings And Make Obeisance. 
 When He Died He Was Carefully Embalmed,  And Deposited,  Together With 
 Magnificent Jewels And Statuettes And Vases,  In a Polished Granite 
 Sarcophagus,  Cut Out Of A Single Block,  And Weighing Between Sixty And 
 Seventy Tons! The Cost Of An Apis Funeral Amounted Sometimes,  As We Are 
 Told,  To As Much As L20,000. To Contain The Sarcophagi,  Several Long 
 
 
 
 Story 2 (The People Of Egypt.) Pg 15 
 Galleries Were Cut In The Solid Rock Near Memphis,  From Which Arched 
 Lateral Chambers Went Off On Either Side,  Each Constructed To Hold One 
 Sarcophagus. The Number Of Apis Bulls Buried In The Galleries Was Found 
 To Be Sixty-Four. 
   
 Nor Was This The Only Incarnate God Of Which Egypt Boasted. Another 
 Bull,  Called Mnevis,  Was Maintained In The Great Temple Of The Sun At 
 Heliopolis,  And,  Being Regarded As An Incarnation Of Ra Or Tum,  Was As 
 Much Reverenced By The Heliopolites As Apis By The Memphites,  A Third, 
 Called Bacis Or Pacis,  Was Kept At Hermonthis,  Which Was Also An 
 Incarnation Of Ra. And A White Cow At Momemphis Was Reckoned An 
 Incarnation Of Athor. Who Can Wonder That Foreign Nations Ridiculed A 
 Religion Of This Kind--One That "Turned The Glory" Of The Eternal 
 Godhead "Into The Similitude Of A Calf That Eateth Hay"? 
   
 The Egyptians Had Also A Further God Incarnate,  Who Was Not Shut Up Out 
 Of Sight Like The Apis And Mnevis And Bacis Bulls And The Athor Cow,  But 
 Was Continually Before Their Eyes,  The Centre Of The Nation'S Life,  The 
 Prime Object Of Attention. This Was The Monarch,  Who For The Time Being 
 Occupied The Throne. Each King Of Egypt Claimed Not Only To Be "Son Of 
 The Sun," But To Be An Actual Incarnation Of The Sun--"The Living 
 Horus." And This Claim Was,  From An Early Date,  Received And Allowed. 
 "Thy Majesty," Says A Courtier Under The Twelfth Dynasty,  "Is The Good 
 God ... The Great God,  The Equal Of The Sun-God. ... I Live From The 
 Breath Which Thou Givest" Brought Into The King'S Presence,  The Courtier 
 "Falls On His Belly," Amazed And Confounded. "I Was As One Brought Out 
 Of The Dark; My Tongue Was Dumb; My Lips Failed Me; My Heart Was No 
 Longer In My Body To Know Whether I Was Alive Or Dead;" And This, 
 Although "The God" Had "Addressed Him Mildly." Another Courtier 
 Attributes His Long Life To The King'S Favour. Ambassadors,  When 
 Presented To The King,  "Raised Their Arms In adoration Of The Good God," 
 And Declared To Him--"Thou Art Like The Sun In all That Thou Doest: Thy 
 Heart Realizes All Its Wishes; Shouldest Thou Wish To Make It Day During 
 The Night,  It Is So Forthwith.... If Thou Sayest To The Water,  'Come 
 From The Rock,' It Will Come In a Torrent Suddenly At The Words Of Thy 
 Mouth. The God Ra Is Like Thee In His Limbs,  The God Khepra In creative 
 Force. Truly Thou Art The Living Image Of Thy Father,  Tum.... All Thy 
 Words Are Accomplished Daily." Some Of The Kings Set Up Their Statues In 
 The Temples By The Side Of The Greatest Of The National Deities,  To Be 
 The Objects Of A Similar Worship. 
   
 Amid This Wealth Of Gods,  Earthly And Heavenly,  Human,  Animal,  And 
 Divine,  An Egyptian Might Well Feel Puzzled To Make A Choice. In His 
 Hesitation He Was Apt To Turn To That Only Portion Of His Religion Which 
 Had The Attraction That Myth Possesses--- The Introduction Into A 
 Supramundane And Superhuman World Of A Quasi-Human Element. The Chief 
 Egyptian Myth Was The Osirid Saga,  Which Ran Somewhat As Follows: "Once 
 Upon A Time The Gods Were Tired Of Ruling In The Upper Sphere,  And 
 Resolved To Take It In Turns To Reign Over Egypt In The Likeness Of Men. 
 So,  After Four Of Them Had In Succession Been Kings,  Each For A Long 
 Term Of Years,  It Happened That Osiris,  The Son Of Seb And Nut,  Took The 
 Throne,  And Became Monarch Of The Two Regions,  The Upper And The Lower. 
 Osiris Was Of A Good And Bountiful Nature,  Beneficent In Will And Words: 
 He Set Himself To Civilize The Egyptians,  Taught Them To Till The Fields 
 And Cultivate The Vine,  Gave Them Law And Religion,  And Instructed Them 
 In Various Useful Arts. Unfortunately,  He Had A Wicked Brother,  Called 
 Set Or Sutekh,  Who Hated Him For His Goodness,  And Resolved To Compass 
 
 
 
 Story 2 (The People Of Egypt.) Pg 16 
 His Death. This He Effected After A While,  And,  Having Placed The Body 
 In A Coffin,  He Threw It Into The Nile,  Whence It Floated Down To The 
 Sea. Isis,  The Sister And Widow Of Osiris,  Together With Her Sister 
 Nephthys,  Vainly Sought For A Long Time Her Lord'S Remains,  But At Last 
 Found Them On The Syrian Shore At Byblus,  Where They Had Been Cast Up By 
 The Waves. She Was Conveying The Corpse For Embalmment And Interment To 
 Memphis,  When Set Stole It From Her,  And Cut It Up Into Fourteen Pieces, 
 Which He Concealed In Various Places. The Unhappy Queen Set Forth In a 
 Light Boat Made Of The Papyrus Plant,  And Searched Egypt From End To 
 End,  Until She Had Found All The Fragments,  And Buried Them With Due 
 Honours. She Then Called On Her Son,  Horus,  To Avenge His Father,  And 
 Horus Engaged Him In a Long War,  Wherein He Was At Last Victorious And 
 Took Set Prisoner. Isis Now Relented,  And Released Set,  Who Be It 
 Remembered,  Was Her Brother; Which So Enraged Horus That He Tore Off Her 
 Crown,  Or (According To Some) Struck Off Her Head,  Which Injury Thoth 
 Repaired By Giving Her A Cow'S Head In Place Of Her Own. Horus Then 
 Renewed The War With His Uncle,  And Finally Slew Him With A Long Spear, 
 Which He Drove Into His Head." The Gods And Goddesses Of The Osirid 
 Legend,  Seb,  Nut Or Netpe,  Osiris,  Isis,  Nephthys,  Set,  And Horus Or 
 Harmachis,  Were Those Which Most Drew Towards Them The Thoughts Of The 
 Egyptians,  The Greater Number Being Favourite Objects Of Worship,  While 
 Set Was Held In General Detestation. 
   
 It Was A Peculiar Feature Of The Egyptian Religion,  That It Contained 
 Distinctively Evil And Malignant Gods. Set Was Not,  Originally,  Such A 
 Deity; But He Became Such In course Of Time,  And Was To The Later 
 Egyptians The Very Principle Of Evil--Evil Personified. Another Evil 
 Deity Was Taour Or Taourt,  Who Is Represented As A Hippopotamus Standing 
 On Its Hind-Legs,  With The Skin And Tail Of A Crocodile Dependent Down 
 Its Back,  And A Knife Or A Pair Of Shears In One Hand. Bes Seems Also To 
 Have Been A Divinity Of The Same Class. He Was Represented As A Hideous 
 Dwarf,  With Large Outstanding Ears,  Bald,  Or With A Plume Of Feathers On 
 His Head,  And With A Lion-Skin Down His Back,  Often Carrying In His Two 
 Hands Two Knives. Even More Terrible Than Bes Was Apep,  The Great 
 Serpent,  With Its Huge And Many Folds,  Who Helped Set Against Osiris, 
 And Was The Adversary And Accuser Of Souls. Savak,  A God With The Head 
 Of A Crocodile,  Seems Also To Have Belonged To The Class Of Malignant 
 Beings,  Though He Was A Favourite Deity With Some Of The Ramesside 
 Kings,  And A Special Object Of Worship In The Fayoum. 
   
   
   
 The Complex Polytheism Of The Monuments And The Literature Was Not, 
 However,  The Practical Religion Of Many Egyptians. Local Cults Held 
 Possession Of Most Of The Nomes,  And The Ordinary Egyptian,  Instead Of 
 Dissipating His Religious Affections By Distributing Them Among The 
 Thousand Divinities Of The Pantheon,  Concentrated Them On Those Of His 
 Nome. If He Was A Memphite,  He Worshipped Phthah Sekhet,  And Tum; If A 
 Theban,  Ammon-Ra,  Maut,  Khons,  And Neith; If A Heliopolite,  Tum,  Nebhebt 
 And Horus; If A Elephantinite,  Kneph,  Sati,  Anuka,  And Hak; And So On. 
 The Egyptian Pantheon Was A Gradual Accretion,  The Result Of 
 Amalgamating The Various Local Cults; But These Continued Predominant In 
 Their Several Localities; And Practically The Only Deities That Obtained 
 
 
 
 Story 2 (The People Of Egypt.) Pg 17 
 Anything Like A General Recognition Were Osiris,  Isis,  Horus,  And The 
 Nile-God,  Hapi. 
   
   
 Besides The Common Popular Religion,  The Belief Of The Masses,  There Was 
 Another Which Prevailed Among The Priests And Among The Educated. The 
 Primary Doctrine Of This Esoteric Religion Was The Real Essential Unity 
 Of The Divine Nature. The Sacred Texts,  Known Only To The Priests And To 
 The Initiated,  Taught That There Was A Single Being,  "The Sole Producer 
 Of All Things Both In Heaven And Earth,  Himself Not Produced Of Any," 
 "The Only True Living God,  Self-Originated," "Who Exists From The 
 Beginning," "Who Has Made All Things,  But Has Not Himself Been Made." 
 This Being Seems Never To Have Been Represented By Any Material,  Even 
 Symbolical,  Form. It Is Thought That He Had No Name,  Or,  If He Had,  That 
 It Must Have Been Unlawful To Pronounce Or Write It. He Was A Pure 
 Spirit,  Perfect In every Respect--All-Wise,  Almighty,  Supremely Good. It 
 Is Of Him That The Egyptian Poets Use Such Expressions As The Following: 
 "He Is Not Graven In Marble; He Is Not Beheld; His Abode Is Not Known; 
 No Shrine Is Found With Painted Figures Of Him; There Is No Building 
 That Can Contain Him;" And,  Again: "Unknown Is His Name In Heaven; He 
 Doth Not Manifest His Forms; Vain Are All Representations;" And Yet 
 Again: "His Commencement Is From The Beginning; He Is The God Who Has 
 Existed From Old Time; There Is No God Without Him; No Mother Bore Him; 
 No Father Hath Begotten Him; He Is A God-Goddess,  Created From Himself; 
 All Gods Came Into Existence When He Began." 
   
 The Other Gods,  The Gods Of The Popular Mythology Were Understood In 
 The Esoteric Religion To Be Either Personified Attributes Of The Deity, 
 Or Parts Of The Nature Which He Had Created,  Considered As Informed And 
 Inspired By Him. Num Or Kneph Represented The Creative Mind,  Phthah The 
 Creative Hand,  Or Act Of Creating; Maut Represented Matter,  Ra The Sun, 
 Khons The Moon,  Seb The Earth,  Khem The Generative Power In Nature,  Nut 
 The Upper Hemisphere Of The Heavens,  Athor The Lower World Or Under 
 Hemisphere; Thoth Personified The Divine Wisdom,  Ammon Perhaps The 
 Divine Mysteriousness Or Incomprehensibility,  Osiris The Divine 
 Goodness. It Is Difficult In Many Cases To Fix On The Exact Quality, 
 Act,  Or Part Of Nature Intended; But The Principle Admits Of No Doubt. 
 No Educated Egyptian Conceived Of The Popular Gods As Really Separate 
 And Distinct Beings. All Knew That There Was But One God,  And Understood 
 That,  When Worship Was Offered To Khem,  Or Kneph,  Or Maut,  Or Thoth,  Or 
 Ammon,  The One God Was Worshipped Under Some One Of His Forms Or In Some 
 One Of His Aspects. He Was Every God,  And Thus All The Gods' Names Were 
 Interchangeable,  And In One And The Same Hymn We May Find A God,  Say 
 Ammon,  Addressed Also As Ra And Khem And Turn And Horus And Khepra; Or 
 Hapi,  The Nile-God,  Invoked As Ammon And Phthah; Or Osiris As Ra And 
 Thoth; Or,  In Fact,  Any God Invoked As Almost Any Other. If There Be A 
 Limit,  It Is In Respect Of The Evil Deities,  Whose Names Are Not Given 
 To The Good Ones. 
   
 Common To All Egyptians Seems To Have Been A Belief,  If Not,  Strictly 
 Speaking,  In The Immortality Of The Soul,  Yet,  At Any Rate,  In a Life 
 After Death,  And A Judgment Of Every Man According To The Deeds Which 
 He Had Done In The Body While Upon Earth. It Was Universally Received 
 
 
 
 Story 2 (The People Of Egypt.) Pg 18 
 That,  Immediately After Death,  The Soul Descended Into The Lower World, 
 And Was Conducted To The "Hall Of Truth," Where It Was Judged In The 
 Presence Of Osiris And Of The Forty-Two Assessors,  The "Lords Of Truth" 
 And Judges Of The Dead. Anubis,  "The Director Of The Weight," Brought 
 Forth A Pair Of Scales,  And,  Placing In One Scale A Figure Or Emblem Of 
 Truth,  Set In The Other A Vase Containing The Good Actions Of The 
 Deceased; Thoth Standing By The While,  With A Tablet In His Hand, 
 Whereon To Record The Result. According To The Side On Which The Balance 
 Inclined,  Osiris,  The President,  Delivered Sentence. If The Good Deeds 
 Preponderated,  The Blessed Soul Was Allowed To Enter The "Boat Of The 
 Sun," And Was Led By Good Spirits To Aahlu (Elysium),  To The "Pools Of 
 Peace" And The Dwelling-Place Of Osiris. If,  On The Contrary,  The Good 
 Deeds Were Insufficient,  If The Ordeal Was Not Passed,  Then The Unhappy 
 Soul Was Sentenced,  According To Its Deserts,  To Begin A Round Of 
 Transmigrations Into The Bodies Of More Or Less Unclean Animals,  The 
 Number,  Nature,  And Duration Of The Transmigrations Depending On The 
 Degree Of The Deceased'S Demerits,  And The Consequent Length And 
 Severity Of The Punishment Which He Deserved Or The Purification Which 
 He Needed. Ultimately,  If After Many Trials Purity Was Not Attained, 
 Then The Wicked And Incurable Soul Underwent A Final Sentence At The 
 Hands Of Osiris,  Judge Of The Dead,  And Being Condemned To Annihilation, 
 Was Destroyed Upon The Steps Of Heaven By Shu,  The Lord Of Light. The 
 Good Soul,  Having First Been Completely Cleansed Of Its Impurities By 
 Passing Through The Basin Of Purgatorial Fire Guarded By The Four 
 Ape-Faced Genii,  Was Made The Companion Of Osiris For A Period Of Three 
 Thousand Years; After Which It Returned From Amenti,  Re-Entered Its 
 Former Body,  And Lived Once More A Human Life Upon The Earth. The 
 Process Was Repeated Till A Mystic Number Of Years Had Gone By,  When, 
 Finally,  The Blessed Attained The Crowning Joy Of Union With God,  Being 
 Absorbed Into The Divine Essence,  From Which They Had Emanated,  And Thus 
 Attaining The True End And Full Perfection Of Their Being. 
   
 Such A Belief As This,  If Earnest And Thorough,  Should Be Productive Of 
 A High Standard Of Moral Action; And Undoubtedly The Egyptians Had A 
 Code Of Morality That Will Compare Favourably With That Of Most Ancient 
 Nations. It Has Been Said To Have Contained "Three Cardinal 
 Requirements--Love Of God,  Love Of Virtue,  And Love Of Man." The Hymns 
 Sufficiently Indicate The First; The Second May Be Allowed,  If By 
 "Virtue" We Understand Justice And Truth; The Third Is Testified By The 
 Constant Claim Of Men,  In Their Epitaphs,  To Have Been Benefactors Of 
 Their Species. "I Was Not An Idler," Says One; "I Was No Listener To The 
 Counsels Of Sloth; My Name Was Not Heard In The Place Of Reproof ... All 
 Men Respected Me; I Gave Water To The Thirsty; I Set The Wanderer On His 
 Path; I Took Away The Oppressor,  And Put A Stop To Violence." "I Myself 
 Was Just And True," Writes Another: "Without Malice,  Having Put God In 
 My Heart,  And Being Quick To Discern His Will. I Have Done Good Upon 
 Earth; I Have Harboured No Prejudice; I Have Not Been Wicked; I Have 
 Not Approved Of Any Offence Or Iniquity; I Have Taken Pleasure In 
 Speaking The Truth.... Pure Is My Soul; While Living I Bore No Malice. 
 There Are No Errors Attributable To Me; No Sins Of Mine Are Before The 
 Judges.... The Men Of The Future,  While They Live,  Will Be Charmed By My 
 Remarkable Merits." And Another: "I Have Not Oppressed Any Widow; No 
 Prisoner Languished In My Days; No One Died Of Hunger. When There Were 
 Years Of Famine,  I Had My Fields Ploughed. I Gave Food To The 
 Inhabitants,  So That There Was No Hungry Person. I Gave The Widow An 
 
 
 
 Story 2 (The People Of Egypt.) Pg 19 
 Equal Portion With The Married; I Did Not Prefer The Rich To The Poor." 
   
 The Moral Standard Thus Set Up,  Though Satisfactory,  So Far As It Went, 
 Was In Many Respects Deficient. It Did Not Comprise Humility; It 
 Scarcely Seems To Have Comprised Purity. The Religious Sculptures Of The 
 Egyptians Were Grossly Indecent; Their Religious Festivals Were Kept In 
 An Indecent Way; Phallic Orgies Were A Part Of Them,  And Phallic Orgies 
 Of A Gross Kind. The Egyptians Tolerated Incest,  And Could Defend It By 
 The Example Of The Gods. Osiris Had Married His Sister; Khem Was "The 
 Bull Of His Mother". The Egyptian Novelettes Are Full Of Indecency And 
 Immorality,  And Egyptian Travellers Describe Their Amours Very Much In 
 The Spirit Of Ferdinand,  Count Fathom; Moreover,  The Complacency With 
 Which Each Egyptian Declares Himself On His Tomb To Have Possessed Every 
 Virtue,  And To Have Been Free From All Vices,  Is Most Remarkable. "I Was 
 A Good Man Before The King; I Saved The Population In The Dire Calamity 
 Which Befell All The Land; I Shielded The Weak Against The Strong; I Did 
 All Good Things When The Time Came To Do Them; I Was Pious Towards My 
 Father,  And Did The Will Of My Mother; I Was Kind-Hearted Towards My 
 Brethren ... I Made A Good Sarcophagus For Him Who Had No Coffin. When 
 The Dire Calamity Befell The Land,  I Made The Children To Live,  I 
 Established The Houses,  I Did For Them All Such Good Things As A Father 
 Does For His Sons." 
   
 And,  Notwithstanding All This Braggadocio,  Performance Seems To Have 
 Lagged Sadly Behind Profession. Kings Boast Of Slaying Their Unresisting 
 Prisoners With Their Own Hand,  And Represent Themselves In The Act Of 
 Doing So. They Come Back From Battle With The Gory Heads Of Their Slain 
 Enemies Hanging From Their Chariots. Licentiousness Prevailed In The 
 Palace,  And Members Of The Royal Harem Intrigued With Those Who Sought 
 The Life Of The King. A Belief In Magic Was General,  And Men Endeavoured 
 To Destroy Or Injure Those Whom They Hated By Wasting Their Waxen 
 Effigies At A Slow Fire To The Accompaniment Of Incantations. Thieves 
 Were Numerous,  And Did Not Scruple Even To Violate The Sanctity Of The 
 Tomb In Order To Obtain A Satisfactory Booty. A Famous "Thieves' 
 Society," Formed For The Purpose Of Opening And Plundering The Royal 
 Tombs,  Contained Among Its Members Persons Of The Sacerdotal Order. 
   
 Social Ranks In egypt Were Divided Somewhat Sharply. There Was A Large 
 Class Of Nobles,  Who Were Mostly Great Landed Proprietors Living On 
 Their Estates,  And Having Under Them A Vast Body Of Dependents, 
 Servants,  Labourers,  Artizans &C. There Was Also A Numerous Official 
 Class,  Partly Employed At The Court,  Partly Holding Government Posts 
 Throughout The Country,  Which Regarded Itself As Highly Dignified,  And 
 Looked Down _De Haut En Has_ On "The People." Commands In The Army Seem 
 To Have Been Among The Prizes Which From Time To Time Fell To The Lot Of 
 Such Persons. Further,  There Was A Literary Class,  Which Was Eminently 
 Respectable,  And Which Viewed With Contempt Those Who Were Engaged In 
 Trade Or Handicrafts. 
   
 Below These Three Classes,  And Removed From Them By A Long Interval,  Was 
 The Mass Of The Population--"The Multitude" As The Egyptians Called 
 Them. These Persons Were Engaged In Manual Labour Of Different Kinds. 
 The Greater Number Were Employed On The Farms Of The Nobles,  In The 
 Cultivation Of The Soil Or In The Rearing Of Cattle. A Portion Were 
 Boatmen,  Fishermen,  Or Fowlers. Others Pursued The Various Known 
 
 
 
 Story 2 (The People Of Egypt.) Pg 20 
 Handicrafts. They Were Weavers,  Workers In Metal,  Stone-Cutters,  Masons, 
 Potters,  Carpenters,  Upholsterers,  Tailors,  Shoe-Makers,  Glass-Blowers, 
 Boat-Builders,  Wig-Makers,  And Embalmers. There Were Also Among Them 
 Painters And Sculptors. But All These Employments "Stank" In The 
 Nostrils Of The Upper Classes,  And Were Regarded As Unworthy Of Any One 
 Who Wished To Be Thought Respectable. 
   
 Still,  The Line Of Demarcation,  Decided As It Was,  Might Be Crossed. It 
 Is An Entire Mistake To Suppose That Caste Existed In egypt. Men 
 Frequently Bred Up Their Sons To Their Own Trade Or Profession,  As They 
 Do In all Countries,  But They Were Not Obliged To Do So--There Was 
 Absolutely No Compulsion In The Matter. The "Public-Schools" Of Egypt 
 Were Open To All Comers,  And The Son Of The Artizan Sat On The Same 
 Bench With The Son Of The Noble,  Enjoyed The Same Education,  And Had An 
 Equal Opportunity Of Distinguishing Himself. If He Showed Sufficient 
 Promise,  He Was Recommended To Adopt The Literary Life; And The Literary 
 Life Was The Sure Passport To State Employment. State Employment Once 
 Entered Upon,  Merit Secured Advancement; And Thus There Was,  In Fact,  No 
 Obstacle To Prevent The Son Of A Labouring Man From Rising To The Very 
 Highest Positions In The Administration Of The Empire. Successful 
 Ministers Were Usually Rewarded By Large Grants Of Land From The Royal 
 Domain; And It Follows That A Clever Youth Of The Labouring Class Might 
 By Good Conduct And Ability Make His Way Even Into The Ranks Of The 
 Landed Aristocracy. 
   
 On The Other Hand,  Practically,  The Condition Of The Labouring Class 
 Was,  Generally Speaking,  A Hard And Sad One. The Kings Were Entitled To 
 Employ As Many Of Their Subjects As They Pleased In Forced Labours,  And 
 Monarchs Often Sacrificed To Their Inordinate Vanity The Lives And 
 Happiness Of Thousands. Private Employers Of Labour Were Frequently 
 Cruel And Exacting; Their Overseers Used The Stick,  And It Was Not Easy 
 For Those Who Suffered To Obtain Any Redress. Moreover,  Taxation Was 
 Heavy,  And Inability To Satisfy The Collector Subjected The Defaulter To 
 The Bastinado. Those Who Have Studied The Antiquities Of Egypt With Most 
 Care,  Tell Us That There Was Not Much To Choose Between The Condition Of 
 The Ancient Labourers And That Of The Unhappy _Fellahin_[6] Of The 
 Present Day. 
   
   
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 2 (Footnotes:) Pg 21 
 [4] Nefer-Hotep,  A Deceased King. 
   
 [5] Brugsch,  "Histoire D'Egypte," P. 15. 
   
 [6] A Fellah Is A Peasant,  One Of The Labouring Class,  Just Above The 
 Slave. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 3 (The Dawn Of History.) Pg 22 
   
 All Nations,  Unless They Be Colonies,  Have A Prehistoric Time--A Dark 
 Period Of Mist And Gloom,  Before The Keen Light Of History Dawns Upon 
 Them. This Period Is The Favourite Playground Of The Myth-Spirits,  Where 
 They Disport Themselves Freely,  Or Lounge Heavily And Listlessly, 
 According To Their Different Natures. The Egyptian Spirits Were Of The 
 Heavier And Duller Kind--Not Light And Frolicsome,  Like The Greek And 
 The Indo-Iranian. It Has Been Said That Egypt Never Produced More Than 
 One Myth,  The Osirid Legend; And This Is So Far True That In No Other 
 Case Is The Story Told At Any Considerable Length,  Or With Any 
 Considerable Number Of Exciting Incidents. There Are,  However,  Many 
 Short Legends In The Egyptian Remains,  Which Have More Or Less Of 
 Interest,  And Show That The People Was Not Altogether Devoid Of 
 Imagination,  Though Their Imagination Was Far From Lively. Seb,  For 
 Instance,  Once Upon A Time,  Took The Form Of A Goose,  And Laid The 
 Mundane Egg,  And Hatched It. Thoth Once Wrote A Wonderful Book,  Full Of 
 Wisdom And Science,  Which Told Of Everything Concerning The Fowls Of The 
 Air,  And The Fishes Of The Sea,  And The Four-Footed Beasts Of The Earth. 
 He Who Knew A Single Page Of The Book Could Charm The Heaven,  The 
 Earth,  The Great Abyss,  The Mountains,  And The Seas. Thoth Took The Work 
 And Enclosed It In a Box Of Gold,  And The Box Of Gold He Placed Within A 
 Box Of Silver,  And The Silver Box Within A Box Of Ivory And Ebony,  And 
 That Again Within A Box Of Bronze; And The Bronze Box He Enclosed Within 
 A Box Of Brass,  And The Brass Box Within A Box Of Iron; And The Box, 
 Thus Guarded,  He Threw Into The Nile At Coptos. But A Priest Discovered 
 The Whereabouts Of The Book,  And Sold The Knowledge To A Young Noble For 
 A Hundred Pieces Of Silver,  And The Young Noble With Great Trouble 
 Fished The Book Up. But The Possession Of The Book Brought Him Not Good 
 But Evil. He Lost His Wife; He Lost His Child; He Became Entangled In a 
 Disgraceful Intrigue. He Was Glad To Part With The Book. But The Next 
 Possessor Was Not More Fortunate; The Book Brought Him No Luck. The 
 Quest After Unlawful Knowledge Involved All Who Sought It In calamity. 
   
 Another Myth Had For Its Subject The Proposed Destruction Of Mankind By 
 Ra,  The Sun-God. Ra Had Succeeded Phthah As King Of Egypt,  And Had 
 Reigned For A Long Term Of Years In Peace,  Contented With His Subjects 
 And They With Him. But A Time Came When They Grew Headstrong And Unruly; 
 They Uttered Words Against Ra; They Plotted Evil Things; They Grievously 
 Offended Him. So Ra Called The Council Of The Gods Together And Asked 
 Them To Advise Him What He Should Do. They Said Mankind Must Be 
 Destroyed,  And Committed The Task Of Destruction To Athor And Sekhet, 
 Who Proceeded To Smite The Men Over The Whole Land. But Now Fear Came 
 Upon Mankind; And The Men Of Elephantine Made Haste,  And Extracted The 
 Juice From The Best Of Their Fruits,  And Mingled It With Human Blood, 
 And Filled Seven Thousand Jars,  And Brought Them As An Offering To The 
 Offended God. Ra Drank And Was Content,  And Ordered The Liquor That 
 Remained In The Jars To Be Poured Out; And,  Lo! It Was An Inundation 
 Which Covered The Whole Land Of Egypt; And When Athor Went Forth The 
 
 
 
 Story 3 (The Dawn Of History.) Pg 23 
 Next Day To Destroy,  She Saw No Men In The Fields,  But Only Water,  Which 
 She Drank,  And It Pleased Her,  And She Went Away Satisfied. 
   
 It Would Require Another Euhemerus To Find Any Groundwork Of History In 
 These Narratives. We Must Turn Away From The "Shadow-Land" Which The 
 Egyptians Called The Time Of The Gods On Earth,  If We Would Find Trace 
 Of The Real Doings Of Men In The Nile Valley,  And Put Before Our Readers 
 Actual Human Beings In The Place Of Airy Phantoms. The Egyptians 
 Themselves Taught That The First Man Of Whom They Had Any Record Was A 
 King Called M'Na,  A Name Which The Greeks Represented By Men Or Menes. 
 M'Na Was Born At Tena (This Or Thinis) In Upper Egypt,  Where His 
 Ancestors Had Borne Sway Before Him. He Was The First To Master The 
 Lower Country,  And Thus To Unite Under A Single Sceptre The "Two 
 Egypts"--The Long Narrow Nile Valley And The Broad Delta Plain. Having 
 Placed On His Head The Double Crown Which Thenceforth Symbolized 
 Dominion Over Both Tracts,  His First Thought Was That A New Capital Was 
 Needed. Egypt Could Not,  He Felt,  Be Ruled Conveniently From The 
 Latitude Of Thebes,  Or From Any Site In The Upper Country; It Required A 
 Capital Which Should Abut On Both Regions,  And So Command Both. Nature 
 Pointed Out One Only Fit Locality,  The Junction Of The Plain With The 
 Vale--"The Balance Of The Two Regions," As The Egyptians Called It; The 
 Place Where The Narrow "Upper Country" Terminates,  And Egypt Opens Out 
 Into The Wide Smiling Plain That Thence Spreads Itself On Every Side To 
 The Sea. Hence There Would Be Easy Access To Both Regions; Both Would 
 Be,  In a Way,  Commanded; Here,  Too,  Was A Readily Defensible Position, 
 One Assailable Only In Front. Experience Has Shown That The Instinct Of 
 The First Founder Was Right,  Or That His Political And Strategic 
 Foresight Was Extraordinary. Though Circumstances,  Once And Again, 
 Transferred The Seat Of Government To Thebes Or Alexandria,  Yet Such 
 Removals Were Short-Lived. The Force Of Geographic Fact Was Too Strong 
 To Be Permanently Overcome,  And After A Few Centuries Power Gravitated 
 Back To The Centre Pointed Out By Nature. 
   
 If We May Believe The Tradition,  There Was,  When The Idea Of Building 
 The New Capital Arose,  A Difficulty In Obtaining A Site In all Respects 
 Advantageous. The Nile,  Before Debouching Upon The Plain,  Hugged For 
 Many Miles The Base Of The Libyan Hills,  And Was Thus On The Wrong Side 
 Of The Valley. It Was Wanted On The Other Side,  In Order To Be A 
 Water-Bulwark Against An Asiatic Invader. The Founder,  Therefore,  Before 
 Building His City,  Undertook A Gigantic Work. He Raised A Great 
 Embankment Across The Natural Course Of The River; And,  Forcing It From 
 Its Bed,  Made It Enter A New Channel And Run Midway Down The Valley,  Or, 
 If Anything,  Rather Towards Its Eastern Side. He Thus Obtained The 
 Bulwark Against Invasion That He Required,  And He Had An Ample Site For 
 His Capital Between The New Channel Of The Stream And The Foot Of The 
 Western Hills. 
   
 It Is Undoubtedly Strange To Hear Of Such A Work Being Constructed At 
 The Very Dawn Of History,  By A Population That Was Just Becoming A 
 People. But In egypt Precocity Is The Rule--A Minerva Starts Full-Grown 
 From The Head Of Jove. The Pyramids Themselves Cannot Be Placed Very 
 Long After The Supposed Reign Of Menes; And The Engineering Skill 
 Implied In The Pyramids Is Simply Of A Piece With That Attributed To The 
 Founder Of Memphis. 
 
 
 
 Story 3 (The Dawn Of History.) Pg 24 
   
 In Ancient Times A City Was Nothing Without A Temple; And The Capital 
 City Of The Most Religious People In The World Could Not By Any 
 Possibility Lack That Centre Of Civic Life Which Its Chief Temple Always 
 Was To Every Ancient Town. Philosophy Must Settle The Question How It 
 Came To Pass That Religious Ideas Were In ancient Times So Universally 
 Prevalent And So Strongly Pronounced. History Is Only Bound To Note The 
 Fact. Coeval,  Then,  With The Foundation Of The City Of Menes Was, 
 According To The Tradition,  The Erection Of A Great Temple To 
 Phthah--"The Revealer," The Divine Artificer,  By Whom The World And Man 
 Were Created,  And The Hidden Thought Of The Remote Supreme Being Was 
 Made Manifest To His Creatures,  Phthah'S Temple Lay Within The Town,  And 
 Was Originally A _Naos_ Or "Cell," A Single Building Probably Not Unlike 
 That Between The Sphinx'S Paws At Ghizeh,  Situated Within A _Temenos_, 
 Or "Sacred Enclosure," Watered From The River,  And No Doubt Planted With 
 Trees. Like The Medieval Cathedrals,  The Building Grew With The Lapse 
 Of Centuries,  Great Kings Continually Adding New Structures To The Main 
 Edifice,  And Enriching It With Statuary And Painting. Herodotus Saw It 
 In Its Full Glory,  And Calls It "A Vast Edifice,  Very Worthy Of 
 Commemoration." Abd-El-Latif Saw It In Its Decline,  And Notes The Beauty 
 Of Its Remains: "The Great Monolithic Shrine Of Breccia Verde,  Nine 
 Cubits High,  Eight Long,  And Seven Broad,  The Doors Which Swung On 
 Hinges Of Stone,  The Well-Carven Statues,  And The Lions Terrific In 
 Their Aspect."[7] At The Present Day Scarcely A Trace Remains. One 
 Broken Colossus Of The Great Ramesses,  Till Very Recently Prostrate,  And 
 A Few Nondescript Fragments,  Alone Continue On The Spot,  To Attest To 
 Moderns The Position Of That Antique Fane,  Which The Egyptians 
 Themselves Regarded As The Oldest In Their Land. 
   
 The New City Received From Its Founder The Name Of Men-Nefer--"The Good 
 Abode." It Was Also Known As Ei-Ptah--"The House Of Phthah." From The 
 Former Name Came The Prevailing Appellations--The "Memphis" Of The 
 Greeks And Romans,  The "Moph" Of The Hebrews,  The "Mimpi" Of The 
 Assyrians,  And The Name Still Given To The Ruins,  "Tel-Monf." It Was 
 Indeed A "Good Abode"--Watered By An Unfailing Stream,  Navigable From 
 The Sea,  Which At Once Brought It Supplies And Afforded It A Strong 
 Protection,  Surrounded On Three Sides By The Richest And Most Productive 
 Alluvium,  Close To Quarries Of Excellent Stone,  Warm In Winter,  Fanned 
 By The Cool Northern Breezes In The Summer-Time,  Within Easy Reach Of 
 The Sea,  Yet Not So Near As To Attract The Cupidity Of Pirates. Few 
 Capitals Have Been More Favourably Placed. It Was Inevitable That When 
 The Old Town Went To Ruins,  A New One Should Spring Up In Its Stead. 
 Memphis Still Exists,  In a Certain Sense,  In The Glories Of The Modern 
 Cairo,  Which Occupies An Adjacent Site,  And Is Composed Largely Of The 
 Same Materials. 
   
 The Egyptians Knew No More Of Their First King Than That He Turned The 
 Course Of The Nile,  Founded Memphis,  Built The Nucleus Of The Great 
 Temple Of Phthah,  And "Was Devoured By A Hippopotamus." This Last Fact 
 Is Related With All Due Gravity By Manetho,  Notwithstanding That The 
 Hippopotamus Is A Graminivorous Animal,  One That "Eats Grass Like An Ox" 
 (Job Xi. 15). Probably The Old Egyptian Writer Whom He Followed Meant 
 That M'Na At Last Fell A Victim To Taourt,  The Goddess Of Evil,  To Whom 
 The Hippopotamus Was Sacred,  And Who Was Herself Figured As A 
 Hippopotamus Erect. This Would Be Merely Equivalent To Relating That He 
 Succumbed To Death. Manetho Gave Him A Reign Of Sixty-Two Years. 
 
 
 
 Story 3 (The Dawn Of History.) Pg 25 
   
 The Question Is Asked By The Modern Critics,  Who Will Take Nothing On 
 Trust,  "Have We In Menes A Real Egyptian,  A Being Of Flesh And Blood, 
 One Who Truly Lived,  Breathed,  Fought,  Built,  Ruled,  And At Last Died? 
 Or Are We Still Dealing With A Phantom,  As Much As When We Spoke Of Seb, 
 And Thoth,  And Osiris,  And Set,  And Horus?" The Answer Seems To Be,  That 
 We Cannot Tell. The Egyptians Believed In Menes As A Man; They Placed 
 Him At The Head Of Their Dynastic Lists; But They Had No Contemporary 
 Monument To Show Inscribed With His Name. A Name Like That Of Menes Is 
 Found At The Beginning Of Things In So Many Nations,  That On That 
 Account Alone The Word Would Be Suspicious; In Greece It Is Minos,  In 
 Phrygia Manis,  In Lydia Manes,  In India Menu,  In Germany Mannus. And 
 Again,  The Name Of The Founder Is So Like That Of The City Which He 
 Founded,  That Another Suspicion Arises--Have We Not Here One Of The Many 
 Instances Of A Personal Name Made Out Of A Local One,  As Nin Or Ninus 
 From Nineveh (Ninua),  Romulus From Roma,  And The Like? Probably We Shall 
 Do Best To Acquiesce In The Judgment Of Dr. Birch: "Menes Must Be Placed 
 Among Those Founders Of Monarchies Whose Personal Existence A Severe And 
 Enlightened Criticism Doubts Or Denies." 
   
 The City Was,  However,  A Reality,  The Embankment Was A Reality,  The 
 Temple Of Phthah Was A Reality,  And The Founding Of A Kingdom In egypt, 
 Which Included Both The Upper And The Lower Country Some Considerable 
 Time Before The Date Of Abraham,  Was A Reality,  Which The Sternest 
 Criticism Need Not--Nay,  Cannot--Doubt. All Antiquity Attests That The 
 Valley Of The Nile Was One Of The First Seats Of Civilization. Abraham 
 Found A Settled Government Established There When He Visited The 
 Country,  And A Consecutive Series Of Monuments Carries The Date Of The 
 First Civilization At Least As Far Back As B.C. 2700--Probably Further. 
   
 If The Great Menes,  Then,  Notwithstanding All That We Are Told Of His 
 Doings,  Be A Mere Shadowy Personage,  Little More Than _Magni Nominis 
 Umbra_,  What Shall We Say Of His Twenty Or Thirty Successors Of The 
 First,  Second,  And Third Dynasties? What But That They Are Shadows Of 
 Shadows? The Native Monuments Of The Early Ramesside Period (About B.C. 
 1400-1300) Assign To This Time Some Twenty-Five Names Of Kings; But They 
 Do Not Agree In Their Order,  Nor Do They Altogether Agree In The Names. 
 The Kings,  If They Were Kings,  Have Left No History--We Can Only By 
 Conjecture Attach To Them Any Particular Buildings,  We Can Give No 
 Account Of Their Actions,  We Can Assign No Chronology To Their Reigns. 
 They Are Of No More Importance In The "Story Of Egypt" Than The Alban 
 Kings In The "Story Of Rome." "Non Ragionam Di Loro,  Ma Guarda E Passi." 
   
 The First Living,  Breathing,  Acting,  Flesh-And-Blood Personage,  Whom 
 So-Called Histories Of Egypt Present To Us,  Is A Certain Sneferu,  Or 
 Seneferu,  Whom The Egyptians Seem To Have Regarded As The First Monarch 
 Of Their Fourth Dynasty. Sneferu--Called By Manetho,  We Know Not Why, 
 Soris--Has Left Us A Representation Of Himself,  And An Inscription. On 
 The Rocks Of Wady Magharah,  In The Sinaitic Peninsula,  May Be Seen To 
 This Day An Incised Tablet Representing The Monarch In The Act Of 
 Smiting An Enemy,  Whom He Holds By The Hair Of His Head,  With A Mace. 
 The Action Is Apparently Emblematic,  For At The Side We See The Words 
 _Ta Satu_,  "Smiter Of The Nations;" And It Is A Fair Explanation Of The 
 Tablet,  That Its Intention Was To Signify That The Pharaoh In Question 
 Had Reduced To Subjection The Tribes Which In His Time Inhabited The 
 
 
 
 Story 3 (The Dawn Of History.) Pg 26 
 Sinaitic Regions. The Motive Of The Attack Was Not Mere Lust Of 
 Conquest,  But Rather The Desire Of Gain. The Wady Magharah Contained 
 Mines Of Copper And Of Turquoise,  Which The Egyptians Desired To Work; 
 And For This Purpose It Was Necessary To Hold The Country By A Set Of 
 Military Posts,  In Order That The Miners Might Pursue Their Labours 
 Without Molestation. Some Ruins Of The Fortifications Are Still To Be 
 Seen; And The Mines Themselves,  Now Exhausted,  Pierce The Sides Of The 
 Rocks,  And Bear In Many Places Traces Of Hieroglyphical Inscriptions The 
 Remains Of Temples Show That The Expatriated Colonists Were Not Left 
 Without The Consolations Of Religion,  While A Deep Well Indicates The 
 Care That Was Taken To Supply Their Temporal Needs. Thousands Of Stone 
 Arrow-Heads Give Evidence Of The Presence Of A Strong Garrison,  And Make 
 Us Acquainted With The Weapon Which They Found Most Effectual Against 
 Their Enemies. 
   
 Sneferu Calls Himself _Neter Aa_,  "The Great God," And _Neb Mat_,  "The 
 Lord Of Justice." He Is Also "The Golden Horus," Or "The Conqueror." 
 _Neb Mat_ Is Not A Usual Title With Egyptian Monarchs; And Its 
 Assumption By Sneferu Would Seem To Mark,  At Any Rate,  His Appreciation 
 Of The Excellence Of Justice,  And His Desire To Have The Reputation Of A 
 Just Ruler. Later Ages Give Him The Title Of "The Beneficent King," So 
 That He Would Seem To Have Been A Really Unselfish And Kindly Sovereign. 
 His Form,  However,  Only Just Emerges From The Mists Of The Period To Be 
 Again Concealed From Our View,  And We Vainly Ask Ourselves What Exactly 
 Were The Benefits That He Conferred On Egypt,  So As To Attain His High 
 Reputation. 
   
 Still,  The Monuments Of His Time Are Sufficient To Tell Us Something Of 
 The Egypt Of His Day,  And Of The Amount And Character Of The 
 Civilization So Early Attained By The Egyptian People. Besides His Own 
 Tablet In The Wady Magharah,  There Are In The Neighbourhood Of The 
 Pyramids Of Ghizeh A Number Of Tombs Which Belong To The Officials Of 
 His Court And The Members Of His Family. These Tombs Contain Both 
 Sculptures And Inscriptions,  And Throw Considerable Light On The 
 Condition Of The Country. 
   
 In The First Place,  It Is Apparent That The Style Of Writing Has Been 
 Invented Which Is Called Hieroglyphical,  And Which Has The Appearance Of 
 A Picture Writing,  Though It Is Almost As Absolutely Phonetic As Any 
 Other. Setting Apart A Certain Small Number Of "Determinatives," Each 
 Sign Stands For A Sound--The Greater Part For Those Elementary Sounds 
 Which We Express By Letters. An Eagle Is _A_,  A Leg And Foot _B_,  A 
 Horned Serpent _F_,  A Hand _T_,  An Owl _M_,  A Chicken _U_,  And The Like. 
 It Is True That There Are Signs Which Express A Compound Sound,  A Whole 
 Word,  Even A Word Of Two Syllables. A Bowl Or Basin Represents The Sound 
 Of _Neb_,  A Hatchet That Of _Neter_,  A Guitar That Of _Nefer_,  A 
 Crescent That Of _Aah_,  And So On. Secondly,  It Is Clear That Artistic 
 Power Is Considerable. The Animal Forms Used In The Hieroglyphics--The 
 Bee,  The Vulture,  The Uraeus,  The Hawk,  The Chicken,  The Eagle--Are Well 
 Drawn. In The Human Forms There Is Less Merit,  But Still They Are Fairly 
 Well Proportioned And Have Spirit. No Rudeness Or Want Of Finish 
 Attaches Either To The Writing Or To The Drawing Of Sneferu'S Time; The 
 Artists Do Not Attempt Much,  But What They Attempt They Accomplish. 
   
 Next,  We May Notice The Character Of The Tombs. Already The Tomb Was 
 More Important Than The House; And While Every Habitation Constructed 
 
 
 
 Story 3 (The Dawn Of History.) Pg 27 
 For The Living Men Of The Time Has Utterly Perished,  Scores Of The 
 Dwellings Assigned To The Departed Still Exist,  Many In an Excellent 
 Condition. They Are Stone Buildings Resembling Small Houses,  Each With 
 Its Door Of Entrance,  But With No Windows,  And Forming Internally A 
 Small Chamber Generally Decorated With Sculptures. The Walls Slope At An 
 Angle Of Seventy-Five Or Eighty Degrees Externally,  But In The Interior 
 Are Perpendicular. The Roof Is Composed Of Large Flat Stones. Strictly 
 Speaking,  The Chambers Are Not Actual Tombs,  But Mortuary Chapels. The 
 Embalmed Body Of The Deceased,  Encased In Its Wooden Coffin (Gen. 1. 
 26),  Was Not Deposited In The Chamber,  But In an Excavation Under One Of 
 The Walls,  Which Was Carefully Closed Up After The Coffin Had Been 
 Placed Inside It. The Chamber Was Used By The Relations For Sacred 
 Rites,  Sacrificial Feasts,  And The Like,  Held In Honour Of The Deceased, 
 Especially On The Anniversary Of His Death And Entrance Into Amenti. The 
 Early Egyptians Indulged,  Like The Chinese,  In a Worship Of Ancestors. 
 The Members Of A Family Met From Time To Time In The Sepulchral Chamber 
 Of Their Father,  Or Their Grandfather,  And Went Through Various 
 Ceremonies,  Sang Hymns,  Poured Libations,  And Made Offerings,  Which Were 
 Regarded As Pleasing To The Departed,  And Which Secured Their Protection 
 And Help To Such Of Their Descendants As Took Part In The Pious 
 Practices. 
   
 Sometimes A Tomb Was More Pretentious Than Those Above Described. There 
 Is An Edifice At Meydoum,  Improperly Termed A Pyramid,  Which Is Thought 
 To Be Older Than Sneferu,  And Was Probably Erected By One Of The 
 "Shadowy Kings" Who Preceded Him On The Throne. Situated On A Natural 
 Rocky Knoll Of Some Considerable Height,  It Rises In Three Stages At An 
 Angle Of 74 Deg. 10' To An Elevation Of A Hundred And Twenty-Five Feet. It 
 Is Built Of A Compact Limestone,  Which Must Have Been Brought From Some 
 Distance. The First Stage Has A Height A Little Short Of Seventy Feet; 
 The Next Exceeds Thirty-Two Feet; The Third Is A Little Over Twenty-Two 
 Feet. It Is Possible That Originally There Were More Stages,  And 
 Probable That The Present Highest Stage Has In Part Crumbled Away; So 
 That We May Fairly Reckon The Original Height To Have Been Between A 
 Hundred And Forty And A Hundred And Fifty Feet The Monument Is Generally 
 Regarded As A Tomb,  From Its Situation In The Memphian Necropolis And 
 Its Remote Resemblance To The Pyramids; But As Yet It Has Not Been 
 Penetrated,  And Consequently Has Not Been Proved To Have Been 
 Sepulchral. 
   
   
 A Construction,  Which Has Even A Greater Appearance Of Antiquity Than 
 The Meydoum Tower,  Exists At Saccarah. Here The Architect Carried Up A 
 Monument To The Height Of Two Hundred Feet,  By Constructing It In Six Or 
 Seven Sloping Stages,  Having An Angle Of 73 Deg. 30'. The Core Of His 
 Building Was Composed Of Rubble,  But This Was Protected On Every Side By 
 A Thick Casing Of Limestone Roughly Hewn,  And Apparently Quarried On The 
 Spot. The Sepulchral Intention Of The Construction Is Unquestionable. It 
 Covered A Spacious Chamber Excavated In The Rock,  Whereon The Monument 
 Was Built,  Which,  When First Discovered,  Contained A Sarcophagus And 
 Was Lined With Slabs Of Granite. Carefully Concealed Passages Connected 
 The Chamber With The Outer World,  And Allowed Of Its Being Entered By 
 Those In Possession Of The "Secrets Of The Prison-House." In This 
 Structure We Have,  No Doubt,  The Tomb Of A King More Ancient Than 
 
 
 
 Story 3 (The Dawn Of History.) Pg 28 
 Sneferu--Though For Our Own Part We Should Hesitate To Assign The 
 Monument To One King Rather Than Another. 
   
 If We Pass From The Architecture Of The Period To Its Social Condition, 
 We Remark That Grades Of Society Already Existed,  And Were As Pronounced 
 As In Later Times. The Kings Were Already Deities,  And Treated With 
 Superstitious Regard. The State-Officials Were A Highly Privileged 
 Class,  Generally More Or Less Connected With The Royal Family. The Land 
 Was Partly Owned By The King (Gen. Xlvii. 6),  Who Employed His Own 
 Labourers And Herdsmen Upon It; Partly,  Mainly Perhaps,  It Was In The 
 Hands Of Great Landed Proprietors--Nobles,  Who Lived In country Houses 
 Upon Their Estates,  Maintaining Large Households,  And Giving Employment 
 To Scores Of Peasants,  Herdsmen,  Artizans,  Huntsmen,  And Fishermen. The 
 "Lower Orders" Were Of Very Little Account. They Were At The Beck And 
 Call Of The Landed Aristocracy In The Country Districts,  Of The 
 State-Officials In The Towns. Above All,  The Monarch Had The Right Of 
 Impressing Them Into His Service Whenever He Pleased,  And Employing Them 
 In The "Great Works" By Which He Strove To Perpetuate His Name. 
   
 There Prevailed,  However,  A Great Simplicity Of Manners. The Dress Of 
 The Upper Classes Was Wonderfully Plain And Unpretending,  Presenting 
 Little Variety And Scarcely Any Ornament. The Grandee Wore,  Indeed,  An 
 Elaborate Wig,  It Being Imperative On All Men To Shave The Head For The 
 Sake Of Cleanliness. But Otherwise,  His Costume Was Of The Simplest And 
 The Scantiest. Ordinarily,  When He Was Employed In The Common Duties Of 
 Life,  A Short Tunic,  Probably Of White Linen,  Reaching From The Waist 
 To A Little Above The Knee,  Was His Sole Garment. His Arms,  Chest,  Legs, 
 Even His Feet,  Were Naked; For Sandals,  Not To Speak Of Stockings Or 
 Shoes,  Were Unknown. The Only Decoration Which He Wore Was A Chain Or 
 Riband Round The Neck,  To Which Was Suspended An Ornament Like A 
 Locket--Probably An Amulet. In His Right Hand He Carried A Long Staff Or 
 Wand,  Either For The Purpose Of Belabouring His Inferiors,  Or Else To 
 Use It As A Walking-Stick. On Special Occasions He Made,  However,  A More 
 Elaborate Toilet. Doffing His Linen Tunic,  He Clothed Himself In a 
 Single,  Somewhat Scanty,  Robe,  Which Reached From The Neck To The 
 Ankles; And Having Exchanged His Chain And Locket For A Broad Collar, 
 And Adorned His Wrists With Bracelets,  He Was Ready To Pay Visits Or To 
 Receive Company. He Had No Carriage,  So Far As Appears,  Not Even A 
 Palanquin; No Horse To Ride,  Nor Even A Mule Or A Donkey. The Great Men 
 Of The East Rode,  In Later Times,  On "White Asses" (Judges V. 10); The 
 Egyptian Of Sneferu'S Age Had To Trudge To Court,  Or To Make Calls Upon 
 His Friends,  By The Sole Aid Of Those Means Of Locomotion Which Nature 
 Had Given Him. 
   
 Women,  Who In Most Civilized Countries Claim To Themselves Far More 
 Elaboration In dress And Variety Of Ornament Than Men,  Were Content,  In 
 The Egypt Of Which We Are Here Speaking,  With A Costume,  And A Personal 
 Decoration,  Scarcely Less Simple Than That Of Their Husbands. The 
 Egyptian _Materfamilias_ Of The Time Wore Her Hair Long,  And Gathered 
 Into Three Masses,  One Behind The Head,  And The Other Two In Front Of 
 Either Shoulder. Like Her Spouse,  She Had But A Single Garment--A Short 
 Gown Or Petticoat Reaching From Just Below The Breasts To Half Way Down 
 The Calf Of The Leg,  And Supported By Two Broad Straps Passed Over The 
 Two Shoulders. She Exposed Her Arms And Bosom To Sight,  And Her Feet 
 Were Bare,  Like Her Husband'S. Her Only Ornaments Were Bracelets. 
 
 
 
 Story 3 (The Dawn Of History.) Pg 29 
 There Was No Seclusion Of Women At Any Time Among The Ancient Egyptians. 
 The Figure Of The Wife On The Early Monuments Constantly Accompanies 
 That Of Her Husband. She Is His Associate In all His Occupations. Her 
 Subordination Is Indicated By Her Representation Being On An Unduly 
 Smaller Scale,  And By Her Ordinary Position,  Which Is Behind The Figure 
 Of Her "Lord And Master." In Statuary,  However,  She Appears Seated With 
 Him On The Same Seat Or Chair. There Is No Appearance Of Her Having Been 
 Either A Drudge Or A Plaything. She Was Regarded As Man'S True 
 "Helpmate," Shared His Thoughts,  Ruled His Family,  And During Their 
 Early Years Had The Charge Of His Children. Polygamy Was Unknown In 
 Egypt During The Primitive Period; Even The Kings Had Then But One Wife. 
 Sneferu'S Wife Was A Certain Mertitefs,  Who Bore Him A Son,  Nefer-Mat, 
 And After His Death Became The Wife Of His Successor. Women Were 
 Entombed With As Much Care,  And Almost With As Much Pomp,  As Men. Their 
 Right To Ascend The Throne Is Said To Have Been Asserted By One Of The 
 Kings Who Preceded Sneferu; And From Time To Time Women Actually 
 Exercised In egypt The Royal Authority. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 3 ( Footnotes:) Pg 30 
 [7] R. Stuart Poole,  "Cities Of Egypt," Pp. 24,  25. 
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 31 
 It Is Difficult For A European,  Or An American,  Who Has Not Visited 
 Egypt,  To Realize The Conception Of A Great Pyramid. The Pyramidal Form 
 Has Gone Entirely Out Of Use As An Architectural Type Of Monumental 
 Perfection; Nay,  Even As An Architectural Embellishment. It Maintained 
 An Honourable Position In architecture From Its First Discovery To The 
 Time Of The Maccabee Kings (1 Mac. Xiii. 28); But,  Never Having Been 
 Adopted By Either The Greeks Or The Romans,  It Passed Into Desuetude In 
 The Old World With The Conquest Of The East By The West. In The New 
 World It Was Found Existent By The Early Discoverers,  And Then Held A 
 High Place In The Regards Of The Native Race Which Had Reached The 
 Furthest Towards Civilization; But Spanish Bigotry Looked With Horror On 
 Everything That Stood Connected With An Idolatrous Religion,  And The 
 Pyramids Of Mexico Were First Wantonly Injured,  And Then Allowed To Fall 
 Into Such A State Of Decay,  That Their Original Form Is By Some 
 Questioned. A Visit To The Plains Of Teotihuacan Will Not Convey To The 
 Mind Which Is A Blank On The Subject The True Conception Of A Great 
 Pyramid. It Requires A Pilgrimage To Ghizeh Or Saccarah,  Or A Lively 
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 32 
 And _Well-Instructed_ Imagination,  To Enable A Man To Call Up Before His 
 Mind'S Eye The True Form And Appearance And Impressiveness Of Such A 
 Structure. 
   
 Lord Houghton Endeavoured To Give Expression To The Feelings Of One Who 
 Sees For The First Time These Wondrous,  These Incomprehensible Creations 
 In The Following Lines: 
   
       After The Fantasies Of Many A Night, 
         After The Deep Desires Of Many A Day, 
       Rejoicing As An Ancient Eremite 
         Upon The Desert'S Edge At Last I Lay: 
       Before Me Rose,  In Wonderful Array, 
         Those Works Where Man Has Rivalled Nature Most, 
       Those Pyramids,  That Fear No More Decay 
         Than Waves Inflict Upon The Rockiest Coast, 
     Or Winds On Mountain-Steeps,  And Like Endurance Boast. 
   
       Fragments The Deluge Of Old Time Has Left 
         Behind In Its Subsidence--Long Long Walls 
       Of Cities Of Their Very Names Bereft,-- 
         Lone Columns,  Remnants Of Majestic Halls, 
       Rich Traceried Chambers,  Where The Night-Dew Falls,-- 
         All Have I Seen With Feelings Due,  I Trow, 
       Yet Not With Such As These Memorials 
         Of The Great Unremembered,  That Can Show 
     The Mass And Shape They Wore Four Thousand Years Ago. 
   
 The Egyptian Idea Of A Pyramid Was That Of A Structure On A Square Base, 
 With Four Inclining Sides,  Each One Of Which Should Be An Equilateral 
 Triangle,  All Meeting In a Point At The Top. The Structure Might Be 
 Solid,  And In That Case Might Be Either Of Hewn Stone Throughout,  Or 
 Consist Of A Mass Of Rubble Merely Held Together By An External Casing 
 Of Stone; Or It Might Contain Chambers And Passages,  In Which Case The 
 Employment Of Rubble Was Scarcely Possible. It Has Been Demonstrated By 
 Actual Excavation,  That All The _Great_ Pyramids Of Egypt Were Of The 
 Latter Character That They Were Built For The Express Purpose Of 
 Containing Chambers And Passages,  And Of Preserving Those Chambers And 
 Passages Intact. They Required,  Therefore,  To Be,  And In Most Cases Are, 
 Of A Good Construction Throughout. 
   
 There Are From Sixty To Seventy Pyramids In egypt,  Chiefly In The 
 Neighbourhood Of Memphis. Some Of Them Are Nearly Perfect,  Some More Or 
 Less In Ruins,  But Most Of Them Still Preserving Their Ancient Shape, 
 When Seen From Afar. Two Of Them Greatly Exceed All The Others In Their 
 Dimensions,  And Are Appropriately Designated As "The Great Pyramid" And 
 "The Second Pyramid." A Third In Their Immediate Vicinity Is Of Very 
 Inferior Size,  And Scarcely Deserves The Pre-Eminence Which Has Been 
 Conceded To It By The Designation Of "The Third Pyramid." 
   
 Still,  The Three Seem,  All Of Them,  To Deserve Description,  And To 
 Challenge A Place In "The Story Of Egypt," Which Has Never Yet Been Told 
 Without Some Account Of The Marvels Of Each Of Them. The Smallest Of The 
 Three Was A Square Of Three Hundred And Fifty-Four Feet Each Way,  And 
 Had A Height Of Two Hundred And Eighteen Feet. It Covered An Area Of Two 
 Acres,  Three Roods,  And Twenty-One Poles,  Or About That Of An Ordinary 
 London Square. The Cubic Contents Amounted To Above Nine Million Feet Of 
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 33 
 Solid Masonry,  And Are Calculated To Have Weighed 702,460 Tons. The 
 Height Was Not Very Impressive. Two Hundred And Twenty Feet Is An 
 Altitude Attained By The Towers Of Many Churches,  And The "Pyramid Of 
 The Sun" At Teotihuacan Did Not Fall Much Short Of It; But The Mass Was 
 Immense,  The Masonry Was Excellent,  And The Ingenuity Shown In The 
 Construction Was Great. Sunk In The Rock From Which The Pyramid Rose, 
 Was A Series Of Sepulchral Chambers. One,  The Largest,  Almost Directly 
 Under The Apex Of The Pyramid,  Was Empty. In another,  Which Had An 
 Arched Roof,  Constructed In The Most Careful And Elaborate Way,  Was 
 Found The Sarcophagus Of The King,  Men-Kau-Ra,  To Whom Tradition 
 Assigned The Building,  Formed Of A Single Mass Of Blue-Black Basalt, 
 Exquisitely Polished And Beautifully Carved,  Externally Eight Feet Long, 
 Three Feet High,  And Three Feet Broad,  Internally Six Feet By Two. In 
 The Sarcophagus Was The Wooden Coffin Of The Monarch,  And On The Lid Of 
 The Coffin Was His Name. The Chambers Were Connected By Two Long 
 Passages With The Open Air; And Another Passage Had,  Apparently,  Been 
 Used For The Same Purpose Before The Pyramid Attained Its Ultimate Size. 
 The Tomb-Chamber,  Though Carved In The Rock,  Had Been Paved And Lined 
 With Slabs Of Solid Stone,  Which Were Fastened To The Native Rock By 
 Iron Cramps. The Weight Of The Sarcophagus Which It Contained,  Now 
 Unhappily Lost,  Was Three Tons. 
   
   
 The "Second Pyramid," Which Stands To The North-East Of The Third,  At 
 The Distance Of About Two Hundred And Seventy Yards,  Was A Square Of 
 Seven Hundred And Seven Feet Each Way,  And Thus Covered An Area Of 
 Almost Eleven Acres And A Half,  Or Nearly Double That Of The Greatest 
 Building Which Rome Ever Produced--The Coliseum. The Sides Rose At An 
 Angle Of 52 Deg. 10'; And The Perpendicular Height Was Four Hundred And 
 Fifty-Four Feet,  Or Fifty Feet More Than That Of The Spire Of 
 Salisbury Cathedral. The Cubic Contents Are Estimated At 71,670,000 
 Feet; And Their Weight Is Calculated At 5,309,000 Tons. Numbers Of This 
 Vast Amount Convey But Little Idea Of The Reality To An Ordinary Reader, 
 And Require To Be Made Intelligible By Comparisons. Suppose,  Then,  A 
 Solidly Built Stone House,  With Walls A Foot Thick,  Twenty Feet Of 
 Frontage,  And Thirty Feet Of Depth From Front To Back; Let The Walls Be 
 Twenty-Four Feet High And Have A Foundation Of Six Feet; Throw In 
 Party-Walls To One-Third The Extent Of The Main Walls--And The Result 
 Will Be A Building Containing Four Thousand Cubic Feet Of Masonry. Let 
 There Be A Town Of Eighteen Thousand Such Houses,  Suited To Be The Abode 
 Of A Hundred Thousand Inhabitants--Then Pull These Houses To Pieces,  And 
 Pile Them Up Into A Heap To A Height Exceeding That Of The Spire Of The 
 Cathedral Of Vienna,  And You Will Have A Rough Representation Of The 
 "Second Pyramid Of Ghizeh." Or Lay Down The Contents Of The Structure In 
 A Line A Foot In breadth And Depth--The Line Would Be Above 13,500 Miles 
 Long,  And Would Reach More Than Half-Way Round The Earth At The Equator. 
 Again,  Suppose That A Single Man Can Quarry A Ton Of Stone In a Week, 
 Then It Would Have Required Above Twenty Thousand To Be Employed 
 Constantly For Five Years In Order To Obtain The Material For The 
 Pyramid; And If The Blocks Were Required To Be Large,  The Number 
 Employed And The Time Occupied Would Have Had To Be Greater. 
   
 The Internal Construction Of The "Second Pyramid" Is Less Elaborate Than 
 That Of The Third,  But Not Very Different. Two Passages Lead From The 
 Outer Air To A Sepulchral Chamber Almost Exactly Under The Apex Of The 
 Pyramid,  And Exactly At Its Base,  One Of Them Commencing About Fifty 
 Feet From The Base Midway In The North Side,  And The Other Commencing A 
 Little Outside The Base,  In The Pavement At The Foot Of The Pyramid. The 
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 34 
 First Passage Was Carried Through The Substance Of The Pyramid For A 
 Distance Of A Hundred And Ten Feet At A Descending Angle Of 25 Deg. 55', 
 After Which It Became Horizontal,  And Was Tunnelled Through The Native 
 Rock On Which The Pyramid Was Built. The Second Passage Was Wholly In 
 The Rock. It Began With A Descent At An Angle Of 21 Deg. 40',  Which 
 Continued For A Hundred Feet; It Was Then Horizontal For Fifty Feet; 
 After Which It Ascended Gently For Ninety-Six Feet,  And Joined The First 
 Passage About Midway Between The Sepulchral Chamber And The Outer Air. 
 The Sepulchral Chamber Was Carved Mainly Out Of The Solid Rock Below The 
 Pyramid,  But Was Roofed In by Some Of The Basement Stones,  Which Were 
 Sloped At An Angle. The Chamber Measured Forty-Six Feet In Length And 
 Sixteen Feet In breadth; Its Height In The Centre Was Twenty-Two Feet. 
 It Contained A Plain Granite Sarcophagus,  Without Inscription Of Any 
 Kind,  Eight Feet And A Half In Length,  Three Feet And A Half In breadth, 
 And In depth Three Feet. There Was No Coffin In The Sarcophagus At The 
 Time Of Its Discovery,  And No Inscription On Any Part Of The Pyramid Or 
 Of Its Contents. The Tradition,  However,  Which Ascribed It To The 
 Immediate Predecessor Of Men-Kau-Ra,  May Be Accepted As Sufficient 
 Evidence Of Its Author. 
   
 Come We Now To The "Great Pyramid," "Which Is Still," Says Lenormant, 
 "At Least In Respect Of Its Mass,  _The Most Prodigious Of All Human 
 Constructions_," The "Great Pyramid," Or "First Pyramid Of Ghizeh," As 
 It Is Indifferently Termed,  Is Situated Almost Due North-East Of The 
 "Second Pyramid," At The Distance Of About Two Hundred Yards. The Length 
 Of Each Side At The Base Was Originally Seven Hundred And Sixty-Four 
 Feet,  Or Fifty-Seven Feet More Than That Of The Sides Of The "Second 
 Pyramid." Its Original Perpendicular Height Was Something Over Four 
 Hundred And Eighty Feet,  Its Cubic Contents Exceeded Eighty-Nine Million 
 Feet,  And The Weight Of Its Mass 6,840,000 Tons. In Height It Thus 
 Exceeded Strasburg Cathedral By Above Six Feet,  St. Peter'S At Rome By 
 Above Thirty Feet,  St. Stephen'S At Vienna By Fifty Feet St. Paul'S, 
 London,  By A Hundred And Twenty Feet,  And The Capitol At Washington By 
 Nearly Two Hundred Feet. Its Area Was Thirteen Acres,  One Rood,  And 
 Twenty-Two Poles,  Or Nearly Two Acres More Than The Area Of The "Second 
 Pyramid." Which Was Fourfold That Of The "Third Pyramid," Which,  As We 
 Have Seen,  Was That Of An Ordinary London Square. Its Cubic Contents 
 Would Build A City Of Twenty-Two Thousand Such Houses As Were Above 
 Described,  And Laid In a Line Of Cubic Squares Would Reach A Distance Of 
 Nearly Seventeen Thousand Miles,  Or Girdle Two-Thirds Of The Earth'S 
 Circumference At The Equator. Herodotus Says That Its Construction 
 Required The Continuous Labour Of A Hundred Thousand Men For The Space 
 Of Twenty Years,  And Moderns Do Not Regard The Estimate As Exaggerated. 
   
 The "Great Pyramid" Presents,  Moreover,  Many Other Marvels Besides Its 
 Size. First,  There Is The Massiveness Of The Blocks Of Which It Is 
 Composed. The Basement Stones Are In Many Cases Thirty Feet Long By 
 Five Feet High,  And Four Or Five Wide: They Must Contain From Six 
 Hundred To Seven Hundred And Fifty Cubic Feet Each,  And Weigh From 
 Forty-Six To Fifty-Seven Tons. The Granite Blocks Which Roof Over The 
 Upper Sepulchral Chamber Are Nearly Nineteen Feet Long,  By Two Broad And 
 From Three To Four Deep. The Relieving Stones Above The Same Chamber, 
 And Those Of The Entrance Passage,  Are Almost Equally Massive. Generally 
 The External Blocks Are Of A Size With Which Modern Builders Scarcely 
 Ever Venture To Deal,  Though The Massiveness Diminishes As The Pyramid 
 Is Ascended. The Bulk Of The Interior Is,  However,  Of Comparatively 
 Small Stones; But Even These Are Carefully Hewn And Squared,  So As To 
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 35 
 Fit Together Compactly. 
   
 Further,  There Are The Passages,  The Long Gallery,  The Ventilation 
 Shafts,  And The Sepulchral Chambers All Of Them Remarkable,  And Some Of 
 Them Simply Astonishing. The "Great Pyramid" Guards Three Chambers. One 
 Lies Deep In The Rock,  About A Hundred And Twenty Feet Beneath The 
 Natural Surface Of The Ground,  And Is Placed Almost Directly Below The 
 Apex Of The Structure. It Measures Forty-Six Feet By Twenty-Seven,  And 
 Is Eleven Feet High. The Access To It Is By A Long And Narrow Passage 
 Which Commences In The North Side Of The Pyramid,  About Seventy Feet 
 Above The Original Base,  And Descends For Forty Yards Through The 
 Masonry,  And Then For Seventy More In The Same Line Through The Solid 
 Rock,  When It Changes Its Direction,  Becoming Horizontal For Nine Yards, 
 And So Entering The Chamber Itself. The Two Other Chambers Are Reached 
 By An Ascending Passage,  Which Branches Off From The Descending One At 
 The Distance Of About Thirty Yards From The Entrance,  And Mounts Up 
 Through The Heart Of The Pyramid For Rather More Than Forty Yards,  When 
 It Divides Into Two. A Low Horizontal Gallery,  A Hundred And Ten Feet 
 Long,  Leads To A Chamber Which Has Been Called "The Queen'S"--A Room 
 About Nineteen Feet Long By Seventeen Broad,  Roofed In With Sloping 
 Blocks,  And Having A Height Of Twenty Feet In The Centre. Another Longer 
 And Much Loftier Gallery Continues On For A Hundred And Fifty Feet In 
 The Line Of The Ascending Passage,  And Is Then Connected By A Short 
 Horizontal Passage With The Upper-Most Or "King'S Chamber." Here Was 
 Found A Sarcophagus Believed To Be That Of King Khufu,  Since The Name Of 
 Khufu Was Scrawled In More Than One Place On The Chamber Walls. 
   
   
 The Construction Of This Chamber--The Very Kernel Of The Whole 
 Building--Is Exceedingly Remarkable. It Is A Room Of Thirty-Four Feet In 
 Length,  With A Width Of Seventeen Feet,  And A Height Of Nineteen, 
 Composed Wholly Of Granite Blocks Of Great Size,  Beautifully Polished, 
 And Fitted Together With Great Care. The Construction Of The Roof Is 
 Particularly Admirable. First,  The Chamber Is Covered In With Nine Huge 
 Blocks,  Each Nearly Nineteen Feet Long And Four Feet Wide,  Which Are 
 Laid Side By Side Upon The Walls So As To Form A Complete Ceiling. Then 
 Above These Blocks Is A Low Chamber Similarly Covered In,  And This Is 
 Repeated Four Times; After Which There Is A Fifth Opening, 
 Triangular,  And Roofed In by A Set Of Huge Sloping Blocks,  Which Meet At 
 The Apex And Support Each Other. The Object Is To Relieve The Chamber 
 From Any Superincumbent Weight,  And Prevent It From Being Crushed In by 
 The Mass Of Material Above It; And This Object Has Been So Completely 
 Attained That Still,  At The Expiration Of Above Forty Centuries,  The 
 Entire Chamber,  With Its Elaborate Roof,  Remains Intact,  Without Crack 
 Or Settlement Of Any Kind. 
   
 Further,  From The Great Chamber Are Carried Two Ventilation-Shafts,  Or 
 Air-Passages,  Northwards And Southwards,  Which Open On The Outer Surface 
 Of The Pyramid,  And Are Respectively Two Hundred And Thirty-Three And 
 One Hundred And Ninety-Four Feet Long. These Passages Are Square,  Or 
 Nearly So,  And Have A Diameter Varying Between Six And Nine Inches. They 
 Give A Continual Supply Of Pure Air To The Chamber,  And Keep It Dry At 
 All Seasons. 
   
 The Great Gallery Is Also Of Curious Construction. Extending For  
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 36 
 Distance Of One Hundred And Fifty Feet,  And Rising At An Angle Of 26 Deg. 
 18',  It Has A Width Of Five Feet At The Base And A Height Of Above 
 Thirty Feet. The Side Walls Are Formed Of Seven Layers Of Stone,  Each 
 Projecting A Few Inches Over That Below It. The Gallery Thus Gradually 
 Contracts Towards The Top,  Which Has A Width Of Four Feet Only,  And Is 
 Covered In With Stones That Reach Across It,  And Rest On The Walls At 
 Either Side. The Exact Object Of So Lofty A Gallery Has Not Been 
 Ascertained; But It Must Have Helped To Keep The Air Of The Interior 
 Pure And Sweet,  By Increasing The Space Through Which It Had To 
 Circulate. 
   
 The "Pyramid Builders," Or Kings Who Constructed The Three Monuments 
 That Have Now Been Described,  Were,  According To A Unanimous Tradition, 
 Three Consecutive Monarchs,  Whose Native Names Are Read As Khufu, 
 Shafra,  And Menkaura. These Kings Belonged To Manetho'S Fourth Dynasty; 
 And Khufu,  The First Of The Three,  Seems To Have Been The Immediate 
 Successor Of Sneferu. Theorists Have Delighted To Indulge In 
 Speculations As To The Objects Which The Builders Had In View When They 
 Raised Such Magnificent Constructions. One Holds That The Great Pyramid, 
 At Any Rate,  Was Built To Embody Cosmic Discoveries,  As The Exact Length 
 Of The Earth'S Diameter And Circumference,  The Length Of An Arc Of The 
 Meridian,  And The True Unit Of Measure. Another Believes The Great Work 
 Of Khufu To Have Been An Observatory,  And The Ventilating Passages To 
 Have Been Designed For "Telescopes," Through Which Observations Were To 
 Be Made Upon The Sun And Stars; But It Has Not Yet Been Shown That There 
 Is Any Valid Foundation For These Fancies,  Which Have Been Spun With 
 Much Art Out Of The Delicate Fabric Of Their Propounders' Brains. The 
 One Hard Fact Which Rests Upon Abundant Evidence Is This--The Pyramids 
 Were Built For Tombs,  To Contain The Mummies Of Deceased Egyptians. The 
 Chambers In Their Interiors,  At The Time Of Their Discovery,  Held Within 
 Them Sarcophagi,  And In One Instance The Sarcophagus Had Within It A 
 Coffin. The Coffin Had An Inscription Upon It,  Which Showed That It Had 
 Once Contained The Body Of A King. If Anything More Is Necessary,  We May 
 Add That Every Pyramid In egypt--And There Are,  As He Have Said,  More 
 Than Sixty Of Them--Was Built For The Same Purpose,  And That They All 
 Occupy Sites In The Great Necropolis,  Or Burial-Ground Opposite Memphis, 
 Where The Inhabitants Are Known To Have Laid Their Dead. 
   
 The Marvel Is,  How Khufu Came Suddenly To Have So Magnificent A Thought 
 As That Of Constructing An Edifice Double The Height Of Any Previously 
 Existing,  Covering Five Times The Area,  And Containing Ten Times The 
 Mass. Architecture Does Not Generally Proceed By "Leaps And Bounds;" But 
 Here Was A Case Of A Sudden Extraordinary Advance,  Such As We Shall Find 
 It Difficult To Parallel Elsewhere. An Attempt Has Been Made To Solve 
 The Mystery By The Supposition That All Pyramids Were Gradual 
 Accretions,  And That Their Size Marks Simply The Length Of A King'S 
 Reign,  Each Monarch Making His Sepulchral Chamber,  With A Small Pyramid 
 Above It,  In His First Year,  And As His Reign Went On,  Adding Each Year 
 An Outer Coating; So That The Number Of These Coatings Tells The Length 
 Of His Reign,  As The Age Of A Tree Is Known From The Number Of Its 
 Annual Rings. In This Case There Would Have Been Nothing Ideally Great 
 In The Conception Of Khufu--He Would Simply Have Happened To Erect The 
 Biggest Pyramid Because He Happened To Have The Longest Reign; But, 
 Except In The Case Of The "Third Pyramid," There Is A Unity Of Design In 
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 37 
 The Structures Which Implies That The Architect Had Conceived The Whole 
 Structure In His Mind From The First. The Lengths Of The Several Parts 
 Are Proportioned One To Another. In The "Great Pyramid," The Main 
 Chamber Would Not Have Needed The Five Relieving Chambers Above It 
 Unless It Was Known That It Would Have To Be Pressed Down By A 
 Superincumbent Mass,  Such As Actually Lies Upon It. Moreover,  How Is It 
 Possible To Conceive That In The Later Years Of A Decrepid Monarch,  The 
 Whole Of An Enormous Pyramid Could Be Coated Over With Huge Blocks--And 
 The Blocks Are Largest At The External Surface--The Work Requiring To Be 
 Pushed Each Year With More Vigour,  As Becoming Each Year Greater And 
 More Difficult? Again,  What Shall We Say Of The External Finish? Each 
 Pyramid Was Finally Smoothed Down To A Uniform Sloping Surface. This 
 Alone Must Have Been A Work Of Years. Did A Pyramid Builder Leave It To 
 His Successor To Finish His Pyramid? It Is At Least Doubtful Whether Any 
 Pyramid At All Would Ever Have Been Finished Had He Done So. 
   
 We Must Hold,  Therefore,  That Khufu Did Suddenly Conceive A Design 
 Without A Parallel--Did Require His Architect To Construct Him A Tomb, 
 Which Should Put To Shame All Previous Monuments,  And Should With 
 Difficulty Be Surpassed,  Or Even Equalled. He Must Have Possessed Much 
 Elevation Of Thought,  And An Intense Ambition,  Together With Inordinate 
 Selfishness,  An Overweening Pride,  And Entire Callousness To The 
 Sufferings Of Others,  Before He Could Have Approved The Plan Which His 
 Master-Builder Set Before Him. That Plan,  Including The Employment Of 
 Huge Blocks Of Stone,  Their Conveyance To The Top Of A Hill A Hundred 
 Feet High,  And Their Emplacement,  In Some Cases,  At A Further Elevation 
 Of Above 450 Feet,  Involved,  Under The Circumstances Of The Time,  Such 
 An Amount Of Human Suffering,  That No King Who Had Any Regard For The 
 Happiness Of His Subjects Could Have Consented To It. Khufu Must Have 
 Forced His Subjects To Labour For A Long Term Of Years--Twenty, 
 According To Herodotus--At A Servile Work Which Was Wholly Unproductive, 
 And Was Carried On Amid Their Sighs And Groans For No Object But His Own 
 Glorification,  And The Supposed Safe Custody Of His Remains. Shafra Must 
 Have Done Nearly The Same. Hence An Evil Repute Attached To The Pyramid 
 Builders,  Whose Names Were Handed Down To Posterity As Those Of 
 Evil-Minded And Impious Kings,  Who Neglected The Service Of The Gods To 
 Gratify Their Own Vanity,  And,  So Long As They Could Exalt Themselves, 
 Did Not Care How Much They Oppressed Their People. There Was Not Even 
 The Poor Apology For Their Conduct That Their Oppression Fell On Slaves, 
 Or Foreigners,  Or Prisoners Of War. Egypt Was Not Yet A Conquering 
 Power; Prisoners Of War Were Few,  Slaves Not Very Common. The Labourers 
 Whom The Pyramid Builders Employed Were Their Own Free Subjects Whom 
 They Impressed Into The Heavy Service. 
   
 It Is By A Just Nemesis That The Kings Have In a Great Measure Failed To 
 Secure The Ends At Which They Aimed,  And In Hope Of Which They Steeled 
 Their Hearts Against Their Subjects' Cries. They Have Indeed Handed Down 
 Their Names To A Remote Age: But It Is As Tyrants And Oppressors. They 
 Are World-Famous,  Or Rather World-Infamous. But That Preservation Of 
 Their Corporeal Frame Which They Especially Sought,  Is Exactly What They 
 Have Missed Attaining. 
   
     Let Not A Monument Give You Or Me Hopes, 
     Since Not A Pinch Of Dust Remains Of Cheops, 
   
 Says The Doggerel Of The Satiric Byron; And It Is The Absolute Fact 
 That While Thousands Of Mummies Buried In common Graves Remain Untouched 
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 38 
 Even To The Present Day,  The Very Grandeur Of The Pyramid Builders' 
 Tombs Attracted Attention To Them,  Caused The Monuments To Be Opened, 
 The Sarcophagi To Be Rifled,  And The Remains Inclosed In Them To Be 
 Dispersed To The Four Winds Of Heaven. 
   
 Still,  Whatever Gloomy Associations Attach To The Pyramids In Respect Of 
 The Sufferings Caused By Their Erection,  As Monuments They Must Always 
 Challenge A Certain Amount Of Admiration. A Great Authority Declares: 
 "No One Can Possibly Examine The Interior Of The Great Pyramid Without 
 Being Struck With Astonishment At The Wonderful Mechanical Skill 
 Displayed In Its Construction. The Immense Blocks Of Granite Brought 
 From Syene,  A Distance Of Five Hundred Miles,  Polished Like Glass,  And 
 So Fitted That The Joints Can Scarcely Be Detected! Nothing Can Be More 
 Wonderful Than The Extraordinary Amount Of Knowledge Displayed In The 
 Construction Of The Discharging Chambers Over The Roof Of The Principal 
 Apartment,  In The Alignment Of The Sloping Galleries,  In The Provision 
 Of The Ventilating Shafts,  And In all The Wonderful Contrivances Of The 
 Structure. All These,  Too,  Are Carried Out With Such Precision That, 
 Notwithstanding The Immense Superincumbent Weight,  No Settlement In any 
 Part Can Be Detected To An Appreciable Fraction Of An Inch. Nothing More 
 Perfect Mechanically Has Ever Been Erected Since That Time."[8] 
 The Architectural Effect Of The Two Greatest Of The Pyramids Is 
 Certainly Magnificent. They Do Not Greatly Impress The Beholder At 
 First Sight,  For A Pyramid,  By The Very Law Of Its Formation,  Never 
 Looks As Large As It Is--It Slopes Away From The Eye In every Direction, 
 And Eludes Rather Than Courts Observation. But As The Spectator Gazes, 
 As He Prolongs His Examination And Inspection,  The Pyramids Gain Upon 
 Him,  Their Impressiveness Increases. By The Vastness Of Their Mass,  By 
 The Impression Of Solidity And Durability Which They Produce,  Partly 
 Also,  Perhaps,  By The Symmetry And Harmony Of Their Lines And Their 
 Perfect Simplicity And Freedom From Ornament,  They Convey To The 
 Beholder A Sense Of Grandeur And Majesty,  They Produce Within Him A 
 Feeling Of Astonishment And Awe,  Such As Is Scarcely Caused By Any Other 
 Of The Erections Of Man. In all Ages Travellers Have Felt And Expressed 
 The Warmest Admiration For Them. They Impressed Herodotus As No Works 
 That He Had Seen Elsewhere,  Except,  Perhaps,  The Babylonian. They 
 Astonished Germanicus,  Familiar As He Was With The Great Constructions 
 Of Rome. They Furnished Napoleon With The Telling Phrase,  "Soldiers, 
 Forty Centuries Look Down Upon You From The Top Of The Pyramids." Greece 
 And Rome Reckoned Them Among The Seven Wonders Of The World. Moderns 
 Have Doubted Whether They Could Really Be The Work Of Human Hands. If 
 They Possess Only One Of The Elements Of Architectural Excellence,  They 
 Possess That Element To So Great An Extent That In Respect Of It They 
 Are Unsurpassed,  And Probably Unsurpassable. 
   
 These Remarks Apply Especially To The First And Second Pyramids. The 
 "Third" Is Not A Work Of Any Very Extraordinary Grandeur. The Bulk Is 
 Not Greater Than That Of The Chief Pyramid Of Saccarah,  Which Has Never 
 Attracted Much Attention; And The Height Did Not Greatly Exceed That Of 
 The Chief Mexican Temple-Mound. Moreover,  The Stones Of Which The 
 Pyramid Was Composed Are Not Excessively Massive. The Monument Aimed At 
 Being Beautiful Rather Than Grand. It Was Coated For Half Its Height 
 With Blocks Of Pink Granite From Syene,  Bevelled At The Edges,  Which 
 Remain Still In Place On Two Sides Of The Structure. The Entrance To It, 
 On The North Side,  Was Conspicuous,  And Seems To Have Had A Metal 
 Ornamentation Let Into The Stone. The Sepulchral Chamber Was Beautifully 
 Lined And Roofed,  And The Sarcophagus Was Exquisitively Carved. 
 Menkaura,  The Constructor,  Was Not Regarded As A Tyrant,  Or An 
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 39 
 Oppressor,  But As A Mild And Religious Monarch,  Whom The Gods Ill-Used 
 By Giving Him Too Short A Reign. His Religious Temper Is Indicated By 
 The Inscription On The Coffin Which Contained His Remains: "O Osiris," 
 It Reads,  "King Of Upper And Lower Egypt,  Menkaura,  Living Eternally, 
 Engendered By The Heaven,  Born Of Nut,  Substance Of Seb,  Thy Mother Nut 
 Stretches Herself Over Thee In Her Name Of The Abyss Of Heaven. She 
 Renders Thee Divine By Destroying All Thy Enemies,  O King Menkaura, 
 Living Eternally." 
   
 The Fashion Of Burying In Pyramids Continued To The Close Of Manetho'S 
 Sixth Dynasty,  But No Later Monarchs Rivalled The Great Works Of Khufu 
 And Shafra. The Tombs Of Their Successors Were Monuments Of A Moderate 
 Size,  Involving No Oppression Of The People,  But Perhaps Rather 
 Improving Their Condition By Causing A Rise In The Rate Of Wages. 
 Certainly,  The Native Remains Of The Period Give A Cheerful 
 Representation Of The Condition Of All Classes. The Nation For The Most 
 Part Enjoys Peace,  And Applies Itself To Production. The Wealth Of The 
 Nobles Increases,  And The Position Of Their Dependents Is Improved. 
 Slaves Were Few,  And There Was Ample Employment For The Labouring 
 Classes. We Do Not See The Stick At Work Upon The Backs Of The Labourers 
 In The Sculptures Of The Time; They Seem To Accomplish Their Various 
 Tasks With Alacrity And Gaiety Of Heart. They Plough,  And Hoe,  And Reap; 
 Drive Cattle Or Asses; Winnow And Store Corn; Gather Grapes And Tread 
 Them,  Singing In chorus As They Tread; Cluster Round The Winepress Or 
 The Threshingfloor,  On Which The Animals Tramp Out The Grain; Gather 
 Lotuses; Save Cattle From The Inundation; Engage In Fowling Or Fishing; 
 And Do All With An Apparent Readiness And Cheerfulness Which Seems 
 Indicative Of Real Content. There May Have Been A Darker Side To The 
 Picture,  And Undoubtedly Was While Khufu And Shafra Held The Throne; But 
 Kings Of A Morose And Cruel Temper Seem To Have Been The Exception, 
 Rather Than The Rule,  In egypt; And The Moral Code,  Which Required 
 Kindness To Be Shown To Dependents,  Seems,  At This Period At Any Rate, 
 To Have Had A Hold Upon The Consciences,  And To Have Influenced The 
 Conduct,  Of The Mass Of The People. "Happy The Nation That Has No 
 History!" Egypt During This Golden Age Was Neither Assailed By Any 
 Aggressive Power Beyond Her Borders,  Nor Had Herself Conceived The Idea 
 Of Distant Conquest. An Occasional Raid Upon The Negroes Of The South, 
 Or Chastisement Of The Nomades Of The East,  Secured Her Interests In 
 Those Quarters,  And Prevented Her Warlike Virtues From Dying Out Through 
 Lack Of Use. But Otherwise Tranquillity Was Undisturbed,  And The 
 Energies Of The Nation Were Directed To Increasing Its Material 
 Prosperity,  And To Progress In The Arts. 
   
 Among The Marvels Of Egypt Perhaps The Sphinx Is Second To None. The 
 Mysterious Being With The Head Of A Man And The Body Of A Lion Is Not At 
 All Uncommon In egyptian Architectural Adornment,  But The One Placed 
 Before The Second Pyramid (The Pyramid Of Shafra),  And Supposed To Be 
 Contemporary With It,  Astonishes The Observer By Its Gigantic 
 Proportions. It Is Known To The Arabs As Abul-Hol,  The Father Of Terror. 
 It Measures More Than One Hundred Feet In Length,  And Was Partially 
 Carved From The Rocks Of The Lybian Hills. Between Its Out-Stretched 
 Feet There Stands A Chapel,  Uncovered In 1816,  Three Walls Of Which Are 
 Formed By Tablets Bearing Inscriptions Indicative Of Its Use And Origin. 
   
 A Small Temple Behind The Great Sphinx,  Probably Also Built By Shafra, 
 Is Formed Of Great Blocks Of The Hardest Red Granite,  Brought From The 
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 40 
 Neighbourhood Of Syene And Fitted To Each Other With A Nicety 
 Astonishing To Modern Architects,  Who Are Unable To Imagine What Tools 
 Could Have Proved Equal To The Difficult Achievement. Mysterious 
 Passages Pierce The Great Sphinx And Connect It With The Second Pyramid, 
 Three Hundred Feet West Of It. In The Face Of This Mystery All Questions 
 Are Vain,  And Yet Every Visitor Adds New Queries To Those That Others 
 Have Asked Before Him. 
   
     Since What Unnumbered Year 
       Hast Thou Kept Watch And Ward, 
     And O'Er The Buried Land Of Fear 
       So Grimly Held Thy Guard? 
     No Faithless Slumber Snatching, 
       Still Couched In Silence Brave, 
     Like Some Fierce Hound,  Long Watching 
       Above Her Master'S Grave.... 
   
       Dost Thou In anguish Thus 
       Still Brood O'Er Oedipus? 
     And Weave Enigmas To Mislead Anew, 
       And Stultify The Blind 
       Dull Heads Of Human-Kind, 
         And Inly Make Thy Moan, 
     That,  Mid The Hated Crew, 
       Whom Thou So Long Couldst Vex, 
       Bewilder And Perplex, 
     Thou Yet Couldst Find A Subtler Than Thine Own? 
   
       Even Now; Methinks That Those 
       Dark,  Heavy Lips Which Close 
       In Such A Stern Repose, 
     Seem Burdened With Some Thought Unsaid, 
     And Hoard Within Their Portals Dread 
       Some Fearful Secret There, 
     Which To The Listening Earth 
     She May Not Whisper Forth. 
       Not Even To The Air! 
   
       Of Awful Wonders Hid 
       In Yonder Dread Pyramid, 
         The Home Of Magic Fears; 
       Of Chambers Vast And Lonely, 
       Watched By The Genii Only, 
     Who Tend Their Masters' Long-Forgotten Biers, 
       And Treasures That Have Shone 
       On Cavern Walls Alone, 
         For Thousand,  Thousand Years. 
   
       Would She But Tell. She Knows 
       Of The Old Pharaohs; 
     Could Count The Ptolemies' Long Line; 
     Each Mighty Myth'S Original Hath Seen, 
     Apis,  Anubis,--Ghosts That Haunt Between 
       The Bestial And Divine,-- 
     (Such He That Sleeps In Philae,--He That Stands 
       In Gloom Unworshipped,  'Neath His Rock-Hewn Lane,-- 
     And They Who,  Sitting On Memnonian Sands, 
       Cast Their Long Shadows O'Er The Desert Plain:) 
 
 
 
 Story 4 ( The Pyramid Builders.) Pg 41 
         Hath Marked Nitocris Pass, 
         And Oxymandyas 
     Deep-Versed In Many A Dark Egyptian Wile,-- 
       The Hebrew Boy Hath Eyed 
       Cold To The Master'S Bride; 
     And That Medusan Stare Hath Frozen The Smile 
     Of All Her Love And Guile, 
       For Whom The Caesar Sighed, 
       And The World-Loser Died,-- 
     The Darling Of The Nile. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 4 (Footnotes:) Pg 42 
   
 [8] Fergusson,  "History Of Architecture," Vol. I. Pp. 91,  92. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 5 (The Rise Of Thebes To Power,  And The Early Theban Kings.) Pg 43 
   
 Hitherto Egypt Had Been Ruled From A Site At The Junction Of The Narrow 
 Nile Valley With The Broad Plain Of The Delta--A Site Sufficiently 
 Represented By The Modern Cairo. But Now There Was A Shift Of The Seat 
 Of Power. There Is Reason To Believe That Something Like A Disruption Of 
 Egypt Into Separate Kingdoms Took Place,  And That For A While Several 
 Distinct Dynasties Bore Sway In different Parts Of The Country. 
 Disruption Was Naturally Accompanied By Weakness And Decline. The Old 
 Order Ceased,  And Opportunity Was Offered For Some New Order--Some New 
 Power--To Assert Itself. The Site On Which It Arose Was One Three 
 Hundred And Fifty Miles Distant From The Ancient Capital,  Or Four 
 Hundred And More By The River. Here,  About Lat. 26 Deg.,  The Usually Narrow 
 Valley Of The Nile Opens Into A Sort Of Plain Or Basin. The Mountains On 
 Either Side Of The River Recede,  As Though By Common Consent,  And Leave 
 Between Themselves And The River'S Bank A Broad Amphitheatre,  Which In 
 Each Case Is A Rich Green Plain--An Alluvium Of The Most Productive 
 Character--Dotted With _Dom_ And Date Palms,  Sometimes Growing Single, 
 Sometimes Collected Into Clumps Or Groves. On The Western Side The 
 Libyan Range Gathers Itself Up Into A Single Considerable Peak,  Which 
 Has An Elevation Of Twelve Hundred Feet. On The East The Desert-Wall 
 Maintains Its Usual Level Character,  But Is Pierced By Valleys 
 Conducting To The Coast Of The Red Sea. The Situation Was One Favourable 
 For Commerce. On The One Side Was The Nearest Route Through The Sandy 
 Desert To The Lesser Oasis,  Which Commanded The Trade Of The African 
 Interior; On The Other The Way Led Through The Valley Of Hammamat,  Rich 
 With _Breccia Verde_ And Other Valuable And Rare Stones,  To A District 
 
 
 
 Story 5 (The Rise Of Thebes To Power,  And The Early Theban Kings.) Pg 44 
 Abounding In Mines Of Gold,  Silver,  And Lead,  And Thence To The Red Sea 
 Coast,  From Which,  Even In Very Early Times,  There Was Communication 
 With The Opposite Coast Of Arabia,  The Region Of Gums And Spices. 
   
 In This Position There Had Existed,  Probably From The Very Beginnings Of 
 Egypt,  A Provincial City Of Some Repute,  Called By Its Inhabitants Ape 
 Or Apiu,  And,  With The Feminine Article Prefixed,  Tape,  Or Tapiu,  Which 
 Some Interpret "The City Of Thrones". To The Greeks The Name "Tape" 
 Seemed To Resemble Their Own Well-Known "Thebai",  Whence They 
 Transferred The Familiar Appellation From The Baeotian To The 
 Mid-Egyptian Town,  Which Has Thus Come To Be Known To Englishmen And 
 Anglo-Americans As "Thebes." Thebes Had Been From The First The Capital 
 Of A "Nome". It Lay So Far From The Court That It Acquired A Character 
 Of Its Own--A Special Cast Of Religion,  Manners,  Speech,  Nomenclature, 
 Mode Of Writing,  And The Like--Which Helped To Detach It From Lower Or 
 Northern Egypt More Even Than Its Isolation. Still,  It Was Not Until 
 The Northern Kingdom Sank Into Decay From Internal Weakness And 
 Exhaustion,  And Disintegration Supervened In The Delta And Elsewhere, 
 That Thebes Resolved To Assert Herself And Claim Independent 
 Sovereignty. Apparently,  She Achieved Her Purpose Without Having 
 Recourse To Arms. The Kingdoms Of The North Were Content To Let Her Go. 
 They Recognized Their Own Weakness,  And Allowed The Nascent Power To 
 Develop Itself Unchecked And Unhindered. 
   
 The First Known Theban Monarch Is A Certain Antef Or Enantef,  Whose 
 Coffin Was Discovered In The Year 1827 By Some Arabs Near Qurnah,  To The 
 West Of Thebes. The Mummy Bore The Royal Diadem,  And The Epigraph On The 
 Lid Of The Coffin Declared The Body Which It Contained To Be That Of 
 "Antef,  King Of _The Two Egypts._" The Phrase Implied A Claim To 
 Dominion Over The Whole Country,  But A Claim As Purely Nominal As That 
 Of The Kings Of England From Edward Iv. To George Iii. To Be Monarchs Of 
 France And Navarre. Antef S Rule May Possibly Have Reached To 
 Elephantine On The One Hand,  But Is Not Likely To Have Extended Much 
 Beyond Coptos On The Other. He Was A Local Chieftain Posing As A Great 
 Sovereign,  But Probably With No Intention To Deceive Either His Own 
 Contemporaries Or Posterity. His Name Appears In Some Of The Later 
 Egyptian Dynastic Lists; But No Monument Of His Time Has Come Down To Us 
 Except The One That Has Been Mentioned. 
   
 Antef I. Is Thought To Have Been Succeeded By Mentu-Hotep I.,  A Monarch 
 Even More Shadowy,  Known To Us Only From The "Table Of Karnak." This 
 Prince,  However,  Is Followed By One Who Possesses A Greater Amount Of 
 Substance--Antef-Aa,  Or "Antef The Great," Grandson,  As It Would Seem, 
 Of The First Antef--A Sort Of Egyptian Nimrod,  Who Delighted Above All 
 Things In The Chase. Antefaa'S Sepulchral Monument Shows Him To Us 
 Standing In The Midst Of His Dogs,  Who Wear Collars,  And Have Their 
 Names Engraved Over Them. The Dogs Are Four In Number,  And Are Of 
 Distinct Types. The First,  Which Is Called _Mahut_ Or "Antelope," Has 
 Drooping Ears,  And Long But Somewhat Heavy Legs; It Resembles A 
 Foxhound,  And Was No Doubt Both Swift And Strong,  Though It Can Scarcely 
 Have Been So Swift As Its Namesake. The Second Was Called _Abakaru_,  A 
 Name Of Unknown Meaning; It Has Pricked Up,  Pointed Ears,  A Pointed 
 Nose,  And A Curly Tail. Some Have Compared It With The German _Spitz_ 
 Dog,  But It Seems Rather To Be The Original Dog Of Nature,  A Near 
 Congener Of The Jackal,  And The Type To Which All Dogs Revert When 
 
 
 
 Story 5 (The Rise Of Thebes To Power,  And The Early Theban Kings.) Pg 45 
 Allowed To Run Wild And Breed Indiscriminately. The Third,  Named 
 _Pahats_ Or _Kamu,  I.E._ "Blacky," Is A Heavy Animal,  Not Unlike A 
 Mastiff; It Has A Small,  Rounded,  Drooping Ear,  A Square,  Blunt Nose,  A 
 Deep Chest,  And Thick Limbs. The Late Dr. Birch Supposed That It Might 
 Have Been Employed By Antefaa In "The Chase Of The Lion;" But We Should 
 Rather Regard It As A Watch-Dog,  The Terror Of Thieves,  And We Suspect 
 That The Artist Gave It The Sitting Attitude To Indicate That Its 
 Business Was Not To Hunt,  But To Keep Watch And Ward At Its Master'S 
 Gate. The Fourth Dog,  Who Bears The Name Of _Tekal_,  And Walks Between 
 His Master'S Legs,  Has Ears That Seem To Have Been Cropped. He Has Been 
 Said To Resemble "The Dalmatian Hound": But This Is Questionable. His 
 Peculiarities Are Not Marked; But,  On The Whole,  It Seems Most Probable 
 That He Is "A Pet House-Dog"[9] Of The Terrier Class,  The Special 
 Favourite Of His Master. Antefaa'S Dogs Had Their Appointed Keeper,  The 
 Master Of His Kennel,  Who Is Figured On The Sepulchral Tablet Behind The 
 Monarch,  And Bears The Name Of Tekenru. 
   
 The Hunter King Was Buried In a Tomb Marked Only By A Pyramid Of Unbaked 
 Brick,  Very Humble In Its Character,  But Containing A Mortuary Chapel In 
 Which The Monument Above Described Was Set Up. An Inscription On The 
 Tablet Declared That It Was Erected To The Memory Of Antef The Great, 
 Son Of The Sun,  King Of Upper And Lower Egypt,  In The Fiftieth Year Of 
 His Reign. 
   
 Other Mentu-Hoteps And Other Antefs Continued On The Line Of Theban 
 Kings,  Reigning Quietly And Ingloriously,  And Leaving No Mark Upon The 
 Scroll Of Time,  Yet Probably Advancing The Material Prosperity Of Their 
 Country,  And Preparing The Way For That Rise To Greatness Which Gives 
 Thebes,  On The Whole,  The Foremost Place In egyptian History. Useful 
 Projects Occupied The Attention Of These Monarchs. One Of Them Sank 
 Wells In The Valley Of Hammamat,  To Provide Water For The Caravans Which 
 Plied Between Coptos And The Red Sea. Another Established Military Posts 
 In The Valley To Protect The Traffic And The Egyptian Quarrymen. Later 
 On,  A King Called Sankh-Ka-Ra Launched A Fleet Upon The Red Sea Waters, 
 And Opened Direct Communications With The Sacred Land Of Punt,  The 
 Region Of Odoriferous Gums And Of Strange Animals,  As Giraffes, 
 Panthers,  Hunting Leopards,  Cynocephalous Apes,  And Long-Tailed Monkeys. 
 There Is Some Doubt Whether "Punt" Was Arabia Felix,  Or The Somauli 
 Country. In any Case,  It Lay Far Down The Gulf,  And Could Only Be 
 Reached After A Voyage Of Many Days. 
   
 The Dynasty Of The Antefs And Mentu-Hoteps,  Which Terminated With 
 Sankh-Ka-Ra,  Was Followed By One In Which The Prevailing Names Were 
 Usurtasen And Amenemhat. This Dynasty Is Manetho'S Twelfth,  And The Time 
 Of Its Rule Has Been Characterized As "The Happiest Age Of Egyptian 
 History?"[10] The Second Phase Of Egyptian Civilization Now Set In--A 
 Phase Which Is Regarded By Many As Outshining The Glories Of The First 
 The First Civilization Had Subordinated The People To The Monarch,  And 
 Had Aimed Especially At Eternizing The Memory And Setting Forth The 
 Power And Greatness Of King After King. The Second Had The Benefit And 
 Advantage Of The People For Its Primary Object; It Was Utilitarian, 
 Beneficent,  Appealing Less To The Eye Than To The Mind,  Far-Sighted In 
 Its Aims,  And Most Successful In The Results Which It Effected. The Wise 
 Rulers Of The Time Devoted Their Energies And Their Resources,  Not,  As 
 The Earlier Kings,  To Piling Up Undying Memorials Of Themselves In The 
 
 
 
 Story 5 (The Rise Of Thebes To Power,  And The Early Theban Kings.) Pg 46 
 Shape Of Monuments That "Reached To Heaven," But To Useful Works,  To The 
 Excavation Of Wells And Reservoirs,  The Making Of Roads,  The 
 Encouragement Of Commerce,  And The Development Of The Vast Agricultural 
 Wealth Of The Country. They Also Diligently Guarded The Frontiers, 
 Chastised Aggressive Tribes,  And Checked Invasion By The Establishment 
 Of Strong Fortresses In Positions Of Importance. They Patronized Art, 
 Employing Themselves In building Temples Rather Than Tombs,  And Adorned 
 Their Temples Not Only With Reliefs And Statues,  But Also With The Novel 
 Architectural Embellishment Of The Obelisk,  A Delicate Form,  And One 
 Especially Suited To The Country. 
   
 The Founder Of The "Twelfth Dynasty," Amenemhat I.,  Deserves A Few Words 
 Of Description. He Found Thebes In a State Of Anarchy; Civil War Raged 
 On Every Side; All The Traditions Of The Past Were Forgotten; Noble 
 Fought Against Noble; The Poor Were Oppressed; Life And Property Were 
 Alike Insecure; "There Was Stability Of Fortune Neither For The Ignorant 
 Nor For The Learned Man." One Night,  After He Had Lain Down To Sleep,  He 
 Found Himself Attacked In His Bed-Chamber; The Clang Of Arms Sounded 
 Near At Hand. Starting From His Couch,  He Seized His Own Weapons And 
 Struck Out; When Lo! His Assailants Fled; Detected In Their Attempt To 
 Assassinate Him,  They Dared Not Offer Any Resistance,  Thus Showing 
 Themselves Alike Treacherous And Cowardly. Amenemhat,  Having Once Taken 
 Arms,  Did Not Lay Them Down Till He Had Defeated Every Rival,  And So 
 Fought His Way To The Crown. Once Acknowledged As King,  He Ruled With 
 Moderation And Equity; He "Gave To The Humble,  And Made The Weak To 
 Live;" He "Caused The Afflicted To Cease From Their Afflictions,  And 
 Their Cries To Be Heard No More;" He Brought It To Pass That None 
 Hungered Or Thirsted In The Land; He Gave Such Orders To His Servants 
 As Continually Increased The Love Of His People Towards Him. At The Same 
 Time,  He Was An Energetic Warrior. He "Stood On The Boundaries Of The 
 Land,  To Keep Watch On Its Borders," Personally Leading His Soldiers To 
 Battle,  Armed With The _Khopesh_ Or Falchion. He Carried On Wars With 
 The Petti,  Or Bowmen Of The Libyan Interior,  With The Sakti Or Asiatics, 
 With The Maxyes Or Mazyes Of The North-West,  And With The Ua-Uat And 
 Other Negro Tribes Of The South; Not,  However,  As It Would Seem,  With 
 Any Desire Of Making Conquests,  But Simply For The Protection Of His Own 
 Frontier. With The Same Object He Constructed On His North-Eastern 
 Frontier A Wall Or Fortress "To Keep Out The Sakti," Who Continually 
 Harassed The People Of The Eastern Delta By Their Incursions. 
   
 The Wars Of Amenemhat I. Make It Evident That By His Time Thebes Had 
 Advanced From The Position Of A Petty Kingdom Situated In a Remote Part 
 Of Egypt,  And Held In check By Two Or More Rival Kingdoms In The Lower 
 Nile Valley And The Delta,  To That Of A Power Which Bore Sway Over The 
 Whole Land From Elephantine To The Mediterranean. "I Sent My Messengers 
 Up To Abu (Elephantine) And My Couriers Down To Athu" (The Coast Lakes), 
 Says The Monarch In His "Instructions" To His Son--The Earliest Literary 
 Production From A Royal Pen That Has Come Down To Our Days; And There Is 
 No Reason To Doubt The Truth Of His Statement. In The Delta Alone Could 
 He Come Into Contact With Either The Mazyes Or The Sakti,  And A King Of 
 Thebes Could Not Hold The Delta Without Being Master Also Of The Lower 
 Nile Valley From Coptos To Memphis. We Must Regard Egypt,  Then,  Under 
 The "Twelfth Dynasty." As Once More Consolidated Into A Single State--A 
 State Ruled,  However,  Not From Memphis,  But From Thebes,  A Decidedly 
 Inferior Position. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 5 (The Rise Of Thebes To Power,  And The Early Theban Kings.) Pg 47 
   
 Amenemhat I. Is The Only Egyptian King Who Makes A Boast Of His Hunting 
 Prowess. "I Hunted The Lion," He Says,  "And Brought Back The Crocodile A 
 Prisoner." Lions Do Not At The Present Time Frequent Egypt,  And,  Indeed, 
 Are Not Found Lower Down The Nile Valley Than The Point Where The Great 
 Stream Receives Its Last Tributary,  The Atbara. But Anciently They Seem 
 To Have Haunted The Entire Desert Tracts On Either Side Of The River. 
 The Roman Emperor Hadrian Is Said To Have Hunted One Near Alexandria, 
 And The Monuments Represent Lions As Tamed And Used In The Chase By The 
 Ancient Inhabitants. Sometimes They Even Accompanied Their Masters To 
 The Battlefield. We Know Nothing Of Amenemhat'S Mode Of Hunting The King 
 Of Beasts,  But May Assume That It Was Not Very Different From That 
 Which Prevailed At A Later Date In assyria. There,  Dogs And Beaters Were 
 Employed To Rouse The Animals From Their Lairs,  While The King And His 
 Fellow-Sportsmen Either Plied Them With Flights Of Arrows,  Or Withstood 
 Their Onset With Swords And Spears. The Crocodile Was Certainly 
 Sometimes Attacked While He Was In The Water,  The Hunters Using A Boat, 
 And Endeavouring To Spear Him At The Point Where The Head Joins The 
 Spine; But This Could Not Have Been The Mode Adopted By Amenemhat,  Since 
 It Would Have Resulted In Instant Death,  Whereas He Tells Us That He 
 "Brought The Crocodile Home A Prisoner." Possibly,  Therefore,  He 
 Employed The Method Which Herodotus Says Was In common Use In His Day. 
 This Was To Bait A Hook With A Joint Of Pork And Throw It Into The Water 
 At A Point Where The Current Would Carry It Out Into Mid-Stream; Then To 
 Take A Live Pig To The River-Side,  And Belabour Him Well With A Stick 
 Till He Set Up The Squeal Familiar To Most Ears. Any Crocodile Within 
 Hearing Was Sure To Come To The Sound,  And Falling In With The Pork On 
 The Way,  Would Instantly Swallow It Down. Upon This The Hunters Hauled 
 At The Rope To Which The Hook Was Attached,  And,  Notwithstanding His 
 Struggles,  Drew "Leviathan" To Shore. Amenemhat,  Having Thus "Made The 
 Crocodile A Prisoner," May Have Carried His Captive In Triumph To His 
 Capital,  And Exhibited Him Before The Eyes Of The People. 
   
 Amenemhat,  Having Reigned As Sole King For Twenty Years,  Was Induced To 
 Raise His Eldest Son,  Usurtasen,  To The Royal Dignity,  And Associate Him 
 With Himself In The Government Of The Empire. Usurtasen Was A Prince Of 
 Much Promise,  He "Brought Prosperity To The Affairs Of His Father. He 
 Was,  As A God,  Without Fears; Before Him Was Never One Like To Him. Most 
 Skilful In affairs,  Beneficent In His Mandates,  Both In His Going Out 
 And In His Coming In He Made Egypt Flourish." His Courage And His 
 Warlike Capacity Were Great. Already,  In The Lifetime Of His Father,  He 
 Had Distinguished Himself In combats With The Petti And The Sakti. When 
 He Was Settled Upon The Throne,  He Made War Upon The Cushite Tribes Who 
 Bordered Egypt Upon The South,  Employing The Services Of A General Named 
 Ameni,  But Also Taking A Part Personally In The Campaign. The Cushites 
 Or Ethiopians,  Who In Later Times Became Such Dangerous Neighbours To 
 Egypt,  Were At This Early Period Weak And Insignificant. After The King 
 Had Made His Expedition,  Ameni Was Able With A Mere Handful Of Four 
 Hundred Troops To Penetrate Into Their Country,  To "Conduct The Golden 
 Treasures" Which It Contained To The Presence Of His Master,  And To 
 Capture And Carry Off A Herd Of Three Thousand Cattle. 
   
 It Was Through His Sculptures And His Architectural Works That The First 
 Usurtasen Made Himself Chiefly Conspicuous. Thebes,  Abydos,  Heliopolis 
 Or On,  The Fayoum And The Delta,  Were Equally The Scenes Of His 
 
 
 
 Story 5 (The Rise Of Thebes To Power,  And The Early Theban Kings.) Pg 48 
 Constructive Activity,  And Still Show Traces Of His Presence. At Thebes, 
 He Carried To Its Completion The Cell,  Or _Naos_,  Of The Great Temple Of 
 Ammon,  In Later Times The Innermost Sanctuary Of The Building,  And 
 Reckoned So Sacred,  That When Thothmes Iii. Rebuilt And Enlarged The 
 Entire Edifice He Reproduced The Structure Of Usurtasen,  Unchanged In 
 Form,  And Merely Turned From Limestone Into Granite. At Abydos And 
 Other Cities Of Middle Egypt,  He Constructed Temples Adorned With 
 Sculptures,  Inscriptions,  And Colossal Statues. At Tanis,  He Set Up His 
 Own Statue,  Exhibiting Himself As Seated Upon His Throne. In The Fayoum 
 He Erected An Obelisk Forty-One Feet High To The Honour Of Ammon, 
 Phthah,  And Mentu,  Which Now Lies Prone Upon The Ground Near The Arab 
 Village Of Begig. Indications Of His Ubiquitous Activity Are Found Also 
 At The Wady Magharah,  In The Sinaitic Peninsula,  And At Wady Haifa In 
 Nubia,  A Little Above The Second Cataract; But His Grandest And Most 
 Elaborate Work Was His Construction Of The Great Temple Of The Sun At 
 Heliopolis,  And His Best Memorial Is That Tall Finger Pointing To The 
 Sky Which Greets The Traveller Approaching Egypt From The East As The 
 First Sample Of Its Strange And Mystic Wonders. This Temple The King 
 Began In His Third Year. After A Consultation With His Lords And 
 Counsellors,  He Issued The Solemn Decree: "It Is Determined To Execute 
 The Work; His Majesty Chooses To Have It Made. Let The Superintendent 
 Carry It On In The Way That Is Desired; Let All Those Employed Upon It 
 Be Vigilant; Let Them See That It Is Made Without Weariness; Let Every 
 Due Ceremony Be Performed; Let The Beloved Place Arise." Then The King 
 Rose Up,  Wearing A Diadem,  And Holding The Double Pen; And All Present 
 Followed Him. The Scribe Read The Holy Book,  And Extended The Measuring 
 Cord,  And Laid The Foundations On The Spot Which The Temple Was To 
 Occupy. A Grand Building Arose; But It Has Been Wholly Demolished By The 
 Ruthless Hand Of Time And The Barbarity Of Conquerors. Of All Its 
 Glories Nothing Now Remains But The One Taper Obelisk Of Pink 
 Granite,  Which Rises Into The Soft Sleepy Air Above The Green Cornfields 
 Of Matariyeh,  No Longer Tipped With Gold,  But Still Catching On Its 
 Summit The Earliest And Latest Sun-Rays,  While Wild-Bees Nestle In The 
 Crannies Of The Weird Characters Cut Into The Stone. 
 Usurtasen,  After Reigning Ten Years In conjunction With His Father And 
 Thirty-Two Years Alone,  Associated His Son,  Amenemhat Ii.,  Who Became 
 Sole King About Three Years Later. His Reign,  Though Long,  Was 
 Undistinguished,  And Need Not Occupy Our Attention. He Followed The 
 Example Of His Predecessors In associating A Son In The Government; And 
 This Son Succeeded Him,  And Is Known As Usurtasen Ii. One Event Of 
 Interest Alone Belongs To This Time. It Is The Reception By One Of His 
 Great Officials Of A Large Family Or Tribe Of Semitic Immigrants From 
 Asia,  Who Beg Permission To Settle Permanently In The Fertile Egypt 
 Under The Protection Of Its Powerful King. Thirty-Seven Amu,  Men,  Women, 
 And Children,  Present Themselves At The Court Which The Great Noble 
 Holds Near The Eastern Border,  And Offer Him Their Homage,  While They 
 Solicit A Favourable Hearing. The Men Are Represented Draped In Long 
 Garments Of Various Colours,  And Wearing Sandals Unlike The 
 Egyptian--More Resembling,  In Fact,  Open Shoes With Many Straps. Their 
 Arms Are Bows,  Arrows,  Spears,  And Clubs. One Plays On A Seven-Stringed 
 Lyre By Means Of A Plectrum. Four Women,  Wearing Fillets Round Their 
 
 
 
 Story 5 (The Rise Of Thebes To Power,  And The Early Theban Kings.) Pg 49 
 Heads,  With Garments Reaching Below The Knee,  And Wearing Anklets But No 
 Sandals,  Accompany Them. A Boy,  Armed With A Spear,  Walks At The Side 
 Of The Women; And Two Children,  Seated In a Kind Of Pannier Placed On 
 The Back Of An Ass,  Ride On In Front. Another Ass,  Carrying A Spear,  A 
 Shield,  And A Pannier,  Precedes The Man Who Plays On The Lyre. The Great 
 Official,  Who Is Named Khnum-Hotep,  Receives The Foreigners,  Accompanied 
 By An Attendant Who Carries His Sandals And A Staff,  And Who Is Followed 
 By Three Dogs. A Scribe,  Named Nefer-Hotep,  Unrolls Before His Master A 
 Strip Of Papyrus,  On Which Are Inscribed The Words,  "The Sixth Year Of 
 The Reign Of King Usurtasen Sha-Khepr-Ra: Account Rendered Of The Amu 
 Who In The Lifetime Of The Chief,  Khnum-Hotep,  Brought To Him The 
 Mineral,  _Mastemut_,  From The Country Of Pit-Shu--They Are In all 
 Thirty-Seven Persons." The Mineral _Mastemut_ Is Thought To Be A Species 
 Of Stibium Or Antimony,  Used For Dying The Skin Around The Eyes,  And So 
 Increasing Their Beauty. Besides This Offering,  The Head Of The Tribe, 
 Who Is Entitled _Khak_,  Or "Prince," And Named Abusha,  Presents To 
 Khnum-Hotep A Magnificent Wild-Goat,  Of The Kind Which At The Present 
 Day Frequents The Rocky Mountain Tract Of Sinai. He Wears A Richer Dress 
 Than His Companions,  One Which Is Ornamented With A Fringe,  And Has A 
 Wavy Border Round The Neck. The Scene Has Been Generally Recognized As 
 Strikingly Illustrating The Coming Of Jacob'S Family Into Egypt (Gen. 
 Xlvi. 28-34),  And Was At One Time Thought By Some To Represent That 
 Occurrence; But The Date Of Abusha'S Coming Is Long Anterior To The 
 Arrival In egypt Of Jacob'S Family,  The Number Is Little More Than Half 
 That Of The Hebrew Immigrants,  The Names Do Not Accord; And It Is Now 
 Agreed On All Hands,  That The Interest Of The Representation Is 
 Confined To Its Illustrative Force. 
   
 Usurtasen Ii. Reigned For Nineteen Years. He Does Not Seem To Have 
 Associated A Son,  But Was Succeeded By Another Usurtasen,  Most Probably 
 A Nephew. The Third Usurtasen Was A Conquering Monarch,  And Advanced The 
 Power And Glory Of Egypt Far More Than Any Other Ruler Belonging To The 
 Old Empire. He Began His Military Operations In His Eighth Year,  And 
 Starting From Elephantine In The Month Epiphi,  Or May,  Moved Southward, 
 Like Another Lord Wolseley,  With A Fixed Intention,  Which He Expressed 
 In Writing Upon The Rocks Of The Elephantine Island,  Of Permanently 
 Reducing To Subjection "The Miserable Land Of Cush." His Expedition Was 
 So Far Successful That In The Same Year He Established Two Forts,  One On 
 Either Side Of The Nile,  And Set Up Two Pillars With Inscriptions 
 Warning The Black Races That They Were Not To Proceed Further Northward, 
 Except With The Object Of Importing Into Egypt Cattle,  Oxen,  Goats,  Or 
 Asses. The Forts Are Still Visible On Either Bank Of The River A Little 
 Above The Second Cataract,  And Bear The Names Of Koommeh And Semneh. 
 They Are Massive Constructions,  Built Of Numerous Squared Blocks Of 
 Granite And Sandstone,  And Perched Upon Two Steep Rocks Which Rise Up 
 Perpendicularly From The River. Usurtasen,  Having Made This Beginning, 
 Proceeded,  From His Eighth To His Sixteenth Year,  To Carry On The War 
 With Perseverance And Ferocity In The District Between The Nile And The 
 Red Sea--To Kill The Men,  Fire The Crops,  And Carry Off The Women And 
 Children,  Much As Recently Did The Arab Traders Whom Baker And Gordon 
 Strove To Crush. The Memory Of His Razzias Was Perpetuated Upon Stone 
 Columns Set Up To Record His Successes. Later On,  In His Nineteenth Year 
 He Made A Last Expedition,  To Complete The Conquest Of "The Miserable 
 Kashi," And Recorded His Victory At Abydos. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 5 (The Rise Of Thebes To Power,  And The Early Theban Kings.) Pg 50 
 The Effect Of These Inroads Was To Advance The Egyptian Frontier One 
 Hundred And Fifty Miles To The South,  To Carry It,  In Fact,  From The 
 First To Above The Second Cataract. Usurtasen Drew The Line Between 
 Egypt And Ethiopia At This Period,  Very Much Where The British 
 Government Drew It Between Egypt And The Soudan In 1885. The Boundary Is 
 A Somewhat Artificial One,  As Any Boundary Must Be On The Course Of A 
 Great River; But It Is Probably As Convenient A Point As Can Be Found 
 Between Assouan (Syene) And Khartoum. The Conquest Was Regarded As 
 Redounding Greatly To Usurtasen'S Glory,  And Made Him The Hero Of The 
 Old Empire. Myths Gathered About His Name,  Which,  Softened Into 
 Sesostris,  Became A Favourite One In The Mouths Of Egyptian Minstrels 
 And Minnesingers. Usurtasen Grew To Be A Giant More Than Seven Feet 
 High,  Who Conquered,  Not Only All Ethiopia,  But Also Europe And Asia; 
 His Columns Were Said To Be Found In Palestine,  Asia Minor,  Scythia,  And 
 Thrace; He Left A Colony At Colchis,  The City Of The Golden Fleece; He 
 Dug All The Canals By Which Egypt Was Intersected; He Invented Geometry; 
 He Set Up Colossi Above Fifty Feet High; He Was The Greatest Monarch 
 That Had Ruled Egypt Since The Days Of Osiris! 
   
 No Doubt These Tales Were,  In The Main,  Imaginary; But They Marked The 
 Fact That In Usurtasen Iii. The Military Glories Of The Old Empire 
 Culminated. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 5 ( Footnotes:) Pg 51 
 [9] So Mr. A.D. Bartlett,  F.Z.S.,  In The "Transactions Of The Society Of 
 Biblical Archaeology," Vol. Iv. P. 195. 
   
 [10] R. Stuart Poole,  "Cities Of Egypt," P. 52. 
 
 
 
 Story 6 (The Good Amenemhat And His Works.) Pg 52 
   
 The Great River To Which Egypt Owes Her Being,  Is At Once The Source Of 
 All Her Blessings And Her Chiefest Danger. Swelling With A Uniformity, 
 Well Calculated To Call Forth Man'S Gratitude And Admiration,  Almost 
 From A Fixed Day In each Year,  And Continuing To Rise Steadily For 
 Months,  It Gradually Spreads Over The Lands,  Covering The Entire Soil 
 With A Fresh Coating Of The Richest Possible Alluvium,  And Thus Securing 
 To The Country A Perpetual And Inexhaustible Fertility. Nature'S 
 Mechanism Is So Perfect,  That The Rise Year After Year Scarcely Varies A 
 Foot,  And Is Almost Exactly The Same Now As It Was When The First 
 Pharaoh Poured His Libation To The River-God From The Embankment Which 
 
 
 
 Story 6 (The Good Amenemhat And His Works.) Pg 53 
 He Had Made At Memphis; But Though This Uniformity Is Great,  And 
 Remarkable,  And Astonishing,  It Is Not Absolute. There Are Occasions, 
 Once In Two Or Three Centuries,  When The Rainfall In abyssinia Is 
 Excessive. The Blue Nile And The Atbara Pour Into The Deep And Steady 
 Stream Of The White Nile Torrents Of Turbid Water For Months Together. 
 The Windows Of Heaven Seem To Have Been Opened,  And The Rain Pours Down 
 As If It Would Never Cease. Then The River Of The Egyptians Assumes A 
 Threatening Character; Faster And Faster It Rises,  And Higher And 
 Higher; And Further And Further It Spreads,  Until It Begins To Creep Up 
 The Sides Of The Two Ranges Of Hills. Calamitous Results Ensue. The 
 Mounds Erected To Protect The Cities,  The Villages,  And The Pasture 
 Lands,  Are Surmounted,  Or Undermined,  Or Washed Away; The Houses,  Built 
 Often Of Mud,  And Seldom Of Any Better Material Than Crude Brick, 
 Collapse; Cattle Are Drowned By Hundreds; Human Life Is Itself 
 Imperilled; The Population Has To Betake Itself To Boats,  And To Fly To 
 The Desert Regions Which Enclose The Nile Valley To The East And West, 
 Regions Of Frightful Sterility,  Which With Difficulty Support The Few 
 Wandering Tribes That Are Their Normal Inhabitants. If The Excessive 
 Rise Continues Long,  Thousands Or Millions Starve; If It Passes Off 
 Rapidly,  Then The Inhabitants Return To Find Their Homes Desolated, 
 Their Cattle Drowned,  Their Household Goods Washed Away,  And Themselves 
 Dependent On The Few Rich Men Who May Have Stored Their Corn In Stone 
 Granaries Which The Waters Have Not Been Able To Penetrate. Disasters Of 
 This Kind Are,  However,  Exceedingly Rare,  Though,  When They Occur,  Their 
 Results Are Terrible To Contemplate. 
   
 The More Usual Form Of Calamity Is Of The Opposite Kind. Once Or Twice 
 In A Century The Abyssinian Rainfall Is Deficient. The Rise Of The Nile 
 Is Deferred Beyond The Proper Date. Anxious Eyes Gaze Daily On The 
 Sluggish Stream,  Or Consult The "Nilometers" Which Kings And Princes 
 Have Constructed Along Its Course To Measure The Increase Of The Waters. 
 Hopes And Fears Alternate As Good Or Bad News Reaches The Inhabitants Of 
 The Lower Valley From Those Who Dwell Higher Up The Stream. Each Little 
 Rise Is Expected To Herald A Greater One,  And The Agony Of Suspense Is 
 Prolonged Until The "Hundred Days," Traditionally Assigned To The 
 Increase,  Have Gone By,  And There Is No Longer A Doubt That The River 
 Has Begun To Fall. Then Hope Is Swallowed Up In despair. Only The Lands 
 Lying Nearest To The River Have Been Inundated; Those At A Greater 
 Distance From It Lie Parched And Arid During The Entire Summer-Time,  And 
 Fail To Produce A Single Blade Of Grass Or Spike Of Corn. Famine Stares 
 The Poorer Classes In The Face,  And Unless Large Supplies Of Grain Have 
 Been Laid Up In Store Previously,  Or Can Be Readily Imported From 
 Abroad,  The Actual Starvation Of Large Numbers Is The Inevitable 
 Consequence. We Have Heartrending Accounts Of Such Famines. In The Year 
 457 Of The Hegira (A.D. 1064) A Famine Began,  Which Lasted Seven Years, 
 And Was So Severe That Dogs And Cats,  And Even Human Flesh,  Were Eaten; 
 All The Horses Of The Caliph But Three Perished,  And His Family Had To 
 Fly Into Syria. Another Famine In a.D. 1199 Is Recorded By Abd-El-Latif, 
 An Eye-Witness,  In Very Similar Terms. 
   
 There Is Reason To Believe That,  Under The Twelfth Dynasty,  Some 
 Derangement Of Meteoric Or Atmospheric Conditions Passed Over Abyssinia 
 And Upper Egypt,  Either In both The Directions Above Noticed,  Or,  At Any 
 Rate,  In The Latter And More Ordinary One. An Official Belonging To The 
 Later Part Of This Period,  In enumerating His Merits Upon His Tomb, 
 
 
 
 Story 6 (The Good Amenemhat And His Works.) Pg 54 
 Tells Us,  "There Was No Poverty In My Days,  No Starvation In My Time, 
 Even When There Were Years Of Famine. I Ploughed All The Fields Of Mah 
 To Its Southern And Northern Boundaries; I Gave Life To Its 
 Inhabitants,  Making Its Food; No One Was Starved In It. I Gave To The 
 Widow As To The Married Woman." As The Late Dr. Birch Observes,  "Egypt 
 Was Occasionally Subject To Famines; And These,  At The Time Of The 
 Twelfth Dynasty,  Were So Important,  That They Attracted Great Attention, 
 And Were Considered Worthy Of Record By The Princes Or Hereditary Lords 
 Who Were Buried At Beni-Hassan. Under The Twelfth Dynasty,  Also,  The 
 Tombs Of Abydos Show The Creation Of Superintendents,  Or Storekeepers Of 
 The Public Granaries,  A Class Of Functionaries Apparently Created To 
 Meet The Contingency."[11] 
   
 The Distress Of His Subjects Under These Circumstances Seems To Have 
 Drawn The Thoughts Of "The Good Amenemhat" To The Devising Of Some 
 System Which Should Effectually Remedy These Evils,  By Preventing Their 
 Occurrence. In all Countries Where The Supply Of Water Is Liable To Be 
 Deficient,  It Is Of The Utmost Importance To Utilize To The Full That 
 Amount Of The Life-Giving Fluid,  Be It More Or Be It Less,  Which The 
 Bounty Of Nature Furnishes. Rarely,  Indeed,  Is Nature Absolutely A 
 Niggard. Mostly She Gives Far More Than Is Needed,  But The Improvidence 
 Or The Apathy Of Man Allows Her Gifts To Run To Waste. Careful And 
 Provident Husbanding Of Her Store Will Generally Make It Suffice For All 
 Man'S Needs And Requirements. Sometimes This Has Been Effected In a 
 Thirsty Land By Conducting All The Rills And Brooks That Flow From The 
 Highlands Or Hills Into Subterranean Conduits,  Where They Are Shielded 
 From The Sun'S Rays,  And Prolonging These Ducts For Miles Upon Miles, 
 Till Every Drop Of The Precious Fluid Has Been Utilized For Irrigation. 
 Such Is The _Kareez_ Or _Kanat_ System Of Persia. In Other Places Vast 
 Efforts Have Been Made To Detain The Abundant Supply Of Rain Which 
 Nature Commonly Provides In The Spring Of The Year,  To Store It,  And 
 Prevent It From Flowing Off Down The River-Courses To The Sea,  Where It 
 Is Absolutely Lost. For This Purpose,  Either Huge Reservoirs Must Be 
 Constructed By The Hand Of Man,  Or Else Advantage Must Be Taken Of Some 
 Facility Which Nature Offers For Storing The Water In convenient 
 Situations. Valleys May Be Blocked By Massive Dams,  And Millions Of 
 Gallons Thus Imprisoned For Future Use,  As Is Done In Many Parts Of The 
 North Of England,  But For Manufacturing And Not For Irrigation Purposes. 
 Or Naturally Land-Locked Basins May Be Found,  And The Overflow Of 
 Streams At Their Flood-Time Turned Into Them And Arrested,  To Be Made 
 Use Of Later In The Year. 
   
 In Egypt The One And Only Valley Was That Of The Nile,  And The One And 
 Only Stream That Which Had Formed It,  And Flowed Along It,  At A Lower Or 
 Higher Level,  Ceaselessly. It Might Perhaps Have Been Possible For 
 Egyptian Engineering Skill To Have Blocked The Valley At Silsilis,  Or At 
 The Gebelein,  And To Have Thus Turned Upper Egypt Into A Huge Reservoir 
 Always Full,  And Always Capable Of Supplying Lower Egypt With Enough 
 Water To Eke Out A Deficient Inundation. But This Could Only Have Been 
 Done By An Enormous Work,  Very Difficult To Construct,  And At The 
 Sacrifice Of Several Hundred Square Miles Of Fertile Territory,  Thickly 
 Inhabited,  Which Would Have Been Covered Permanently By The Artificial 
 Lake. Moreover,  The Egyptians Would Have Known That Such An Embankment 
 Can Under No Circumstances Be Absolutely Secure,  And May Have Foreseen 
 That Its Rupture Would Spread Destruction Over The Whole Of The Lower 
 Country. Amenemhat,  At Any Rate,  Did Not Venture To Adopt So Bold A 
 
 
 
 Story 6 (The Good Amenemhat And His Works.) Pg 55 
 Design. He Sought For A Natural Depression,  And Found One In The Libyan 
 Range Of Hills To The West Of The Nile Valley,  About A Degree South Of 
 The Latitude Of Memphis--A Depression Of Great Depth And Of Ample 
 Expanse,  Fifty Miles Or More In Length By Thirty In breadth,  And 
 Containing An Area Of Six Or Seven Hundred Square Miles. It Was 
 Separated From The Nile Valley By A Narrow Ridge Of Hills About Two 
 Hundred Feet High,  Through Which Ran From South-East To North-West A 
 Narrow Rocky Gorge,  Giving Access To The Depression. It Is Possible That 
 In Very High Floods Some Of The Water Of The Inundation Passed Naturally 
 Into The Basin Through This Gorge; But Whether This Were So Or No,  It 
 Was Plain That By The Employment Of No Very Large Amount Of Labour A 
 Canal Or Cutting Might Be Carried Along The Gorge,  And The Nile Water 
 Given Free Access Into The Depression,  Not Only In Very High Floods,  But 
 Annually When The Inundation Reached A Certain Moderate Height. This Is, 
 Accordingly,  What Amenemhat Did. He Dug A Canal From The Western Branch 
 Of The Nile--The Modern Bahr Yousuf--Leaving It At El-Lahoun,  Carried 
 His Canal Through The Gorge,  In Places Cutting Deep Into Its Rocky 
 Bottom,  And By A System Of Sluices And Flood-Gates Retained Such An 
 Absolute Control Over The Water That He Could Either Admit Or Exclude 
 The Inundation At His Will,  As It Rose; And When It Fell,  Could Either 
 Allow The Water That Had Flowed In To Return,  Or Imprison It And Keep It 
 Back. Within The Gorge He Had Thus At All Times A Copious Store Of The 
 Invaluable Fluid,  Banked Up To The Height Of High Nile,  And Capable Of 
 Being Applied To Purposes Of Cultivation Both Within And Without The 
 Depression By The Opening And Shutting Of The Sluices. 
   
 So Much Appears To Be Certain. The Exact Size And Position Of 
 Amenemhat'S Reservoir Within The Depression,  Which A French _Savant_ Was 
 Supposed To Have Discovered,  Are Now Called In Question,  And Must Be 
 Admitted To Be Still _Sub Judice_. M. Linant De Bellefonds Regarded The 
 Reservoir As Occupying The South-Eastern Or Upper Portion Of The 
 Depression Only,  As Extending From North To South A Distance Of Fourteen 
 Miles Only,  And From East To West A Distance Varying From Six To Eleven 
 Miles. He Regarded It As Artificially Confined Towards The West And 
 North By Two Long Lines Of Embankment,  Which He Considered That He Had 
 Traced,  And Gave The Area Of The Lake As Four Hundred And Five Millions 
 Of Square Metres,  Or About Four Hundred And Eighty Millions Of Square 
 Yards. Mr. Cope Whitehouse Believes That The Water Was Freely Admitted 
 Into The Whole Of The Depression,  Which It Filled,  With The Exception Of 
 Certain Parts,  Which Stood Up Out Of The Water As Islands,  From One 
 Hundred And Fifty To Two Hundred Feet High. He Believes That It Was In 
 Places Three Hundred Feet Deep,  And That The Circuit Of Its Shores Was 
 From Three Hundred To Five Hundred Miles. It Is To Be Hoped That A 
 Scientific Expedition Will Ere Long Set This Dispute At Rest,  And Enable 
 The Modern Student Distinctly To Grasp And Understand The Great Work Of 
 Amenemhat. Whatever May Be The Truth Regarding "Lake Moeris," As This 
 Great Reservoir Was Called,  It Is Certain That It Furnished The Ancients 
 One Of The Least Explicable Of All The Many Problems That The Remarkable 
 Land Of The Nile Presented To Them. Herodotus Added To The Other Marvels 
 Of The Place A Story About Two Sitting Statues Based Upon Pyramids, 
 Which Stood Three Hundred Feet Above The Level Of The Lake,  And A Famous 
 Labyrinth,  Of Which We Shall Soon Speak. 
   
 Whether The Reservoir Of Amenemhat Had The Larger Or The Smaller 
 Dimensions Ascribed To It,  There Can Be No Doubt That It Was A Grand 
 Construction,  Undertaken Mainly For The Benefit Of His People,  And 
 
 
 
 Story 6 (The Good Amenemhat And His Works.) Pg 56 
 Greatly Conducing To Their Advantage. Even If The Reservoir Had Only The 
 Dimensions Assigned To It By M. De Bellefonds,  It Would,  According To 
 His Calculations,  Have Contained Water Sufficient,  Not Only For 
 Irrigating The Northern And Western Portions Of The Fayoum Throughout 
 The Year,  But Also For The Supply Of The Whole Western Bank Of The Nile 
 From Beni-Souef To The Embouchure At Canopus For Six Months. This Alone 
 Would In dry Seasons Have Been A Sensible Relief To A Large Portion Of 
 The Population. If The Dimensions Exceeded Those Of De Bellefonds,  The 
 Relief Would Have Been Proportionately Greater. 
   
 The Good King Was Not,  However,  Content Merely To Benefit His People By 
 Increasing The Productiveness Of Egypt And Warding Off The Calamities 
 That Occasionally Befell The Land; He Further Gave Employment To Large 
 Numbers,  Which Was Not Of A Severe Or Oppressive Kind,  But Promoted 
 Their Comfort And Welfare. In connection With His Hydraulic Works In 
 The Fayoum He Constructed A Novel Species Of Building,  Which After Ages 
 Admired Even Above The Constructions Of The Pyramid-Builders,  And 
 Regarded As The Most Wonderful Edifice In all The World. "I Visited The 
 Place," Says Herodotus,[12] "And Found It To Surpass Description; For If 
 All The Walls And Other Great Works Of The Greeks Could Be Put Together 
 In One,  They Would Not Equal,  Either For Labour Or Expense,  This 
 Labyrinth; And Yet The Temple Of Ephesus Is A Building Worthy Of Note, 
 And So Is The Temple Of Samos. The Pyramids Likewise Surpass 
 Description,  And Are Severally Equal To A Number Of The Greatest Works 
 Of The Greeks; But The Labyrinth Surpasses The Pyramids. It Has Twelve 
 Courts,  All Of Them Roofed,  With Gates Exactly Opposite One Another,  Six 
 Looking To The North,  And Six To The South. A Single Wall Surrounds The 
 Whole Building. It Contains Two Different Sorts Of Chambers,  Half Of 
 Them Underground,  And Half Above-Ground,  The Latter Built Upon The 
 Former; The Whole Number Is Three Thousand,  Of Each Kind Fifteen 
 Hundred. The Upper Chambers I Myself Passed Through And Saw,  And What I 
 Say Of Them Is From My Own Observation; Of The Underground Chambers I 
 Can Only Speak From Report,  For The Keepers Of The Building Could Not Be 
 Induced To Show Them,  Since They Contained (They Said) The Sepulchres Of 
 The Kings Who Built The Labyrinth,  And Also Those Of The Sacred 
 Crocodiles. Thus It Is From Hearsay Only That I Can Speak Of Them; But 
 The Upper Chambers I Saw With My Own Eyes,  And Found Them To Excel All 
 Other Human Productions; For The Passages Through The Houses,  And The 
 Varied Windings Of The Paths Across The Courts,  Excited In Me Infinite 
 Admiration,  As I Passed From The Courts Into Chambers,  And From The 
 Chambers Into Colonnades,  And From The Colonnades Into Fresh Houses,  And 
 Again From These Into Courts Unseen Before. The Roof Was,  Throughout,  Of 
 Stone,  Like The Walls; And The Walls Were Carved All Over With Figures; 
 Every Court Was Surrounded With A Colonnade,  Which Was Built Of White 
 Stones,  Exquisitely Fitted Together. At The Corner Of The Labyrinth 
 Stands A Pyramid,  Forty Fathoms High,  With Large Figures Engraved Upon 
 It,  Which Is Entered By A Subterranean Passage." 
   
 The Pyramid Intended Is Probably That Examined By Perring And Lepsius, 
 Which Had A Base Of Three Hundred Feet,  And An Elevation,  Probably,  Of 
 About One Hundred And Eighty-Five Feet. It Was Built Of Crude Brick 
 Mixed With A Good Deal Of Straw,  And Cased With A White Silicious 
 Limestone. The Same Material Was Employed For The Greater Part Of The 
 So-Called "Labyrinth," But Many Of The Columns Were Of Red Granite,  And 
 Some Perhaps Of Porphyry. Most Likely The Edifice Was Intended As A 
 
 
 
 Story 6 (The Good Amenemhat And His Works.) Pg 57 
 Mausoleum For The Sacred Crocodiles,  And Was Gradually Enlarged For 
 Their Accommodation--Amenemhat,  Whose Praenomen Was Found On The Pyramid, 
 Being Merely The First Founder. The Number Of The Pillared Courts,  And 
 Their Similarity,  Made The Edifice Confusing To Foreigners,  And Got It 
 The Name Of "The Labyrinth"; But It Is Not Likely The Designers Of The 
 Building Had Any Intention To Mislead Or To Confuse. 
   
 Amenemhat'S Praenomen,  Or Throne-Name,  Assumed (According To Ordinary 
 Custom) On His Accession,  Was Ra-N-Mat,  "Sun Of Justice" Or "Sun Of 
 Righteousness." The Assumption Of The Title Indicates His Desire To 
 Leave Behind Him A Character For Justice And Equity. It Is Perhaps 
 Noticeable That The Name By Which The Greeks Knew Him Was Moeris,  Which 
 May Mean "The Beloved." With Him Closes The First Period Of Theban 
 Greatness. A Cloud Was Impending,  And Darker Days About To Follow; But 
 As Yet Egypt Enjoyed A Time Of Progressive,  And In The Main Peaceful, 
 Development. Commerce,  Art,  Religion,  Agriculture,  Occupied Her. She Did 
 Not Covet Other Men'S Lands,  Nor Did Other Men Covet Hers. The World 
 Beyond Her Borders Knew Little Of Her,  Except That She Was A Fertile And 
 Well-Ordered Land,  Whereto,  In Time Of Dearth,  The Needy Of Other 
 Countries Might Resort With Confidence. 
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 6 (Footnotes:) Pg 58 
 [11] "Records Of The Past," Vol. Xii. P. 60. 
   
 [12] Euterpe,  Ch. 148 
 
 
 
 Story 7 ( Abraham In egypt.) Pg 59 
   
 "Now There Was A Famine In The Land Of Canaan; And Abram Went Down Into 
 Egypt To Sojourn There" (Gen. Xii. 10). Few Events In The History Of 
 Mankind Are More Interesting Than The Visit Which The Author Of The 
 Pentateuch Thus Places Before Us In Less Than A Dozen Words. The "Father 
 Of The Faithful," The Great Apostle Of Monotheism,  The Wanderer From The 
 Distant "Ur Of The Chaldees," Familiar With Babylonian Greatness,  And 
 Babylonian Dissoluteness,  And Babylonian Despotism,  Having Quitted His 
 City Home And Adopted The Simple Habits Of A Syrian Nomadic Sheikh, 
 Finds Himself Forced To Make Acquaintance With A Second Form Of 
 Civilization,  A Second Great Organized Monarchy,  And To Become For A 
 Time A Sojourner Among The People Who Had Held For Centuries The Valley 
 Of The Nile. He Had Obeyed The Call Which Took Him From Ur To Haran, 
 From Haran To Damascus,  From Damascus To The Hills Of Canaan; He Had 
 
 
 
 Story 7 ( Abraham In egypt.) Pg 60 
 Divorced Himself From City Life And City Usages; He Had Embraced The 
 Delights Of That Free,  Wandering Existence Which Has At All Times So 
 Singular A Charm For Many,  And Had Dwelt For We Know Not How Many Years 
 In Different Parts Of Palestine,  The Chief Of A Tribe Rich In Flocks And 
 Herds,  Moving With Them From Place To Place As The Fancy Took Him. It 
 Was Assuredly With Much Reluctance That He Quitted The Open Downs And 
 Fresh Breezes And Oak Groves Of Canaan The Land Promised To Him And To 
 His Seed After Him,  And Took His Way Through The "Desert Of The South" 
 To The Great Kingdom With Which He And His Race Could Never Hope To Be 
 On Terms Of Solid Friendship. But The Necessity Which Constrained Him 
 Was Imperative. When,  From The Want Of The Ordinary Spring Rains, 
 Drought And Famine Set In On The Palestinian Uplands,  There Was In 
 Ancient Times But One Resource. Egypt Was Known As A Land Of Plenty. 
 Whether It Were Hebrew Nomads,  Or Hittite Warriors,  Or Phoenician Traders 
 That Suffered,  Egypt Was The Sole Refuge,  The Sole Hope. There The River 
 Gave The Plenteous Sustenance Which Would Be Elsewhere Sought In Vain. 
 There Were Granaries And Storehouses,  And An Old Established System 
 Whereby Corn Was Laid Up As A Reserve In case Of Need,  Both By Private 
 Individuals Of The Wealthier Classes And By The Kings. There Among The 
 Highest Officers Of State Was The "Steward Of The Public Granary." Whose 
 Business It Was,  When Famine Pressed,  To Provide,  So Far As Was 
 Possible,  Both For Natives And Foreigners,  Alleviating The Distress Of 
 All,  While Safeguarding,  Of Course,  The King'S Interests (Gen. Xlvii. 
 13-26). 
   
 Abraham,  Therefore,  When He Found That "The Famine Was Grievous In The 
 Land" Of Canaan,  Did The Only Thing That It Was Possible For Him To 
 Do--Left Palestine,  And Wended His Way Through The Desert To The 
 Egyptian Frontier. What Company He Took With Him Is Uncertain. A Few 
 Years Later We Find Him At The Head Of A Body Of Three Hundred And 
 Eighteen Men Capable Of Bearing Arms--"Trained Servants Born In His 
 House"--Which Implies The Headship Over A Tribe Of At Least Twelve 
 Hundred Persons. He Can Scarcely Have Entered Egypt With A Much Smaller 
 Number. It Was Before His Separation From His Nephew,  Lot,  Whose 
 Followers Were Not Much Fewer Than His Own. And To Leave Any Of His 
 Dependents Behind Would Have Been To Leave Them To Starvation. We Must 
 Suppose A Numerous Caravan Organized,  With Asses And Camels To Carry 
 Provisions And Household Stuff,  And With The Women And The Little Ones 
 Conveyed As We See Them In The Sculpture Representing The Arrival Of 
 Abusha From The Same Quarter,  Albeit With A Smaller _Entourage._ The 
 Desert Journey Would Be Trying,  And Probably Entail Much Loss, 
 Especially Of The Cattle And Beasts; But At Length,  On The Seventh Or 
 Eighth Day,  As The Water Was Getting Low In The Skins And The Camels 
 Were Beginning To Faint And Groan With The Scant Fare And The Long 
 Travel,  A Dark Low Line Would Appear Upon The Edge Of The Horizon In 
 Front,  And Soon The Line Would Deepen Into A Delicate Fringe,  Sparkling 
 Here And There As Though It Were Sown With Diamonds.[13] Then It Would 
 Be Recognized That There Lay Before The Travellers The Fields And 
 Gardens And Palaces And Obelisks Of Egypt,  The Broad Flood And Rich 
 Plain Of The Nile,  And Their Hearts Would Leap With Joy,  And Lift 
 Themselves Up In Thanksgiving To The Most High,  Who Had Brought Them 
 Through The Great And Terrible Wilderness To A Land Of Plenty. 
   
 But Now A Fresh Anxiety Fell Upon The Spirit Of The Chief. Tradition 
 Tells Us That Already In babylonia He Had Had Experience Of The Violence 
 And Tyranny Of Earthly Potentates,  And Had With Difficulty Escaped From 
 
 
 
 Story 7 ( Abraham In egypt.) Pg 60 
 An Attempt Which The King Of Babylon Made Upon His Life. Either Memory 
 Recalled This And Similar Dangers,  Or Reason Suggested What The 
 Unbridled Licence Of Irresponsible Power Might Conceive And Execute 
 Under The Circumstances. The Pharaohs Had,  It Is Plain,  Already Departed 
 From The Simple Manners Of The Earlier Times,  When Each Prince Was 
 Contented With A Single Wife,  And Had Substituted For The Primitive Law 
 Of Monogamy That Corrupt System Of Hareem Life Which Has Kept Its Ground 
 In The East From An Ancient Date To The Present Day. Abraham Was Aware 
 Of This,  And "As He Was Come Near To Enter Into Egypt," But Was Not Yet 
 Entered,  He Was Seized With A Great Fear. "Behold," He Said To Sarai His 
 Wife,  "Behold Now,  I Know That Thou Art A Fair Woman To Look Upon; 
 Therefore It Shall Come To Pass,  When The Egyptians Shall See Thee,  That 
 They Shall Say,  This Is His Wife: And They Will Kill Me,  But They Will 
 Save Thee Alive," Under These Circumstances Abraham,  With A Craft Not 
 Unnatural In an Oriental,  But Certainly Far From Commendable,  Resolved 
 To Dissemble His Relationship Towards Sarah,  And To Represent Her As Not 
 His Wife,  But His Sister. She Was,  In Point Of Fact,  His Half-Sister,  As 
 He Afterwards Pleaded To Abimelech (Gen. Xx. 12),  Being The Daughter Of 
 Terah By A Secondary Wife,  And Married To Her Half-Brother "Say,  I Pray 
 Thee," He Said,  "Thou Art My Sister,  That It May Be Well With Me For Thy 
 Sake; And My Soul Shall Live Because Of Thee." Sarah Acquiesced; And No 
 Doubt The Whole Tribe Was Made Acquainted With The Resolution Come To, 
 So That They Might All Be In One Story. 
   
 The Frontier Was Then Approached. We Learn From The History Of Abusha, 
 As Well As From Other Scattered Notices In The Papyri,  How Carefully The 
 Eastern Border Was Always Guarded,  And What Precautions Were Taken To 
 Apprise The Court When Any Considerable Body Of Immigrants Arrived. The 
 Chief Official Upon The Frontier,  Either Khnumhotep Or Some One 
 Occupying A Similar Position,  Would Receive The In-Comers,  Subject Them 
 To Interrogation,  And Cause His Secretary To Draw Up A Report,  Which 
 Would Be Forwarded By Courier To The Capital. The Royal Orders Would Be 
 Awaited,  And Meantime Perhaps Fresh Reports Would Be Sent By Other 
 Officials Of The Neighbourhood. In The Present Instance,  We Are Told 
 That Several "Princes Of Pharaoh," Having Been Struck With The Beauty Of 
 Sarah,  Commended Her To Their Royal Master,  Who Sent For Her And Had Her 
 Brought Into His Own House. Abraham Himself Was Well Received And 
 Treated With Much Distinction "For Her Sake." According To Eupolemus,  He 
 And His Were Settled In The Sacred City Of On Or Heliopolis; And There, 
 In That Seat Of Learning And Religion,  The Patriarch,  As The Same 
 Authority Declares,  Lived Peacefully For Many Years And Taught The 
 Egyptians The Sciences Of Astronomy And Arithmetic. The Author Of 
 Genesis Says Nothing Of The Place Of His Abode,  But Simply Informs Us Of 
 His Well-Being. "Pharaoh Entreated Abram Well For Sarai'S Sake; And He 
 Had Sheep,  And Oxen,  And He-Asses,  And Men-Servants,  And Maid-Servants, 
 And She-Asses,  And Camels." The Collocation Of The Clauses Implies That 
 All These Were Presents From The King. The Pleased Monarch Lavished On 
 His Brother-In-Law Such Gifts Of Honour As Were Usual At The Time And 
 Suitable To His Circumstances. Abraham Became "Very Rich In cattle,  In 
 Silver,  And In Gold" (Gen. Xiii. 2). He Flourished Greatly,  Whether For 
 Months Or For Years The Scripture Does Not Say. He Was Separated From 
 His Wife,  And She Was An Inmate Of Pharaoh'S Hareem; But He Kept His 
 
 
 
 Story 7 ( Abraham In egypt.) Pg 61 
 Secret,  And No One Betrayed Him. Apparently,  He Was Content. 
   
 Ere Long,  However,  A Discovery Was Made. Calamity Came Upon The Royal 
 House In Some Marked Way,  Probably Either In The Form Of Sickness Or Of 
 Death. The King Became Convinced That He Was The Object Of A Divine 
 Chastisement,  And Cast About For A Cause To Which His Sufferings Might 
 Reasonably Be Attributed. How Had He Provoked God'S Anger? Either,  As 
 Josephus Thinks,  The Priests Had By This Time Found Out The Truth,  And 
 Made The Suggestion To Him,  That He Was Being Punished For Having Taken 
 Another Man'S Wife Into His Seraglio; Or Possibly,  As Others Have 
 Surmised,  Sarah Herself Divined The Source Of The Calamities,  And Made 
 Confession Of The Truth. At Any Rate,  By Some Means Or Other,  The Facts 
 Of The Case Became Known; And The Pharaoh Thereupon Hastened To Set 
 Matters Right. Sarah,  Though An Inmate Of The Hareem,  Was Probably Still 
 In The Probationary Condition,  Undergoing The Purification Necessary 
 Before The Final Completion Of Her Nuptials (Esth. Ii. 12),  And Could 
 Thus Be Restored Intact. The Pharaoh Sent For Abraham,  Reproached Him 
 With His Deceit,  Pointed Out The Ill Consequences Which Had Followed, 
 And,  Doubtless In Some Displeasure,  Required Him To Take His Wife And 
 Depart. The Famine Was At An End,  And There Was No Reason Why He Should 
 Linger. Beyond Reproach,  However,  Pharaoh Inflicted No Punishment. He 
 "Commanded His Men Concerning Abraham; And They Sent Him Away,  And His 
 Wife,  And _All That He Had_." 
   
 Such Is The Account Which Has Come Down To Us Of Abraham'S Sojourn In 
 Egypt. If It Be Asked,  Why Is It Inserted Into The "Story Of Egypt" At 
 This Point? The Reply Must Be,  Because,  On A Dispassionate Consideration 
 Of All The Circumstances,  Chronological And Other,  Which Attach To The 
 Narrative,  It Has Been Generally Agreed That The Event Belongs To 
 _About_ This Time. There Is No Special Reign To Which It Can Be 
 Definitely Assigned; But The Best Critics Acquiesce In The Judgment Of 
 Canon Cook Upon The Point,  Who Says: "For My Own Part,  I Regard It As 
 All But Certain That Abraham Visited Egypt In Some Reign Between The 
 Middle Of The Eleventh And The Thirteenth Dynasty,  And Most Probably 
 Under One Of The Earliest Pharaohs Of The Twelfth."[14] 
   
 This Is Not The Only Entrance Of Hebrews Or People Of Semitic Race Into 
 Egypt. Emigrants From Less Favoured Countries Had Frequently Looked With 
 Interest To The Fertile Delta Of The Nile,  Hoping That There They Might 
 Find Homes Free From The Vicissitudes Of Their Own. Previous To This, 
 One Amu Had Entered Egypt,  Perhaps From Midian,  With His Family, 
 Counting Thirty-Seven,  The Little Ones Riding Upon Asses,  And Had Sought 
 The Protection Of The Reigning Sovereign. It Was Again The Experience 
 Of Egypt To Receive Emigrants From The North-East,  From Syria Or 
 Northern Arabia,  At A Little Later Period,  When The Nomads In Those 
 Regions Looked Over To The South And,  By Contrast With Their 
 Over-Peopled Country,  Thought They Saw A Sort Of "Fairy-Land Of Wealth, 
 Culture,  And Wisdom," Which They Hoped To Enjoy By Force: And They Were 
 Not The Last To Seek Asylum There. We Shall Soon Have To Remark On The 
 Familiar Case Of The Immigration Of The Sons Of Jacob With Their 
 Households. In Process Of Time The Semitic Wanderers Increased So 
 Materially That The Population In The Eastern Half Of The Delta Became 
 Half Asiatic,  Prepared To Submit Readily To Asiatic Rule And To Worship 
 Semitic Deities; They Had Already Imposed A Number Of Their Words Upon 
 The Language Of Egypt. 
 
 
 
 Story 7 (  Footnotes:) Pg 62 
 [13] Adapted From Kinglake'S "Eothen," P. 201. 
   
 [14] See "Speaker'S Commentary," Vol. I. P. 447,  Col. I. 
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 8 (The Great Invasion--The Hyksos Or Shepherd Kings--Joseph And Apepi.) Pg 63 
 The Prowess Of The Egyptians Had Not Yet Been Put To Any Severe Proof. 
 They Had Themselves Shown Little Of An Aggressive Spirit. Attracted By 
 The Mineral Wealth Of The Sinaitic Peninsula,  They Had Indeed Made 
 Settlements In That Region,  Which Had Involved Them In Occasional Wars 
 With The Natives,  Whom They Spoke Of As "Mena" Or "Menti"; And They Had 
 Had A Contest Of More Importance With The Tribes Of The South,  Negro And 
 Ethiopic,  In Which They Had Shown A Decided Superiority Over Those Rude 
 Barbarians; But,  As Yet,  They Had Attempted No Important Conquest,  And 
 Had Been Subjected To No Serious Attack. The Countries Upon Their 
 Borders Were But Sparsely Peopled,  And From Neither The Berber Tribes Of 
 The Northern African Coast,  Nor From The Sinaitic Nomads,  Nor Even From 
 The Negroes Of The South,  With Their Allies--The "Miserable 
 Cushites"--Was Any Dangerous Invasion To Be Apprehended. Egypt Had Been 
 Able To Devote Herself Almost Wholly To The Cultivation Of The Arts Of 
 Peace,  And Had Not Been Subjected To The Severe Ordeal,  Which Most 
 Nations Pass Through In Their Infancy,  Of A Struggle For Existence With 
 Warlike And Powerful Enemies. 
   
 The Time Was Now Come For A Great Change. Movements Had Begun Among The 
 Populations Of Asia Which Threatened A General Disturbance Of The Peace 
 Of The World. Asshur Had Had To "Go Forth" Out Of The Land Of Shinar, 
 And To Make Himself A Habitation Further To The Northward,  Which Must 
 Have Pressed Painfully Upon Other Races. In elam An Aggressive Spirit 
 Had Sprung Up,  And Military Expeditions Had Been Conducted By Elamitic 
 Kings,  Which Started From The Shores Of The Persian Gulf And Terminated 
 In Southern Syria And Palestine. The Migration Of The Tribes Which Moved 
 With Terah And Abraham From Ur To Haran,  And From Haran To Hebron,  Is 
 But One Of Many Indications Of The Restlessness Of The Period. The 
 Hittites Were Growing In Power,  And Required An Enlarged Territory For 
 Their Free Expansion. It Was Now Probably That They Descended From The 
 Hills Of Cappadocia Upon The Region Below Taurus And Amanus,  Where We 
 
 
 
 Story 8 (The Great Invasion--The Hyksos Or Shepherd Kings--Joseph And Apepi.) Pg 64 
 Find Them Dominant In Later Ages. Such A Movement On Their Part Would 
 Displace A Large Population In Upper Syria,  And Force It To Migrate 
 Southwards. There Are Signs Of A Pressure Upon The North-Eastern 
 Frontier Of Egypt On The Part Of Asiatics Needing A Home As Early As The 
 Commencement Of The Twelfth Dynasty; And It Is Probable That,  While The 
 Dynasty Lasted,  The Pressure Was Continually Becoming Greater. Asiatics 
 Were From Time To Time Received Within The Barrier Of Amenemhat I.,  Some 
 To Sojourn And Some To Dwell. The Eastern Delta Was More Or Less 
 Asiaticized; And A Large Portion Of Its Inhabitants Was Inclined To 
 Welcome A Further Influx From Asia. 
   
 We Have One Account Only Of The Circumstances Of The Great Invasion By 
 Which Egypt Fell Under A Foreign Yoke. It Purports To Come From The 
 Native Historian,  Manetho; But It Is Delivered To Us Directly By 
 Josephus,  Who,  In His Reports Of What Other Writers Had Narrated,  Is Not 
 Always To Be Implicitly Trusted. Manetho,  According To Him,  Declared As 
 Follows: "There Was Once A King Of Egypt Named Timaeus,  In Whose Reign 
 The Gods Being Offended,  For I Know Not What Cause,  With Our Nation, 
 Certain Men Of Ignoble Race,  Coming From The Eastern Regions,  Had The 
 Courage To Invade The Country,  And Falling Upon It Unawares,  Conquered 
 It Easily Without A Battle. After The Submission Of The Princes,  They 
 Conducted Themselves In a Most Barbarous Fashion Towards The Whole Of 
 The Inhabitants,  Slaying Some,  And Reducing To Slavery The Wives And The 
 Children Of The Others. Moreover They Savagely Set The Cities On Fire, 
 And Demolished The Temples Of The Gods. At Last,  They Took One Of Their 
 Number Called Salatis,  And Made Him King Over Them. Salatis Resided At 
 Memphis,  Where He Received Tribute Both From Upper And Lower Egypt, 
 While At The Same Time He Placed Garrisons In all The Most Suitable 
 Situations. He Strongly Fortified The Frontier,  Especially On The Side 
 Of The East,  Since He Foresaw That The Assyrians,  Who Were Then 
 Exceedingly Powerful,  Might Desire To Make Themselves Masters Of His 
 Kingdom. Having Found,  Moreover,  In The Sethroite Nome,  To The East Of 
 The Bubastite Branch Of The Nile,  A City Very Favourably Situated,  And 
 Called,  On Account Of An Ancient Theological Tradition,  Avaris,  He 
 Rebuilt It And Strengthened It With Walls Of Great Thickness,  Which He 
 Guarded With A Body Of Two Hundred And Forty Thousand Men. Each Summer 
 He Visited The Place,  To See Their Supplies Of Corn Measured Out For His 
 Soldiers And Their Pay Delivered To Them,  As Well As To Superintend 
 Their Military Exercises,  In Order That Foreigners Might Hold Them In 
 Respect." 
   
 The King,  Timaeus,  Does Not Appear Either In The Lists Of Manetho Or Upon 
 The Monuments,  Nor Is It Possible To Determine The Time Of The Invasion 
 More Precisely Than This--That It Fell Into The Interval Between 
 Manetho'S Twelfth And His Eighteenth Dynasties. The Invaders Are 
 Characterized By The Egyptians As Menti Or Sati; But These Terms Are 
 Used So Vaguely That Nothing Definite Can Be Concluded From Them. On The 
 Whole,  It Is Perhaps Most Probable That The Invading Army,  Like That Of 
 Attila,  Consisted Of A Vast Variety Of Races--"A Collection Of All The 
 Nomadic Hordes Of Syria And Arabia"--Who Made Common Cause Against A Foe 
 Known To Be Wealthy,  And Who All Equally Desired Settlements In a Land 
 Reputed The Most Productive In The East. An Overwhelming Flood Of Men--A 
 Quarter Of A Million,  If We May Believe Manetho--Poured Into The Land, 
 Impetuous,  Irresistible. All At Once,  A Danger Had Come Beyond All 
 Possible Previous Calculation--A Danger From Which There Was No Escape. 
 
 
 
 Story 8 (The Great Invasion--The Hyksos Or Shepherd Kings--Joseph And Apepi.) Pg 65 
 It Was As When The Northern Barbarians Swooped Down In Their Countless 
 Thousands On The Outlying Provinces Of The Roman Empire,  Or As When The 
 Hordes Of Jingis Khan Overran Kashgar And Kharesm--The Contest Was Too 
 Unequal For Anything That Can Be Called A Struggle To Be Made. Egypt 
 Collapsed Before The Invader. Manetho Says That There Was No Battle; And 
 We Can Readily Understand That In The Divided Condition Of The Country, 
 With Two Or Three Subordinate Dynasties Ruling In different Parts Of The 
 Delta,  And Another Dynasty At Thebes,  No Army Could Be Levied Which 
 Could Dare To Meet The Enemy In The Field. The Inhabitants Fled To Their 
 Cities,  And Endeavoured To Defend Themselves Behind Walls; But It Was In 
 Vain. The Walls Of The Egyptian Cities Were Rather Banks To Keep Out The 
 Inundation Than Ramparts To Repel An Enemy. In a Short Time The 
 Strongholds That Resisted Were Taken,  The Male Population Put To The 
 Sword,  The Women And Children Enslaved,  The Houses Burnt,  The Temples 
 Ruthlessly Demolished. An Iconoclastic Spirit Possessed The Conquerors. 
 The Gods And Worship Of Egypt Were Hateful To Them. Where-Ever The Flood 
 Passed,  It Swept Away The Existing Civilization,  Deeply Impregnated As 
 It Was With Religion; It Covered The Ground With The _Debris_ Of Temples 
 And Shrines,  With The Fragments Of Statues And Sphinxes; It Crushed 
 Existing Religious Usages,  And For A Time,  As It Would Seem,  Substituted 
 Nothing In Their Place. "A Study Of The Monuments," Says M. Francois 
 Lenormant,  "Attests The Reality Of The Frightful Devastations Which Took 
 Place At The First Moment Of The Invasion. With A Solitary Exception, 
 All The Temples Anterior To The Event Have Disappeared,  And No Traces 
 Can Be Found Of Them Except Scattered Ruins Which Bear The Marks Of A 
 Destructive Violence. To Say What During These Centuries Egypt Had To 
 Endure In The Way Of Upsetting Of Her Past Is Impossible. The Only Fact 
 Which Can Be Stated As Certain Is,  That Not A Single Monument Of This 
 Desolate Epoch Has Come Down To Our Days To Show Us What Became Of The 
 Ancient Splendour Of Egypt Under The Hyksos. We Witness Under The 
 Fifteenth And Sixteenth Dynasties A Fresh Shipwreck Of Egyptian 
 Civilization. Vigorous As It Had Been,  The Impulse Given To It By The 
 Usurtasens Suddenly Stops; The Series Of Monuments Is Interrupted,  And 
 Egypt Informs Us By Her Very Silence Of The Calamities With Which She 
 Was Smitten."[15] 
   
 It Was,  Fortunately,  Not The Entire Country That Was Overrun. So Far As 
 Appears,  The Actual Occupation Of Egypt By The Hyksos Was Confined To 
 The Delta,  To The Lower Nile Valley,  And To The District Of The Fayoum. 
 Elephantine,  Thebes,  Abydos,  Escaped The Destroyers,  And Though Forced 
 To Certain Formal Acts Of Submission,  To An Acknowledgment Of The Hyksos 
 Suzerainty,  And To The Payment Of An Annual Tribute,  Retained A 
 Qualified Independence. The Theban Monuments Of The Eleventh And Twelfth 
 Dynasties Were Undisturbed. Even In Lower Egypt There Were Structures 
 That Suffered Little Or Nothing At The Conqueror'S Hands,  Being Too 
 Humble To Attract His Attention Or Too Massive To Yield To The Means Of 
 Destruction Known To Him. Thus The Pyramids Scarcely Suffered,  Though It 
 Is Possible That At This Time Their Sanctity Was First Violated And 
 Their Contents Rifled. The Great Obelisk Of Usurtasen I.,  Which Still 
 Stands At Heliopolis,  Was Not Overthrown. The Humbler Tombs At Ghizeh, 
 So Precious To The Antiquary,  Were For The Most Part Untouched. 
 Amenemhat'S Buildings In The Fayoum May Have Been Damaged,  But They Were 
 Not Demolished. Though Egyptian Civilization Received A Rude Shock From 
 The Invasion,  It Was Not Altogether Swallowed Up Or Destroyed; And When 
 The Deluge Had Passed It Emerged Once More,  And Soon Reached,  And Even 
 Surpassed,  Its Ancient Glories. 
 
 
 
 Story 8 (The Great Invasion--The Hyksos Or Shepherd Kings--Joseph And Apepi.) Pg 66 
   
 The Hyksos King Who Led The Invasion,  Or Who,  At Any Rate,  Was Brought 
 To The Front In Its Course,  Bore,  We Are Told,  Either The Name Of 
 Salatis,  Or That Of Saites. Of These Two Forms The Second Is Undoubtedly 
 To Be Preferred,  Since The First Has In Its Favour Only The Single 
 Authority Of Josephus,  While The Second Is Supported By Africanus, 
 Eusebius,  George The Syncellus,  And To A Certain Extent By The 
 Monuments. The "Tablet Of Four Hundred Years" Contains The Name Of 
 Sut-Aapehti As That Of A King Of Egypt Who Must Have Belonged To The 
 Middle Empire,  And This Name May Fairly Be Regarded As Represented In an 
 Abbreviated Form By The Greek "Saites." Saites,  Having Made Himself 
 Absolute Master Of The Lower Country,  And Forced The King Of The Upper 
 Country To Become His Tributary,  Fixed His Residence At Memphis,  At The 
 Same Time Strongly Fortifying And Garrisoning Various Other Towns In 
 Important Positions. Of These The Most Considerable Was The City,  Called 
 Auaris,  Or Avaris,  In The Sethroite Nome,  Which Lay East Of The Pelusiac 
 Branch Of The Nile,  And Was Probably Not Far From Pelusium Itself,  If 
 Indeed It Was Not Identical With That City. Another Strong Fort,  By 
 Means Of Which The Delta Was Held And Overawed,  Seems To Have Been Zan 
 Or Tanis,  Now San,  Situated On What Was Called The Tanitic Branch Of The 
 Nile,  The Next Most Easterly Branch To The Pelusiac. A Third Was In The 
 Fayoum,  On The Site Now Called Mit-Fares. A Large Body Of Troops Must 
 Also Have Been Maintained At Memphis,  If The King,  As We Are Told, 
 Ordinarily Held His Court There. 
   
 How Long The Egyptians Groaned Under The Tyranny Of The "Shepherds," It 
 Is Difficult To Say. The Epitomists Of Manetho Are Hopelessly At 
 Variance On The Subject,  And The Monuments Are Silent,  Or Nearly So. 
 Moderns Vary In The Time,  Which They Assign To The Period Between Two 
 Centuries And Five. On The Whole,  Criticism Seems To Incline Towards The 
 Shorter Term,  Though Why Manetho,  Or His Epitomists,  Should Have 
 Enlarged It,  Remains An Insoluble Problem. There Is But One Dynasty Of 
 "Shepherd Kings" That Has Any Distinct Historical Substance,  Or To Which 
 We Can Assign Any Names. This Is A Dynasty Of Six Kings Only,  Whose 
 United Reigns Are Not Likely To Have Exceeded Two Centuries. Nor Does It 
 Seem Possible That,  If The Duration Of The Foreign Oppression Had Been 
 Much Longer,  Egypt Could Have Returned,  So Nearly As She Did,  To The 
 Same Manners And Customs,  The Same Religious Usages,  The Same Rules Of 
 Art,  The Same System Of Government,  Even The Very Same Proper Names,  At 
 The End Of The Period,  As Had Been In Use At Its Beginning. One Cannot 
 But Think That The _Bouleversement_ Which Egypt Underwent Has Been 
 Somewhat Exaggerated By The Native Historian For The Sake Of Rhetorical 
 Effect,  To Enhance By Contrast The Splendour Of The New Empire. 
   
 In Another Respect,  Too,  If He Has Not Misrepresented The Rule Of The 
 "Shepherd Kings," He Has Failed To Do It Justice. He Has Painted In 
 Lurid Colours The Advent Of The Foreign Race,  The War Of Extermination 
 In Which They Engaged,  The Cruel Usage To Which They Subjected The 
 Conquered People; He Has Represented The Invaders As Rude,  Savage, 
 Barbarous,  Bent On Destruction,  Careless Of Art,  The Enemies Of Progress 
 And Civilization. He Has Neglected To Point Out,  That,  As Time Went On, 
 There Was A Sensible Change. The Period Of Constant Bitter Hostilities 
 Came To An End. Peace Succeeded To War. In Lower Egypt The "Shepherds" 
 Reigned Over Quiet And Unresisting Subjects; In Upper Egypt They Bore 
 
 
 
 Story 8 (The Great Invasion--The Hyksos Or Shepherd Kings--Joseph And Apepi.) Pg 67 
 Rule Over Submissive Tributaries. Under These Circumstances A 
 Perceptible Softening Of Their Manners And General Character Took Place. 
 As The Mongols And The Mandchus In china Suffered Themselves By Degrees 
 To Be Conquered By The Superior Civilization Of The People Whom They Had 
 Overrun And Subdued,  So The Hyksos Yielded Little By Little To The 
 Influences Which Surrounded Them,  And Insensibly Assimilated Themselves 
 To Their Egyptian Subjects. They Adopted The Egyptian Dress,  Titles, 
 Official Language,  Art,  Mode Of Writing,  Architecture. In Tanis, 
 Especially,  Temples Were Built And Sculptures Set Up Under The Later 
 "Shepherd Kings," Differing Little In Their General Character From Those 
 Of Purely Egyptian Periods. The Foreign Monarchs Erected Their Effigies 
 At This Site,  Which Were Sculptured By Native Artists According To The 
 Customary Rules Of Egyptian Glyptic Art,  And Only Differ From Those Of 
 The Earlier Native Pharaohs In The Head-Dress,  The Expression Of The 
 Countenance,  And A Peculiar Arrangement Of The Beard. A Friendly 
 Intercourse Took Place During This Period Between The Kings Of The 
 North,  Established At Tanis And Memphis,  And Those Of The South, 
 Resident At Thebes; Frequent Embassies Were Interchanged; And Blocks Of 
 Granite And Syenite Were Continually Floated Down The Nile,  Past Thebes, 
 To Be Employed By The "Shepherds" In Their Erections At The Southern 
 Capitals. 
   
 The "Shepherds" Brought With Them Into Egypt The Worship Of A Deity, 
 Whom They Called Sut Or Sutekh,  And Apparently Identified With The Sun. 
 He Was Described As "The Great Ruler Of Heaven," And Identified With 
 Baal In Later Times. The Kings Regarded Themselves As Especially Under 
 His Protection. At The Time Of The Invasion,  They Do Not Seem To Have 
 Considered This Deity As Having Any Special Connection With Any Of The 
 Egyptian Gods,  And They Consequently Made War Indiscriminately Against 
 The Entire Egyptian Pantheon,  Plundering And Demolishing All The Temples 
 Alike. But When The First Burst Of Savage Hostility Was Gone By,  When 
 More Settled Times Followed,  And The Manners And Temper Of The 
 Conquerors Grew Softened By Pacific Intercourse With Their Subjects,  A 
 Likeness Came To Be Seen Between Sutekh,  Their Own Ancestral God,  And 
 The "Set" Of The Egyptians. Set In The Old Egyptian Mythology Was 
 Recognized As "The Patron Of Foreigners,  The Power Which Swept The 
 Children Of The Desert Like A Sand-Storm Over The Fertile Land." He Was 
 A Representative Of Physical,  But Not Of Moral,  Evil; A Strong And 
 Powerful Deity,  Worthy Of Reverence And Worship,  But Less An Object Of 
 Love Than Of Fear. The "Shepherds" Acknowledged In This God Their 
 Sutekh; And As They Acquired Settled Habits,  And Assimilated Themselves 
 To Their Subjects,  They Began To Build Temples To Him,  After The 
 Egyptian Model,  In Their Principal Towns. After The Dynasty Had Borne 
 Rule For Five Reigns,  Covering The Space Perhaps Of One Hundred And 
 Fifty Years,  A King Came To The Throne Named Apepi,  Who Has Left Several 
 Monuments,  And Is The Only One Of The "Shepherds" That Stands Out For Us 
 In Definite Historical Consistency As A Living And Breathing Person. 
 Apepi Built A Great Temple To Sutekh At Zoan,  Or Tanis,  His Principal 
 Capital,  Composed Of Blocks Of Red Granite,  And Adorned It With Obelisks 
 And Sphinxes. The Obelisks Are Said To Have Been Fourteen In Number,  And 
 Must Have Been Dispersed About The Courts,  And Not,  As Usual,  Placed 
 Only At The Entrance. The Sphinxes,  Which Differed From The Ordinary 
 Egyptian Sphinx In Having A Mane Like A Lion And Also Wings,  Seem To 
 Have Formed An Avenue Or Vista Leading Up To The Temple From The Town. 
 They Are In diorite,  And Have The Name Of Apepi Engraved Upon Them. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 8 (The Great Invasion--The Hyksos Or Shepherd Kings--Joseph And Apepi.) Pg 68 
 The Pacific Rule Of Apepi And His Predecessors Allowed Thebes To 
 Increase In Power,  And Her Monuments Now Recommence. Three Kings Who 
 Bore The Family Name Of Taa,  And The Throne Name Of Ra-Sekenen,  Bore 
 Rule In Succession At The Southern Capital. The Third Of These,  Taa-Ken, 
 Or "Taa The Victorious," Was Contemporary With Apepi,  And Paid His 
 Tribute Punctually,  Year By Year,  To His Lawful Suzerain. He Does Not 
 Seem To Have Had Any Desire To Provoke War; But Apepi Probably Thought 
 That He Was Becoming Too Powerful,  And Would,  If Unmolested,  Shortly 
 Make An Effort To Throw Off The Hyksos Yoke. He Therefore Determined To 
 Pick A Quarrel With Him,  And Proceeded To Send To Thebes A Succession Of 
 Embassies With Continually Increasing Demands. First Of All He Required 
 Taa-Ken To Relinquish The Worship Of All The Egyptian Gods Except 
 Amen-Ra,  The Chief God Of Thebes,  Whom He Probably Identified With His 
 Own Sutekh. It Is Not Quite Clear Whether Taa-Ken Consented To This 
 Demand,  Or Politely Evaded It. At Any Rate,  A Second Embassy Soon 
 Followed The First,  With A Fresh Requirement; And A Third Followed The 
 Second. The Policy Was Successful,  And At Last Taa-Ken Took Up Arms. It 
 Would Seem That He Was Successful,  Or Was At Any Rate Able To Hold His 
 Own; For He Maintained The War Till His Death,  And Left It To His 
 Successor,  Aahmes. 
   
 There Was An Ancient Tradition,  That The King Who Made Joseph His Prime 
 Minister,  And Committed Into His Hands The Entire Administration Of 
 Egypt,  Was Apepi. George The Syncellus Says That The Synchronism Was 
 Accepted By All. It Is Clear That Joseph'S Arrival Did Not Fall,  Like 
 Abraham'S,  Into The Period Of The Old Empire,  Since Under Joseph Horses 
 And Chariots Are In Use,  As Well As Wagons Or Carts,  All Of Which Were 
 Unknown Till After The Hyksos Invasion. It Is Also More Natural That 
 Joseph,  A Foreigner,  Should Have Been Advanced By A Foreign King Than By 
 A Native One,  And The Favour Shown To His Brethren,  Who Were Shepherds 
 (Gen. Xlvi. 32),  Is Consonant At Any Rate With The Tradition That It Was 
 A "Shepherd King" Who Held The Throne At The Time Of Their Arrival. A 
 Priest Of Heliopolis,  Moreover,  Would Scarcely Have Given Joseph His 
 Daughter In Marriage Unless At A Time When The Priesthood Was In a State 
 Of Depression. Add To This That The Pharaoh Of Joseph Is Evidently 
 Resident In Lower Egypt,  Not At Thebes,  Which Was The Seat Of Government 
 For Many Hundred Years Both Before And After The Hyksos Rule. 
   
 If,  However,  We Are To Place Joseph Under One Of The "Shepherd Kings," 
 There Can Be No Reason Why We Should Not Accept The Tradition Which 
 Connects Him With Apepi. Apepi Was Dominant Over The Whole Of Egypt,  As 
 Joseph'S Pharaoh Seems To Have Been. He Acknowledged A Single God,  As 
 Did That Monarch (Gen. Xli. 38,  39). He Was A Thoroughly Egyptianized 
 King. He Had A Council Of Learned Scribes,  A Magnificent Court,  And A 
 Peaceful Reign Until Towards Its Close. His Residence Was In The Delta, 
 Either At Tanis Or Auaris. He Was A Prince Of A Strong Will,  Firm And 
 Determined; One Who Did Not Shrink From Initiating Great Changes,  And 
 Who Carried Out His Resolves In a Somewhat Arbitrary Way. The Arguments 
 In Favour Of His Identity With Joseph'S Master Are,  Perhaps,  Not Wholly 
 Conclusive; But They Raise A Presumption,  Which May Well Incline Us, 
 With Most Modern Historians Of Egypt,  To Assign The Touching Story Of 
 Joseph To The Reign Of The Last Of The Shepherds. 
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 8 ( Footnotes:) Pg 69 
 [15] "Manuel D'Histoire Ancienne De L'Orient," Vol I. P. 360. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 9 (How The Hyksos Were Expelled From Egypt.) Pg 70 
 At First Sight It Seems Strange That The Terrible Warriors Who,  Under 
 Set Or Saites,  So Easily Reduced Egypt To Subjection,  And Then Still 
 Further Weakened The Population By Massacre And Oppression,  Should Have 
 Been Got Rid Of,  After Two Centuries Or Two Centuries And A Half,  With 
 Such Comparative Ease. But The Rapid Deterioration Of Conquering Races 
 Under Certain Circumstances Is A Fact Familiar To The Historian. 
 Elamites,  Babylonians,  Assyrians,  Medes,  Persians,  Greeks,  Rapidly 
 Succeeded Each Other As The Dominant Power In Western Asia,  Each Race 
 Growing Weaker And Becoming Exhausted,  After A Longer Or A Shorter 
 Interval,  Through Nearly The Same Causes. Nor Are The Reasons For The 
 Deterioration Far To Seek. Each Race When It Sets Out Upon Its Career Of 
 Conquest Is Active,  Energetic,  Inured To Warlike Habits,  Simple In Its 
 Manners,  Or At Any Rate Simpler Than Those Which It Conquers,  And, 
 Comparatively Speaking,  Poor. It Is Urged On By The Desire Of Bettering 
 Its Condition. If It Meets With A Considerable Resistance,  If The 
 Conquest Occupies A Long Space,  And The Conquered Are With Difficulty 
 Held Under,  Rebelling From Time To Time,  And Making Frantic Efforts To 
 Throw Off The Yoke Which Galls And Frets Them,  Then The Warlike Habits 
 Of The Conquerors Are Kept Up,  And Their Dominion May Continue For 
 Several Centuries. Or,  If The Nation Is Very Energetic And Unresting, 
 Not Content With Its Earlier Conquests,  Or Willing To Rest Upon Its 
 Oars,  But Continually Seeking Out Fresh Enemies Upon Its Borders,  And 
 Regarding War As The Normal State Of Its Existence,  Then The Centuries 
 May Be Prolonged Into Millennia,  And It May Be Long Indeed Before Any 
 Tendency To Decline Shows Itself; But,  Ordinarily,  There Is No Very 
 Prolonged Resistance On The One Side,  And No Very Constant And Unresting 
 Energy On The Other. A Poor And Hardy People,  Having Swooped Down Upon 
 One That Is Softer And More Civilized,  Easily Carries All Before It, 
 Acquires The Wealth And Luxury Which It Desires,  And Being Content With 
 Them,  Seeks For Nothing Further,  But Assimilates Itself By Degrees To 
 The Character And Condition Of The People Whom It Has Conquered. A 
 Standing Army,  Disposed In camps And Garrisons,  May Be Kept Up; But If 
 There Is A Cessation Of Actual War Even For A Generation,  The Severity 
 Of Military Discipline Will Become Relaxed,  The Use Of Arms Will Grow 
 Unfamiliar,  The Physical Type Will Decline,  The Belligerent Spirit Will 
 Die Away,  And The Conquerors Of A Century Ago Will Have Lost All The 
 Qualities Which Secured Them Success When They Made Their Attack,  And 
 Have Sunk To The Level Of Their Subjects. When This Point Is Reached, 
 Thoughts Of Rebellion Are Apt To Arise In The Hearts Of These Latter; 
 The Old Terror Which Made The Conqueror Appear Irresistible Is Gone,  And 
 Is Perhaps Succeeded By Contempt--The Subjects Feel That They Have At 
 
 
 
 Story 9 (How The Hyksos Were Expelled From Egypt.) Pg 71 
 Least The Advantage Of Numbers On Their Side; They Have Also Probably 
 Been Leading Harder And More Bracing Lives; They See That,  Man For Man, 
 They Are Physically Stronger Than Their Conquerors; And At Last They 
 Rebel,  And Are Successful. 
   
 In Egypt There Was,  Further,  This Peculiarity--The Conquered People 
 Occupied Two Entirely Distinct Positions. In The Delta,  The Fayoum,  And 
 The Northern Nile Valley,  They Were Completely Reduced,  And Lived 
 Intermixed With Their Conquerors,  A Despised Class,  Suffering More Or 
 Less Of Oppression. In Upper Egypt The Case Was Different. There The 
 People Had Submitted In a Certain Sense,  Acknowledged The Hyksos 
 Monarchs As Their Suzerains,  And Indicated Their Subjection By The 
 Payment Of An Annual Tribute; But They Retained Their Own Native 
 Princes,  Their Own Administration And Government,  Their Own Religion, 
 Their Own Laws; They Did Not Live Intermixed With The New Comers; They 
 Were Not Subject To Daily Insult Or Ill-Treatment; The Fact That They 
 Paid A Tribute Did Not Hinder Their Preserving Their Self-Respect,  And 
 Consequently They Suffered Neither Moral Nor Physical Deterioration. 
 Further,  It Would Seem To Have Been Possible For Them To Engage In Wars 
 On Their Own Account With The Races Living Further Up The Nile,  Or With 
 The Wild Tribes Of The Desert,  And Thus To Maintain Warlike Habits Among 
 Themselves,  While The Hyksos Were Becoming Unaccustomed To Them. The 
 Ra-Sekenens Of Thebes,  Who Called Themselves "Great" And "Very Great," 
 Had Probably Built Up A Considerable Power In Upper Egypt During The 
 Reigns Of The Later "Shepherd Kings;" Had Improved Their Military 
 System By The Adoption Of The Horse And The Chariot,  Which The Hyksos 
 Had Introduced; Had Practised Their People In arms,  And Acquired A 
 Reputation As Warriors. 
   
 More Particularly Must This Have Been The Case With Ra-Sekenen Iii.,  The 
 Contemporary Of Apepi. Ra-Sekenen The Third Called Himself "The Great 
 Victorious Taa." He Surrounded Himself With A Council Of "Mighty Chiefs, 
 Captains,  And Expert Leaders." He Acquired So Much Repute,  That He 
 Provoked Apepi'S Jealousy Before He Had In any Way Transgressed The 
 Duties Which He Owed Him As A Feudatory. In The Long Negotiation Between 
 The Two,  Of Which The "First Sallier Papyrus" Gives An Account,  It Is 
 Evident That,  While Ra-Sekenen Has Committed No Act Whereof Apepi Has 
 Any Right To Complain,  He Has Awoke In Him Feelings Of Such Hostility, 
 That Apepi Will Be Content With Nothing Less Than Either Unqualified 
 Submission To Every Demand That He Chooses To Make,  Or War _A Outrance_. 
 Never Was A Subject Monarch More Goaded And Driven Into Rebellion 
 Against His Inclination By Over-Bearing Conduct On The Part Of His 
 Suzerain Than Was Ra-Sekenen By The Last "Shepherd King." The 
 Disinclination Of Himself And His Court To Fight Is Almost Ludicrous: 
 They "Are Silent And In Great Dismay; They Know Not How To Answer The 
 Messenger Sent To Them,  Good Of Ill." Ra-Sekenen,  Powerful As He Had 
 Become,  "Victorious" As He May Have Been Against Libyans And Negroes, 
 And Even Cushites,  Dreaded Exceedingly To Engage In a Struggle With The 
 Redoubted People Which,  Two Centuries Previously,  Had Shown Itself So 
 Irresistible. 
   
 It Would Seem,  However,  That He Was Forced To Take Up Arms At Last. We 
 Have,  Unfortunately,  No Description Of The War Which Followed,  So Far As 
 It Was Conducted By This Monarch. But It Is Evident That Apepi Was 
 Completely Disappointed In His Hope Of Crushing The Rising Native Power 
 Before It Had Grown Too Strong. He Had In Fact Delayed Too Late. 
 Ra-Sekenen,  Compelled To Defend Himself Against His Aggressive Suzerain, 
 
 
 
 Story 9 (How The Hyksos Were Expelled From Egypt.) Pg 72 
 Raised The Standard Of National Independence,  Invited Aid From All Parts 
 Of Egypt,  And Succeeded In bringing A Large Army Into The Field. At The 
 First He Simply Held His Own Against Apepi,  But By Degrees He Was Able 
 To Do More. The Hyksos,  Who Marched Against Thebes,  Found Enemies Rise 
 Up Against Them In Their Rear,  As First One And Then Another Native 
 Chief Declared Against Them In This Or That City; Their Difficulties 
 Continually Increased; They Had To Re-Descend The Nile Valley And To 
 Concentrate Their Forces Nearer Home. But Each Year They Lost Ground. 
 First The Fayoum Was Yielded,  Then Memphis,  Then Tanis. At Last Nothing 
 Remained To The Invaders But Their Great Fortified Camp,  Uar Or Auaris, 
 Which They Had Established At The Time Of Their Arrival Upon The Eastern 
 Frontier,  And Had Ever Since Kept Up. In This District,  Which Was 
 Strongly Fortified By Walls And Moats,  And Watered By Canals Derived 
 From The Pelusiac Branch Of The Nile,  They Had Concentrated Themselves, 
 We Are Told,  To The Number Of 240,000 Men,  Determined To Make There A 
 Final Stand Against The Egyptians. 
   
 It Was When Affairs Were In This Position That Ra-Sekenen Died,  And Was 
 Succeeded By A King Of A Different Family,  The First Monarch Of The 
 "Eighteenth Dynasty," Aahmes. Aahmes Was A Prince Of Great Force Of 
 Character,  Brave,  Active,  Energetic,  Liberal,  Beloved By His Subjects. 
 He Addressed Himself At Once To The Task Of Completing The Liberation Of 
 His Country By Dislodging The Hyksos From Auaris,  And Driving Them 
 Beyond His Borders. With This Object He Collected A Force,  Which Is Said 
 To Have Amounted To Nearly Half A Million Of Men,  And At The Same Time 
 Placed A Flotilla Of Ships Upon The Nile,  Which Was Of The Greatest 
 Service In His Later Operations. Auaris Was Not Only Defended By Broad 
 Moats Connected With The Waters Of The Nile,  But Also Bordered Upon A 
 Lake,  Or Perhaps Rather A Lagoon,  Of Considerable Dimensions. Hence It 
 Was Necessary That It Should Be Attacked Not Only By Land,  But Also By 
 Water. Aahmes Seems To Have Commanded The Land Forces In Person,  Riding 
 In A War-Chariot,  The First Of Which We Have Distinct Mention. A 
 Favourite Officer,  Who Bore The Same Name As His Master,  Accompanied 
 Him,  Sometimes Marching At His Side As He Rode In His Chariot,  Sometimes 
 Taking His Place In One Of The War-Vessels,  And Directing The Movements 
 Of The Fleet. After A Time Formal Siege Was Laid To Auaris; The Fleet 
 Was Ordered To Attack The Walls On The Side Of The Lagoon,  While The 
 Land Force Was Engaged In battering The Defences Elsewhere. Assaults 
 Were Made Day After Day With Only Partial Success; But At Last The 
 Defenders Were Wearied Out--A Panic Seized Them,  And,  Hastily Evacuating 
 The Place,  They Retired Towards Syria,  The Quarter From Which They Had 
 Originally Come. Aahmes May Have Been Willing That They Should Escape: 
 Since,  If They Had Been Completely Blocked In and Driven To Bay,  They 
 Might Have Made A Desperate Resistance,  And Caused The Egyptians An 
 Enormous Loss. He Followed,  However,  Upon Their Footsteps,  To Make Sure 
 That They Did Not Settle Anywhere In His Neighbourhood,  And Was Not 
 Content Till They Had Crossed The Desert And Entered The Hill Country Of 
 Palestine. Even Then He Still Hung Upon Their Rear,  Harassing Them And 
 Cutting Off Their Stragglers; Finally,  When They Made A Stand At 
 Sharuhen In Southern Palestine,  He Laid Siege To The Town,  Took It,  And 
 Made A Great Slaughter Of The Hapless Defenders. 
   
 The War Did Not Terminate Until The Fifth Year Of Aahmes' Reign. Its 
 
 
 
 Story 9 (How The Hyksos Were Expelled From Egypt.) Pg 73 
 Result Was The Complete Defeat Of The Invading Hordes Which Had Held 
 Lower And Middle Egypt For So Long,  And Their Expulsion From Egypt With 
 Such Ignominy And Loss That They Made No Effort To Retaliate Or To 
 Recover Themselves. Vast Numbers Must Have Been Slain In The Battles,  Or 
 Have Perished Amid The Hardships Of The Retreat; And Many Thousands 
 Were,  No Doubt,  Made Prisoners And Carried Back Into Egypt As Slaves. It 
 Is Thought That These Captives Were So Numerous As To Become An 
 Important Element In The Population Of The Eastern Delta,  And Even To 
 Modify The Character Of The Egyptian Race In That Quarter. The Lively 
 Imagination Of M. Francois Lenormant Sees Their Descendants In The 
 "Strange People,  With Robust Limbs,  An Elongated Face,  And A Severe 
 Expression,  Which To This Day Inhabits The Tract Bordering On Lake 
 Menzaleh."[16] 
   
 It Is Probable That Aahmes Had For Allies In His War With The 
 "Shepherds" The Great Nation Which Adjoined Egypt On The South,  And 
 Which Was Continually Growing In Power--The Kashi,  Cushites,  Or 
 Ethiopians. His Wife Appears By Her Features And Complexion To Have Been 
 A Cushite Princess,  And The Marriage Is Likely To Have Been Less One Of 
 Inclination Than Of Policy. The Egyptians Admired Fair Women Rather Than 
 Dark Ones,  As Is Plain From The Unduly Light Complexions Which The 
 Artists,  In Their Desire To Flatter,  Ordinarily Assign To Women,  As Well 
 As From The Attractiveness Of Sarah,  Even In advanced Age. When A Theban 
 King Contracted Marriage With An Ethiopian Of Ebon Blackness,  We Are 
 Entitled To Assume A Political Motive; And The Most Probable Political 
 Motive Under The Circumstances Of The Time Was The Desire For Military 
 Assistance. Though In The Early Wars Between The Kashi And The Egyptians 
 The Prowess Of The Former Is Not Represented As Great,  And The 
 Designation Of "Miserable Cushites" Is Evidently Used In depreciation Of 
 Their Warlike Qualities,  Yet The Very Use Of The Epithet Implies A 
 Feeling Of Hostility Which Could Scarcely Have Been Provoked By A Weak 
 People. And The Cushites Certainly Advanced In Prowess And In Military 
 Vigour As Time Went On. They Formed The Most Important Portion Of The 
 Egyptian Troops For Some Centuries; At A Later Period They Conquered 
 Egypt,  And Were The Dominant Power For A Hundred Years; Still Further 
 On,  They Defied The Might Of Persia When Egypt Succumbed To It. Aahmes, 
 In Contracting His Marriage With The Ethiopian Princess,  To Whom He Gave 
 The Name Of Nefertari-Aahmes--Or "The Good Companion Of Aahmes"--Was, 
 We May Be Tolerably Sure,  Bent On Obtaining A Contingent Of Those 
 Stalwart Troops Whose Modern Representatives Are Either The Blacks Of 
 The Soudan Or The Gallas Of The Highlands Of Abyssinia. The "Shepherds" 
 Thus Yielded To A Combination Of The North With The South,  Of The 
 Egyptians With The Ethiopians,  Such As In Later Times,  On More Than One 
 Occasion,  Drove The Assyrians Out Of The Country. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 9 (Footnotes) Pg 74 
 [16] "Manuel D'Histoire Ancienne De L'Orient," Vol. I. P. 368. 
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 10 (Thothmes I.,  The First Great Egyptian Conqueror.) Pg 75 
   
 Thothmes I. Was The Grandson Of The Aahmes Who Drove Out The Hyksos. He 
 Had Thus Hereditary Claims To Valour And Military Distinction. The 
 Ethiopian Blood Which Flowed In His Veins Through His Grandmother, 
 Nefertari-Aahmes,  May Have Given Him An Additional Touch Of Audacity, 
 And Certainly Showed Itself In His Countenance,  Where The Short 
 Depressed Nose And The Unduly Thick Lips Are Of The Cushite Rather Than 
 Of The Egyptian Type. His Father,  Amen-Hotep I.,  Was A Somewhat 
 Undistinguished Prince; So That Here,  As So Often,  Where Superior Talent 
 Runs In a Family,  It Seems To Have Skipped A Generation,  And To Have 
 Leapt From The Grand-Sire To The Grandson. Thothmes Began His Military 
 Career By An Invasion Of The Countries Upon The Upper Nile,  Which Were 
 Still In an Unsettled State,  Notwithstanding The Campaigns Which Had 
 Been Carried On,  And The Victories Which Had Been Gained In Them,  During 
 The Two Preceding Reigns,  By King Aahmes,  And By The Generals Of 
 Amen-Hotep. He Placed A Flotilla Of Ships Upon The Nile Above The Second 
 Cataract,  And Supporting It With His Land Forces On Either Side Of The 
 River,  Advanced From Semneh,  The Boundary Established By Usurtasen Iii., 
 Which Is In Lat. 21 Deg. 50' To Tombos,  In Lat. 19 Deg.,  Conquering The Tribes, 
 Nubian And Cushite,  As He Proceeded,  And From Time To Time 
 Distinguishing Himself In Personal Combats With His Enemies. On One 
 Occasion,  We Are Told,  "His Majesty Became More Furious Than A Panther," 
 And Placing An Arrow On His Bowstring,  Directed It Against The Nubian 
 Chief So Surely That It Struck Him,  And Remained Fixed In His Knee, 
 Whereupon The Chief "Fell Fainting Down Before The Royal Diadem." He Was 
 At Once Seized And Made A Prisoner; His Followers Were Defeated And 
 Dispersed; And He Himself,  Together With Others,  Was Carried Off On 
 Board The Royal Ship,  Hanging With His Head Downwards,  To The Royal 
 Palace At The Capital This Victory Was The Precursor Of Others; 
 Everywhere "The Petti Of Nubia Were Hewed In Pieces,  And Scattered All 
 Over Their Lands," Till "Their Stench Filled The Valleys." At Last A 
 General Submission Was Made,  And A Large-Tract Of Territory Was Ceded. 
 The Egyptian Terminus Was Pushed On From The Twenty-Second Parallel To 
 The Nineteenth,  And At Tombos,  Beyond Dongola,  An Inscription Was Set 
 Up,  At Once To Mark The New Frontier,  And To Hand Down To Posterity The 
 Glory Of The Conquering Monarch. The Inscription Still Remains,  And Is 
 Couched In Inflated Terms,  Which Show A Departure From The Old Official 
 Style. Thothmes Declares That "He Has Taken Tribute From The Nations Of 
 The North,  And From The Nations Of The South,  As Well As From _Those Of 
 
 
 
 Story 10 (Thothmes I.,  The First Great Egyptian Conqueror.) Pg 76 
 The Whole Earth_; He Has Laid Hold Of The Barbarians; He Has Not Let A 
 Single One Of Them Escape His Gripe Upon Their Hair; The Petti Of Nubia 
 Have Fallen Beneath His Blows; He Has Made Their Waters To Flow 
 Backwards; He Has Overflowed Their Valleys Like A Deluge,  Like Waters 
 Which Mount And Mount. He Has Resembled Horus,  When He Took Possession 
 Of His Eternal Kingdom; All The Countries Included Within The 
 Circumference Of The Entire Earth Are Prostrate Under His Feet." Having 
 Effected His Conquest,  Thothmes Sought To Secure It By The Appointment 
 Of A New Officer,  Who Was To Govern The Newly-Annexed Country Under The 
 Title Of "Prince Of Cush," And Was To Have His Ordinary Residence At 
 Semneh. 
   
   
   
 Flushed With His Victories In This Quarter,  And Intoxicated With The 
 Delight Of Conquest,  Thothmes,  On His Return To Thebes,  Raised His 
 Thoughts To A Still Grander And More Adventurous Enterprize. Egypt Had 
 A Great Wrong To Avenge,  A Huge Disgrace To Wipe Out. She Had Been 
 Invaded,  Conquered,  Plundered,  By An Enemy Whom She Had Not Provoked By 
 Any Aggression; She Had Seen Her Cities Laid In ashes,  Her Temples Torn 
 Down And Demolished,  The Images Of Her Gods Broken To Pieces,  Her Soil 
 Dyed With Her Children'S Blood; She Had Been Trampled Under The Iron 
 Heel Of The Conqueror For Centuries; She Had Been Exhausted By The 
 Payment Of Taxes And Tribute; She Had Had To Bow The Knee,  And Lick The 
 Dust Under The Conqueror'S Feet--Was Not Retribution Needed For All 
 This? True,  She Had At Last Risen Up And Expelled Her Enemy,  She Had 
 Driven Him Beyond Her Borders,  And He Seemed Content To Acquiesce In His 
 Defeat,  And To Trouble Her No More; But Was This Enough? Did Not The Law 
 Of Eternal Justice Require Something More: 
   
     "Nec Lex Justior Ulla Est, 
      Quam Necis Artifices Arte Perire Sua." 
   
 Was It Not Proper,  Fitting,  Requisite For The Honour Of Egypt,  That 
 There Should Be Retaliation,  That The Aggressor Should Suffer What He 
 Had Inflicted,  Should Be Attacked In His Own Country,  Should Be Made To 
 Feel The Grief,  The Despair,  The Rage,  The Shame,  That He Had Forced 
 Egypt To Feel For So Many Years; Should Expiate His Guilt By A Penalty, 
 Not Only Proportioned To The Offence,  But Its Exact Counterpart? Such 
 Thoughts,  We May Be Sure,  Burned In The Mind Of The Young Warrior,  When, 
 Having Secured Egypt On The South,  He Turned His Attention To The North, 
 And Asked Himself The Question How He Should Next Employ The Power That 
 He Had Inherited,  And The Talents With Which Nature Had Endowed Him. 
   
 It Is Uncertain What Amount Of Knowledge The Egyptians Of The Time 
 Possessed Concerning The Internal Condition,  Population,  And Resources, 
 Of The Continent Which Adjoined Them On The North-East. We Cannot Say 
 Whether Thothmes And His Counsellors Could,  Or Could Not,  Bring Before 
 Their Mind'S Eye A Fairly Correct View Of The General Position Of 
 Asiatic Affairs,  And Form A Reasonable Estimate Of The Probabilities Of 
 Success Or Discomfiture,  If A Great Expedition Were Led Into The Heart 
 Of Asia. Whatever May Have Been Their Knowledge Or Ignorance,  It Will Be 
 Necessary For The Historical Student Of The Present Day To Have Some 
 General Ideas On The Subject,  If He Is To Form An Adequate Conception 
 Either Of The Dangers Which Thothmes Affronted,  Or Of The Amount Of 
 Credit Due To Him For His Victories. We Propose,  Therefore,  In The 
 
 
 
 Story 10 (Thothmes I.,  The First Great Egyptian Conqueror.) Pg 77 
 Present Place,  To Glance Our Eye Over The Previous History Of Western 
 Asia,  And To Describe,  So Far As Is Possible,  Its Condition At The Time 
 When Thothmes Began To Contemplate The Invasion Which It Is His Great 
 Glory To Have Accomplished. 
   
 Western Asia Is Generally Allowed To Have Been The Cradle Of The Human 
 Race. Its More Fertile Portions Were Thickly Peopled At A Very Early 
 Date. Monarchy,  It Is Probable,  First Grew Up In babylonia,  Towards The 
 Mouths Of The Tigris And Euphrates. But It Was Not Long Ere A Sister 
 Kingdom Established Itself In Susiana,  Or Elam,  The Fertile Tract 
 Between The Lower Tigris And The Zagros Mountains. The Ambition Of 
 Conquest First Showed Itself In This Latter Country,  Whence 
 Kudur-Nakhunta,  About B.C. 2300,  Made An Attack On Erech,  And 
 Chedor-Laomer (About B.C. 2000) Established An Empire Which Extended 
 From The Zagros Mountains On The One Hand To The Shores Of The 
 Mediterranean On The Other (Gen. Xiv. 1-4) Shortly After This,  A Third 
 Power,  That Of The Hittites,  Grew Up Towards The North,  Chiefly Perhaps 
 In Asia Minor,  But With A Tendency To Project Itself Southward Into The 
 Mesopotamian Region. Upper Mesopotamia,  Syria,  And Palestine,  Were At 
 This Time Inhabited By Weak Tribes,  Each Under Its Own Chief,  With No 
 Coherence,  And No Great Military Spirit. The Chief Of These Tribes,  At 
 The Time When Thothmes I. Ascended The Egyptian Throne,  Were The Rutennu 
 In Syria,  And The Nahari Or Nairi In Upper Mesopotamia. The Two 
 Monarchies Of The South,  Elam And Babylon Were Not In a Flourishing 
 Condition,  And Exercised No Suzerainty Beyond Their Own Natural Limits. 
 They Were,  In Fact,  A Check Upon Each Other,  Constantly Engaged In Feuds 
 And Quarrels,  Which Prevented Either From Maintaining An Extended Sway 
 For More Than A Few Years,  Assyria Had Not Yet Acquired Any Great 
 Distinction,  Though It Was Probably Independent,  And Ruled By Monarchs 
 Who Dwelt At Asshur (Kileh-Sherghat). The Hittites,  About B.C. 1900,  Had 
 Received A Severe Check From The Babylonian Monarch,  Sargon,  And Had 
 Withdrawn Themselves Into Their Northern Fortresses. Thus The 
 Circumstances Of The Time Were,  On The Whole,  Favourable To The 
 Enterprize Of Thothmes. No Great Organized Monarchy Was Likely To Take 
 The Field Against Him,  Or To Regard Itself As Concerned To Interfere 
 With The Execution Of His Projects,  Unless They Assumed Extraordinary 
 Dimensions. So Long As He Did Not Proceed Further North Than Taurus,  Or 
 Further East Than The Western Khabour,  The Great Affluent Of The 
 Euphrates,  He Would Come Into Contact With None Of The "Great Powers" Of 
 The Time; He Would Have,  At The Worst,  To Contend With Loose 
 Confederacies Of Tribes,  Distrustful Of Each Other,  Unaccustomed To Act 
 Together,  And,  Though Brave,  Possessing No Discipline Or Settled 
 Military Organization. At The Same Time,  His Adversaries Must Not Be 
 Regarded As Altogether Contemptible. The Philistines And Canaanites In 
 Palestine,  The Arabs Of The Sinaitic And Syrian Deserts,  The Rutennu Of 
 The Lebanon And Of Upper Syria,  The Nairi Of The Western Mesopotamian 
 Region,  Were Individually Brave Men,  Were Inured To Warfare,  Had A 
 Strong Love Of Independence,  And Were Likely To Resist With Energy Any 
 Attempt To Bring Them Under Subjection. They Were Also,  Most Of Them, 
 Well Acquainted With The Value Of The Horse For Military Service,  And 
 Could Bring Into The Field A Number Of War-Chariots,  With Riders Well 
 Accustomed To Their Management Egypt Had Only Recently Added The Horse 
 To The List Of Its Domesticated Animals,  And Followed The Example Of The 
 
 
 
 Story 10 (Thothmes I.,  The First Great Egyptian Conqueror.) Pg 78 
 Asiatics By Organizing A Chariot Force. It Was Open To Doubt Whether 
 This New And Almost Untried Corps Would Be Able To Cope With The 
 Experienced Chariot-Troops Of Asia. 
   
 The Country Also In Which Military Operations Were To Be Carried On Was 
 A Difficult One. It Consisted Mainly Of Alternate Mountain And Desert. 
 First,  The Sandy Waste Called El Tij--The "Wilderness Of The 
 Wanderings"--Had To Be Passed,  A Tract Almost Wholly Without Water, 
 Where An Army Must Carry Its Own Supply. Next,  The High Upland Of The 
 Negeb Would Present Itself,  A Region Wherein Water May Be Procured From 
 Wells,  And Which In Some Periods Of The World'S History Has Been Highly 
 Cultivated,  But Which In The Time Of Thothmes Was Probably Almost As 
 Unproductive As The Desert Itself. Then Would Come The Green Rounded 
 Hills,  The Lofty Ridges,  And The Deep Gorges Of Palestine,  Untraversed 
 By Any Road,  In Places Thickly Wooded,  And Offering Continually Greater 
 Obstacles To The Advance Of An Army,  As It Stretched Further And Further 
 Towards The North. From Palestine The Lebanon Region Would Have To Be 
 Entered On,  Where,  Though The Coele-Syrian Valley Presents A 
 Comparatively Easy Line Of March To The Latitude Of Antioch,  The Country 
 On Either Side Of The Valley Is Almost Untraversable,  While The Valley 
 Itself Contains Many Points Where It Can Be Easily Blocked By A Small 
 Force. The Orontes,  Moreover,  And The Litany,  Are Difficult To Cross, 
 And In The Time Of Thothmes I. Would Be Unbridged,  And Form No 
 Contemptible Obstacles. From The Lower Valley Of The Orontes,  First 
 Mountains And Then A Chalky Desert Had To Be Crossed In Order To Reach 
 The Euphrates,  Which Could Only Be Passed In boats,  Or Else By Swimming. 
 Beyond The Euphrates Was Another Dreary And Infertile Region,  The Tract 
 About Haran,  Where Crassus Lost His Army And His Life. 
   
 How Far Thothmes And His Counsellors Were Aware Of These Topographical 
 Difficulties,  Or Of The General Condition Of Western Asia,  It Is,  As 
 Already Observed,  Impossible To Determine. But,  On The Whole,  There Are 
 Reasons For Believing That Intercourse Between Nation And Nation Was, 
 Even In Very Early Times,  Kept Up,  And That Each Important Country Had 
 Its "Intelligence Department," Which Was Not Badly Served. Merchants, 
 Refugees,  Spies,  Adventurers Desirous Of Bettering Their Condition,  Were 
 Continually Moving,  Singly Or In bodies,  From One Land To Another,  And 
 Through Them A Considerable Acquaintance With Mundane Affairs Generally 
 Was Spread Abroad. The Knowledge Was,  Of Course,  Very Inexact. No 
 Surveys Were Made,  No Plans Of Cities Or Fortresses,  No Maps; The 
 Military Force That Could Be Brought Into The Field By The Several 
 Nations Was Very Roughly Estimated; But Still,  Ancient Conquerors Did 
 Not Start Off On Their Expeditions Wholly In The Dark As To The Forces 
 Which They Might Have To Encounter,  Or The Difficulties Which Were 
 Likely To Beset Their March. 
   
 Thothmes Probably Set Out On His Expedition Into Asia In about His Sixth 
 Or Seventh Year. He Was Accompanied By Two Officers,  Who Had Served His 
 Father And His Grandfather,  Known Respectively As "Aahmes,  Son Of 
 Abana," And "Aahmes Pennishem." Both Of Them Had Been Engaged In The War 
 Which He Had Conducted Against The Petti Of Nubia And Their Ethiopian 
 Allies,  And Both Had Greatly Distinguished Themselves. Aahmes,  The Son 
 Of Abana,  Boasts That He Seven Times Received The Prize Of Valour--A 
 Collar Of Gold--For His Conduct In The Field; And Aahmes Pennishem Gives 
 A List Of Twenty-Nine Presents Given To Him As Military Rewards By Three 
 
 
 
 Story 10 (Thothmes I.,  The First Great Egyptian Conqueror.) Pg 79 
 Kings. It Does Not Appear That Any Resistance Was Offered To The 
 Invading Force As It Passed Through Palestine; But In Syria Thothmes 
 Engaged The Rutennu,  And "Exacted Satisfaction" From Them,  Probably On 
 Account Of The Part Which They Had Taken In The Hyksos Struggle; After 
 Which He Crossed The Euphrates And Fell Upon The Far More Powerful 
 Nation Of The Nairi. The Nairi,  When First Attacked By The Assyrians, 
 Had Twenty-Three Cities,  And As Many Kings; They Were Rich In Horses And 
 Mules,  And Had So Large A Chariot Force That We Hear Of A Hundred And 
 Twenty Chariots Being Taken From Them In a Single Battle. At This Time 
 The Number Of The Chariots Was Probably Much Smaller,  For Each Of The 
 Two Officers Named Ahmes Takes Great Credit To Himself On Account Of The 
 Capture Of One Such Vehicle. It Is Uncertain Whether More Than A Single 
 Battle Was Fought. All That We Are Told Is,  That "His Majesty,  Having 
 Arrived In Naharina" (_I.E._ The Nairi Country),  "Encountered The Enemy, 
 And Organized An Attack. His Majesty Made A Great Slaughter Of Them; An 
 Immense Number Of Live Captives Was Carried Off By His Majesty." These 
 Words Would Apply Equally To A Single Battle And To A Series Of Battles. 
 All That Can Be Said Is,  That Thothmes Returned Victorious From His 
 Asiatic Expedition,  Having Defeated The Rutennu And The Nairi,  And 
 Brought With Him Into Egypt A Goodly Booty,  And A Vast Number Of Asiatic 
 Prisoners. 
   
 The Warlike Ambition Of Thothmes I. Was Satisfied By His Nubian And 
 Asiatic Victories. On His Return To Egypt At The Close Of His 
 Mesopotamian Campaign,  He Engaged In The Peaceful Work Of Adorning And 
 Beautifying His Capital Cities. At Thebes He Greatly Enlarged The Temple 
 Of Ammon,  Begun By Amenemhat I.,  And Continued Under His Son,  The First 
 Usurtasen,  By Adding To It The Cloistered Court In Front Of The Central 
 Cell--A Court Two Hundred And Forty Feet Long By Sixty-Two Broad, 
 Surrounded By A Colonnade,  Of Which The Supports Were Osirid Pillars,  Or 
 Square Piers With A Statue Of Osiris In Front. This Is The First Known 
 Example Of The Cloistered Court,  Which Became Afterwards So Common; 
 Though It Is Possible That Constructions Of A Similar Character May Have 
 Been Made By The "Shepherd Kings" At Tanis,  Thothmes Also Adorned This 
 Temple With Obelisks. In Front Of The Main Entrance To His Court He 
 Erected Two Vast Monoliths Of Granite,  Each Of Them Seventy-Five Feet In 
 Height,  And Bearing Dedicatory Inscriptions,  Which Indicated His Piety 
 And His Devotion To All The Chief Deities Of Egypt. 
   
 Further,  At Memphis He Built A New Royal Palace,  Which He Called "The 
 Abode Of Aa-Khepr-Ka-Ra," A Grand Building,  Afterwards Converted Into A 
 Magazine For The Storage Of Grain. 
   
 The Greatness Of Thothmes I. Has Scarcely Been Sufficiently Recognized 
 By Historians. It May Be True That He Did Not Effect Much; But He Broke 
 Ground In a New Direction; He Set An Example Which Led On To Grand 
 Results. To Him It Was Due That Egypt Ceased To Be The Isolated, 
 Unaggressive Power That She Had Remained For Perhaps Ten Centuries,  That 
 She Came Boldly To The Front And Aspired To Bring Asia Into Subjection. 
 Henceforth She Exercised A Potent Influence Beyond Her Borders--An 
 Influence Which Affected,  More Or Less,  All The Western Asiatic Powers. 
 She Had Forced Her Way Into The Comity Of The Great Nations. Henceforth 
 Whether It Was For Good Or For Evil,  She Had To Take Her Place Among 
 Them,  To Reckon With Them,  As They Reckoned With Her,  To Be A Factor In 
 The Problem Which The Ages Had To Work Out--What Should Be The General 
 
 
 
 Story 10 (Thothmes I.,  The First Great Egyptian Conqueror.) Pg 80 
 March Of Events,  And What States And Nations Should Most Affect The 
 Destiny Of The World. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 11 (Queen Hatasu And Her Merchant Fleet.) Pg 81 
   
 Hasheps,  Or Hatasu,  Was The Daughter Of The Great Warrior King,  Thothmes 
 The First,  And,  According To Some,  Was,  During His Later Years, 
 Associated With Him In The Government. An Inscription Is Quoted In Which 
 He Assigns To Her Her Throne-Name Of Ra-Ma-Ka,  And Calls Her "Queen Of 
 The South And Of The North," But It Was Not Till After The Death Of Her 
 Father That She Came Prominently Forward,  And Assumed A Position Not 
 Previously Held By Any Female In egypt,  Unless It Were Net-Akret 
 (Nitocris). Women In egypt Had Been,  It Is True,  From Very Early Times 
 Held In High Estimation,  Were Their Husbands' Companions,  Not Their 
 Playthings Or Their Slaves,  Appeared Freely In Public,  And Enjoyed Much 
 Liberty Of Action. One Of The Ancient Mythical Monarchs,  Of The Time 
 Before Sneferu,  Is Said To Have Passed A Law Permitting Them To Exercise 
 The Sovereign Authority. Nitocris Of The Sixth Dynasty Of Manetho Ruled, 
 Apparently,  As Sole Queen; And Sabak-Nefru-Ra Of The Twelfth,  The Wife 
 Of Amenemhat Iv.,  Reigned For Some Years Conjointly With Her Husband. 
 Hatasu'S Position Was Intermediate Between These. Her Father Had Left 
 Behind Him Two Sons,  As Well As A Daughter; And The Elder Of These, 
 According To Egyptian Law,  Succeeded Him. He Reigned As 
 Thothmes-Nefer-Shau,  And Is Known To Moderns As Thothmes The Second. He 
 Was,  However,  A Mere Youth,  Of A Weak And Amiable Temper; While Hatasu, 
 His Senior By Some Years,  Was A Woman Of Great Energy And Of A Masculine 
 Mind,  Clever,  Enterprizing,  Vindictive,  And Unscrupulous. The Contrast 
 Of Their Portrait Busts Is Remarkable,  And Gives A Fair Indication Of 
 The Character Of Each Of Them. Thothmes Has The Appearance Of A Soft And 
 Yielding Boy: He Has A Languishing Eye,  A Short Upper Lip,  A Sensuous 
 Mouth And Chin. Hatasu Looks The Amazon: She Holds Her Head Erect,  Has A 
 Bold Aquiline Nose,  A Firmly-Set Mouth,  And A Chin That Projects 
 Considerably,  Giving Her An Indescribable Air Of Vigour And Resolution. 
 
 
 
 Story 11 (Queen Hatasu And Her Merchant Fleet.) Pg 82 
 The Effect Is Increased,  No Doubt,  By Her Having Attached To It The Male 
 Appendage Of An Artificial Beard; But Even Apart From This,  Her Face 
 Would Be A Strong One,  Expressive Of Firmness,  Pride,  And Decision. It 
 Is Thought That She Contracted A Marriage With Her Brother,  Such Unions 
 Being Admissible By The Egyptian Marriage Law,  And Not Infrequent Among 
 The Pharaohs,  Whether Of The Earlier Or The Later Dynasties. In any 
 Case,  It Is Certain That She Took The Direction Of Affairs Under His 
 Reign,  Reducing Him To A Cipher,  And Making Her Influence Paramount In 
 Every Department Of The Government. 
   
 At This Period Of Her Life The Ambition Of Queen Hatasu Was To Hand Her 
 Name Down To Posterity As A Constructor Of Buildings. She Made Many 
 Additions To The Old Temple Of Ammon At Karnak; And She Also Built At 
 Medinet Abou,  In The Vicinity Of Thebes,  A Temple Of A More Elaborate 
 Character Than Any That Had Preceded It,  The Remains Of Which Are Still 
 Standing,  And Have Attracted Much Attention From Architects. Egyptian 
 Temple-Architecture Is Here Seen Tentatively Making Almost Its First 
 Advances From The Simple Cell Of Usurtasen I. Towards That Richness Of 
 Complication And Multiplicity Of Parts Which It Ultimately Reached. 
 Pylons,  Courts,  Corridors Supported By Columns,  Pillared Apartments, 
 Meet Us Here In Their Earliest Germ; While There Are Also Indications Of 
 Constructive Weakness,  Which Show That The Builders Were Aspiring To Go 
 Beyond Previous Models. The Temple Is Cruciform In Shape,  But The Two 
 Arms Of The Cross Are Unequal. In Front,  Two Pylons Of Moderate 
 Dimensions,  Not Exceeding Twenty-Four Feet In Height,  And Built With The 
 Usual Sloping Sides And Strongly Projecting Cornice,  Guarded A Doorway 
 Which Gave Entrance Into A Court,  Sixty Feet Long By Thirty Broad. At 
 The Further End Of The Court Stood A Porch,  Thirty Feet Long And Nine 
 Deep,  Supported By Four Square Stone Piers,  Emplaced At Equal Distances. 
 The Porch Led Into The Cell,  A Long,  Narrow Chamber Of Extreme 
 Plainness,  About Twenty-Five Feet Long By Nine Wide,  With A Doorway At 
 Either End. At Either Side Of The Cell Were Corridors,  Supported,  Like 
 The Porch,  By Square Piers,  And Roofed In by Blocks Of Stone From Nine 
 To Ten Feet Long. These Blocks Have In Some Instances Shown Signs Of 
 Giving Way; And,  To Counteract The Tendency,  Octagonal Pillars Have Been 
 Introduced At The Weak Points,  Without Regard To Exact Regularity Or 
 Correspondence. Behind The Cell Are Chambers For The Officiating 
 Priests,  Which Are Six In Number,  And On Either Side Of The Porch Are 
 Also Chambers,  Forming The Arms Of The Cross,  But Of Unequal 
 Dimensions. That On The Left Is Nearly Square,  About Fifteen Feet By 
 Twelve; That On The Right Is Oblong,  Twenty-Seven Feet By Fifteen,  And 
 Has Needed The Support Of Two Pillars Internally,  Which Seem,  However, 
 To Have Been Part Of The Original Design. This Chamber Is Open Towards 
 The North-East,  Terminating In a Porch Of Three Square Piers. 
   
   
 The Joint Reign Of Hatasu And Thothmes Ii. Did Not Continue For More 
 Than A Few Years. It Is Suspected That She Engaged In a Conspiracy 
 Against Him In Order To Rid Herself Of The Small Restraint Which His 
 Participation In The Sovereignty Exercised Upon Her,  And Was Privy To 
 His Murder. But There Is No Sufficient Evidence To Substantiate These 
 Charges,  Which Have Been Somewhat Recklessly Made. All That Distinctly 
 Appears Is,  That Thothmes Ii. Died While He Was Still Extremely Young, 
 And When He Had Reigned Only A Short Time,  And That After His Death 
 
 
 
 Story 11 (Queen Hatasu And Her Merchant Fleet.) Pg 83 
 Hatasu Showed Her Hostility To His Memory By Erasing His Name Wherever 
 It Occurred On The Monuments,  And Substituting For It Either Her Own 
 Name Or That Of Her Father. She Appears Also At The Same Time To Have 
 Taken Full Possession Of The Throne,  And To Have Been Accepted As Actual 
 Sovereign Of The Egyptian People. She Calls Herself "The Living Horus, 
 Abounding In divine Gifts,  The Mistress Of Diadems,  Rich In Years,  The 
 Golden Horus,  Goddess Of Diadems,  Queen Of Upper And Lower Egypt, 
 Daughter Of The Sun,  Consort Of Ammon,  Living For Ever,  And Daughter Of 
 Ammon,  Dwelling In His Heart." Nor Was She Content With Attributes Which 
 Made Acknowledgment Of Her Sex. She Wished To Be Regarded As A Man, 
 Assumed Male Apparel And An Artificial Beard,  And Gave Herself On Many 
 Of Her Monuments The Style And Title Of A King. Her Name Of Hatasu She 
 Changed Into Hatasu-Khnum-Ammon,  Thus Identifying Herself With Two Of 
 The Chief Egyptian Gods. She Often Represented Herself As Crowned With 
 The Tall Plumes Of Ammon. She Took The Titles Of "_Son_ Of The Sun," 
 "The Good _God_," "_Lord_ Of The Two Lands," "Beloved Of Ammon,  The 
 Protector Of _Kings_." A Curious Anomaly Appears In Some Of Her 
 Inscriptions,  Where Masculine And Feminine Forms Are Inextricably Mixed 
 Up; Though Spoken Of Consistently As "The King," And Not "The Queen," 
 Yet The Personal And Possessive Pronouns Which Refer To Her Are Feminine 
 For The Most Part,  While Sometimes Such Perplexing Expressions Occur As 
 "Le Roi Qui Est Bien _Aimee_ Par Ammon," Or "His Majesty Herself." 
   
   
 The Legal Position Which Hatasu Occupied During The Sixteen Years That 
 Followed The Death Of Thothmes Ii. Was Probably That Of Regent For 
 Thothmes Iii.,  His (And Her) Younger Brother; But Practically She Was 
 Full Sovereign Of Egypt. It Was Now That She Formed Her Grand Schemes Of 
 Foreign Commerce,  And Had Them Carried Out By Her Officers. First Of 
 All,  She Caused To Be Built,  In Some Harbour On The Western Coast Of The 
 Red Sea,  A Fleet Of Ships,  Certainly Not Fewer Than Five,  Each 
 Constructed So As To Be Propelled Both By Oars And Sails,  And Each 
 Capable Of Accommodating Some Sixty Or Seventy Passengers. Of These 
 Thirty Were The Rowers,  Whose Long Sweeps Were To Plough The Waves,  And 
 Bring The Vessels Into Port,  Whether The Wind Were Favourable Or No; 
 Some Ten Or Twelve Formed The Crew; And The Remainder Consisted Of 
 Men-At-Arms,  Whose Services,  It Was Felt,  Might Be Required,  If The 
 Native Tribes Were Not Sufficiently Impressed With The Advantages Of 
 Commercial Dealings. An Expedition Then Started From Thebes Under The 
 Conduct Of A Royal Ambassador,  Who Was Well Furnished With Gifts For 
 Distribution Among The Barbarian Chiefs,  And Instructed To Proceed With 
 His Fleet Down The Red Sea To Its Mouth,  Or Perhaps Even Further,  And 
 Open Communications With The Land Of "Punt," Which Was In This Quarter. 
 "Punt" Has Been Generally Identified With Southern Arabia,  And It Is 
 Certainly In Favour Of This View That The Chief Object Of The Expedition 
 Was To Procure Incense And Spices,  Which Arabia Is Known To Have 
 Produced Anciently In Profusion. But Among The Other Products Of The 
 Land Mentioned In The Inscriptions Of Hatasu,  There Are Several Which 
 Arabia Could Not Possibly Have Furnished; And The Conjecture Has 
 Therefore Been Made That Punt,  Or At Any Rate The Punt Of This 
 Expedition,  Was Not The Arabian Peninsula,  Or Any Part Of It,  But The 
 African Tract Outside The Gulf,  Known To Moderns As "The Somauli 
 Country." However This May Have Been,  It Is Certain That The Fleet 
 Weighed Anchor,  And Sailed Down The Red Sea,  Borne By Favourable Winds, 
 Which Were Ascribed To The Gracious Majesty Of Ammon,  And Reached Their 
 Destination,  The Ta-Neter,  Or "Holy Land"--The "Abode Of Athor," And 
 
 
 
 Story 11 (Queen Hatasu And Her Merchant Fleet.) Pg 84 
 Perhaps The Original Home Of Ammon Himself--Without Accident Or Serious 
 Difficulty. The Natives Gave Them A Good Reception. They Were Simple 
 Folk,  Living In Rounded Huts Or Cabins,  Which Were Perched On Floors 
 Supported By Piles,  Probably On Account Of The Marshiness Of The 
 Ground,  And Which Had To Be Entered By Means Of Ladders. Cocoa-Nut Palms 
 Overshadowed The Huts,  Interspersed With Incense Trees,  While Near Them 
 Flowed A Copious Stream,  In Which Were A Great Variety Of Fishes. The 
 Principal Chief Of The Country Was A Certain Parihu,  Who Was Married To 
 A Wife Of An Extraordinary Appearance. A Dwarf,  Hunchbacked,  With A 
 Drawn Face And Short,  Deformed Legs,  She Can Scarcely,  One Would Think, 
 Have Been A Countrywoman Of The Queen Of Sheba. She Belonged,  More 
 Probably,  To One Of The Dwarfish Tribes Of Which Africa Has So Many,  As 
 Dokos,  Bosjesmen,  And Others. The Royal Couple Were Delighted With Their 
 Visitors,  And With The Presents Which They Received From Them; They Made 
 A Sort Of Acknowledgment Of The Suzerainty Of The Pharaohs,  But At The 
 Same Time Stipulated That The Peace And Liberty Of The Land Of Punt 
 Should Be Respected By The Egyptians. Perfect Freedom Of Trade Was 
 Established. The Egyptians Had Permission To Enter The Incense Forests, 
 And Either To Cut Down The Trees For The Sake Of The Resin Which They 
 Exuded,  Or To Dig Them Up And Convey Them To The Ships. We See The 
 Trees,  Or Rather Bushes,  Dug Up With As Much Earth As Possible About 
 Their Roots,  Then Slung On Poles And Carried To The Sea-Shore,  And 
 Finally Placed Upright Upon The Ships' Decks,  And Screened From The Heat 
 Of The Sun'S Rays By An Awning. Thirty-One Trees Were Thus Embarked, 
 With The Object Of Transplanting Them To Egypt,  Where It Was Hoped That 
 They Might Grow And Flourish. A Large Quantity Of The Resin Was Also 
 Collected And Packed In Sacks,  Which Were Tied At The Mouth And Piled Up 
 Upon The Decks. Various Other Products And Commodities Were Likewise 
 Brought To The Beach By The Natives,  And Exchanged For Those Which The 
 Egyptians Had Taken Care To Bring With Them In Their Ships' Holds. The 
 Most Prized Were Gold,  Silver,  Ivory,  Ebony And Other Woods,  Cassia, 
 Kohl Or Stibium,  Apes,  Baboons,  Dogs,  Slaves,  And Leopard Skins. The 
 Utmost Friendliness Prevailed During The Whole Period Of The Egyptians' 
 Stay In The Country; And At Their Departure,  A Number Of The Natives,  Of 
 Their Own Free-Will,  Accompanied Them To Egypt. Among These Would Seem To 
 Have Been The Deformed Queen And Several Chiefs. 
   
 The Return Journey To Thebes Was Effected Partly By Way Of The Nile. No 
 Doubt The Sea-Going Ships Sailed Back To The Harbour From Which They Had 
 Started; While The Incense Trees And Other Commodities Were Disembarked, 
 And Conveyed Across The Desert Tract Which Borders The Nile Valley 
 Towards The East; But Instead Of Being Brought To Thebes By Land They 
 Were Re-Shipped On Board A Number Of Large Nile Boats,  And Conveyed Down 
 The River To The Capital. The Day Of Their Arrival Was Made A Grand 
 Gala-Day. All The City Went Out To Meet The Returning Travellers. There 
 Was A Grand Parade Of The Household Troops,  And Also Of Those Which Had 
 Accompanied The Expedition; The Incense Trees,  The Strange Animals,  The 
 Many Products Of The Distant Country,  Were Exhibited; A Tame Leopard, 
 With His Negro Keeper,  Followed The Soldiers; A Band Of Natives,  Called 
 Tamahu,  Engaged In a Sort Of Sham-Fight Or War-Dance. The Misshapen 
 Queen And The Chiefs Of The Land Of Punt,  Together With A Number Of 
 Nubian Hunters From The Region Of Chent-Hen-Nefer,  Which Lay Far Up The 
 Course Of The Nile,  Were Conducted To The Presence Of Hatasu,  Offered 
 Their Homage To Her As She Sat Upon Her Throne,  And Presented Her With 
 
 
 
 Story 11 (Queen Hatasu And Her Merchant Fleet.) Pg 85 
 Valuable Gifts. "Homage To Thy Countenance," They Said,  "O Queen Of 
 Egypt,  Sun Beaming Like The Sun-Disk,  Aten,  Arabia'S Mistress." An 
 Offering Was Then Made By Hatasu To The God Ammon; A Bull Was 
 Sacrificed,  And Two Vases Of The Precious Frankincense Presented To Him 
 By The Queen Herself. Sacrifice Was Likewise Made And Prayers Offered To 
 Athor,  "Queen Of Punt" And "Mistress Of Heaven." The Incense Trees Were 
 Finally Planted In Ground Prepared For Them,  And The Day Concluded With 
 General Festivity And Rejoicing. 
   
 The Complete Success Of So Important And Difficult An Enterprize Might 
 Well Please Even A Great Queen. Hatasu,  Delighted With The Result,  Did 
 Her Best To Prevent It Fading Away From Human Remembrance By Building A 
 New Temple To Ammon,  And Representing The Entire Expedition Upon Its 
 Walls. At Tel-El-Bahiri,  In The Valley Of El-Assasif,  Near Thebes,  She 
 Found A Convenient Site For Her New Structure,  Which She Imposed Upon 
 Four Steps,  And Covered Internally With A Series Of Bas-Reliefs,  Highly 
 Coloured,  Depicting The Chief Scenes Of The Expedition. Here Are To Be 
 Seen,  Even At The Present Day,  The Ships--The Most Ancient 
 Representations Of Sea-Going Ships That The World Contains--The Crews, 
 The Incense-Trees,  The Chiefs And Queen Of Punt,  The Native Dwellings, 
 The Trees And Fish Of The Land,  The Arrival Of The Expedition At Thebes 
 In Twelve Large Boats,  The Prostration Of The Native Chiefs Before 
 Hatasu,  The Festival Held On The Occasion,  And The Offerings Made To The 
 Gods. It Is Seldom That Any Single Event Of Ancient History Is So 
 Profusely Illustrated As This Expedition Of Queen Hatasu,  Which Is 
 Placed Before Our Eyes In all Its Various Phases From The Gathering Of 
 The Fleet On The Red Sea Coast To The Return Of Those Engaged In It,  In 
 Gladness And Triumph,  To Thebes. 
   
 After Exercising All The Functions Of Sovereignty For Fifteen Years, 
 During Which She Kept Her Royal Brother In a Subjection That Probably 
 Became Very Galling To Him,  Hatasu Found Herself Under The Necessity Of 
 Admitting Him To A Share In The Royal Authority,  And Allowed His Name To 
 Appear On Her Monuments In a Secondary And Subordinate Position. About 
 This Time She Was Especially Engaged In The Ornamentation Of The Old 
 Temple Of Ammon At Thebes,  Begun By Usurtasen I.,  And Much Augmented By 
 Her Father,  Thothmes I. The Chief Of All Her Works In This Quarter Were 
 Two Obelisks Of Red Granite,  Or Syenite,  Drawn From The Quarries Of 
 Elephantine,  And Set Up Before The Entrance,  Which Her Father Had Made 
 In Front Of Usurtasen'S Construction. These Great Works Are Unexcelled, 
 In Form,  Colour,  And Beauty Of Engraving,  By Any Similar Productions Of 
 Egyptian Art,  Either Earlier Or Later. They Measure Nearly A Hundred 
 Feet In Height,  And Are Covered With The Most Delicately Finished 
 Hieroglyphics. On Them Hatasu Declares That She "Has Made Two Great 
 Obelisks For Her Father,  Ammon,  From A Heart That Is Full Of Love For 
 Him." They Are "Of Hard Granite Of The South,  Each Of A Single Stone, 
 Without Any Joining Or Division." The Summit Of Each,  Or Cap Of The 
 Pyramidion,  Is "Of Pure Gold,  Taken From The Chiefs Of Nations," So That 
 They "Are Seen From A Distance Of Many Leagues--Upper And Lower Egypt 
 Are Bathed In Their Splendour"(!). 
   
 Hatasu Reigned Conjointly With Thothmes Iii. For The Space Of Seven 
 Years. Their Common Monuments Have Been Found At Thebes,  In The Wady 
 Magharah,  And Elsewhere. It Is Not Probable That The Relations Of The 
 Brother And Sister During This Period Were Very Cordial. Hatasu Still 
 
 
 
 Story 11 (Queen Hatasu And Her Merchant Fleet.) Pg 86 
 Claimed The Chief Authority,  And Placed Her Name Before That Of Her 
 Brother On All Public Documents. She Was,  As She Has Been Called,  "A 
 Bold,  Ambitious Woman," And Evidently Admitted With Reluctance Any 
 Partner Of Her Greatness. Thothmes Iii.,  A Man Of Great Ambition And No 
 Less Ability,  Is Not Likely To Have Acquiesced Very Willingly In The 
 Secondary Position Assigned To Him. Whether He Openly Rebelled Against 
 It,  Broke With Hatasu,  And Deprived Her Of The Throne,  Or Even Put Her 
 To Death,  Is Wholly Uncertain. The Monuments Hitherto Discovered Are 
 Absolutely Silent As To What Became Of This Great Queen. She May Have 
 Died A Natural Death,  Opportunely For Her Brother,  Who Must Have Wished 
 To Find Himself Unshackled; Or She May Have Been The Victim Of A 
 Conspiracy Within The Palace Walls. All That We Know Is That She 
 Disappears From History In about Her Fortieth Year,  And That Her Brother 
 And Successor,  The Third Thothmes,  Actuated By A Strong And Settled 
 Animosity,  Caused Her Name To Be Erased,  As Far As Possible,  From All 
 Her Monuments. There Is Scarcely One On Which It Remains Intact. The 
 Greatest Of Egyptian Queens--One Of The Greatest Of Egyptian 
 Sovereigns--Is Indebted For The Continuance Of Her Memory Among Mankind 
 To The Accident That The Stonemasons Employed By Thothmes To Carry Out 
 His Plan Of Vengeance Were Too Careless Or Too Idle To Effect The 
 Actual Obliteration Of The Name,  Which They Everywhere Marred With Their 
 Chisels. Hatred,  For Once,  Though United With Absolute Power,  Missed Its 
 Aim; And Hatasu'S Great Constructions,  Together With Her "Merchant 
 Fleet," Are Among The Indisputable Facts Of History Which Can Never Be 
 Forgotten. 
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 12 (Thothmes The Third And Amenhotep The Second.) Pg 87 
 No Sooner Had Thothmes Iii. Burst The Leading-Strings In Which His 
 Sister Had Held Him For Above Twenty Years,  Then He Showed The Metal Of 
 Which He Was Made By At Once Placing Himself At The Head Of His Troops, 
 And Marching Into Asia. Persuaded That The Great God,  Ammon,  Had 
 Promised Him A Long Career Of Victory,  He Lost No Time In Setting To 
 Work To Accomplish His Glorious Destiny. Starting From An Egyptian Post 
 On The Eastern Frontier,  Called Garu Or Zalu,  In The Month Of February, 
 He Took His March Along The Ordinary Coast Route,  And In a Short Time 
 Reached Gaza,  The Strong Philistine City,  Which Was Already A Fortress 
 Of Repute,  And Regarded As "The Key Of Syria." The Day Of His Arrival 
 Was The Anniversary Of His Coronation,  And According To His Reckoning 
 
 
 
 Story 12 (Thothmes The Third And Amenhotep The Second.) Pg 88 
 The First Day Of His Twenty-Third Year. Gaza Made No Resistance: Its 
 Chief Was Friendly To The Egyptians,  And Gladly Opened His Gates To The 
 Invading Army. Having Rested At Gaza No More Than A Single Night, 
 Thothmes Resumed His March,  And Continuing To Skirt The Coast,  Arrived 
 On The Eleventh Day At A Fortified Town Called Jaham,  Probably Jamnia. 
 Here He Was Met By His Scouts,  Who Brought The Intelligence That The 
 Enemy Was Collected At Megiddo,  On The Edge Of The Great Plain Of 
 Esdraelon,  The Ordinary Battle-Field Of The Palestinian Nations. They 
 Consisted Of "All The People Dwelling Between The River Of Egypt On The 
 One Hand And The Land Of Naharain (Mesopotamia) On The Other." At Their 
 Head Was The King Of Kadesh,  A Great City On The Upper Orontes,  Which 
 Afterwards Became One Of The Chief Seats Of The Hittite Power,  But Was 
 At This Time In The Possession Of The Rutennu (Syrians). They Were 
 Strongly Posted At The Mouth Of A Narrow Pass,  Behind The Ridge Of Hills 
 Which Connects Carmel With The Samaritan Upland,  And Thothmes Was 
 Advised By His Captains To Avoid A Direct Attack,  And March Against Them 
 By A Circuitous Route,  Which Was Undefended. But The Intrepid Warrior 
 Scorned This Prudent Counsel. "His Generals," He Said,  "Might Take The 
 Roundabout Road,  If They Liked; _He_ Would Follow The Straight One." The 
 Event Justified His Determination. Megiddo Was Reached In a Week Without 
 Loss Or Difficulty,  And A Great Battle Was Fought In The Fertile Plain 
 To The North-West Of The Fortress,  In Which The Egyptian King Was 
 Completely Victorious,  And His Enemies Were Scattered Like Chaff Before 
 Him. The Syrians Must Have Fled Precipitately At The First Attack; For 
 They Lost In Killed No More Than Eighty-Three,  And In Prisoners No More 
 Than Two Hundred And Forty,  Or According To Another Account Three 
 Hundred And Forty,  While The Chariots Taken Were Nine Hundred And 
 Twenty-Four,  And The Captured Horses 2,132. Megiddo Was Near At Hand, 
 And The Bulk Of The Fugitives Would Reach Easily The Shelter Of Its 
 Walls. Others May Have Dispersed Themselves Among The Mountains. The 
 Syrian Camp Was,  However,  Taken,  Together With Vast Treasures In Silver 
 And Gold,  Lapis Lazuli,  Turquoise,  And Alabaster; And The Son Of The 
 King Of Kadesh Fell Into Thothmes' Hands. Megiddo Itself,  Soon 
 Afterwards,  Surrendered,  As Did The Towns Of Inunam,  Anaugas,  And 
 Hurankal Or Herinokol. An Immense Booty In corn And Cattle Was Also 
 Carried Off. Thothmes Returned To Egypt In Triumph,  And Held A Prolonged 
 Festival To Ammon-Ra In Thebes,  Accompanied By Numerous Sacrifices And 
 Offerings. Among The Last We Find Included Three Of The Cities Taken 
 From The Rutennu,  Which Were Assigned To The God In Order That They 
 Might "Supply A Yearly Contribution To His Sacred Food." 
   
 It Is A Familiar Saying,  That "Increase Of Appetite Doth Grow By What It 
 Feeds On." Thothmes Certainly Found His Appetite For Conquest Whetted, 
 Not Satiated,  By His Syrian Campaign. If We May Trust M. Lenormant,  He 
 Took The Field In The Very Year That Followed His Victory Of Megiddo, 
 And After Traversing The Whole Of Syria,  And Ravaging The Country About 
 Aleppo,  Proceeded To Carchemish,  The Great Hittite Town On The Upper 
 Euphrates,  And There Crossed The River Into Naharain,  Or Mesopotamia, 
 Whence He Carried Off A Number Of Prisoners. Two Other Campaigns,  Which 
 Cannot Be Traced In detail,  Belong To The Period Between His 
 Twenty-Fourth And His Twenty-Ninth Year. Thenceforward To His Fortieth 
 Year His Military Expeditions Scarcely Knew Any Cessation. At One Time 
 He Would Embark His Troops On Board A Fleet,  And Make Descents Upon The 
 Coast Of Syria,  Coming As Unexpectedly And Ravaging As Ruthlessly As The 
 Normans Of The Middle Ages. He Would Cut Down The Fruit Trees,  Carry Off 
 The Crops,  Empty The Magazines Of Grain,  Lay Hands Upon All Valuables 
 That Were Readily Removable,  And Carry Them On Board His Ships, 
 
 
 
 Story 12 (Thothmes The Third And Amenhotep The Second.) Pg 89 
 Returning To Egypt With A Goodly Store Of Gold And Silver,  Of Lapis 
 Lazuli And Other Precious Stones,  Of Vases In Silver And In bronze,  Of 
 Corn,  Wine,  Incense,  Balsam,  Honey,  Iron,  Lead,  Emery,  And Male And 
 Female Slaves. At Another,  He Would March By Land,  Besiege And Take The 
 Inland Towns,  Demand And Obtain The Sons Of The Chiefs As Hostages, 
 Exact Heavy War Contributions,  And Bring Back With Him Horses And 
 Chariots,  Flocks And Herds,  Strange Animals,  Trees,  And Plants. 
   
 Of All His Expeditions,  That Undertaken In His Thirty-Third Year Was 
 Perhaps The Most Remarkable. Starting From The Country Of The Rutennu, 
 He On This Occasion Directed The Main Force Of His Attack Upon The 
 Mesopotamian Region,  Which He Ravaged Far And Wide,  Conquering The 
 Towns,  And "Reducing To A Level Plain The Strong Places Of The Miserable 
 Land Of Naharain," Capturing Thirty Kings Or Chiefs,  And Erecting Two 
 Tablets In The Region,  To Indicate Its Subjection. It Is Possible That 
 He Even Crossed The Tigris Into Adiabene Or The Zab Country,  Since He 
 Relates That On His Return He Passed Through The Town Of Ni Or Nini, 
 Which Many Of The Best Historians Of Egypt Identify With Nineveh. 
 Nineveh Was Not Now (About B.C. 1500) The Capital Of Assyria,  Which Was 
 Lower Down The Tigris,  At Asshur Or Kileh Sherghat,  But Was Only A 
 Provincial Town Of Some Magnitude. Still It Was Within The Dominions Of 
 The Assyrian Monarch Of The Time,  And Any Attack Upon It Would Have Been 
 An Insult And A Challenge To The Great Power Of Upper Mesopotamia,  Which 
 Ruled From The Alluvium To The Mountains. It Is Certain That The King Of 
 Assyria Did Not Accept The Challenge,  But Preferred To Avoid An 
 Encounter With The Egyptian Troops. Both At This Time And Subsequently 
 He Sent Envoys With Rich Presents To Court The Favour Of Thothmes,  Who 
 Accepted The Gifts As "Tribute," And Counted "The Chief Of Assuru" Among 
 His Tributaries. Submission Was Also Made To Him At The Same Time By The 
 "Prince Of Senkara," A Name Which Still Exists In The Lower Babylonian 
 Marsh Region. Among The Gifts Which This Prince Sent Was "Lapis Lazuli 
 Of Babylon." It Is An Exaggeration To Represent The Expedition As Having 
 Resulted In The Conquest Of The Great Empires Of Assyria And Babylon; 
 But It Is Quite True To Say That It Startled And Shook Those Empires, 
 That It Filled Them With A Great Fear Of What Might Be Coming,  And 
 Brought Egypt Into The Position Of The Principal Military Power Of The 
 Time. Assyrian Influence Especially Was Checked And Curtailed. There Is 
 Reason To Believe,  From The Egyptian Remains Found At Arban On The 
 Khabour,[17] That Thothmes Added To The Egyptian Empire The Entire 
 Region Between The Euphrates And Its Great Eastern Affluent--A Broad 
 Tract Of Valuable Territory--And Occupied It With Permanent Garrisons. 
 The Assyrian Monarch Bought Off The Further Hostility Of His Dangerous 
 Neighbour By An Annual Embassy Which Conveyed Rich Gifts To The Court 
 Of The Pharaohs,  Gifts That Were Not Reciprocated. Among These We Find 
 Enumerated Gold And Silver Ornaments,  Lapis Lazuli,  Vases Of Assyrian 
 Stone (Alabaster?),  Slaves,  Chariots Adorned With Gold And Silver, 
 Silver Dishes And Silver Beaten Out Into Sheets,  Incense,  Wine,  Honey, 
 Ivory,  Cedar And Sycomore Wood,  Mulberry Trees,  Vines,  And Fig Trees, 
 Buffaloes,  Bulls,  And A Gold Habergeon With A Border Of Lapis Lazuli. 
   
 A Curious Episode Of The Expedition Is Related By Amenemheb,  An Officer 
 Who Accompanied It,  And Was In Personal Attendance Upon The Egyptian 
 Monarch. It Appears That In The Time Of Thothmes Iii. The Elephant 
 Haunted The Woods And Jungles Of The Mesopotamian Region,  As He Now Does 
 Those Of The Peninsula Of Hindustan. The Huge Unwieldy Beasts Were 
 Especially Abundant In The Neighbourhood Of Ni Or Nini,  The Country 
 Between The Middle Tigris And The Zagros Range. As Amenemhat I. Had 
 
 
 
 Story 12 (Thothmes The Third And Amenhotep The Second.) Pg 90 
 Delighted In The Chase Of The Lion And The Crocodile,  So Thothmes Iii. 
 No Sooner Found A Number Of Elephants Within His Reach Than He Proceeded 
 To Hunt And Kill Them,  Mainly No Doubt For The Sport,  But Partly In 
 Order To Obtain Their Tusks. No Fewer Than A Hundred And Twenty Are Said 
 To Have Been Killed Or Taken. On One Occasion,  However,  The Monarch Ran 
 A Great Risk. He Was Engaged In The Pursuit Of A Herd,  When The "Rogue," 
 Or Leading Elephant,  Turned And Made A Rush At The Royal Sportsman,  Who 
 Would Probably Have Fallen A Victim,  Gored By A Tusk Or Trampled To 
 Death Under The Huge Beast'S Feet,  Had Not Amenemheb Hastened To The 
 Rescue,  And By Wounding The Creature'S Trunk Drawn Its Rage Upon 
 Himself. The Brute Was Then,  After A Short Struggle,  Overpowered And 
 Captured. 
   
 Further Expeditions Were Led By Thothmes Into Asia In His Thirty-Fourth, 
 Thirty-Fifth,  Thirty-Eighth,  Thirty-Ninth,  Fortieth,  And Forty-Second 
 Years; But In None Of Them Does He Seem To Have Outdone The Exploits Of 
 The Great Campaign Of The Year 33. The Brunt Of His Attacks At This Time 
 Fell Upon The Zahi,  Or Tahai,  Of Northern Phoenicia,  And Upon The Nairi 
 Of The Mesopotamian Region,  Who Continually Rebelled,  And Had To Be 
 Reconquered. The Rutennu Seem For The Most Part To Have Paid Their 
 Tribute Without Resistance And Without Much Difficulty. This May Have 
 Been Partly Owing To The Judicious System Which Thothmes Had Established 
 Among Them,  Whereby Each Chief Was Forced To Give A Son Or Brother As 
 Hostage For His Good Behaviour,  And If The Hostage Died To Send Another 
 In His Place. It Was Certainly Not Because The Tribute Was Light,  Since 
 It Consisted Of A Number Of Slaves,  Silver Vases Of The Weight Of 762 
 Pounds,  Nineteen Chariots,  276 Head Of Cattle,  1,622 Goats,  Several 
 Hundredweight Of Iron And Lead,  A Number Of Suits Of Armour,  And "All 
 Kinds Of Good Plants." The Rutennu Had Also To Supply The Stations Along 
 The Military Road,  Whereby Thothmes Kept Up The Communications Between 
 Egypt And Mesopopotamia,  With Bread,  Wine,  Dates,  Incense,  Honey,  And 
 Figs. 
   
 While Thus Engaged In enlarging The Limits Of His Empire Towards The 
 North And The North-East,  The Careful Monarch Did Not Allow The Regions 
 Brought Under Egyptian Influence By Former Rulers To Escape Him. He 
 Took A Tribute Of Gold,  Spices,  Male And Female Slaves,  Cattle,  Ivory, 
 Ebony,  And Panther Skins From The Land Of Punt,  Of Cattle And Slaves 
 From Cush,  And Of The Same Products From The Uauat. Altogether He Is 
 Said To Have Carried Off From The Subject Countries Above 11,000 
 Captives,  1,670 Chariots,  3,639 Horses,  4,491 Of The Larger Cattle,  More 
 Than 35,000 Goats,  Silver To The Amount Of 3,940 Pounds,  And Gold To The 
 Amount Of 9,054 Pounds. He Also Conveyed To Egypt From The Conquered 
 Lands Enormous Quantities Of Corn And Wine,  Together With Incense, 
 Balsam,  Honey,  Ivory,  Ebony And Other Rare Woods,  Lapis Lazuli, 
 Furniture,  Statues,  Vases,  Dishes,  Basins,  Tent-Poles,  Bows,  Habergeons, 
 Fruit Trees,  Live Birds,  And Monkeys! With A Curiosity Which Was 
 Insatiable,  He Noted All That Was Strange Or Unusual In The Lands Which 
 He Visited,  And Sought To Introduce The Various Novelties Into His Own 
 Proper Country. Two Unknown Kinds Of Birds,  And A Variety Of The Goose, 
 Which He Found In Mesopotamia,  And Transported From The Valley Of The 
 Khabour To That Of The Nile,  Are Said To Have Been "Dearer To The King 
 
 
 
 Story 12 (Thothmes The Third And Amenhotep The Second.) Pg 91 
 Than Anything Else." His Artists Had Instructions To Make Careful 
 Studies Of The Different Objects,  And To Represent Them Faithfully On 
 His Monuments. We See On These "Water-Lilies As High As Trees,  Plants Of 
 A Growth Like Cactuses,  All Sorts Of Trees And Shrubs,  Leaves,  Flowers, 
 And Fruits,  Including Melons And Pomegranates; Oxen And Calves Also 
 Figure,  And Among Them A Wonderful Animal With Three Horns. There Are 
 Likewise Herons,  Sparrow-Hawks,  Geese,  And Doves. All These Objects 
 Appear Gaily Intermixed In The Pictures,  As Suited The Simple Childlike 
 Conception Of The Artist."[18] An Inscription Tells The Intention Of The 
 Monarch. "Here," It Runs,  "Are All Sorts Of Plants And All Sorts Of 
 Flowers Of The Holy Land,  Which The King Discovered When He Went To The 
 Land Of Ruten To Conquer It. Thus Says The King--I Swear By The Sun,  And 
 I Call To Witness My Father Ammon,  That All Is Plain Truth; There Is No 
 Trace Of Deception In That Which I Relate. What The Splendid Soil Brings 
 Forth In The Way Of Productions,  I Have Had Portrayed In These Pictures, 
 With The Intention Of Offering Them To My Father Ammon,  As A Memorial 
 For All Times." 
   
 Besides His Army,  Thothmes Also Maintained A Naval Force,  And Used It 
 Largely In His Expeditions. According To One Writer,  He Placed A Fleet 
 On The Euphrates,  And In an Action Which Took Place With The Assyrians, 
 Defeated And Chased The Enemy For A Distance Of Between Seven And Eight 
 Miles. He Certainly Upon Some Occasions Made His Attacks On Syria And 
 Phoenicia From The Sea; Nor Is It Improbable That His Maritime Forces 
 Reduced Cyprus (Which Was Conquered And Held In a Much Less Flourishing 
 Period By Amasis) And Plundered The Coast Of Cilicia; But A Judicious 
 Criticism Will Scarcely Extend The Voyages Of His Fleet,  As Has Been 
 Done By Another Writer,  To Crete,  And The Islands Of The Aegean,  The 
 Sea-Boards Of Greece And Asia Minor,  The Southern Coast Of Italy, 
 Algeria,  And The Waters Of The Euxine! There Is No Evidence In The 
 Historical Inscriptions Of Thothmes Of Any Such Far-Reaching 
 Expeditions. The Supposed Evidence For Them Is In a Song Of Victory, 
 Put Into The Mouth Of The God,  Ammon,  And Inscribed On One Of The Walls 
 Of The Great Temple Of Karnak. The Song Is Interesting,  But It Scarcely 
 Bears Out The Deductions That Have Been Drawn From It,  As Will Appear 
 From The Subjoined Translation. 
   
   
   
   
 (Ammon _Loquitur_.) 
   
     I Came,  And Thou Smotest The Princes Of Zahi; 
     I Scattered Them Under Thy Feet Over All Their Lands; 
     I Made Them Regard Thy Holiness As The Blazing Sun; 
     Thou Shinest In Sight Of Them In My Form. 
   
     I Came,  And Thou Smotest Them That Dwell In asia; 
     Thou Tookest Captive The Goat-Herds Of Ruten; 
     I Made Them Behold Thy Holiness In Thy Royal Adornments, 
     As Thou Graspest Thy Weapons In The War-Chariot. 
   
     I Came,  And Thou Smotest The Land Of The East; 
     Thou Marchedst Against The Dwellers In The Holy Land; 
     I Made Them Behold Thy Holiness As The Star Canopus, 
     Which Sends Forth Its Heat And Disperses The Dew. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 12 (Thothmes The Third And Amenhotep The Second.) Pg 92 
     I Came,  And Thou Smotest The Land Of The West; 
     Kefa And Asebi (_I.E._ Phoenicia And Cyprus) Held Thee In Fear; 
     I Made Them Look Upon Thy Holiness As A Young Bull, 
     Courageous,  With Sharp Horns,  Which None Can Approach. 
   
     I Came,  And Thou Smotest The Subjects Of Their Lords; 
     The Land Of Mathen Trembled For Fear Of Thee; 
     I Made Them Look Upon Thy Holiness As Upon A Crocodile, 
     Terrible In The Waters,  Not To Be Encountered. 
   
     I Came,  And Thou Smotest Them That Dwelt In The Great Sea; 
     The Inhabitants Of The Isles Were Afraid Of Thy War-Cry; 
     I Made Them Behold Thy Holiness As The Avenger, 
     Who Shews Himself At The Back Of His Victim. 
   
     I Came,  And Thou Smotest The Land Of The Tahennu; 
     The People Of Uten Submitted Themselves To Thy Power; 
     I Made Them See Thy Holiness As A Lion,  Fierce Of Eye, 
     Who Leaves His Den And Stalks Through The Valleys. 
   
     I Came,  And Thou Smotest The Hinder (_I.E._ Northern) Lands; 
     The Circuit Of The Great Sea Is Bound In Thy Grasp; 
     I Made Them Behold Thy Holiness As The Hovering Hawk. 
     Which Seizes With His Glance Whatever Pleases Him. 
   
     I Came,  And Thou Smotest The Lands In Front: 
     Those That Sat Upon The Sand Thou Carriedst Away Captive; 
     I Made Them Behold Thy Holiness Like The Jackal Of The South, 
     Which Passes Through The Lands As A Hidden Wanderer. 
   
     I Came,  And Thou Smotest The Nomad Tribes Of Nubia, 
     Even To The Land Of Shut,  Which Thou Holdest In Thy Grasp; 
     I Made Them Behold Thy Holiness Like Thy Pair Of Brothers, 
     Whose Hands I Have United To Give Thee Power.[19] 
   
 It Is Impossible To Conclude This Sketch Of Thothmes Iii. Without Some 
 Notice Of His Buildings. He Was The Greatest Of Egyptian Conquerors,  But 
 He Was Also One Of The Greatest Of Egyptian Builders And Patrons Of Art. 
 The Grand Temple Of Ammon At Thebes Was The Especial Object Of His 
 Fostering Care; And He Began His Career Of Builder And Restorer By 
 Repairs And Restorations,  Which Much Improved And Beautified That 
 Edifice. Before The Southern Propylaea He Re-Erected,  In The First Year 
 Of His Independent Reign,  Colossal Statues Of His Father,  Thothmes I., 
 And His Grandfather,  Amenhotep,  Which Had Been Thrown Down In The 
 Troublous Time Succeeding Thothmes The First'S Death. He Then Proceeded 
 To Rebuild The Central Sanctuary,  The Work Of Usurtasen I.,  Which Had 
 Probably Begun To Decay,  And,  Recognizing Its Importance As The Very 
 _Penetrale_ Of The Temple,  He Resolved To Reconstruct It In Granite, 
 Instead Of Common Stone,  That He Might Render It,  Practically, 
 Imperishable. With A Reverence And A Self-Restraint That It Might Be 
 Wished Restorers Possessed More Commonly,  He Preserved All The Lines And 
 Dimensions Of The Ancient Building,  Merely Reproducing In a Better 
 Material The Work Of His Great Predecessor. Having Accomplished This 
 Pious Task,  He Gave A Vent To His Constructive Ambition By A Grand 
 Addition To The Temple On Its Eastern Side. Behind The Cell,  At The 
 Distance Of About A Hundred And Fifty Feet,  He Erected A Magnificent 
 Hall,  Or Pillared Chamber,  Of Dimensions Previously Unknown In egypt,  Or 
 
 
 
 Story 12 (Thothmes The Third And Amenhotep The Second.) Pg 93 
 Elsewhere In The World At The Time--An Oblong Square,  One Hundred And 
 Forty-Three Feet Long By Fifty-Three Feet Wide,  Or Nearly Half As Large 
 Again As The Nave Of Canterbury Cathedral. The Whole Of The Apartment 
 Was Roofed In With Slabs Of Solid Stone; It Was Divided In Its Longest 
 Direction Into Five Avenues Or Vistas By Means Of Rows Of Pillars And 
 Piers,  The Former Being Towards The Centre,  And Attaining A Height Of 
 Thirty Feet,  With Bell Capitals,  And The Latter Towards The Sides,  With 
 A Height Of Twenty Feet. This Arrangement Enabled The Building To Be 
 Lighted By Means Of A Clerestory,  In The Manner Shown By The 
 Accompanying Woodcut. In connection With This Noble Hall,  On Three Sides 
 Of It,  Northwards,  Eastwards,  And Southwards,  Thothmes Further Erected 
 Chambers And Corridors,  Partly Open,  Partly Supported By Pillars,  Which 
 Might Form Convenient Store-Chambers For The Vestments Of The Priests 
 And The Offerings Of The People. 
   
 Thothmes Also Added Propylaea To The Temple On The South,  And Erected In 
 Front Of The Grand Entrance Which Was (As Usual) Between The Pylons Of 
 The Propylaea,  Two Or Perhaps Four Great Obelisks,  One Of Which Exists 
 To The Present Day,  And Is The Largest And Most Magnificent Of All Such 
 Monuments Now Extant. It Stands In Front Of The Church Of St. John 
 Lateran At Rome,  And Has A Height Of A Hundred And Five Feet,  Exclusive 
 Of The Base,  With A Width Diminishing From Nine Feet Six Inches To Eight 
 Feet Seven Inches. It Is Estimated To Weigh Above Four Hundred And Fifty 
 Tons,  And Is Covered With Well-Cut Hieroglyphics. No Other Obelisk 
 Approaches Within Twelve Feet Of Its Elevation,  Or Within Fifty Tons Of 
 Its Weight. Yet,  If We May Believe An Inscription Of Thothmes,  Found On 
 The Spot,  The Pair Of Obelisks Whereof This Was One Shrank Into 
 Insignificance In comparison With Another Pair,  Also Placed By Him 
 Before His Propylaea,  The Height Of Which Was One Hundred And Eight 
 Cubits,  Or One Hundred And Sixty-Two Feet,  And Their Weight Consequently 
 From Seven Hundred To Eight Hundred Tons! As No Trace Has Been Found Of 
 These Monsters,  And As It Seems Almost Impossible That They Should Have 
 Been Removed,  And Highly Improbable That They Could Have Been Broken Up 
 Without Leaving Some Indication Of Their Existence,  Perhaps We May 
 Conclude That They Were Designed Rather Than Executed,  And That The 
 Inscription Was Set Up In anticipation Of An Achievement Contemplated 
 But Never Effected. 
   
   
   
 Other Erections Of The Great Thothmes Are The Enclosure Of The Famous 
 Temple Of The Sun At Heliopolis,  The Temple Of Phthah At Thebes,  The 
 Small Temple At Medinet-Abou,  A Temple To Kneph Adorned With Obelisks At 
 Elephantine,  And A Series Of Temples And Monuments Erected At Ombos, 
 Esneh,  Abydos,  Coptos,  Denderah,  Eileithyia,  Hermonthis,  And Memphis In 
 Egypt,  And At Amada,  Corte,  Talmis,  Pselcis,  Semneh,  Koummeh,  And Napata 
 In Nubia. Extensive Ruins Of Many Of These Buildings Still Remain, 
 Particularly At Koummeh,  Semneh,  Napata,  Denderah,  And Ombos. 
 Altogether,  Thothmes Iii. Is Pronounced To Have Left Behind Him More 
 Monuments Than Any Other Pharaoh Excepting Rameses Ii.,  And Though 
 Occasionally Showing Himself,  As A Builder,  Somewhat Capricious And 
 Whimsical,  Still,  On The Whole,  To Have Worked In a Pure Style And 
 
 
 
 Story 12 (Thothmes The Third And Amenhotep The Second.) Pg 94 
 Proved That He Was Not Deficient In Good Taste.[20] 
   
 It Has Happened,  Moreover,  By A Curious Train Of Circumstances,  That 
 Thothmes Iii. Is,  Of All The Pharaohs,  The One Whose Great Works Are 
 Most Widely Diffused,  And Display Egyptian Skill And Taste To The 
 Largest Populations,  And In The Most Important Cities,  Of The Modern 
 World. Rome,  As We Have Seen,  Possesses His Grandest Obelisk,  Which Is 
 At The Same Time The Greatest Of All Extant Monoliths. The Millions Who 
 Have Flocked To Rome In all Ages Have Learnt The Lesson Of Egyptian 
 Greatness From The Monument Erected Before The Church Of St. John 
 Lateran. Constantinople Holds An Obelisk Of Thothmes Iii.,  Which Is 
 Placed In The Middle Of The Atmeidan. London Has Put On Its Embankment, 
 Half-Way Between St. Paul'S And The Palace And Abbey Of Westminster, 
 Another Obelisk Of The Same Monarch,  Erected Originally At Heliopolis, 
 Thence Removed To Alexandria By Augustus,  And Now Adorning The Banks Of 
 The Thames,  Nearly In The Centre Of The Most Populous City That The 
 World Has Ever Seen. The Companion Monument,  After Having,  Similarly, 
 Stood At Heliopolis For Fifteen Centuries,  And Then At Alexandria For 
 Eighteen,  Has Crossed The Atlantic Ocean,  And Now Teaches The Million 
 Residents,  And The Tens Of Thousands Of Visitors,  Of New York What Great 
 Things Could Be Done By The Egyptian Engineers And Artists Of The Time 
 Of The Eighteenth Dynasty. 
   
 Thothmes Iii. Has Been Called "The Alexander Of Egyptian History." The 
 Phrase Is At Once Exaggerated And Misleading. It Is Exaggerated As 
 Applied To His Military Ability; For,  Though Beyond A Doubt This Monarch 
 Was By Far The Greatest Of Egyptian Conquerors,  And Possessed 
 Considerable Military Talent,  Much Personal Bravery,  And An Energy That 
 Has Seldom Been Exceeded,  Yet,  On The Other Hand,  His Task Was Trivial 
 As Compared With That Of The Macedonian General,  And His Achievements 
 Insignificant. Instead Of Plunging With A Small Force Into The Midst Of 
 Populous Countries,  And Contending With Armies Ten Or Twenty Times As 
 Numerous As His Own,  Defeating Them,  And Utterly Subduing A Vast Empire, 
 Thothmes Marched At The Head Of A Numerous Disciplined Army Into Thinly 
 Peopled Regions,  Governed By Petty Chiefs Jealous One Of Another, 
 Fought Scarcely A Single Great Battle,  And Succeeded In conquering Two 
 Regions Of A Moderate Size,  Syria And Upper Mesopotamia,  As Far As The 
 Khabour River. Alexander Overran And Subdued The Entire Tract Between 
 The Aegean And The Sutlej,  The Persian Gulf And The Oxus. He Conquered 
 Egypt,  And Founded A Dynasty There Which Endured For Nearly Three 
 Centuries. Thothmes Subdued Not A Tenth Part Of The Space,  And The 
 Empire Which He Established Did Not Endure For Much More Than A Century. 
 It Is Thus Absurd To Compare Thothmes Iii. To Alexander The Great As A 
 Conqueror. 
   
 Alexander Was,  Besides,  Much More Than A Conqueror; He Was A First-Rate 
 Administrator. Had He Lived Twenty Years Longer He Would Probably Have 
 Built Up A Universal Monarchy,  Which Might Have Lasted For A Millenium. 
 As It Was,  He So Organized The East That It Continued For Nearly Three 
 Centuries Mainly Under Greek Rule,  In The Hands Of The Monarchs Who Are 
 Known As His "Successors." Thothmes Iii.,  On The Contrary,  Organized 
 Nothing. He Left His Conquests In Such A Condition That They,  All Of 
 Them,  Revolted At His Death. His Successor Had To Reconquer All The 
 Countries That Had Submitted To His Father,  And To Re-Establish Over 
 Them The Egyptian Sovereignty. 
 
 
 
 Story 12 (Thothmes The Third And Amenhotep The Second.) Pg 95 
 In Person The Great Egyptian Monarch Was Not Remarkable. He Had A Long, 
 Well-Shaped,  And Somewhat Delicate Nose,  Which Was Almost In Line With 
 His Forehead,  An Eye Prominent And Larger Than That Of Most Egyptians,  A 
 Shortish Upper Lip,  A Resolute Mouth With Rather Over-Full Lips,  And A 
 Rounded,  Slightly Retreating Chin. The Expression Of His Portrait 
 Statues Is Grave And Serious,  But Lacks Strength And Determination. 
 Indeed,  There Is Something About The Whole Countenance That Is A Little 
 Womanish,  Though His Character Certainly Presents No Appearance Of 
 Effeminacy. He Died After A Reign Of Fifty-Four Years,  According To His 
 Own Reckoning,  Having Practically Exercised The Sovereign Power For 
 About Thirty-Two Of The Fifty-Four. His Age At His Death Must Have Been 
 About Sixty. 
   
 During These Stirring Times,  What Were The Children Of Israel Doing? We 
 Have Supposed That Joseph Was Minister Of The Last Of The Shepherd 
 Kings,  Under Whose Reign His People Had Entered Upon The Peaceful 
 Occupation Of The Land Of Goshen,  Where They Were Received With 
 Hospitality By A Population Of The Same Simple Pastoral Habits With 
 Themselves; And It Seems Probable That,  Under Thothmes Iii.,  They Were 
 Increasing Abundantly And Waxing Mighty,  And That The Land Between The 
 Sebennytic And Pelusiac Branches Of The Nile Was Gradually Being Filled 
 By Them. Their Period Of Severe Oppression Had Not Yet Begun; There Had 
 As Yet Arisen No Sufficient Reason For Any Measures Of Repression,  Such 
 As Were Pursued By The New King Who "Knew Not Joseph." The Name And 
 Renown Of The Great Minister Seems Still To Have Protected His Kinsmen 
 In The Peaceful Enjoyment Of Their Privileges In The Land That Must By 
 This Time Have Lost For Them Most Of Its Strangeness. 
   
 Thothmes Iii. Was Succeeded By His Son,  Amenhotep,  Whom Historians 
 Commonly Term Amenophis The Second. This King Was A Warrior Like His 
 Father,  And Succeeded In Reducing,  Without Much Difficulty,  The Various 
 Nations That Had Thrown Off The Authority Of Egypt On Receiving The News 
 Of His Father'S Death. He Even Carried His Arms,  According To Some,  As 
 Far As Nineveh,  Which He Claims To Have Besieged And Taken; He Does Not, 
 However,  Mention The Assyrians As His Opponents. His Contests Were With 
 The Nairi,  The Rutennu,  And The Shasu (Arabs) In asia,  With The Tahennu 
 (Libyans) And Nubians In africa. On All Sides Victory Crowned His Arms; 
 But He Stained The Fair Fame That His Victories Would Have Otherwise 
 Secured Him By Barbarous Practices,  And Cruel And Unnecessary Bloodshed. 
 He Tells Us That At Takhisa In Northern Syria He Killed Seven Kings With 
 His Own Hand,  And He Represents Himself In The Act Of Destroying Them 
 With His War-Club,  Not In The Heat Of Battle,  But After They Have Been 
 Taken Prisoners. He Further Adds That,  After Killing Them,  He Suspended 
 Their Bodies From The Prow Of The Vessel In Which He Returned To Egypt, 
 And Brought Them,  As Trophies Of Victory,  To Thebes,  Where He Hung Six 
 Of The Seven Outside The Walls Of The City,  As The Philistines Hung The 
 Bodies Of Saul And Jonathan On The Wall Of Beth-Shan (I Sam. Xxxi. 10, 
 12); While He Had The Seventh Conveyed To Napata In Nubia,  And There 
 Similarly Exposed,  To Terrify His Enemies In That Quarter. It Has Been 
 Said Of The Russians--Not Perhaps Without Some Justice--"Grattez Le 
 Russe Et Vous Trouverez Le Tartare;" With Far Greater Reason May We Say 
 Of The Ancient Egyptians,  That,  Notwithstanding The Veneer Of 
 Civilization Which They For The Most Part Present To Our Observation, 
 There Was In Their Nature,  Even At The Best Of Times,  An Underlying 
 Ingrained Barbarism Which Could Not Be Concealed,  But Was Continually 
 
 
 
 Story 12 (Thothmes The Third And Amenhotep The Second.) Pg 96 
 Showing Itself. 
   
 Amenophis Ii. Appears To Have Had A Short Reign; His Seventh Year Is The 
 Last Noted Upon His Monuments. As A Builder He Was Unenterprizing. One 
 Temple At Amada,  One Hall At Thebes,  And His Tomb At Abd-El-Qurnah,  Form 
 Almost The Whole Of His Known Constructions. None Of Them Is Remarkable. 
 Egypt Under His Sway Had A Brief Rest Before She Braced Herself To Fresh 
 Efforts,  Military And Architectural. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 12 ( Footnotes:) Pg 97 
   
 [17] Layard,  "Nineveh And Babylon," Pp. 280-282. 
   
 [18] Brugsch,  "History Of Egypt," Vol. 1. Pp. 367,  368. 
   
 [19] Brugsch,  "History Of Egypt" (First Ed.,  1879),  Vol. 1. Pp. 371, 
 372. 
   
 [20] Wilkinson In Rawlinson'S "Herodotus," Vol. Ii. P. 302. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 13 (Amenhotep Iii. And His Great Works--The Vocal Memnon.) Pg 98 
   
 The Fame Of Amen-Hotep The Third,  The Grandson Of The Great Thothmes, 
 Rests Especially Upon His Twin Colossi,  The Grandest,  If Not Actually 
 The Largest,  That The World Has Ever Beheld. Imagine Sitting Figures, 
 Formed Of A Single Solid Block Of Sandstone,  Which Have Sat On For Above 
 Three Thousand Years,  Mouldering Gradually Away Under The Influence Of 
 Time And Weather Changes,  Yet Which Are Still More Than Sixty Feet High, 
 And Must Originally,  When They Wore The Tall Crown Of An Egyptian King, 
 Have Reached Very Nearly The Height Of Seventy Feet! We Think A Statue 
 Vast,  Colossal,  Of Magnificent Dimensions,  If It Be As Much As Ten Or 
 Twenty Feet High--As Chantrey'S Statue Of Pitt,  Or Phidias'S 
 Chryselephantine Statue Of Jupiter. What,  Then,  Must These Be,  Which Are 
 Of A Size So Vastly Greater? Let Us Hear How They Impress An Eye-Witness 
 Of World-Wide Experience. "There They Sit," Says Harriet Martineau, 
 "Together,  Yet Apart,  In The Midst Of The Plain,  Serene And Vigilant, 
 Still Keeping Their Untired Watch Over The Lapse Of Ages And The Eclipse 
 Of Europe. I Can Never Believe That Anything Else So Majestic As This 
 Pair Has Been Conceived Of By The Imagination Of Art. Nothing 
 Certainly,  Even In Nature,  Ever Affected Me So Unspeakably; No 
 Thunderstorms In My Childhood,  Nor Any Aspect Of Niagara,  Or The Great 
 
 
 
 Story 13 (Amenhotep Iii. And His Great Works--The Vocal Memnon.) Pg 98 
 Lakes Of America,  Or The Alps,  Or The Desert,  In My Later Years.... The 
 Pair,  Sitting Alone Amid The Expanse Of Verdure,  With Islands Of Ruins 
 Behind Them,  Grew More Striking To Us Every Day. To-Day,  For The First 
 Time,  We Looked Up To Them From Their Base. The Impression Of Sublime 
 Tranquillity Which They Convey When Seen From Distant Points,  Is 
 Confirmed By A Nearer Approach. There They Sit,  Keeping Watch--Hands On 
 Knees,  Gazing Straight Forward; Seeming,  Though So Much Of The Face Is 
 Gone,  To Be Looking Over To The Monumental Piles On The Other Side Of 
 The River,  Which Became Gorgeous Temples,  After These Throne-Seats Were 
 Placed Here--The Most Immovable Thrones That Have Ever Been Established 
 On This Earth!"[21] 
   
   
   
   
   
 The Design Of Erecting Two Such Colossi Must Be Attributed To The 
 Monarch Himself,  And We Must Estimate,  From The Magnificence Of The 
 Design,  The Grandeur Of His Thoughts And The Wonderful Depth Of His 
 Artistic Imagination; But The Skill To Execute,  The Genius To Express In 
 Stone Such Dignity,  Majesty,  And Repose As The Statues Possess,  Belongs 
 To The First-Rate Sculptor,  Who Turned The Rough Blocks Of Stone,  Hewn 
 By The Masons In a Distant Quarry,  Into The Glorious Statues That Have 
 Looked Down Upon The Plain For So Many Ages. The Sculptors Of Egyptian 
 Works Are,  In General,  Unknown; But,  By Good Fortune,  In This Particular 
 Case,  The Name Of The Artist Has Remained On Record,  And He Has Himself 
 Given Us An Account Of The Feelings With Which He Saw Them Set Up In The 
 Places Where They Still Remain. The Sculptor,  Who Bore The Same Name As 
 His Royal Master,  _I.E._ Amenhotep Or Amen-Hept,  Declares In The 
 Exultation Of His Heart: "I Immortalized The Name Of The King,  And No 
 One Has Done The Like Of Me In My Works. I Executed Two Portrait-Statues 
 Of The King,  Astonishing For Their Breadth And Height; Their Completed 
 Form Dwarfed The Temple Tower--Forty Cubits Was Their Measure; They Were 
 Cut In The Splendid Sandstone Mountain On Either Side,  The Eastern And 
 The Western. I Caused To Be Built Eight Ships,  Whereon The Statues Were 
 Carried Up The River; They Were Emplaced In Their Sublime Temple; They 
 Will Last As Long As Heaven. A Joyful Event Was It When They Were Landed 
 At Thebes And Raised Up In Their Place." 
   
 A Peculiar And Curious Interest Attaches To One--The More Eastern--Of 
 The Two Statues. It Was Known To The Romans Of The Early Empire As "The 
 Vocal Memnon," And Formed One Of The Chief Attractions Which Drew 
 Travellers To Egypt,  From The Fact,  Which Is Quite Indisputable,  That At 
 That Time,  For Two Centuries Or Perhaps More,  It Emitted In The Early 
 Morning A Musical Sound,  Which Was Regarded As A Sort Of Standing 
 Miracle. The Fact Is Mentioned By Strabo,  Pliny The Elder,  Pausanias, 
 Tacitus,  Juvenal,  Lucian,  Philostratus,  And Others,  And Is Recorded By A 
 Number Of Ear-Witnesses On The Lower Part Of The Colossus Itself In 
 Inscriptions Which May Be Seen At The Present Day. Amenhotep,  Identified 
 By The Idle Fancy Of Some Greek Or Roman Scholar With The Memnon Of 
 Homer,  Son Of Tithonus And _The Dawn_,  Who Led An Army Of Ethiopians To 
 The Assistance Of Priam Of Troy Against The Greeks,  Was Regarded As A 
 God,  And To Hear The Sound Was Not Only To Witness A Miracle,  But To 
 
 
 
 Story 13 (Amenhotep Iii. And His Great Works--The Vocal Memnon.) Pg 99 
 Receive An Assurance Of The God'S Favourable Regard. For The Statue Did 
 Not Emit A Sound--The God Did Not Speak--Every Day. Sometimes Travellers 
 Had To Depart Disappointed Altogether,  Sometimes They Had To Make A 
 Second,  A Third,  Or A Fourth Visit Before Hearing The Desired Voice. But 
 Still It Was A Frequent Phenomenon; And A Common Soldier Has Recorded 
 The Fact On The Base Of The Statue,  That He Heard It No Fewer Than 
 Thirteen Times. The Origin Of The Sound,  The Time When It Began To Be 
 Heard,  And The Circumstances Under Which It Ceased,  Are All More Or Less 
 Doubtful. Some Of Those Exceedingly Clever Persons Who Find Priest-Craft 
 Everywhere,  Think That The Musical Sound Was The Effect Of Human 
 Contrivance,  And Explain The Whole Matter To Their Entire Satisfaction 
 By "The Jugglery Of The Priests." The Priests Either Found A Naturally 
 Vocal Piece Of Rock,  And Intentionally Made The Statue Out Of It; Or 
 They Cunningly Introduced A Pipe Into The Interior Of The Figure,  By 
 Which They Could Make Musical Notes Issue From The Mouth At Their 
 Pleasure. It Is Against This View That In The Palmy Days Of The Egyptian 
 Hierarchy,  The Vocal Character Of The Statue Was Entirely Unknown; We 
 Have No Evidence Of The Sound Having Been Heard Earlier Than The Time Of 
 Strabo (B.C. 25-10),  When Egypt Was In The Possession Of The Romans,  And 
 The Priests Had Little Influence. Moreover,  The Theory Is Disproved By 
 The Fact That,  During The Two Centuries Of The Continuance Of The 
 Marvel,  There Were Occasions When Memnon Was Obstinately Silent,  Though 
 The Priests Must Have Been Most Anxious That He Should Speak,  While 
 There Were Others When He Spoke Freely,  Though They Must Have Been 
 Perfectly Indifferent. The Wife Of A Prefect Of Egypt Made Two Visits To 
 The Spot To No Purpose; And The Empress Sabina,  Wife Of The Emperor 
 Hadrian,  Was,  On Her First Visit,  Also Disappointed,  So That "Her 
 Venerable Features Were Inflamed With Anger." On The Other Hand,  As 
 Already Mentioned,  A Common Roman Soldier Heard The Sound Thirteen 
 Times. 
   
 With Respect To The Time When,  And The Circumstances Under Which,  The 
 Phenomenon First Showed Itself,  All That Can Be Said Is,  That The 
 Earliest Literary Witness To The Fact Is Strabo (About B.C. 25); That 
 The Earliest Of The Inscriptions On The Base That Can Be Dated Belongs 
 To The Reign Of Nero,  And That It Is At Least Questionable Whether The 
 Sound Ever Issued From The Stone Before B.C. 27. In That Year There Was 
 An Earthquake Which Wrought Great Havoc At Thebes; And It Is An Acute 
 Suggestion,  That It Was This Earthquake Which At Once Shattered The 
 Upper Part Of The Colossus,  And So Affected The Remainder Of The Block 
 Of Stone That It Became Vocal Then For The First Time. For Centuries The 
 Figure Remained A _Torso_,  And It Was While A _Torso_ That It Emitted 
 The Musical Tone-- 
   
     "_Dimidio_ Magicae Resonabant Memnone Chordae." 
   
 After A Long Interval Of Years,  Probably About A.D. 174,  That 
 Restoration Of The Monument Took Place Which Is To Be Seen To The 
 Present Day. Five Blocks Of Stone,  Rudely Shaped Into A Form Like That 
 Of The Unharmed Colossus,  Were Emplaced Upon The _Torso_,  Which Was Thus 
 Reconstructed. The Intention Was To Do Memnon Honour; But The Effect Was 
 To Strike Him Dumb. The Peculiar Condition Of The Stone,  Which The 
 Earthquake Had Superinduced,  And Which Made It Vocal,  Being Changed By 
 The New Arrangement,  The Sound Ceased,  And Has Been Heard No More. 
 
 
 
 Story 13 (Amenhotep Iii. And His Great Works--The Vocal Memnon.) Pg 100 
   
 It Is A Fact Well Known To Scientific Persons At The Present Day,  That 
 Musical Sounds Are Often Given Forth Both By Natural Rocks And By 
 Quarried Masses Of Stone,  In consequence Of A Sudden Change Of 
 Temperature. Baron Humboldt,  Writing On The Banks Of The Oronooko,  Says: 
 "The Granite Rock On Which We Lay Is One Of Those Where Travellers Have 
 Heard From Time To Time,  Towards Sunrise,  Subterraneous Sounds, 
 Resembling Those Of The Organ. The Missionaries Call These Stones _Loxas 
 De Musica_. 'It Is Witchcraft,' Said Our Young Indian Pilot.... But The 
 Existence Of A Phenomenon That Seems To Depend On A Certain State Of The 
 Atmosphere Cannot Be Denied. The Shelves Of Rock Are Full Of Very Narrow 
 And Deep Crevices. They Are Heated During The Day To About 50 Deg.. I Often 
 Found Their Temperature During The Night At 39 Deg.. It May Easily Be 
 Conceived That The Difference Of Temperature Between The Subterraneous 
 And The External Air Would Attain Its _Maximum_ About Sunrise." 
 Analogous Phenomena Occur Among The Sandstone Rocks Of El Nakous,  In 
 Arabia Petraea,  Near Mount Maladetta In The Pyrenees,  And (Perhaps) In 
 The Desert Between Palestine And Egypt. "On The Fifth Day Of My 
 Journey," Says The Accomplished Author Of 'Eothen.' "The Sun Growing 
 Fiercer And Fiercer,  ... As I Drooped My Head Under His Fire,  And Closed 
 My Eyes Against The Glare That Surrounded Me,  I Slowly Fell Asleep--For 
 How Many Minutes Or Moments I Cannot Tell--But After A While I Was 
 Gently Awakened By A Peal Of Church Bells--My Native Bells--The Innocent 
 Bells Of Marlen That Never Before Sent Forth Their Music Beyond The 
 Blagdon Hills! My First Idea Naturally Was That I Still Remained Fast 
 Under The Power Of A Dream. I Roused Myself,  And Drew Aside The Silk 
 That Covered My Eyes,  And Plunged My Bare Face Into The Light. Then At 
 Least I Was Well Enough Awakened,  _But Still Those Old Marlen Bells Rang 
 On_,  Not Ringing For Joy,  But Properly,  Prosily,  Steadily,  Merrily 
 Ringing 'For Church.' _After A While The Sound Died Away Slowly_; It 
 Happened That Neither I Nor Any Of My Party Had A Watch To Measure The 
 Exact Time Of Its Lasting; But It Seemed To Me That About Ten Minutes 
 Had Passed Before The Bells Ceased."[22] The Gifted Writer Proceeds To 
 Give A Metaphysical Explanation Of The Phenomena; But It May Be 
 Questioned Whether He Did Not Hear Actual Musical Sounds,  Emitted By The 
 Rocks That Lay Beneath The Sands Over Which He Was Moving. 
   
 And Similar Sounds Have Been Heard When The Stones That Sent Them Forth 
 Were Quarried Blocks,  No Longer In a State Of Nature,  But Shaped By 
 Human Tools,  And Employed In architecture. Three Members Of The French 
 Expedition,  Mm. Jomard,  Jollois,  And Devilliers,  Were Together In The 
 Granite Cell Which Forms The Centre Of The Palace-Temple Of Karnak, 
 When,  According To Their Own Account,  They "Heard A Sound,  Resembling 
 That Of A Chord Breaking,  Issue From The Blocks At Sunrise." Exactly The 
 Same Comparison Is Employed By Pausanias To Describe The Sound That 
 Issued From "The Vocal Memnon." 
   
 On The Whole,  We May Conclude That The Musical Qualities Of His 
 Remarkable Colossus Were Unknown Alike To The Artist Who Sculptured The 
 Monument And To The King Whom It Represented. To Them,  In Its Purpose 
 And Object,  It Belonged,  Not To Music,  But Wholly To The Sister Art Of 
 Architecture. "The Pair" Sat At One Extremity Of An Avenue Leading To 
 One Of The Great Palace-Temples Reared By Amenhotep Iii.--A 
 Palace-Temple Which Is Now A Mere Heap Of Sandstone,  "A Little Roughness 
 In The Plain." The Design Of The King Was,  That This Grand Edifice 
 
 
 
 Story 13 (Amenhotep Iii. And His Great Works--The Vocal Memnon.) Pg 101 
 Should Be Approached By A _Dromos_ Or Paved Way,  Eleven Hundred Feet 
 Long,  Which Should Be Flanked On Either Side By Nine Similar Statues, 
 Placed At Regular Intervals Along The Road,  And All Representing 
 Himself. The Egotism Of The Monarch May Perhaps Be Excused On Account Of 
 The Grandeur Of His Idea,  Which We Nowhere Else Find Repeated,  Avenues 
 Of Sphinxes Being Common In egypt,  And Avenues Of Sitting Human 
 _Life-Size_ Figures Not Unknown To Greece,  But The History Of Art 
 Containing No Other Instance Of An Avenue Of Colossi. 
   
 Another Of Amenhotep'S Palace-Temples Has Been Less Unkindly Treated By 
 Fortune Than The One Just Mentioned. The Temple Of Luxor,  Or El-Uksur, 
 On The Eastern Bank Of The River,  About A Mile And A Half To The South 
 Of The Great Temple Of Karnak,  Is A Magnificent Edifice To This Day; And 
 Though Some Portions Of It,  And Some Of Its Most Remarkable Features, 
 Must Be Assigned To Rameses Ii.,  Yet Still It Is,  In The Main,  A 
 Construction Of Amenhotep'S,  And Must Be Regarded As Being,  Even If It 
 Stood Alone,  Sufficient Proof Of His Eminence As A Builder. The Length 
 Of The Entire Building Is About Eight Hundred Feet,  The Breadth Varying 
 From About One Hundred Feet To Two Hundred. Its General Arrangement 
 Comprised,  First,  A Great Court,  At A Different Angle From The Rest, 
 Being Turned So As To Face Karnak. In Front Of This Stood Two Colossal 
 Statues Of The Founder,  Together With Two Obelisks,  One Of Which Has 
 Been Removed To France,  And Now Adorns The Centre Of The Place De La 
 Concorde At Paris. Behind This Was A Great Pillared Hall,  Of Which Only 
 The Two Central Ranges Of Columns Are Now Standing. Still Further Back 
 Were Smaller Halls And Numerous Apartments,  Evidently Meant For The 
 King'S Residence,  Rather Than For A Temple Or Place Exclusively Devoted 
 To Worship. The Building Is Remarkable For Its Marked Affectation Of 
 Irregularity. "Not Only Is There A Considerable Angle In The Direction 
 Of The Axis Of The Building,  But The Angles Of The Courtyards Are Hardly 
 Ever Right Angles; The Pillars Are Variously Spaced,  And Pains Seem To 
 Have Been Gratuitously Taken To Make It As Irregular As Possible In 
 Nearly Every Respect."[23] 
   
 Besides This Grand Edifice,  Amenhotep Built Two Temples At Karnak To 
 Ammon And Maut,  Embellished The Old Temple Of Ammon There With A New 
 Propylon,  Raised Temples To Kneph,  Or Khnum,  At Elephantine And Built A 
 Shrine To Contain His Own Image At Soleb In Nubia,  Another Shrine At 
 Napata,  And A Third At Sedinga. He Left Traces Of Himself At Semneh,  In 
 The Island Of Konosso,  On The Rocks Between Philae And Assouan,  At 
 El-Kaab,  At Toora Near Memphis,  At Silsilis,  And At Sarabit-El-Khadim In 
 The Sinaitic Peninsula. He Was,  As M. Lenormant Remarks,  "Un Prince 
 Essentiellement Batisseur." The Scale And Number Of His Works Are Such 
 As To Indicate Unremitting Attention To Sculpture And Building During 
 The Entire Duration Of His Long Reign Of Thirty-Six Years. 
   
 On The Other Hand,  As A General He Gained Little Distinction. He 
 Maintained,  Indeed,  The Dominion Over Syria And Western Mesopotamia, 
 Which Had Been Established By Thothmes Iii.,  And His Cartouche Has Been 
 Found At Arban On The Khabour; But There Is No Appearance Of His Having 
 Made Any Additional Conquests In This Quarter. The Subjected Peoples 
 Brought Their Tribute Regularly,  And The Neighbouring Nations,  Whether 
 Hittites,  Assyrians,  Or Babylonians,  Gave Him No Trouble. The Dominion 
 Of Egypt Over Western Asia Had Become "An Accomplished Fact," And Was 
 Generally Recognized By The Old Native Kingdoms. It Did Not Extend, 
 However,  Beyond Taurus And Niphates Towards The North,  Or Beyond The 
 
 
 
 Story 13 (Amenhotep Iii. And His Great Works--The Vocal Memnon.) Pg 102 
 Khabour Eastward Or Southward,  But Remained Fixed Within The Limits 
 Which It Had Attained Under The Third Thothmes. 
   
 The Only Quarter In Which Amenhotep Warred Was Towards Ethiopia. He 
 Conducted In Person Several Expeditions Up The Valley Of The Nile, 
 Against The Negro Tribes Of The Soudan. But These Attacks Were Not So 
 Much Wars As Raids,  Or Razzias. They Were Not Made With The Object Of 
 Advancing The Egyptian Frontier,  Or Even Of Extending Egyptian 
 Influence,  But Partly For The Glorification Of The Monarch,  Who Thus 
 Obtained At A Cheap Rate The Credit Of Military Successes,  And 
 Partly--Probably Mainly--For The Material Gain Which Resulted From Them 
 Through The Capture Of Highly Valuable Slaves. The Black Races Have 
 Always Been Especially Sought For This Purpose,  And Were In Great Demand 
 In The Egyptian Slave-Market: Ladies Of Rank Were Pleased To Have For 
 Their Attendants Negro Boys,  Whom They Dressed In a Fanciful Manner; And 
 The Court Probably Indulged In a Similar Taste. Amenhotep'S Aim Was 
 Certainly Rather To Capture Than To Kill. In One Of His Most Successful 
 Raids The Slain Were Only Three Hundred And Twelve,  While The Captives 
 Consisted Of Two Hundred And Five Men,  Two Hundred And Fifty Women,  And 
 Two Hundred And Eighty-Five Children,  Or A Total Of Seven Hundred And 
 Forty; And The Proportion In The Others Was Similar. The Trade Of Slave 
 Hunting Was So Lucrative That Even A Great King Could Not Resist The 
 Temptation Of Having A Share In Its Profits. 
   
 When Amenhotep Was Not Engaged In Hunting Men His Favourite Recreation 
 Was To Indulge In The Chase Of The Lion. On One Of His Scarabaei He 
 States That Between His First And His Tenth Year He Slew With His Own 
 Hand One Hundred And Ten Of These Ferocious Beasts. Later On In His 
 Reign He Presented To The Priests Who Had The Charge Of The Ancient 
 Temple Of Karnak A Number Of Live Lions,  Which He Had Probably Caught In 
 Traps. The Lion Was An Emblem Both Of Horus And Of Turn,  And May,  When 
 Tamed,  Have Been Assigned A Part In Religious Processions. It Is 
 Uncertain What Was Amenhotep'S Hunting-Ground; But The Large Number Of 
 His Victims Makes It Probable That The Scene Of His Exploits Was 
 Mesopotamia Rather Than Any Tract Bordering On Egypt: Since Lions Have 
 Always Been Scarce Animals In North-Eastern Africa,  But Abounded In 
 Mesopotamia Even Much Later Than The Time Of Amenhotep,  And Are "Not 
 Uncommon" There Even At The Present Day. We May Suppose That He Had A 
 Hunting Pavilion At Arban,  Where One Of His Scarabs Has Been Found,  And 
 From That Centre Beat The Reed-Beds And Jungles Of The Khabour. 
   
   
   
 In Person,  Amenhotep Iii. Was Not Remarkable. His Features Were Good, 
 Except That His Nose Was Somewhat Too Much Rounded At The End; His 
 Expression Was Pensive,  But Resolute; His Forehead High,  His Upper Lip 
 Short,  His Chin A Little Too Prominent. He Left Behind Him A Character 
 For Affectionateness,  Kindliness,  And Generosity. Some Historians Have 
 Reproached Him With Being Too Much Under Female Influence; And Certainly 
 In The Earlier Portion Of His Reign He Deferred Greatly To His Mother, 
 Mutemua,  And In The Latter Portion To His Wife,  Tii Or Taia; But There 
 Is No Evidence That Any Evil Result Followed,  Or That These Princesses 
 Did Not Influence Him For Good. It Is Too Much Taken For Granted By Many 
 Writers That Female Influence Is Corrupting. No Doubt It Is So In Some 
 Cases; But It Should Not Be Forgotten That There Are Women Whom To Have 
 Known Is "A Liberal Education." Mutemua And Tii May Have Been Of The 
 Number. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 13 (Footnotes:) Pg 103 
   
 [21] "Eastern Life," Vol. I. Pp. 84,  289. 
   
 [22] Kinglake,  "Eothen," Pp. 188,  189. 
   
 [23] Fergusson,  "Handbook Of Architecture," Vol. I. P. 234. 
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 14 ( Khuenaten And The Disk-Worshippers.) Pg 104 
 On The Death Of Amenhotep Iii.,  His Son,  Amenhotep Iv.,  Mounted The 
 Throne. Left By Amenhotep Iii To The Guardianship Of His Mother,  Tii, 
 Who Was Of Some Entirely Foreign Race,  He Embraced A New Form Of 
 Religion,  Which She Appears To Have Introduced,  And Shocked The 
 Egyptians By Substituting,  So Far As He Found To Be Possible,  This New 
 Creed For The Old Polytheism Of The Country. The Heresy Of Amenhotep Iv 
 Has Been Called "Disk-Worship;" And He,  And The Next Two Or Three Kings, 
 Are Known In egyptian History As "The Disk-Worshippers." It Is Difficult 
 To Discover What Exactly Was The Belief Professed. Externally,  It 
 Consisted,  Primarily,  In a Marked Preference Of A Single One Of The 
 Egyptian Gods Over All The Others,  And A Certain Hatred Or Contempt For 
 The Great Bulk Of The Deities Composing The Old Pantheon. Thus Far It 
 Resembled The Religion Which Apepi,  The Last "Shepherd King," Had 
 Endeavoured To Introduce; But The New Differed From The Old Reformation 
 In The Matter Of The God Selected For Special Honour. Apepi Had Sought 
 To Turn The Egyptians Away From All Other Worships Except The Worship Of 
 Set; Amenhotep Desired Their Universal Adhesion To The Worship Of Aten. 
 Aten,  In egyptian Theology,  Had Hitherto Represented A Particular Aspect 
 Or Character Of Ra,  "The Sun"--That Aspect Which Is Expressed By The 
 Phrase,  "The Solar Disk." How It Was Possible To Keep Aten Distinct From 
 The Other Sun-Gods,  Ra,  Khepra,  Turn,  Shu,  Mentu,  Osiris,  And Horus Or 
 Harmachis,  Is A Puzzle To Moderns; But It Seems To Have Been A 
 Difficulty Practically Overcome By The Egyptians,  To Whom It Did Not 
 Perhaps Even Present Itself As A Difficulty At All. Disk-Worship 
 Consisted Then,  Primarily,  In an Undue Exaltation Of This God,  Who Was 
 Made To Take The Place Of Ammon-Ra In The Pantheon,  And Was Ordinarily 
 Represented By A Circle With Rays Proceeding From It,  The Rays Mostly 
 Terminating In Hands,  Which Frequently Presented The Symbols Of Life And 
 
 
 
 Story 14 ( Khuenaten And The Disk-Worshippers.) Pg 105 
 Health And Strength To The Worshipper. 
   
 What Was The Inward Essence Of The Religion? Was It Simple 
 Sun-Worship--The Adoration Of The Visible Material Sun--Considered As 
 The Ruling And Vivifying Power In The Universe,  Whence Heat And Light, 
 And So Life,  Proceeded? Of All The Forms Of Nature Worship This Was The 
 Most Natural,  And In The Old World It Was Widely Spread. Men Adored The 
 Orb Of Day As The Grandest Object Which Nature Presented To Them,  As The 
 Great Quickener Of All Things Upon The Earth,  The Cause Of Germination 
 And Growth,  Of Fruitage And Harvest,  The Dispenser To Man Of Ten 
 Thousand Blessings,  The Sustainer Of His Life And Health And Happiness. 
 With Some The Worship Was Purely And Wholly Material--The Sun Was Viewed 
 As A Huge Mass Of Fiery Matter,  Uninformed By Any Animate Life, 
 Unintelligent,  Impersonal; But With Others,  Sun-Worship Was Something 
 Higher Than This: The Orb Of Day Was Regarded As Informed By A Good, 
 Wise,  Bright,  Beneficent Spirit,  Which Lived In It,  And Worked Through 
 It,  And Was The True Benefactor Of Mankind And Sustainer Of Life And Of 
 The Universe. Sun-Worship Of This Latter Kind Was No Mean Form Of 
 Natural Religion. If Not Purged From The Debasing Element Of 
 Materialism,  If Not Incompatible With A Certain Kind Of Polytheism,  It 
 Is Yet Consistent With The Firmest Belief In The Absolute Supremacy Of 
 One God Over All Others,  With The Conception Of That God As All-Wise, 
 All-Powerful,  Pure,  Holy,  Kind,  Loving,  And With The Entire Devotion Of 
 The Worshipper To Him Exclusively. And This Latter Form Of Sun-Worship 
 Was,  Quite Conceivably,  The Religion Of The "Disk Worshippers." "Aten" 
 Is Probably The Same As "Adon," The Root Of Adonis And Adonai,  And Has 
 The Signification Of "Lord"--A Term Implying Personality,  And When Used 
 Specially Of One Being,  Implying Absolute Mastery And Lordship,  An 
 Exclusive Right To Worship,  Homage,  And Devotion. It Is Not Unlikely 
 That The "Disk-Worshippers" Were Drawn On Towards Their Monotheistic 
 Creed By The Presence In egypt At The Time Of A Large Monotheistic 
 Population,  The Descendants Of Joseph And His Brethren,  Who By This Time 
 Had Multiplied Greatly,  And Must Have Attracted Attention,  From Their 
 Numbers And From The Peculiarity Of Their Tenets. A Historian Of Egypt 
 Remarks That "Curious Parallels Might Be Drawn Between The External 
 Forms Of The Worship Of The Israelites In The Desert And Those Set Up By 
 The Disk-Worshippers At Tel-El-Amarna; Portions Of The Sacred Furniture, 
 As The 'Table Of Shewbread,' Described In The Book Of Exodus As Placed 
 Within The Tabernacle,  Are Repeated Among The Objects Belonging To The 
 Worship Of Aten,  And Do Not Occur Among The Representations Of Any Other 
 Epoch." He Further Notes That The Commencement Of The Persecution Of The 
 Israelites In egypt Coincides Nearly With The Downfall Of The 
 "Disk-Worshippers" And The Return Of The Egyptians To Their Old Creed, 
 As If The Captive Race Had Been Involved In The Discredit And The Odium 
 Which Attached To Amenhotep And His Immediate Successors On Account Of 
 Their Religious Reformation. 
   
   
   
 The Aversion Of The "Disk-Worshippers" To The Old Egyptian Religion Was 
 Shown (1) In The Change Of His Own Name Which The New Monarch Made Soon 
 After His Accession,  From Amenhotep To Khu-En-Aten,  Whereby He Cleared 
 Himself From Any Connection With The Old Discarded Head Of The Pantheon, 
 And Associated Himself With The New Supreme God,  Aten; (2) In The 
 Obliteration Of The Name Of Ammon From Monuments; And (3) In The Removal 
 
 
 
 Story 14 ( Khuenaten And The Disk-Worshippers.) Pg 105 
 Of The Seat Of Government From The Site Polluted By Ammon-Worship And 
 Polytheism To A New Site At Tel-El-Amarna,  Where Aten Alone Was 
 Worshipped And Alone Represented In The Temples. The Enmity,  However, 
 Was Not Indiscriminate. Amenhotep Took For One Of His Titles The 
 Epithet,  "Mi-Harmakhu," Or "Beloved By Harmachis," Probably Because He 
 Could Look On Harmachis,  A Purely Sun-God,  As A Form Of Aten; And To 
 This God He Erected An Obelisk At Silsilis. His Monumental War Upon The 
 Old Religion Seems Also Not To Have Been General,  But Narrowly 
 Circumscribed,  Being,  In Fact,  Confined To The Erasure Of Ammon'S Name, 
 Especially At Thebes,  And The Mutilation Of His Form In a Few Instances; 
 But There Does Not Appear To Have Been Any Such General Iconoclasm 
 Practised By The "Disk-Worshippers" As By The "Shepherd Kings," Or Any 
 Such Absolute Requirement That "One God Alone Should Be Worshipped In 
 All The Land" As Was Put Forth By Apepi. The "Disk-Worshippers" Did Not 
 So Much Attempt To Change The Religion Of Egypt As To Establish For 
 Themselves A Peculiar Court-Religion Of A Pure And Elevated Character. 
   
 It Has Been Remarked Above That The Motive Power Which Brought About 
 The Religious Revolution Is Probably To Be Found In The Powerful 
 Influence And The Peculiar Views Of The Queen Mother,  Tii Or Taia. This 
 Princess Was Of Foreign Origin; Her Complexion Was Fair,  Her Eyes Blue, 
 Her Hair Flaxen,  Her Cheeks Rosy; She Probably Brought Her 
 "Disk-Worship" With Her From Her Own Country,  Whether It Were Syria,  Or 
 Arabia,  Or Any Other. Already In The Lifetime Of Her Husband,  Amenhotep 
 Iii.,  She Had Prevailed On Him,  As His Wives Prevailed On Solomon (I 
 Kings Xi. 4-8),  To Allow Her The Free Exercise Of Her Own Religion,  And 
 To Provide Her With The Means Of Carrying It On With All Proper Pomp And 
 Ceremony. At Her Instance,  Amenhotep Iii. Constructed A Great Lake Or 
 Basin,  More Than A Mile Long And A Thousand Feet Broad,  To Be Made Use 
 Of For Religious Purposes On The Queen'S Special Festival Day. It Was 
 Proper On That Festival Day That "The Barge Of The Most Beautiful Disk" 
 Should Perform A Voyage On A Sheet Of Water In The Presence Of His 
 Worshippers--A Voyage Probably Representing The Course Of The Sun 
 Through The Heavens During The Year. There Is Evidence That This 
 Festival Was Kept On The Sixteenth Day Of The Month Athor,  In The 
 Eleventh Year Of Amenhotep Iii.,  And That The King Himself Took Part In 
 It. 
   
 So Far,  Queen Taia Succeeded In Introducing Her Religion Into Egypt 
 While Her Husband Was Alive. At His Death She Found Herself Regent For 
 Her Son,  Or,  At Any Rate,  Associated With Him Upon The Throne,  And Saw 
 That A Fresh Opportunity For Pushing Her Religious Views Offered Itself. 
 Amenhotep Iv. Was Of A Most Extraordinary _Physique_ And Physiognomy. 
 His Appearance Was Rather That Of A Woman Than Of A Man; He Had A 
 Slanting Forehead,  A Long Aquiline Nose,  A Flexible Projecting Mouth, 
 And A Strongly Developed Chin. His Neck,  Which Is Represented As Most 
 Unusually Long,  Seems Scarcely Equal To The Support Of His Head; And His 
 Spindle Shanks Seem Ill Adapted To Sustain The Weight Of His 
 Over-Corpulent Frame. He Readily Yielded Himself To His Mother'S 
 Influence,  And Completed Her Work In The Manner Which Has Been Already 
 Described. As Thebes Opposed Itself To His Reforms,  He Deserted It, 
 Withdrew His Court To Tel-El-Amarna,  And There Raised The Temples, 
 Palaces,  And Other Monuments,  In a "Very Advanced" Style Of Art,  Which 
 May Be Seen At The Present Day. 
 
 
 
 Story 14 ( Khuenaten And The Disk-Worshippers.) Pg 106 
   
 Amenhotep Also Introduced Certain Changes Into The Court Ceremonial. He 
 Surrounded Himself With Officials Of Foreign Race,  Probably Kinsmen Of 
 His Mother,  And Required From Them An Open Display Of Submission And 
 Servility Which Egyptian Courts Had Not Witnessed Previously. An Abject 
 Prostration Was Enforced On All,  While The King Posed Before His 
 Courtiers As A Benevolent God,  Who Showered Down His Gifts Upon Them 
 From A Superior Sphere,  Since His Greatness Did Not Permit A Closer 
 Contact. He Was Himself The "Light Of The Solar Disk," An _Apaugasma_, 
 Or "Light Proceeding From Light;" It Behoved Him To Imitate The Sun-God, 
 And Perpetually Bestow His Gifts On Men,  But It Behoved Them To Veil 
 Their Faces From His Radiance And Receive His Bounty Prostrate In The 
 Dust Beneath Him. 
   
 The Peculiar Views Of Khuen-Aten,  Or Amenhotep Iv.,  Were Maintained By 
 The Two Or Three Succeeding Kings,  Who Had Short And Disturbed Reigns. 
 After Them There Arose A King Called Horus,  Or Har-Em-Hebi,  Who Utterly 
 Swept Away The "Disk-Worshippers," Ruined Their New City,  Obliterated 
 Their Names,  Mutilated Their Monuments,  And Restored The Ancient 
 Religion Of The Egyptians To Its Former Place As The Religion,  Not Only 
 Of The People,  But Of The Court. Henceforth,  What Was Called "Heresy" 
 Ceased To Show Itself In The Land. 
   
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 15 (Beginning Of The Decline Of Egypt.) Pg 107 
 The Internal Troubles Connected With The "Disk-Worship" Had For About 
 Forty Years Distracted The Attention Of The Egyptians From Their Asiatic 
 Possessions; And This Circumstance Had Favoured The Development Of A 
 Highly Important Power In Western Asia. The Hittites,  Whose Motto Was 
 "Reculer Pour Mieux Sauter," Having Withdrawn Themselves From Syria 
 During The Time Of The Egyptian Attacks,  Retaining,  Perhaps,  Their Hold 
 On Carchemish (Jerabus),  But Not Seeking To Extend Themselves Further 
 Southward,  Took Heart Of Grace When The Egyptian Expeditions Ceased,  And 
 Descending From Their Mountain Fastnesses To The Syrian Plains And 
 Vales,  Rapidly Established Their Dominion Over The Regions Recently 
 Conquered By Thothmes I. And Thothmes Iii. Without Absorbing The Old 
 Native Races,  They Reduced Them Under Their Sway,  And Reigned As Lords 
 Paramount Over The Entire Region Between The Middle Euphrates And The 
 Mediterranean,  The Taurus Range And The Borders Of Egypt. The Chief Of 
 The Subject Races Were The Kharu,  In The Tract Bordering Upon Egypt; The 
 Rutennu,  In central And Northern Palestine; And In Southern Coelesyria, 
 The Amairu Or Amorites. The Hittites Themselves Occupied The Lower 
 
 
 
 Story 15 (Beginning Of The Decline Of Egypt.) Pg 108 
 Coelesyrian Valley,  And The Tract Reaching Thence To The Euphrates. They 
 Were At This Period So Far Centralized Into A Nation As To Have Placed 
 Themselves Under A Single Monarch; And About The Time When Egypt Had 
 Recovered From The Troubles Caused By The "Disk-Worshippers," And Was 
 Again At Liberty To Look Abroad,  Saplal,  Grand-Duke Of Khita,  A Great 
 And Puissant Sovereign,  Sat Upon The Hittite Throne. 
   
 Saplal'S Power,  And His Threatening Attitude On The North-Eastern Border 
 Of Egypt,  Drew Upon Him The Jealousy Of Ramesses I.,  Father Of The Great 
 Seti,  And (According To The Prevalent Tradition) Founder Of The 
 "Nineteenth Dynasty." To Defend Oneself It Is Often Best To Attack,  And 
 Ramesses,  Taking This View,  In His First Or Second Year Plunged Into The 
 Enemy'S Dominions. He Had The Plea That Palestine And Syria,  And Even 
 Western Mesopotamia,  Belonged Of Right To Egypt,  Which Had Conquered 
 Them By A Long Series Of Victories,  And Had Never Lost Them By Any 
 Defeat Or Disaster. His Invasion Was A Challenge To Saplal Either To 
 Fight For His Ill-Gotten Gains,  Or To Give Them Up. The Hittite King 
 Accepted The Challenge,  And A Short Struggle Followed With An Indecisive 
 Result. At Its Close Peace Was Made,  And A Formal Treaty Of Alliance 
 Drawn Out. Its Terms Are Unknown; But It Was Probably Engraved On A 
 Silver Plate In The Languages Of The Two Powers--The Egyptian 
 Hieroglyphics,  And The Now Well-Known Hittite Picture-Writing--And Set 
 Up In duplicate At Carchemish And Thebes. 
   
 A Brief Pause Followed The Conclusion Of The First Act Of The Drama. On 
 The Opening Of The Second Act We Find The _Dramatis Personae_ Changed. 
 Saplal And Ramesses Have Alike Descended Into The Grave,  And Their 
 Thrones Are Occupied Respectively By The Son Of The One And The Grandson 
 Of The Other. In egypt,  Seti-Menephthah I.,  The Sethos Of Manetho,  Has 
 Succeeded His Father,  Ramesses I.; In The Hittite Kingdom,  Saplal Has 
 Left His Sceptre To His Grandson Mautenar,  The Son Of Marasar,  Who Had 
 Probably Died Before His Father. Two Young And Inexperienced Princes 
 Confront One The Other In The Two Neighbour Lands,  Each Distrustful Of 
 His Rival,  Each Covetous Of Glory,  Each Hopeful Of Success If War Should 
 Break Out. True,  By Treaty The Two Kings Were Friends And Allies--By 
 Treaty The Two Nations Were Bound To Abstain From All Aggression By The 
 One Upon The Other: But Such Bonds Are Like The "Green Withes" That 
 Bound Samson,  When The Desire To Burst Them Seizes Those Upon Whom They 
 Have Been Placed. Seti And Mautenar Were At War Before The Latter Had 
 Been On The Throne A Year,  And Their Swords Were At One Another'S 
 Throats. Seti Was,  Apparently,  The Aggressor. We Find Him At The Head Of 
 A Large Army In The Heart Of Syria Before We Could Have Supposed That He 
 Had Had Time To Settle Himself Comfortably In His Father'S Seat. 
   
 Mautenar Was Taken Unawares. He Had Not Expected So Prompt An Attack. He 
 Had Perhaps Been Weak Enough To Count On His Adversary'S Good Faith,  Or, 
 At Any Rate On His Regard For Appearances. But Seti,  As A God Upon 
 Earth,  Could Of Course Do No Wrong,  And Did Not Allow Himself To Be 
 Trammelled By The Moral Laws That Were Binding Upon Ordinary Mortals. 
 He Boldly Rushed Into War At The First Possible Moment,  Crossed The 
 Frontier,  And Having Chastised The Shasu,  Who Had Recently Made An 
 Invasion Of His Territory,  Fell Upon The Kharu,  Or Southern Syrians,  And 
 Gave Them A Severe Defeat Near Jamnia In The Philistine Country. He  
 
 
 
 Story 15 (Beginning Of The Decline Of Egypt.) Pg 109 
 Pressed Forward Into The Country Of The Rutennu,  Overcame Them In 
 Several Pitched Battles,  And,  Assisted By A Son Who Fought Constantly At 
 His Side,  Slaughtered Them Almost To Extermination. His Victorious 
 Progress Brought Him,  After A Time,  To The Vicinity Of Kadesh,  The 
 Important City On The Orontes Which,  A Century Earlier,  Had Been 
 Besieged And Taken By The Great Thothmes. Kadesh Was At This Time In 
 Possession Of The Amorites,  Who Were Tributary To The Khita (Hittites) 
 And Held The Great City As Their Subject Allies. Seti,  Having Carefully 
 Concealed His Advance,  Came Upon The Stronghold Suddenly,  And Took Its 
 Defenders By Surprise. Outside The City Peaceful Herdsmen Were Pasturing 
 Their Cattle Under The Shade Of The Trees,  When They Were Startled By 
 The Appearance Of The Egyptian Monarch,  Mounted On His War-Chariot Drawn 
 By Two Prancing Steeds. At Once All Was Confusion: Every One Sought To 
 Save Himself; The Herds With Their Keepers Fled In Wild Panic,  While The 
 Egyptians Plied Them With Their Arrows. But The Garrison Of The Town 
 Resisted Bravely: A Portion Sallied From The Gates And Met Seti In The 
 Open Field,  But Were Defeated With Great Slaughter; The Others Defended 
 Themselves Behind The Walls. But All Was In Vain. The Disciplined Troops 
 Of Egypt Stormed The Key Of Northern Syria,  And The Whole Orontes Valley 
 Lay Open To The Conqueror. 
   
 Hitherto The Hittites Had Not Been Engaged In The Struggle. Attacked At 
 A Disadvantage,  Unprepared,  They Had Left Their Subject Allies To Make 
 Such Resistance As They Might Find Possible,  And Had Reserved Themselves 
 For The Defence Of Their Own Country. Mautenar Had,  No Doubt,  Made The 
 Best Preparations Of Which Circumstances Admitted--He Had Organized His 
 Forces In Three Bodies,  "On Foot,  On Horseback,  And In chariots." At The 
 Head Of Them,  He Gave Battle To The Invaders So Soon As They Attacked 
 Him In His Own Proper Country,  And A Desperate Fight Followed,  In Which 
 The Egyptians,  However,  Prevailed At Last. The Hittites Received A 
 "Great Overthrow." The Song Of Triumph Composed For Seti On The Occasion 
 Declared: "Pharaoh Is A Jackal Which Rushes Leaping Through The Hittite 
 Land; He Is A Grim Lion Exploring The Hidden Ways Of All Regions; He Is 
 A Powerful Bull With A Pair Of Sharpened Horns. He Has Struck Down The 
 Asiatics; He Has Thrown To The Ground The Khita; He Has Slain Their 
 Princes; He Has Overwhelmed Them In Their Own Blood; He Has Passed Among 
 Them As A Flame Of Fire; He Has Brought Them To Nought." 
   
 The Victory Thus Gained Was Followed By A Treaty Of Peace. Mautenar And 
 Seti Agreed To Be Henceforth Friends And Allies,  Southern Syria Being 
 Restored To Egypt,  And Northern Syria Remaining Under The Dominion Of 
 The Hittites,  Probably As Far As The Sources Of The Orontes River. A 
 Line Of Communication Must,  However,  Have Been Left Open Between Egypt 
 And Mesopotamia,  For Seti Still Exercised Authority Over The Nairi,  And 
 Received Tribute From Their Chiefs. He Was Also,  By The Terms Of The 
 Treaty,  At Liberty To Make War On The Nations Of The Upper Syrian 
 Coast,  For We Find Him Reducing The Tahai,  Who Bordered On Cilicia, 
 Without Any Disturbance Of His Relations With Mautenar. The Second Act 
 In The War Between The Egyptians And The Hittites Thus Terminated With 
 An Advantage To The Egyptians,  Who Recovered Most Of Their Asiatic 
 Possessions,  And Had,  Besides,  The Prestige Of A Great Victory. 
   
 The Third Act Was Deferred For A Space Of Some Thirty-Five Years,  And 
 Fell Into The Reign Of Ramesses Ii.,  Seti'S Son And Successor. Before 
 Giving An Account Of It,  We Must Briefly Touch The Other Wars Of Seti, 
 To Show How Great A Warrior He Was,  And Mention One Further Fact In His 
 
 
 
 Story 15 (Beginning Of The Decline Of Egypt.) Pg 110 
 Warlike Policy Indicative Of The Commencement Of Egypt'S Decline As A 
 Military Power. Seti,  Then,  Had No Sooner Concluded His Peace With The 
 Great Power Of The North,  Than He Turned His Arms Against The West And 
 South,  Invading,  First Of All,  "The Blue-Eyed,  Fair-Skinned Nation Of 
 The Tahennu," Who Inhabited The North African Coast From The Borders Of 
 Egypt To About Cyrene,  And Engaging In a Sharp Contest With Them. The 
 Tahennu Were A Wild,  Uncivilized People,  Dwelling In caves,  And Having 
 No Other Arms Besides Bows And Arrows. For Dress They Wore A Long Cloak 
 Or Tunic,  Open In Front; And They Are Distinguished On The Egyptian 
 Monuments By Wearing Two Ostrich Feathers And Having All Their Hair 
 Shaved Excepting One Large Lock,  Which Is Plaited And Hangs Down On The 
 Right Side Of The Head. This Unfortunate People Could Make Only A Poor 
 Resistance To The Egyptian Trained Infantry And Powerful Chariot Force. 
 They Were Completely Defeated In a Pitched Battle; Numbers Of The 
 Chiefs Were Made Prisoners,  While The People Generally Fled To Their 
 Caves,  Where They Remained Hidden,  "Like Jackals,  Through Fear Of The 
 King'S Majesty." Seti,  Having Struck Terror Into Their Hearts,  Passed On 
 Towards The South,  And Fiercely Chastised The Cushites On The Upper 
 Nile,  Who During The War With The Hittites Had Given Trouble,  And Showed 
 Themselves Inclined To Shake Off The Egyptian Yoke. Here Again He Was 
 Successful; The Negroes And Cushites Submitted After A Short Struggle; 
 And The Great King Returned To His Capital Victorious On All Sides--"On 
 The South To The Arms Of The Winds,  And On The North To The Great Sea." 
   
 Seti Was Not Dazzled With His Military Successes. Notwithstanding His 
 Triumphs In Syria,  He Recognized The Fact That Egypt Had Much To Fear 
 From Her Asiatic Neighbours,  And Could Not Hope To Maintain For Long Her 
 Aggressive Attitude In That Quarter. Without Withdrawing From Any Of The 
 Conquered Countries,  While Still Claiming Their Obedience And Enforcing 
 The Payment Of Their Tributes,  He Began To Made Preparation For The 
 Changed Circumstances Which He Anticipated By Commencing The 
 Construction Of A Long Wall On His North-Eastern Frontier,  As A Security 
 Against Invasion From Asia. This Wall Began At Pelusium,  And Was Carried 
 Across The Isthmus In a South-Westerly Direction By Migdol To Pithom,  Or 
 Heroopolis,  Where The Long Line Of Lagoons Began,  Which Were Connected 
 With The Upper End Of The Red Sea. It Recalls To The Mind Of The 
 Historical Student The Many Ramparts Raised By Nations,  In Their 
 Decline,  Against Aggressive Foes--As The Great Wall Of China,  Built To 
 Keep Off The Tartars; The Roman Wall Between The Rhine And Danube, 
 Intended To Restrain The Advance Of The German Tribes; And The Three 
 Roman Ramparts In Great Britain,  Built To Protect The Roman Province 
 From Its Savage Northern Neighbours. Walls Of This Kind Are Always Signs 
 Of Weakness; And When Seti Began,  And Ramesses Ii. Completed,  The 
 Rampart Of Egypt,  It Was A Confession That The Palmy Days Of The Empire 
 Were Past,  And That Henceforth She Must Look Forward To Having To Stand, 
 In The Main,  On The Defensive. 
   
 Before Acquiescing Wholly In This Conclusion,  Ramesses Ii.,  Who,  After 
 Reigning Conjointly With His Father For Several Years,  Was Now Sole 
 King,  Resolved On A Desperate And Prolonged Effort To Re-Assert For 
 Egypt That Dominant Position In Western Asia Which She Had Held And 
 Obtained Under The Third Thothmes. Mautenar,  The Adversary Of Seti, 
 Appears To Have Died,  And His Place To Have Been Taken By His Brother, 
 Khita-Sir,  A Brave And Enterprizing Monarch. Khita-Sir,  Despite The 
 Terms Of Alliance On Which The Hittites Stood With Egypt,  Had Commenced 
 A Series Of Intrigues With The Nations Bordering On Upper Syria,  And 
 
 
 
 Story 15 (Beginning Of The Decline Of Egypt.) Pg 111 
 Formed A Confederacy Which Had For Its Object To Resist The Further 
 Progress Of The Egyptians,  And,  If Possible,  To Drive Them From Asia. 
 This Confederacy Embraced The Nairi,  Or People Of Western Mesopotamia, 
 Reckoned By The Egyptians Among Their Subjects; The Airatu Or People Of 
 Aradus; The Masu Or Inhabitants Of The Mous Masius; The Leka,  Perhaps 
 Lycians; The Inhabitants Of Carchemish,  Of Kadesh On The Orontes,  Of 
 Aleppo,  Anaukasa,  Akarita,  &C.--All Warlike Races,  And Accustomed To The 
 Use Of Chariots. Khitasir'S Proceedings,  Having Become Known To 
 Ramesses,  Afforded Ample Grounds For A Rupture,  And Quite Justified Him 
 In Pouring His Troops Into Syria,  And Doing His Best To Meet And 
 Overcome The Danger Which Threatened Him. Unaware At What Point His 
 Enemy Would Elect To Meet Him,  He Marched Forward Cautiously,  Having 
 Arranged His Troops In Four Divisions,  Which Might Mutually Support Each 
 Other. Entering The Coelesyrian Valley From The South,  He Had Proceeded 
 As Far As The Lake Of Hems,  And Neighbourhood Of Kadesh,  Before He 
 Received Any Tidings Of The Position Taken Up By The Confederate Army. 
 There His Troops Captured Two Of The Enemy'S Scouts,  And On Questioning 
 Them Were Told That The Hittite Army Had Been At Kadesh,  But Had Retired 
 On Learning The Egyptian'S Advance And Taken Up A Position Near Aleppo, 
 Distant Nearly A Hundred Miles To The North-East. Had Ramesses Believed 
 The Scouts,  And Marched Forward Carelessly,  He Would Have Fallen Into A 
 Trap,  And Probably Suffered Defeat; For The Whole Confederate Army Was 
 Massed Just Beyond The Lake,  And There Lay Concealed By The Embankment 
 Which Blocks The Lake At Its Lower End. But The Egyptian King Was Too 
 Wary For His Adversary. He Ordered The Scouts To Be Examined By 
 Scourging,  To See If They Would Persist In Their Tale,  Whereupon They 
 Broke Down And Revealed The True Position Of The Army. The Battle Had 
 Thus The Character Of A Regular Pitched Engagement,  Without Surprise Or 
 Other Accident On Either Side. Khitasir,  Finding Himself Foiled,  Quitted 
 His Ambush,  And Marched Openly Against The Egyptians,  With His Troops 
 Marshalled In exact And Orderly Array,  The Hittite Chariots In Front 
 With Their Lines Carefully Dressed,  And The Auxiliaries And Irregulars 
 On The Flanks And Rear. Of The Four Divisions Of The Egyptian Army,  One 
 Seems To Have Been Absent,  Probably Acting As A Rear-Guard; Ramesses, 
 With One,  Marched Down The Left Bank Of The Stream,  While The Two 
 Remaining Divisions Proceeded Along The Right Bank,  A Slight Interval 
 Separating Them. Khitasir Commenced The Fight By A Flank Movement To The 
 Left,  Which Brought Him Into Collision With The Extreme Egyptian Right, 
 "The Brigade Of Ra," As It Was Called,  And Enabled Him To Engage That 
 Division Separately. His Assault Was Irresistible. "Foot And Horse Of 
 King Ramesses," We Are Told,  "Gave Way Before Him," The "Brigade Of Ra" 
 Was Utterly Routed,  And Either Cut To Pieces Or Driven From The Field. 
 Ramesses,  Informed Of This Disaster,  Endeavoured To Cross The River To 
 The Assistance Of His Beaten Troops; But,  Before He Could Effect His 
 Purpose,  The Enemy Had Anticipated Him,  Had Charged Through The Orontes 
 In Two Lines,  And Was Upon Him. The Adverse Hosts Met. The Chariot Of 
 Ramesses,  Skilfully Guided By His Squire,  Menna,  Seems To Have Broken 
 Through The Front Line Of The Hittite Chariot Force; But His Brethren In 
 Arms Were Less Fortunate,  And Ramesses Found Himself Separated From His 
 Army,  Behind The Front Line And Confronted By The Second Line Of The 
 Hostile Chariots,  In a Position Of The Greatest Possible Danger. Then 
 Began That Homeric Combat,  Which The Egyptians Were Never Tired Of 
 Celebrating,  Between A Single Warrior On The One Hand,  And The Host Of 
 The Hittites,  Reckoned At Two Thousand Five Hundred Chariots,  On The 
 Other,  In Which Ramesses,  Like Diomed Or Achilles,  Carried Death And 
 Destruction Whithersoever He Turned Himself. "I Became Like The God 
 
 
 
 Story 15 (Beginning Of The Decline Of Egypt.) Pg 112 
 Mentu," He Is Made To Say; "I Hurled The Dart With My Right Hand,  I 
 Fought With My Left Hand; I Was Like Baal In His Fury Against Them. I 
 Had Come Upon Two Thousand Five Hundred Pairs Of Horses; I Was In The 
 Midst Of Them; But They Were Dashed In Pieces Before My Steeds. Not One 
 Of Them Raised His Hand To Fight; Their Heart Shrank Within Them; Their 
 Limbs Gave Way,  They Could Not Hurl The Dart,  Nor Had They Strength To 
 Thrust With The Spear. As Crocodiles Fall Into The Water,  So I Made Them 
 Fall; They Tumbled Headlong One Over Another. I Killed Them At My 
 Pleasure,  So That Not One Of Them Looked Back Behind Him,  Nor Did Any 
 Turn Round. Each Fell,  And None Raised Himself Up Again." 
   
 The Temporary Isolation Of The Monarch,  Which Is The Main Point Of The 
 Heroic Poem Of Pentaour,  And Which Ramesses Himself Recorded Over And 
 Over Again Upon The Walls Of His Magnificent Constructions,  Must No 
 Doubt Be Regarded As A Fact; But It Is Not Likely To Have Continued For 
 More Than A Few Minutes. The Minutes May Have Seemed As Hours To The 
 King; And There May Have Been Time For Him To Perform Several Exploits. 
 But We May Be Sure That,  When His Companions Found That He Was Lost To 
 Their Sight,  They At Once Made Frantic Efforts To Recover Him,  Dead Or 
 Alive; They Forced Openings In The First Hittite Chariot Line,  And Sped 
 To The Rescue Of Their Sovereign. He Had,  Perhaps,  Already Emptied Many 
 Chariots Of The Second Line,  Which Was Paralysed By His Audacity; And 
 His Companions Found It Easy To Complete The Work Which He Had Begun. 
 The Broken Second Line Turned And Fled; The Confusion Became General; A 
 Headlong Flight Carried The Entire Host To The Banks Of The Orontes, 
 Into Which Some Precipitated Themselves,  While Others Were Forced Into 
 The Water By Their Pursuers. The King Of Khirabu (Aleppo) Was Among 
 These,  And Was With Great Difficulty Drawn Out By His Friends,  Exhausted 
 And Half Dead,  When He Reached The Eastern Shore. But The Great Bulk Of 
 The Hittite Army Perished,  Either In The Battle Or In The River. Among 
 The Killed And Wounded Were Grabatasa,  The Charioteer Of Khitasir; 
 Tarakennas,  The Commander Of The Cavalry; Rabsuna,  Another General; 
 Khirapusar,  A Royal Secretary; And Matsurama,  A Brother Of The Hittite 
 King. 
   
 On The Next Day The Battle Was Renewed; But,  After A Short Time, 
 Khitasir Retired,  And Sent A Humble Embassy To The Camp Of His Adversary 
 To Implore For Peace. Ramesses Held A Council Of War With His Generals, 
 And By Their Advice Agreed To Accept The Submission Made To Him,  And, 
 Without Entering Into Any Formal Engagement,  To Withdraw His Army And 
 Return To Egypt. It Seems Probable That His Victory Had Cost Him Dear, 
 And That He Was Not In a Condition To Venture Further From His 
 Resources,  Or To Affront New Dangers In a Difficult,  And To Him Unknown, 
 Region. 
   
 Experience Tells Us That It Is One Thing To Gain A Battle,  Quite Another 
 To Be Successful In The Result Of A Long War. Whatever Glory Ramesses 
 Obtained By The Battle Of Kadesh,  And The Other Victories Which He 
 Claims To Have Won In The Syrian Campaigns Of Several Succeeding Years, 
 It Is Certain That He Completely Failed To Break The Power Of The 
 Hittites,  And That He Was Led In course Of Time To Confess His Failure, 
 And To Adopt A Policy Of Conciliation Towards The People Which He Found 
 Himself Unable To Subdue. Sixteen Years After The Battle Of Kadesh He 
 Concluded A Solemn Treaty With Khitasir,  Which Was Engraved On Silver 
 And Placed Under The Most Sacred Sanctions,  Whereby An Exact Equality 
 Was Established Between The High Contracting Powers. Each Nation Bound 
 Itself Under No Circumstances To Attack The Other; Each Promised To Give 
 
 
 
 Story 15 (Beginning Of The Decline Of Egypt.) Pg 113 
 Itself Under No Circumstances To Attack The Other; Each Promised To Give 
 Aid To The Other,  If Requested,  In case Of Its Ally Being Attacked; Each 
 Pledged Itself To The Extradition Both Of Criminals Flying From Justice 
 And Of Any Other Subjects Wishing To Change Their Allegiance; Each 
 Stipulated For An Amnesty Of Offences In The Case Of All Persons Thus 
 Surrendered. Thirteen Years After The Conclusion Of The Treaty The Close 
 Alliance Between The Two Powers Was Further Cemented By A Marriage, 
 Which,  By Giving The Two Dynasties Common Interests,  Greatly 
 Strengthened The Previously Existing Bond. Ramesses Requested And 
 Received In Marriage A Daughter Of Khitasir In The Thirty-Fourth Year Of 
 His Sole Reign,  When He Had Borne The Royal Title For Forty-Six Years. 
 He Thus Became The Son-In-Law Of His Former Adversary,  Whose Daughter 
 Was Thenceforth Recognized As His Sole Legitimate Queen. 
   
 A Considerable Change In The Relations Of Egypt To Her Still Remaining 
 Asiatic Dependencies Accompanied This Alteration In The Footing Upon 
 Which She Stood With The Hittites. "The Bonds Of Their Subjection 
 Became Much Less Strict Than They Had Been Under Thothmes Iii.; 
 Prudential Motives Constrained The Egyptians To Be Content With Very 
 Much Less--With Such Acknowledgments,  In Fact,  As Satisfied Their 
 Vanity,  Rather Than With The Exercise Of Any Real Power." From And After 
 The Conclusion Of Peace And Alliance Between Ramesses And Khitasir, 
 Egyptian Influence In asia Grew Vague,  Shadowy,  And Discontinuous. At 
 Long Intervals Monarchs Of More Enterprize Than The Ordinary Run 
 Asserted It,  And A Brief Success Generally Crowned Their Efforts; But, 
 Speaking Broadly,  We May Say That Her Asiatic Dominion Was Lost,  And 
 That Egypt Became Once More An African Power,  Confined Within Nearly Her 
 Ancient Limits. 
   
 If,  From A Military Point Of View,  The Decline Of Egypt Is To Be Dated 
 From The Reigns,  Partly Joint Reigns,  Of Seti I. And Ramesses Ii.,  From 
 The Stand-Point Of Art The Period Must Be Pronounced The Very Apogee Of 
 Egyptian Greatness. The Architectural Works Of These Two Monarchs 
 Transcend Most Decidedly All Those Of All Other Pharaohs,  Either Earlier 
 Or Later. No Single Work,  Indeed,  Of Either King Equals _In Mass_ Either 
 The First Or The Second Pyramid; But In Number,  In Variety,  In beauty, 
 In All That Constitutes Artistic Excellence,  The Constructions Of Seti 
 And Ramesses Are Unequalled,  Not Only Among Egyptian Monuments,  But 
 Among Those Of All Other Nations. Greece Is,  Of Course,  Unapproachable 
 In The Matter Of Sculpture,  Whether In The Way Of Statuary,  Or Of High 
 Or Low Relief; But,  Apart From This,  Egypt In Her Architectural Works 
 Will Challenge Comparison With Any Country That Ever Existed,  Or Any 
 People That Ever Gave Itself To The Embodiment Of Artistic Conceptions 
 In Stone Or Marble. And Egyptian Architecture Culminated Under Seti And 
 His Son Ramesses. The Greatest Of All Seti'S Works Was His Pillared Hall 
 At Karnak,  The Most Splendid Single Chamber That Has Ever Been Built By 
 Any Architect,  And,  Even In Its Ruins,  One Of The Grandest Sights That 
 The World Contains. Seti'S Hall Is Three Hundred And Thirty Feet Long, 
 By One Hundred And Seventy Feet Broad,  Having Thus An Internal Area Of 
 Fifty-Six Thousand Square Feet,  And Covers,  Together With Its Walls And 
 Pylons,  An Area Of Eighty-Eight Thousand Such Feet,  Or A Larger Space 
 Than That Covered By The Dom Of Cologne,  The Largest Of All The 
 Cathedrals North Of The Alps. It Was Supported By One Hundred And 
 Sixty-Four Massive Stone Columns,  Which Were Divided Into Three 
 Groups--Twelve Central Ones,  Each Sixty-Six Feet High And Thirty-Three 
 
 
 
 Story 15 (Beginning Of The Decline Of Egypt.) Pg 114 
 Feet In circumference,  Formed The Main Avenue Down Its Midst; While On 
 Either Side,  Two Groups Of Sixty-One Columns,  Each Forty-Two Feet High 
 And Twenty-Seven Round,  Supported The Huge Wings Of The Chamber, 
 Arranged In Seven Rows Of Seven Each,  And Two Rows Of Six. The Whole Was 
 Roofed Over With Solid Blocks Of Stone,  The Lighting Being,  As In The 
 Far Smaller Hall Of Thothmes Iii.,  By Means Of A Clerestory. The Roof 
 And Pillars And Walls Were Everywhere Covered With Painted Bas-Reliefs 
 And Hieroglyphics,  Giving Great Richness Of Effect,  And Constituting The 
 Whole Building The Most Magnificent On Which The Eye Of Man Has Ever 
 Rested. Fergusson,  The Best Modern Authority On Architecture,  Says Of 
 It: "No Language Can Convey An Idea Of Its Beauty,  And No Artist Has Yet 
 Been Able To Reproduce Its Form So As To Convey To Those Who Have Not 
 Seen It An Idea Of Its Grandeur. The Mass Of Its Central Piers, 
 Illumined By A Flood Of Light From The Clerestory,  And The Smaller 
 Pillars Of The Wings Gradually Fading Into Obscurity,  Are So Arranged 
 And Lighted As To Convey An Idea Of Infinite Space; At The Same Time The 
 Beauty And Massiveness Of The Forms,  And The Brilliancy Of Their 
 Coloured Decorations,  All Combine To Stamp This As _The Greatest Of 
 Man'S Architectural Works_,  But Such A One As It Would Be Impossible To 
 Reproduce,  Except In Such A Climate,  And In That Individual Style,  In 
 Which And For Which It Was Created."[24] 
   
 As Seti Constructed The Most Wonderful Of All The Palatial Buildings 
 Which Egypt Produced,  So He Also Constructed What Is,  On The Whole,  The 
 Most Wonderful Of The Tombs. The Pyramids Impose Upon Us By Their 
 Enormity,  And Astonish By The Engineering Skill Shown In Their 
 Execution; But They Embody A Single Simple Idea; They Have No 
 Complication Of Parts,  No Elaboration Of Ornament; They Are Taken In at 
 A Glance; They Do Not Gradually Unfold Themselves,  Or Furnish A 
 Succession Of Surprises. But It Is Otherwise With The Rock-Tombs, 
 Whereof Seti'S Is The Most Magnificent The Rock-Tombs Are "Gorgeous 
 Palaces,  Hewn Out Of The Rock,  And Painted With All The Decorations That 
 Could Have Been Seen In Palaces." They Contain A Succession Of Passages, 
 Chambers,  Corridors,  Staircases,  And Pillared Halls,  Each Further 
 Removed From The Entrance Than The Last,  And All Covered With An 
 Infinite Variety Of The Most Finished And Brilliant Paintings. The Tomb 
 Of Seti Contains Three Pillared Halls,  Respectively Twenty-Seven Feet 
 By Twenty-Five,  Twenty-Eight Feet By Twenty-Seven,  And Forty-Three Feet 
 By Seventeen And A Half; A Large Saloon With An Arched Roof,  Thirty Feet 
 By Twenty-Seven; Six Smaller Chambers Of Different Sizes; Three 
 Staircases,  And Two Long Corridors. The Whole Series Of Apartments,  From 
 End To End Of The Tomb,  Is Continuously Ornamented With Painted 
 Bas-Reliefs. "The Idea Is That Of Conducting The King To The World Of 
 Death. The Further You Advance Into The Tomb,  The Deeper You Become 
 Involved In endless Processions Of Jackal-Headed Gods,  And Monstrous 
 Forms Of Genii,  Good And Evil; And The Goddess Of Justice,  With Her 
 Single Ostrich Feather; And Barges Carrying Mummies,  Raised Aloft Over 
 The Sacred Lake; And Mummies Themselves; And,  More Than All,  Everlasting 
 Convolutions Of Serpents In every Possible Form And 
 Attitude--Human-Legged,  Human-Headed,  Crowned,  Entwining Mummies, 
 Enwreathing Or Embraced By Processions,  Extending Down Whole Galleries, 
 So That Meeting The Head Of A Serpent At The Top Of A Staircase,  You 
 Have To Descend To Its Very End Before You Reach His Tail. At Last You 
 
 
 
 Story 15 (Beginning Of The Decline Of Egypt.) Pg 115 
 Arrive At The Close Of All--The Vaulted Hall,  In The Centre Of Which 
 Lies The Immense Alabaster Sarcophagus,  Which Ought To Contain The Body 
 Of The King. Here The Processions,  Above,  Below,  And Around,  Reach Their 
 Highest Pitch--Meandering Round And Round--White,  And Black,  And Red, 
 And Blue--Legs And Arms And Wings Spreading In enormous Forms Over The 
 Ceilings; And Below Lies The Sarcophagus Itself."[25] 
   
 The Greatest Of The Works Of Ramesses Are Of A Different Description, 
 And Are Indicative Of That Inordinate Vanity Which Is The Leading 
 Feature Of His Character. They Are Colossal Images Of Himself. Four Of 
 These,  Each Seventy Feet In Height,  Form The Facade Of The Marvellous 
 Rock-Temple Of Ipsambul--"The Finest Of Its Class Known To Exist 
 Anywhere"--And Constitute One Of The Most Impressive Sights Which The 
 World Has To Offer. There Stands The Great King,  Four Times Repeated, 
 Silent,  Majestic,  Superhuman--With Features Marked By Profound Repose 
 And Tranquillity,  Touched Perhaps With A Little Scorn,  Looking Out 
 Eternally On The Grey-White Nubian Waste,  Which Stretches Far Away To A 
 Dim And Distant Horizon. Here,  As You Sit On The Deep Pure Sand,  You 
 Seem To See The Monarch,  Who Did So Much,  Who Reigned So Long,  Who 
 Covered,  Not Only Egypt,  But Nubia And Ethiopia With His Memorials. "You 
 Can Look At His Features Inch By Inch,  See Them Not Only Magnified To 
 Tenfold Their Original Size,  So That Ear And Mouth And Nose,  And Every 
 Link Of His Collar,  And Every Line Of His Skin,  Sinks Into You With The 
 Weight Of A Mountain; But Those Features Are Repeated Exactly The Same 
 Three Times Over--Four Times They Once Were,  But The Upper Part Of The 
 Fourth Statue Is Gone. Look At Them As They Emerge--The Two Northern 
 Figures--From The Sand Which Reaches Up To Their Throats; The 
 Southernmost,  As He Sits Unbroken,  And Revealed From The Top Of His 
 Royal Helmet To The Toe Of His Enormous Foot"[26] Look At Them,  And 
 Remember That You Have Here Portrait-Statues Of One Of The Greatest Of 
 The Kings Of The Old World,  Of The World That Was "Old" When Greece And 
 Rome Were Either Unborn Or In Their Swaddling Clothes; Portrait-Statues, 
 Moreover,  Of The King Who,  If Either Tradition Or Chronology Can Be 
 Depended On,  Was The Actual Great Oppressor Of Israel--The King Who 
 Sought The Life Of Moses--The King From Whom Moses Fled,  And Until Whose 
 Death He Did Not Dare To Return Out Of The Land Of Midian. 
   
 According To The Almost Unanimous Voice Of Those Most Conversant With 
 Egyptian Antiquities,  The "Great Oppressor" Of The Hebrews Was This 
 Ramesses. Seti May Have Been The Originator Of The Scheme For Crushing 
 Them By Hard Usage,  But,  As The Oppression Lasted Close Upon Eighty 
 Years (Ex. Ii,  I; Vii. 7),  It Must Have Covered At Least Two Reigns,  So 
 That,  If It Began Under Seti,  It Must Have Continued Under His Son And 
 Successor. The Bricks Found At Tel-El-Maskoutah Show Ramesses As The 
 Main Builder Of Pithom (Pa-Tum),  And The Very Name Indicates That He Was 
 The Main Builder Of Raamses (Pa-Ramessu). We Must Thus Ascribe To Him, 
 At Any Rate,  The Great Bulk Of That Severe And Cruel Affliction,  Which 
 Provoked Moses (Ex. Ii,  12),  Which Made Israel "Sigh" And "Groan" (Ib. 
 23,  24),  And On Which God Looked Down With Compassion (Ib. Iii. 7). It 
 Was He Especially Who "Made Their Lives Bitter In Mortar,  And In brick, 
 And In all Manner Of Service In The Field"--Service Which Was "With 
 Rigour." Ramesses Was A Builder On The Most Extensive Scale. Without 
 Producing Any Single Edifice So Perfect As The "Pillared Hall Of Seti," 
 He Was Indefatigable In His Constructive Efforts,  And No Egyptian King 
 Came Up To Him In This Respect. The Monuments Show That He Erected His 
 
 
 
 Story 15 (Beginning Of The Decline Of Egypt.) Pg 116 
 Buildings Chiefly By Forced Labour,  And That Those Employed On Them Were 
 Chiefly Foreigners. Some Have Thought That The Hebrews Are Distinctly 
 Mentioned As Employed By Him On His Constructions Under The Term 
 "Aperu," Or "Aperiu"; But This View Is Not Generally Accepted. Still, 
 "The Name Is So Often Used For Foreign Bondsmen Engaged In The Very Work 
 Of The Hebrews,  And Especially During The Oppression,  That It Is Hard 
 Not To Believe It To Be A General Term In Which They Are Included, 
 Though It Does Not Actually Describe Them."[27] 
   
   
 The Physiognomies Of Seti I. And Ramesses Ii.,  As Represented On The 
 Sculptures,[28] Offer A Curious Contrast Seti'S Face Is Thoroughly 
 African,  Strong,  Fierce,  Prognathous,  With Depressed Nose,  Thick Lips, 
 And A Heavy Chin. The Face Of Ramesses Is Asiatic. He Has A Good 
 Forehead,  A Large,  Well-Formed,  Slightly Aquiline Nose,  A Well-Shaped 
 Mouth,  With Lips That Are Not Too Full,  A Small Delicate Chin,  And An 
 Eye That Is Thoughtful And Pensive. We May Conclude That Seti Was Of The 
 True Egyptian Race,  With Perhaps An Admixture Of More Southern Blood; 
 While Ramesses,  Born Of A Semitic Mother,  Inherited Through Her Asiatic 
 Characteristics,  And,  Though Possessing Less Energy And Strength Of 
 Character Than His Father,  Had A More Sensitive Temperament,  A Wider 
 Range Of Taste,  And A Greater Inclination Towards Peace And 
 Tranquillity. His Important Wars Were All Concluded Within The Limit Of 
 His Twenty-First Year,  While His Entire Reign Was One Of Sixty-Seven 
 Years,  During Fifty Of Which He Held The Sole Sovereignty. Though He 
 Left The Fame Of A Great Warrior Behind Him,  His Chief And Truest 
 Triumphs Seem To Have Been Those Of Peace--The Great Wall For The 
 Protection Of Egypt Towards The East,  With Its Strong Fortresses And 
 "Store-Cities," The Canal Which United The Nile With The Red Sea,  And 
 The Countless Buildings,  Excavations,  Obelisks,  Colossal Statues,  And 
 Other Great Works,  With Which He Adorned Egypt From One End To The 
 Other. 
   
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 15 ( Footnotes:) Pg 117 
 [24] "History Of Architecture," Vol. I. Pp. 119,  120. 
   
 [25] Adapted From Dean Stanley'S "Sinai And Palestine," Introduction,  P. 
 Xl. 
   
 [26] Stanley,  "Sinai And Palestine," P. Xlvii. 
   
 [27] Stuart Poole,  "Cities Of Egypt," P. 105 
   
 [28] The Mummy Of Seti I. Has Been Recently Uncovered. It Was In Good 
 Condition,  And Is Said To Have Revealed A Face Very Closely Resembling 
 That Of Ramesses Ii.,  With Fine Delicate Features,  And Altogether Of An 
 Elevated Type. "The Nose,  Mouth,  Chin,  In Short All The Features," Says 
 M. Maspero,  "Are The Same; But In The Father They Are More Refined,  More 
 Intelligent,  More Spiritual,  Than When Reproduced In The Son. Seti I. 
 
 
 
 Story 15 ( Footnotes:) Pg 118 
 Is,  As It Were,  The Idealized Type Of Ramesses Ii." (Letter Of M. 
 Maspero In _The Times_ Of July 23,  1886.) It May Perhaps Be Doubted 
 Whether The Shrunken Mummy,  3300 Years Old,  Is Better Evidence Of The 
 Living Reality Than The Contemporary Sculptures. 
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 16 (Menephthah I.,  The Pharaoh Of The Exodus.) Pg 119 
 Menephthah,  The Thirteenth Son And Immediate Successor Of Ramesses Ii., 
 Came To The Throne Under Circumstances Which Might At First Sight Have 
 Seemed Favourable. Egypt Was On Every Side At Peace With Her Neighbours. 
 The Wail Of Ramesses,  And His Treaty With The Hittites,  Cemented As It 
 Had Been By A Marriage,  Secured The Eastern Frontier. No Formidable 
 Attack Had Ever Yet Fallen Upon Egypt From The West Or From The South, 
 And So No Danger Could Well Be Apprehended From Those Quarters. Internal 
 Tranquillity Might Not Be Altogether Assured,  So Long As There Was 
 Within The Limits Of Egypt A Large Subject Population,  Suffering 
 Oppression And Bitterly Discontented With Its Lot. But This Population 
 Was Quite Unwarlike,  And Had Hitherto Passively Submitted Itself To The 
 Will Of Its Rulers,  Without Giving Any Indication That It Might Become 
 Actively Hostile. Menephthah,  Who Was Perhaps Not More Than Five And 
 Twenty,  May Have Been Justified In Looking Forward To A Long,  Quiet,  And 
 Uneventful Reign,  During Which He Might Indulge The Natural Apathy Of 
 His Temper,  Or Dream Away Life,  Like His Fabled Neighbours,  The 
 Lotus-Eaters. 
   
 Menephthah'S Features Were Soft And Womanly. He Had A Full But Sleepy 
 Eye,  A Slightly Aquiline Nose An Extremely Short Upper-Lip,  A Broad 
 Cheek,  And A Rounded Chin. In character He Was Weak,  Irresolute,  Wanting 
 In Physical Courage,  Yet,  As So Often Happens With Weak Characters, 
 Harsh,  Oppressive,  And Treacherous. The Monuments Depict Him As Neither 
 A Soldier Nor An Administrator,  But As "One Whose Mind Was Turned Almost 
 Exclusively Towards The Chimeras Of Sorcery And Magic," Which He 
 Regarded As Of The Utmost Importance. Still,  Had The Times Been Quiet, 
 Had The Prospect Of Tranquillity Which Seemed To Lie Before Him On His 
 Accession Been Realized,  He Might Perhaps Have So Conducted Affairs As 
 To Bring Neither Discredit Nor Injury Upon His Country. But The 
 Circumstances Of The Period Were Against Him. The Unclouded Prospect Of 
 His Early Years Gave Place,  After A Brief Interval,  To Storm And Tempest 
 Of The Most Fearful Kind; A Terrible Invasion Carried Fire And Sword 
 Into The Heart Of His Dominions; And He Had Scarcely Escaped This Danger 
 By Meeting It In a Way Not Very Honourable To Himself,  When Internal 
 Troubles Broke Out: A Subject Race,  Highly Valued For Services Which It 
 Was Compelled To Render,  Insisted On Quitting The Land; A Great Loss Was 
 Incurred In an Attempt To Compel It To Remain; Then Open Rebellion Broke 
 Out In The Weakened State; And The Reign,  Which Had Commenced Under Such 
 
 
 
 Story 16 (Menephthah I.,  The Pharaoh Of The Exodus.) Pg 120 
 Fair Auspices,  Terminated In calamity And Confusion. Menephthah Was 
 Quite Incompetent To Deal With The Difficulties And Complications 
 Wherewith He Found Himself Surrounded; He Hesitated,  Temporized,  Made 
 Concessions,  Retracted Them,  And Finally Conducted Egypt To A 
 Catastrophe From Which She Did Not Recover For A Generation. 
   
   
 The First Great Trouble Which Disturbed The Tranquillity Of His Reign 
 Was An Invasion Of His Territories From The North-West. Hitherto,  Though 
 No Serious Danger Had Ever Threatened From This Quarter,  There Had Been 
 Frequent Raids Into Egypt On The Part Of The Native Africans,  And Most 
 Of The More Warlike Of The Egyptian Monarchs Had Regarded It As 
 Incumbent On Them To Lead From Time To Time Expeditions Into The Region, 
 For The Purpose Of Weakening The Wild Tribes,  Tahennu,  Maxyes,  And 
 Others,  And Inspiring Them With A Wholesome Dread Of The Egyptian Power. 
 Ramesses Ii. Had On One Occasion Warred In This Quarter,  As Already 
 Related,  And Had Met With A Certain Amount Of Success. But Since That 
 Time Many Years Had Passed. A New Generation Had Grown Up,  Which The 
 Egyptians Had Allowed To Remain Unmolested,  And Which Felt No Fear Of 
 Its Quiet,  Peaceful,  And Industrious Neighbours. Population Had Probably 
 Multiplied In The Region,  And The Tribes Began To Feel Stinted For Room. 
 Above All,  New Relations Had Been Contracted Between The Old Inhabitants 
 Of The Tract And Some Other Races,  Now For The First Time Heard Of In 
 Authentic History,  Who Had Been Brought Into Contact With Them. A League 
 Of Nations Had Become Possible; And The Force Of The United League Must 
 Have Been Considerable. Might Not An Actual Conquest Be Effected,  And 
 The Half-Starved Nomads Of Marmarica And The Cyrenaica Become The Lords 
 And Masters Of The Rich Plain,  So Long Coveted,  Which Adjoined Upon 
 Their Eastern Frontier? 
   
 The Leading Spirit Of The Combination Was A Native African Prince, 
 Marmaiu,  The Son Of Deid. Having Determined On A Serious Invasion Of 
 Egypt,  For The Purpose Of Conquest,  Not Of Plunder,  He First Of All 
 Collected His Native Forces,  Lubu,  Tahennu,  Mashuash,  Kahaka,  To The 
 Number Of Twenty-Five Or Thirty Thousand,  And Then Purchased The 
 Services Of A Number Of Auxiliaries,  Who Raised His Force Probably To A 
 Total Of Thirty-Five Or Forty Thousand Men. A Peculiar Interest Attaches 
 To These Auxiliaries. They Consisted Of Contingents From Five Nations, 
 Whose Names Are Read As Akausha,  Luku,  Tursha,  Shartana Or Shardana,  And 
 Sheklusha,  And Whom Most Modern Historians Of Egypt Identify With The 
 Achaeans Laconians,  Tyrsenians,  Sardinians,  And Sicilians. If These 
 Identifications Are Accepted--- And They Are At Least Plausible--We 
 Shall Have To Suppose That,  As Early As The Fourteenth Century B.C.,  The 
 Nations Of Southern Europe Were So Far Advanced As To Launch Fleets Upon 
 The Mediterranean,  To Enter Into A Regular League With An African 
 Prince,  And In conjunction With Him To Make An Attack On One Of The 
 Chief Civilized Monarchies Of The World,  The Old Kingdom Of The 
 Pharaohs. We Shall Have To Imagine The Achaeans Of The Peloponnese,  A 
 Century Before The Time Of Agamemnon,  Braving The Perils Of The Levant 
 In Their Cockle-Shells Of Ships,  And Not Merely Plundering The Coasts, 
 But Landing Large Bodies Of Men On The North African Shore To Take Part 
 In A Regular Campaign. We Shall Have To Picture To Ourselves The 
 Laconians--The People Of Menelaues--About The Time Of His Grandfather, 
 Atreus,  Or His Great-Grandfather,  Pelops,  Similarly Employed,  And 
 Contending With The Pharaoh Of The Exodus On The Soil Of The Delta. Nay, 
 
 
 
 Story 16 (Menephthah I.,  The Pharaoh Of The Exodus.) Pg 121 
 We Shall Have To Antedate The Rise Of The Tyrsenians To Naval Greatness 
 By About Seven Hundred Years,  And To Suppose That The Sicels And Sardi, 
 Whom The Greeks And Romans Found Living The Life Of Savages In Sicily 
 And Sardinia,  When They First Visited Their Shores,  About B.C. 750-600, 
 Were Flourishing Peoples And Skilful Navigators Half A Millennium 
 Earlier. The Picture Which We Thus Obtain Of The Ancient World Is Very 
 Surprising,  And Quite Unlike Anything That Could Be Gathered From The 
 Literature Of The Greeks; But It Is Not To Be Regarded As Beyond The 
 Range Of Possibility,  Since Nations Are Quite As Apt To Lapse From 
 Civilization Into Barbarism As To Emerge Out Of Barbarism Into 
 Civilization. It Is Quite Conceivable That The Nations Of South-Eastern 
 Europe Were More Advanced In civilization And The Arts Of Life About 
 B.C. 1400-1300 Than They Are Found To Have Been Six Centuries Later,  The 
 False Dawn Having Been Succeeded By A Time Of Darkness Before The True 
 Dawn Came. 
   
 However This May Have Been,  It Is Certain That Menephthah,  In The Fifth 
 Year Of His Reign,  Had To Meet A Formidable,  And Apparently Unprovoked, 
 Attack From A Combination Of Nations,  The Like Of Which We Do Not Again 
 Meet With In egyptian History,  Either Earlier Or Later. Marmaiu,  Son Of 
 Deid,  Led Against Him A Confederate Army,  Consisting Of Three Principal 
 Tribes Of The Tahennu--- The Lubu (Libyans),  The Mashuash (Maxyes),  And 
 The Kahaka--Together With Auxiliaries From Five Other Tribes Or Peoples, 
 The Akausha,  The Luku,  The Tursha,  The Shartana,  And The Sheklusha. The 
 Entire Number Of The Army,  As Already Stated,  Was Probably Not Less Than 
 Forty Thousand; They Had Numerous Chariots,  And Were Armed With Bows And 
 Arrows,  Cuirasses,  And Bronze Or Copper Swords. They Had Skin Tents,  And 
 Brought With Them Their Wives And Children,  With The Intention Of 
 Settling In egypt,  As The Hyksos Had Done Five Hundred Years Earlier. 
 They Had Also With Them A Considerable Number Of Cattle,  As Bulls,  Oxen, 
 And Goats. The Chiefs Came Provided With Thrones,  And Both They And 
 Their Officers Had Numerous Drinking Vessels Of Bronze,  Of Silver,  And 
 Of Gold. 
   
 The Attack Was Made On The Western Side Of Egypt,  Towards The Apex Of 
 The Delta. It Was At First Completely Successful. The Small Frontier 
 Towns Were Taken By Assault,  And "Turned Into Heaps Of Rubbish;" The 
 Delta Was Entered Upon,  And A Position Taken Up In The Nome Of 
 Paari-Sheps,  Or Prosopis,  Which Lay Between The Canobic And Sebennytic 
 Branches Of The Nile,  Commencing At The Point Of Their Separation. From 
 This Position Memphis And Heliopolis Were Alike Menaced. Menephthah 
 Hastily Fortified These Cities,  Or Rather,  We Must Suppose,  Strengthened 
 Their Existing Defences. Meanwhile The Libyans And Their Allies Ravaged 
 The Open Country. "The Like Had Not Been Seen," As The Native Scribe 
 Observes,  "Even In The Times Of The Kings Of Lower Egypt,  When The 
 Plague (_I.E._ The Hyksos Power) Was In The Land,  And The Kings Of Upper 
 Egypt Were Unable To Drive It Out." Egypt Was Desolated; Its People 
 "Trembled Like Geese;" The Fertile Lands Were Overrun And Wasted; The 
 Cities Were Pillaged; Even The Harbours Were In Some Cases Ruined And 
 Destroyed. Menephthah For A Time Remained On The Defensive,  Shut Up 
 Within The Walls Of Memphis,  Whose God Phthah He Viewed As His Special 
 Protector. He Made,  However,  Strenuous Efforts To Gather Together A 
 Powerful Force; His Captains Collected The Native Troops From The 
 
 
 
 Story 16 (Menephthah I.,  The Pharaoh Of The Exodus.) Pg 122 
 Various Provinces Of Egypt,  While He Sent A Number Of Emissaries Into 
 Asia,  Who Were Instructed To Raise A Large Body Of Mercenaries In That 
 Quarter. At Last All Was Ready,  And Menephthah Appointed The Fourteenth 
 Day As That On Which He Would Place Himself At The Head Of His Army And 
 Lead Them In Person Against The Enemy; But,  Before The Day Came,  His 
 Courage Failed Him. He "Saw In a Dream"--At Least So He Himself 
 Declares--"As It Were A Figure Of The God Phthah,  Standing So As To 
 Prevent His Advance;" And The Figure Said To Him,  "Stay Where Thou Art, 
 And Let Thy Troops Proceed Against The Enemy." So The Pious King,  In 
 Obedience To This Convenient Vision,  Remained Secure Behind The Walls Of 
 Memphis,  And Sent His Forces,  Native And Mercenary,  Into The Nome Of 
 Prosopis Against The Libyans. The Two Armies Joined Battle On The 3Rd Of 
 Epiphi (May 18),  And A Desperate Engagement Took Place,  In Which,  After 
 Six Hours Of Hard Fighting,  The Egyptians Were Victorious,  And The 
 Confederates Suffered A Severe Defeat. Menephthah Charges The Libyan 
 Chief With Cowardice,  But Only Because,  After The Battle Was Lost,  He 
 Precipitately Quitted The Field,  Leaving Behind Him,  Not Only His 
 Camp-Equipage,  But His Throne,  The Ornaments Of His Wives,  His Bow,  His 
 Quiver,  And His Sandals. The Reproaches Uttered Recoil Upon Himself. 
 Whose Conduct Is The More Cowardly,  That Of The Man Who Fights At The 
 Head Of His Troops For Six Hours Against An Enemy,  Probably More 
 Numerous,  Certainly Better Armed And Better Disciplined,  And Only Quits 
 The Field When His Forces Are Utterly Overthrown And Put To Flight; Or 
 That Of One Who Avoids Exposing Himself To Danger,  And Lurks Behind The 
 Walls Of A Fortress While His Soldiers Are Affronting Wounds And Death 
 In The Battlefield? There Is No Evidence That Marmaiu,  Son Of Deid,  In 
 The Battle Of Prosopis,  Conducted Himself Otherwise Than As Became A 
 Prince And A General; There Is Abundant Evidence That Menephthah,  Son Of 
 Ramesses,  Who Declined To Be Present At The Engagement,  Showed The White 
 Feather. 
   
 The Defeat Of Prosopis Was Decisive. Marmaiu Lost In Slain Between Eight 
 Thousand And Nine Thousand Of His Troops,  Or,  According To Another 
 Estimate,  Between Twelve Thousand And Thirteen Thousand. Above Nine 
 Thousand Were Made Prisoners. The Tents,  Camp-Equipage,  And Cattle,  Fell 
 Into The Hands Of The Enemy. The Expedition At Once Broke Up And 
 Dispersed. Marmaiu Returned Into His Own Land With A Shattered Remnant 
 Of His Grand Army,  And Devoted Himself To Peaceful Pursuits,  Or At Any 
 Rate Abstained From Any Further Collision With The Egyptians. The 
 Mercenaries,  Whatever The Races To Which They In Reality Belonged, 
 Learned By Experience The Wisdom Of Leaving The Libyans To Fight Their 
 Own Battles,  And Are Not Again Found In alliance With Them. The Akaiusha 
 And Luku Appear In egyptian History No More. The Tursha And Sheklusha Do 
 Not Wholly Disappear,  But Receive Occasional Mention Among The Races 
 Hostile To Egypt As For The Shartana Or Shardana,  They Were Struck With 
 So Much Admiration Of The Egyptian Courage And Conduct,  That They 
 Shortly Afterwards Entered The Egyptian Service,  And Came To Hold A 
 Place Among The Most Trusted Of The Egyptian Troops. 
   
 Despite His Cowardice In absenting Himself From The Battle Of Prosopis 
 Under The Transparent Device Of A Divine Vision,  Menephthah Took To 
 Himself The Whole Credit Of The Victory,  And Gloried In It As Much As If 
 He Had Really Had A Hand In bringing About The Result. "The Lubu," He 
 Says,  "Were Meditating To Do Evil In egypt; They Were As Grasshoppers; 
 
 
 
 Story 16 (Menephthah I.,  The Pharaoh Of The Exodus.) Pg 123 
 Every Road Was Blocked By Their Hosts. Then I Vowed To Lead Them 
 Captive. Lo,  I Vanquished Them; I Slaughtered Them,  Making A Spoil Of 
 Their Country. I Made The Land Of Egypt Traversable Once More; I Gave 
 Breath To Those Who Were In The Cities." Egyptian Generals,  Like Roman 
 Poets,  Had To Content Themselves With Complaining Secretly,  "Sic Vos Non 
 Vobis." 
   
 So Far As We Can Tell,  No Long Period Elapsed Between The Expedition Of 
 Marmaiu,  Son Of Deid,  And The Second Great Trouble In Which Menephthah 
 Was Involved. Moses Must Have Returned To Egypt From His Sojourn In 
 Midian Within A Year Or Two Of The Death Of Ramesses Ii.,  And Cannot 
 Have Allowed Any Very Long Time To Elapse Before He Proffered The Demand 
 Which He Was Divinely Commissioned To Make. Still,  As He Was Timid,  And 
 A Somewhat Unwilling Messenger,  He May Have Delayed Both His Return And 
 His First Address To Pharaoh As Long As He Dared (Ex. Iv. 19); And If 
 The Invasion Of Marmaiu Had Begun Before He Had Summoned Courage To 
 Address Pharaoh A Second Time,  He Would Then Naturally Wait Until The 
 Danger Was Past,  And The King Could Again Be Approached Without Manifest 
 Impropriety. In This Case,  The Severe Oppression Of The Israelites, 
 Which Followed The First Application Of Moses (Ex. V. 5-23) May Have 
 Lasted Longer Than Has Generally Been Supposed; And It May Not Have Been 
 Till Menephthah'S Sixth Or Seventh Year That The Divine Messenger Became 
 Urgent,  And Began To Press His Request,  And To Show The Signs And 
 Wonders Which Alone,  As He Had Been Told (Ex. Vii. 2-4),  Would Break The 
 Spirit Of The King. The Signs Then Followed Each Other At Moderately 
 Short Intervals,  The Entire Series Of The Plagues Not Covering A Longer 
 Space Than About Six Months,  From October Till April. None Of The 
 Plagues Affected The King Greatly Except The Last,  Through Which He Lost 
 His Own Eldest Son,  A Bereavement Mentioned In an Inscription. This 
 Loss,  Combined With The Dread Power Shown In The Infliction During One 
 Night Of Not Less Than A Million Of Deaths,  Produced A Complete 
 Revolution In The Mind Of The King,  And Made Him As Anxious At The 
 Moment To Get Rid Of The Israelites Out Of His Country As He Had 
 Previously Been Anxious To Retain Them. So He Called For Moses And Aaron 
 By Night And Said. "Rise Up,  Get You Forth From Among My People,  Both Ye 
 And The Children Of Israel,  And Go,  Serve The Lord,  As Ye Have Said. 
 Also Take Your Flocks And Your Herds,  As Ye Have Said,  And Be Gone; And 
 Bless Me Also" (Ex. Xii. 31,  32). Moses Was Prepared For The Event,  And 
 Had Prepared His People. All Were Ready,  With Their Loins Girded,  Their 
 Sandals On Their Feet,  And Their Staves In Their Hands; The Word Was 
 Given,  And The Exodus Began. "The Children Of Israel Journeyed From 
 Rameses To Succoth,  About Six Hundred Thousand On Foot That Were Men, 
 Beside Children; And A Mixed Multitude Went Up Also With Them; And 
 Flocks,  And Herds,  Even Very Much Cattle." 
   
 Hereupon The King'S Mind Underwent Another Change. "Unstable As Water," 
 He Was Certain Not To "Excel." Learning That The Israelites,  Instead Of 
 Marching Away Into The Desert,  Had After Reaching Its Edge Turned 
 Southward,  And Were "Entangled" In a Corner Of His Territory,  Between 
 High Mountains On The One Hand,  And On The Other The Red Sea,  Which 
 Then Stretched Far Further To The North Than At Present,  Perhaps To Lake 
 Timseh,  At Any Rate As Far As The "Bitter Lakes," He Thought He Saw An 
 Opportunity Of Following And Recovering The Fugitives,  Whose Services As 
 Bondsmen He Highly Valued. Rapidly Calling Together Such Troops As Were 
 Tolerably Near At Hand,  He Collected A Considerable Force Of Infantry 
 
 
 
 Story 16 (Menephthah I.,  The Pharaoh Of The Exodus.) Pg 124 
 And Chariots--Of The Latter More Than Six Hundred--And Following Upon 
 The Steps Of The Hebrews,  He Caught Them On The Western Shore Of The Red 
 Sea,  Encamped "Between Migdol And The Sea,  Over Against Baal-Zephon." 
 The Exact Spot Cannot Be Fixed,  On Account Of The Alterations In The Bed 
 Of The Red Sea,  And The Uncertainty Of The Ancient Geography Of Egypt, 
 In Which Names So Often Repeat Themselves; But It Was Probably Some Part 
 Of The Region That Is Now Dry Land,  Between Suez And The Southern 
 Extremity Of The Bitter Lakes. Here In High Tides The Sea And The Lakes 
 Communicated; But On The Evening Of Menephthah'S Arrival,  An Unusual Ebb 
 Of The Tide,  Cooperating With A "Strong East Wind" Which Held Back The 
 Water Of The Bitter Lakes,  Left The Bed Of The Sea Bare For A Certain 
 Space; And The Israelites Were Thus Able To Cross During The Night From 
 One Side Of The Sea To The Other. As Morning Dawned,  Menephthah,  Once 
 More Carefully Guarding His Own Person,  Sent His Chariots In Pursuit. 
 The Force Entered On The Slippery And Dangerous Ground,  And Advanced 
 Half-Way; But Its Progress Was Slow; The Chariot-Wheels Sank Into The 
 Soft Ooze,  The Horses Slipped And Floundered; All Was Disorder And 
 Confusion. Before The Troops Could Extricate Themselves,  The Waters 
 Returned On Either Hand; A High Flow Of The Tide,  The Necessary 
 Consequence Of A Low Ebb,  Brought In The Whelming Flood From The 
 South-East; A Strong Wind From The Mediterranean,  Drove Down Upon Them 
 The Pent Up Waters Of The Bitter Lakes From The North-West. The Channel, 
 Which Had Lately Been Dry Land,  Became Once More Sea,  And The Entire 
 Force That Had Entered It In Pursuit Of The Israelites Perished. Safe On 
 The Opposite Shore,  The Israelites Saw The Utter Destruction Of Their 
 Adversaries,  Whose Dead Bodies,  Driven Before The Gale,  Were Cast Up In 
 Hundreds Upon The Coast Where They Sate Encamped (Ex. Xiv. 30). 
   
 The Disaster Paralyzed The Monarch,  And He Made No Further Effort. If 
 The Loss Was Not Great Numerically,  It Affected The Most Important Arm 
 Of The Service,  And It Was The Destruction Of The Very _Elite_ Of The 
 Egyptian Troops. It Was A Blow In Which The Anger Of The Egyptian Gods 
 May Well Have Been Seen By Some,  While Others May Have Regarded It As A 
 Revelation Of The Incompetence Of The Monarch. The Blow Seems To Have 
 Been Followed,  Within A Short Time,  By Revolt. Menephthah'S Last 
 Monumental Year Is His Eighth. A Pretender To The Crown Arose In a 
 Certain Amon-Mes,  Or Amon-Meses,  Who Contested The Throne With Seti Ii., 
 Menephthah'S Son,  And Succeeded In establishing Himself As King; But For 
 Many Years There Raged In egypt,  As So Often Happens When A State Is 
 Suddenly Weakened,  Civil War,  Bloodshed,  And Confusion. 
   
 The Two Dynasties That Have Last Occupied Us Constitute The Most 
 Brilliant Period Of Egyptian Architecture; For,  As Fergusson,  The Latest 
 Historian Of Architecture,  Has Said,  The Hall Of Seti At Karnak Is "The 
 Greatest Of Man'S Architectural Works," The Building To Which It Belongs 
 Is "The Noblest Effort Of Architectural Magnificence Ever Produced By 
 The Hand Of Man," And The Rock-Cut Temple Of Ipsambul Is "The Finest Of 
 Its Class Known To Exist Anywhere." These Works Combine Enormous Mass 
 And Size With A Profusion Of Elaborate Ornamentation. Covering Nearly As 
 Much Ground As The Greatest Of The Pyramids,  And Containing Equally 
 Enormous Blocks Of Stone,  The Theban Palace-Temples Unite A Wealth Of 
 Varied Ornamentation Almost Unparalleled Among The Edifices Erected By 
 Man. Here Are Long Avenues Of Sphinxes And Colossi,  Leading To Tall, 
 Tapering Obelisks Which Shoot Upwards Like The Pinnacles,  Towers,  And 
 Spires Of A Modern Cathedral,  While Beyond The Obelisks Are Vistas Of 
 
 
 
 Story 16 (Menephthah I.,  The Pharaoh Of The Exodus.) Pg 125 
 Gateways And Courts,  Of Colonnades And Pillared Halls,  That Impress The 
 Beholder With A Deep Sense Of The Constructive Imagination Of The 
 Architect Who Could Design Them,  No Less Than With Admiration Of The 
 Ruler Whose Resources Were Sufficient To Make Them Realities. 
   
 Truly The Egyptians Were,  As Mr. Fergusson Enthusiastically Asserts, 
 "The Most Essentially A Building People Of All Those We Are Acquainted 
 With,  And The Most Generally Successful In all That They Attempted In 
 This Way. The Greeks,  It Is True,  Surpassed Them In Refinement And 
 Beauty Of Detail,  And In The Class Of Sculpture With Which They 
 Ornamented Their Buildings,  While The Gothic Architects Far Excelled 
 Them In constructive Cleverness; But With These Exceptions,  No Other 
 Styles Can Be Put Into Competition With Them. At The Same Time,  Neither 
 Grecian Nor Gothic Architects Understood More Perfectly All The 
 Gradations Of Art,  And The Exact Character That Should Be Given To Every 
 Form And Every Detail.... They Understood Also Better Than Any Other 
 Nation,  How To Use Sculpture In combination With Architecture,  And To 
 Make Their Colossi And Avenues Of Sphinxes Group Themselves Into Parts 
 Of One Great Design,  And At The Same Time To Use Historical Paintings, 
 Fading By Insensible Degrees Into Hieroglyphics On The One Hand,  And 
 Into Sculpture On The Other,  Linking The Whole Together With The Highest 
 Class Of Phonetic Utterance. With The Most Brilliant Colouring,  They 
 Thus Harmonized All These Arts Into One Great Whole,  Unsurpassed By 
 Anything The World Has Seen During The Thirty Centuries Of Struggle And 
 Aspiration That Have Elapsed Since The Brilliant Days Of The Great 
 Kingdom Of The Pharaohs." 
   
 Not Only Did Architecture And The Glyphic Art Reach Such Perfection 
 During This Period,  But The Arts Of Life Made Considerable Progress. The 
 Royal Costumes Became Suddenly Most Elaborate; Brilliant Colours,  Costly 
 Armlets And Bracelets,  Many-Hued Collars,  Complicated Head-Dresses, 
 Elegant Sandals,  Jewels Of Price,  Gay Sashes,  And Wigs With Conventional 
 Adornment,  Came Into Vogue. Luxury Was Exhibited In The Designs Of The 
 Dwellings Of The Wealthy; The Grounds Were Laid Out With Formal Courts 
 And Alleys,  Palms And Vines Adorned Them,  Ponds And Reservoirs Gave 
 Freshness To The Summer Temperature,  Irrigation Clothed The Lawns With 
 Verdure. Inside,  There Was Richly Carved Furniture Covered With Cushions 
 Of Delicate Stuffs,  And Adding The Harmony Of Colour To The Luxurious 
 Scene. 
   
 The Horse,  Which Had Been Introduced From Asia,  Helped In The March Of 
 Extravagance And Refinement; The Chariot Took The Place Of The 
 Palanquin,  And There Was A New Opportunity For Adornment In The 
 Trappings,  As Well As In The Construction Of Light Or Heavy Vehicles. 
   
 At The Same Time,  Letters Made Equal Progress; Men Of Wisdom Devoted 
 Themselves To The Preservation Of The Knowledge Of The Past,  And To The 
 Composition Of Original Works In History,  Divinity,  Poetry, 
 Correspondence,  And Practical Philosophy,  For The Preservation Of Which 
 A Public Library Was Established At Thebes Under A Competent Director. 
 The Highest Perfection Thus Reached In The Arts Of Peace Seems To Have 
 Been Coincident With An Advance In Sensualism; Indecency In apparel Was 
 Common,  Polygamy Increased,  Woman Lost Her Former Degree Of Purity; 
 Cruelty And Barbarism Were More And More Common In War; Taxation Bore 
 Heavily And Without Pity Upon The Lower Orders,  And The Wretched 
 Fellahin Were Beaten By The Severest Of Tyrants,  The Irresponsible 
 Tax-Gatherer; Women As Well As Men Were Stripped For The Indignity And 
 
 
 
 Story 16 (Menephthah I.,  The Pharaoh Of The Exodus.) Pg 126 
 Pain Of The Terrible Bastinado; And Even Dead Enemies Were Mutilated For 
 The Purpose Of Preserving Evidence Of Their Numbers. 
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 17 ( The Decline Of Egypt Under The Later Ramessides.) Pg 127 
 The Troublous Period Which Followed The Death Of Menephthah Issued 
 Finally In complete Anarchy,  Egypt Broke Up Into Nomes,  Or Cantons,  The 
 Chiefs Of Which Acknowledged No Superior. It Was As Though In england, 
 After Centuries Of Centralized Rule,  The Heptarchy Had Suddenly Returned 
 And Re-Established Itself. But Even This Was Not The Worst. The Suicidal 
 Folly Of Internal Division Naturally Provokes Foreign Attack; And It Was 
 Not Long Before Aarsu,  A Syrian Chieftain,  Took Advantage Of The State 
 Of Affairs In egypt To Extend His Own Dominion Over One Nome After 
 Another,  Until He Had Made Almost The Whole Country Subject To Him. 
 Then,  At Last,  The Spirit Of Patriotism Awoke. Egypt Felt The Shame Of 
 Being Ruled By A Foreigner Of A Race That She Despised; And A Prince Was 
 Found After A Time,  A Descendant Of The Ramesside Line,  Who Unfurled The 
 National Banner,  And Commenced A War Of Independence. This Prince,  Who 
 Bore The Name Of Set-Nekht,  Or "Set The Victorious," Is Thought By Some 
 To Have Been A Son Of Seti Ii.,  And So A Grandson Of Menephthah; But The 
 Evidence Is Insufficient To Establish Any Such Relationship. There Is 
 Reason To Believe That The Blood Of The Nineteenth Dynasty,  Of Seti I. 
 And Ramesses Ii.,  Ran In His Veins; But No Particular Relationship To 
 Any Former Monarch Can Be Made Out. And Certainly He Owed His Crown Less 
 To His Descent Than To His Strong Arm And His Stout Heart. It Was By 
 Dint Of Severe Fighting That He Forced His Way To The Throne,  Defeating 
 Aarsu,  And Gradually Reducing All Egypt Under His Power. 
   
 Set-Nekht'S Reign Must Have Been Short He Set Himself To "Put The Whole 
 Land In Order,  To Execute The Abominables,  To Set Up The Temples,  And 
 Re-Establish The Divine Offerings For The Service Of The Gods,  As Their 
 Statutes Prescribed," But He Was Unable To Effect Very Much. He Could 
 Not Even Discharge Properly The Main Duty Of A King Towards Himself, 
 Which Was To Prepare A Fitting Receptacle For His Remains When He Should 
 Quit The Earth. To Excavate A Rock-Tomb In The Style Fashionable At The 
 Day Was A Task Requiring Several Years For Its Due Accomplishment; 
 Set-Nekht Felt That He Could Not Look Forward To Many Years--Perhaps Not 
 Even To Many Months--Of Life. In This Difficulty,  He Felt No Shame In 
 Appropriating To Himself A Royal Tomb Recently Constructed By A King, 
 Named Siphthah,  Whom He Looked Upon As A Usurper,  And Therefore As 
 Unworthy Of Consideration. In This Sepulchre We See The Names Of 
 Siphthah And His Queen,  Taouris,  Erased By The Chisel From Their 
 
 
 
 Story 17 ( The Decline Of Egypt Under The Later Ramessides.) Pg 128 
 Cartouches,  And The Name Of Set-Nekht Substituted In Their Place. By One 
 And The Same Act The King Punished An Unworthy Predecessor,  And Provided 
 Himself With A Ready--Made Tomb Befitting His Dignity. 
   
 It Was Also,  Probably,  On Account Of His Advanced Age At His Accession, 
 That He Almost Immediately Associated In The Kingdom His Son Ramesses,  A 
 Prince Of Much Promise,  Whom He Made "Chief Of On," And Viceroy Over 
 Lower Egypt,  With Heliopolis (On) For His Residence And Capital. 
 Ramesses The Third,  As He Is Commonly Called,  Was One Of The Most 
 Distinguished Of Egyptian Monarchs,  And The Last Who Acquired Any Great 
 Glory Until We Come Down To The Time Of The Ethiopians,  Shabak And 
 Tirhakah. He Reigned As Sole Monarch For Thirty-One Years,  During The 
 Earlier Portion Of Which Period He Carried On A Number Of Important 
 Wars,  While During The Later Portion He Employed Himself In The 
 Construction Of Those Magnificent Buildings,  Which Have Been Chiefly 
 Instrumental In carrying His Name Down To Posterity,  And In Other Works 
 Of Utility. Lenormant Calls Him "The Last Of The Great Sovereigns Of 
 Egypt," And Observes With Reason,  That Though He Never Ceased,  During 
 The Whole Time That He Occupied The Throne,  To Labour Hard To 
 Re-Establish The Integrity Of The Empire Abroad,  And The Prosperity Of 
 The Country At Home,  Yet His Wars And His Conquests Had A Character 
 Essentially Defensive; His Efforts,  Like Those Of The Trajans,  The 
 Marcus Aurelius'S And The Septimius Severus'S Of History,  Were Directed 
 To Making Head Against The Ever Rising Flood Of Barbarians,  Which Had 
 Already Before His Time Burst The Dykes That Restrained It,  And Though 
 Once Driven Back,  Continued To Dash Itself On Every Side Against The 
 Outer Borders Of The Empire,  And To Presage Its Speedy Overthrow. His 
 Efforts Were,  On The Whole,  Successful; He Was Able To Uphold And 
 Preserve For Some Considerable Time Longer The Territorial Greatness 
 Which The Nineteenth Dynasty Had Built Up A Second Time. The Monumental 
 Temple Of Medinet-Abou,  Near Thebes,  Is The Pantheon Erected To The 
 Glory Of This Great Pharaoh. Every Pylon,  Every Gateway,  Every Chamber, 
 Relates To Us The Exploits Which He Accomplished. Sculptured 
 Compositions Of Large Dimensions Represent His Principal Battles. 
   
 There Are Times In The World'S History When A Restless Spirit Appears To 
 Seize On The Populations Of Large Tracts Of Country,  And,  Without Any 
 Clear Cause That Can Be Alleged,  Uneasy Movements Begin. Subdued 
 Mutterings Are Heard; A Tremor Goes Through The Nations,  Expectation Of 
 Coming Change Stalks Abroad; The Air Is Rife With Rumours; At Last There 
 Bursts Out An Eruption Of Greater Or Less Violence--The Destructive 
 Flood Overleaps Its Barriers,  And Flows Forth,  Carrying Devastation And 
 Ruin In One Direction Of Another,  Until Its Energies Are Exhausted,  Or 
 Its Progress Stopped By Some Obstacle That It Cannot Overcome,  And It 
 Subsides Reluctantly And Perforce. Such A Time Was That On Which 
 Ramesses Iii. Was Cast. Wars Threatened Him On Every Side. On His 
 North-Eastern Frontier The Shasu Or Bedouins Of The Desert Ravaged And 
 Plundered,  At Once Harrying The Egyptian Territory And Threatening The 
 Mining Establishments Of The Sinaitic Region. To The North-West The 
 Libyan Tribes,  Maxyes,  Asbystae,  Auseis,  And Others,  Were Exercising A 
 Continuous Pressure,  To Which The Egyptians Were Forced To Yield,  And 
 Gradually A Foreign Population Was "Squatting" On The Fertile Lands,  And 
 Driving The Former Possessors Of The Soil Back Upon The More Eastern 
 Portion-Of The Delta. "The Lubu And Mashuash," Says Ramesses,  "Were 
 _Seated_ In egypt; They Took The Cities On The Western Side From Memphis 
 As Far As Karbana,  Reaching The Great River Along Its Entire Course 
 (From Memphis Northwards),  And Capturing The City Of Kaukut For Many 
 
 
 
 Story 17 ( The Decline Of Egypt Under The Later Ramessides.) Pg 129 
 Years Had They Been In egypt" Ramesses Began His Warlike Operations By A 
 Campaign Against The Shasu,  Whose Country He Invaded And Overran, 
 Spoiling And Destroying Their Cabins,  Capturing Their Cattle,  Slaying 
 All Who Resisted Him,  And Carrying Back Into Egypt A Vast Number Of 
 Prisoners,  Whom He Attached To The Various Temples As "Sacred Slaves." 
 He Then Turned Against The Libyans,  And Coming Upon Them Unexpectedly In 
 The Tract Between The Sebennytic Branch Of The Nile And The Canopic,  He 
 Defeated In a Great Battle The Seven Tribes Of The Mashuash,  Lubu, 
 Merbasat,  Kaikasha,  Shai,  Hasa,  And Bakana,  Slaughtering Them With The 
 Utmost Fury,  And Driving Them Before Him Across The Western Branch Of 
 The River. "They Trembled Before Him," Says The Native Historian,  "As 
 The Mountain Goats Tremble Before A Bull,  Who Stamps With His Foot, 
 Strikes With His Horns,  And Makes The Mountains Shake As He Rushes On 
 Whoever Opposes Him." The Egyptians Gave No Quarter That Memorable Day. 
 Vengeance Had Free Course: The Slain Libyans Lay In Heaps Upon 
 Heaps--The Chariot Wheels Passed Over Them--The Horses Trampled Them In 
 The Mire. Hundreds Were Pushed And Forced Into The Marshes And Into The 
 River Itself,  And,  If They Escaped The Flight Of Missiles Which 
 Followed,  Found For The Most Part A Watery Grave In The Strong Current. 
 Ramesses Portrays This Flight And Carnage In The Most Graphic Way. The 
 Slain Enemy Strew The Ground,  As He Advances Over Them With His Prancing 
 Steeds And In His Rattling War-Car,  Plying Them Moreover With His Arrows 
 As They Vainly Seek To Escape. His Chariot Force And His Infantry Have 
 Their Share In The Pursuit,  And With Sword,  Or Spear,  Or Javelin,  Strike 
 Down Alike The Resisting And The Unresisting. No One Seeks To Take A 
 Prisoner. It Is A Day Of Vengeance And Of Down-Treading,  Of Fury Allowed 
 To Do Its Worst,  Of A People Drunk With Passion That Has Cast Off All 
 Self-Restraint. 
   
 Even Passion Exhausts Itself At Last,  And The Arm Grows Weary Of 
 Slaughtering. Having Sufficiently Revenged Themselves In The Great 
 Battle,  And The Pursuit That Followed It,  The Egyptians Relaxed Somewhat 
 From Their Policy Of Extreme Hostility. They Made A Large Number Of The 
 Libyans Prisoners,  Branded Them With A Hot Iron,  As The Persians Often 
 Did Their Prisoners,  And Forced Them To Join The Naval Service And Serve 
 As Mariners On Board The Egyptian Fleet. The Chiefs Of Greater 
 Importance They Confined In Fortresses. The Women And Children Became 
 The Slaves Of The Conquerors; The Cattle,  "Too Numerous To Count," Was 
 Presented By Ramesses To The Priest-College Of Ammon At Thebes. 
   
 So Far Success Had Crowned His Arms; And It May Well Be That Ramesses 
 Would Have Been Content With The Military Glory Thus Acquired,  And Have 
 Abstained From Further Expeditions,  Had Not He Been Forced Within A Few 
 Years To Take The Field Against A Powerful Combination Of New And 
 Partly Unheard-Of Enemies. The Uneasy Movement Among The Nations,  Which 
 Has Been Already Noticed,  Had Spread Further Afield,  And Now Agitated At 
 Once The Coasts And Islands Of South-Eastern Europe,  And The More 
 Western Portion Of Asia Minor. Seven Nations Banded Themselves Together, 
 And Resolved To Unite Their Forces,  Both Naval And Military,  Against 
 Egypt,  And To Attack Her Both By Land And Sea,  Not Now On The 
 North-Western Frontier,  Where Some Of Them Had Experienced Defeat 
 Before,  But In exactly The Opposite Quarter,  By Way Of Syria And 
 Palestine. Of The Seven,  Three Had Been Among Her Former Adversaries In 
 The Time Of Menephthah,  Namely,  The Sheklusha,  The Shartana,  And The 
 
 
 
 Story 17 ( The Decline Of Egypt Under The Later Ramessides.) Pg 130 
 Tursha; While Four Were New Antagonists,  Unknown At Any Former Period. 
 There Were,  First,  The Tanauna,  In Whom It Is Usual To See Either The 
 Danai Of The Peloponnese,  So Celebrated In Homer,  Or The Daunii Of 
 South-Eastern Italy,  Who Bordered On The Iapyges; Secondly,  The Tekaru, 
 Or Teucrians,  A Well-Known People Of The Troad; Thirdly,  The Uashasha, 
 Who Are Identified With The Oscans Or Ausones,  Neighbours Of The 
 Daunians; And Fourthly,  The Purusata,  Whom Some Explain As The Pelasgi, 
 And Others As The Philistines. The Lead In The Expedition Was Taken By 
 These Last. At Their Summons The Islands And Shores Of The Mediterranean 
 Gave Forth Their Piratical Hordes--The Sea Was Covered By Their Light 
 Galleys And Swept By Their Strong Pars--Tanauna,  Shartana,  Sheklusha, 
 Tursha,  And Uashasha Combined Their Squadrons Into A Powerful Fleet, 
 While Purusata And Tekaru Advanced In countless Numbers Along The Land. 
 The Purusata Were Especially Bent On Effecting A Settlement; They 
 Marched Into Northern Syria From Asia Minor Accompanied By Their Wives 
 And Children,  Who Were Mounted Upon Carts Drawn By Oxen,  And Formed A 
 Vast Unwieldy Crowd. The Other Nations Sent Their Sailors And Their 
 Warriors Without Any Such Encumbrances. Bursting Through The Passes Of 
 Taurus,  The Combined Purusata And Tekaru Spread Themselves Over Northern 
 Syria,  Wasting And Plundering The Entire Country Of The Khita,  And 
 Proceeding Eastward As Far As Carchemish "By Euphrates," While The Ships 
 Of The Remaining Confederates Coasted Along The Syrian Shore. Such 
 Resistance As The Hittites And Syrians Made Was Wholly Ineffectual. "No 
 People Stood Before Their Arms." Aradus And Kadesh Fell. The Conquerors 
 Pushed On Towards Egypt,  Anticipating An Easy Victory. But Their Fond 
 Hopes Were Doomed To Disappointment. 
   
 Ramesses Had Been Informed Of The Designs And Approach Of The Enemy,  And 
 Had Had Ample Time To Make All Needful Preparations. He Had Strengthened 
 His Frontier,  Called Out All His Best-Disciplined Troops,  And Placed The 
 Mouths Of The Nile In a State Of Defence By Means Of Forts,  Strong 
 Garrisons,  And Flotillas Upon The Stream And Upon The Lakes Adjacent. He 
 Had Selected An Eligible Position For Encountering The Advancing Hordes 
 On The Coast Route From Gaza To Egypt,  About Half-Way Between Raphia And 
 Pelusium,  Where A New Fort Had Been Built By His Orders. At This Point 
 He Took His Stand,  And Calmly Awaited His Enemies,  Not Having Neglected 
 The Precaution To Set An Ambush Or Two In convenient Places. Here,  As 
 He Kept His Watch,  The First Enemy To Arrive Was The Land Host Of The 
 Purusata,  Encumbered With Its Long Train Of Slowly Moving Bullock-Carts, 
 Heavily Laden With Women And Children. Ramesses Instantly Attacked 
 Them--His Ambushes Rose Up Out Of Their Places Of Concealment--And The 
 Enemy Was Beset On Every Side. They Made No Prolonged Resistance. 
 Assaulted By The Disciplined And Seasoned Troops Of The Egyptians,  The 
 Entire Confused Mass Was Easily Defeated. Twelve Thousand Five Hundred 
 Men Were Slain In The Fight; The Camp Was Taken; The Army Shattered To 
 Pieces. Nothing Was Open To The Survivors But An Absolute Surrender,  By 
 Which Life Was Saved At The Cost Of Perpetual Servitude. 
   
 The Danger,  However,  Was As Yet But Half Overcome--The Snake Was 
 Scotched But Not Killed. For As Yet The Fleet Remained Intact,  And Might 
 Land Its Thousands On The Egyptian Coasts And Carry Fire And Sword Over 
 The Broad Region Of The Delta. The Tanauna And Their 
 Confederates--Sheklusha,  Shartana,  And Tursha--Made Rapidly For The 
 Nearest Mouth Of The Nile,  Which Was The Pelusiac,  And Did Their Best To 
 Effect A Landing. But The Precautions Taken By Ramesses,  Before He Set 
 Forth On His March,  Proved Sufficient To Frustrate Their Efforts. The 
 
 
 
 Story 17 ( The Decline Of Egypt Under The Later Ramessides.) Pg 131 
 Egyptian Fleet Met The Combined Squadrons Of The Enemy In The Shallow 
 Waters Of The Pelusiac Lagoon,  And Contended With Them In a Fierce 
 Battle,  Which Ramesses Caused To Be Represented In His Sculptures--The 
 Earliest Representation Of A Sea-Fight That Has Come Down To Us. Both 
 Sides Have Ships Propelled At Once By Sails And Oars,  But Furl Their 
 Sails Before Engaging. Each Ship Has A Single Yard,  Constructed To 
 Carry A Single Large Square-Sail,  And Hung Across The Vessel'S Single 
 Mast At A Short Distance Below The Top. The Mast Is Crowned By A 
 Bell-Shaped Receptacle,  Large Enough To Contain A Man,  Who Is Generally 
 A Slinger Or An Archer,  Placed There To Gall The Enemy With Stones Or 
 Arrows,  And So To Play The Part Of Our Own Sharpshooters In The 
 Main-Tops. The Rowers Are From Sixteen To Twenty-Two In Number,  Besides 
 Whom Each Vessel Carries A Number Of Fighting Men,  Armed With Shields, 
 Spears,  Swords,  And Bows. The Fight Is A Promiscuous _Melee_,  The Two 
 Fleets Being Intermixed,  And Each Ship Engaging That Next To It,  Without 
 A Thought Of Combined Action Or Of Manoeuvres. One Of The Enemy'S 
 Vessels Is Represented As Capsized And Sinking; The Rest Continue The 
 Engagement. Several Are Pressing Towards The Shore Of The Lagoon,  And 
 The Men-At-Arms On Board Them Are Endeavouring To Effect A Landing; But 
 They Are Met By The Land-Force Under Ramesses Himself,  Who Greet Them 
 With Such A Hail Of Arrows As Renders It Impossible For Them To Carry 
 Out Their Purpose. 
   
   
 It Would Seem That Ramesses Had No Sooner Defeated And Destroyed The 
 Army Of The Purusata And Tekaru Than He Set Off In Haste For Pelusium, 
 And Marched With Such Speed As To Arrive In Time To Witness The Naval 
 Engagement,  And Even To Take A Certain Part In It. The Invading Fleet 
 Was So Far Successful As To Force Its Way Through The Opposing Vessels 
 Of The Egyptians,  And To Press Forward Towards The Shore; But Here Its 
 Further Progress Was Arrested. "A Wall Of Iron," Says Ramesses,  "Shut 
 Them In Upon The Lake," The Best Troops Of Egypt Lined The Banks Of 
 The Lagoon,  And Wherever The Invaders Attempted To Land They Were 
 Foiled. Repulsed,  Dashed To The Ground,  Hewn Down Or Shot Down At The 
 Edge Of The Water,  They Were Slain "By Hundreds Of Heaps Of Corpses." 
 "The Infantry," Says The Monarch In His Vainglorious Inscription,  Set Up 
 In Memory Of The Event,  "All The Choicest Troops Of The Army Of Egypt, 
 Stood Upon The Bank,  Furious As Roaring Lions; The Chariot Force, 
 Selected From Among The Heroes That Were Quickest In battle,  Was Led By 
 Officers Confident In Themselves. The War-Steeds Quivered In all Their 
 Limbs,  And Burned To Trample The Nations Under Their Feet. I Myself Was 
 Like The God Mentu,  The Warlike; I Placed Myself At Their Head,  And They 
 Saw The Achievements Of My Hands. I,  Ramesses The King,  Behaved As A 
 Hero Who Knows His Worth,  And Who Stretches Out His Arm Over His People 
 In The Day Of Combat. The Invaders Of My Territory Will Gather No More 
 Harvests Upon The Earth,  Their Life Is Counted To Them As Eternity. 
 Those That Gained The Shore,  I Caused To Fall At The Water'S Edge,  They 
 Lay Slain In Heaps; I Overturned Their Vessels; All Their Goods Sank In 
 The Waves." After A Brief Combat,  All Resistance Ceased. The Empty 
 Ships,  Floating At Random Upon The Still Waters Of The Lagoon,  Or Stuck 
 Fast In The Nile Mud,  Became The Prize Of The Victors,  And Were Found To 
 Contain A Rich Booty. Thus Ended This Remarkable Struggle,  In Which 
 Nations Widely Severed And Of Various Bloods--Scarcely,  As One Would 
 Have Thought,  Known To Each Other,  And Separated By A Diversity Of 
 Interests--United In an Attack Upon The Foremost Power Of The Known 
 
 
 
 Story 17 ( The Decline Of Egypt Under The Later Ramessides.) Pg 132 
 World,  Traversed Several Hundreds Of Miles Of Land Or Sea Successfully, 
 Neither Quarrelling Among Themselves Nor Meeting With Disaster From 
 Without,  And Reached The Country Which They Had Hoped To Conquer,  But 
 Were There Completely Defeated And Repulsed In Two Engagements--One By 
 Land,  The Other Partly By Land And Partly By Sea--So That "Their Spirit 
 Was Annihilated,  Their Soul Was Taken From Them." Henceforth No One Of 
 The Nations Which Took Part In The Combined Attack Is Found In arms 
 Against The Power That Had Read Them So Severe A Lesson. 
   
 It Was Not Long After Repulsing This Attack Upon The Independence Of 
 Egypt That Ramesses Undertook His "Campaign Of Revenge." Starting With A 
 Fleet And Army Along The Line That His Assailants Had Followed,  He 
 Traversed Palestine And Syria,  Hunting The Lion In The Outskirts Of 
 Lebanon,  And Re-Establishing For A Time The Egyptian Dominion Over Much 
 Of The Region Which Had Been Formerly Held In Subjection By The Great 
 Monarchs Of The Eighteenth And Nineteenth Dynasties. He Claims To Have 
 Carried His Arms To Aleppo And Carchemish,  In Which Case We Must Suppose 
 That He Defeated The Hittites,  Or Else That They Declined To Meet Him In 
 The Field; And He Gives A List Of Thirty-Eight Conquered Countries Or 
 Tribes,  Which Are Thought To Belong To Upper Syria,  Southern Asia Minor, 
 And Cyprus. In Some Of His Inscriptions He Even Speaks Of Having 
 Recovered Naharaina,  Kush,  And Punt; But There Is No Evidence That He 
 Really Visited--Much Less Conquered--These Remote Regions. 
   
 The Later Life Of Ramesses Iii. Was,  On The Whole A Time Of 
 Tranquillity And Repose. The Wild Tribes Of North Africa,  After One 
 Further Attempt To Establish Themselves In The Western Delta,  Which 
 Wholly Failed,  Acquiesced In The Lot Which Nature Seemed To Have 
 Assigned Them,  And,  Leaving The Egyptians In Peace,  Contented Themselves 
 With The Broad Tract Over Which They Were Free To Rove Between The 
 Mediterranean And The Sahara Desert. On The South Ethiopia Made No Sign. 
 In The East The Hittites Had Enough To Do To Rebuild The Power Which Had 
 Been Greatly Shattered By The Passage Of The Hordes Of Asia Minor 
 Through Their Territory,  On Their Way To Egypt And On Their Return From 
 It. The Assyrians Had Not Yet Commenced Their Aggressive Wars Towards 
 The North And West,  Having Probably Still A Difficulty In Maintaining 
 Their Independence Against The Attacks Of Babylon. Egypt Was Left 
 Undisturbed By Her Neighbours For The Space Of Several Generations,  And 
 Herself Refrained From Disturbing The Peace Of The World By Foreign 
 Expeditions. Ramesses Turned His Attention To Building,  Commerce,  And 
 The Planting Of Egypt With Trees. He Constructed And Ornamented The 
 Beautiful Temple Of Ammon At Medinet-Abou,  Built A Fleet On The Red Sea 
 And Engaged In Trade With Punt,  Dug A Great Reservoir In The Country Of 
 Aina (Southern Palestine),  And "Over The Whole Land Of Egypt Planted 
 Trees And Shrubs,  To Give The Inhabitants Rest Under Their Cool Shade." 
   
 The General Decline Of Egypt Must,  However,  Be Regarded As Having 
 Commenced In His Reign. His Eastern Conquests Were More Specious Than 
 Solid,  Resulting In a Nominal Rather Than A Real Subjection Of Palestine 
 And Syria To His Yoke. His Subjects Grew Unaccustomed To The Use Of 
 Arms During The Last Twenty,  Or Five And Twenty,  Years Of His Life. 
 Above All,  Luxury,  Intrigue,  And Superstition Invaded The Court,  Where 
 The Eunuchs And Concubines Exercised A Pernicious Influence. Magic Was 
 Practised By Some Of The Chief Men In The State,  And The Belief Was 
 Widely Spread That It Was Possible By Charms,  Incantations,  And The Use 
 
 
 
 Story 17 ( The Decline Of Egypt Under The Later Ramessides.) Pg 133 
 Of Waxen Images,  To Bewitch Men,  Or Paralyse Their Limbs,  Or Even To 
 Cause Their Deaths. Hags Were To Be Found About The Court As Wicked As 
 Canidia,  Who Were Willing To Sell Their Skill In The Black Art To The 
 Highest Bidder. The Actual Person Of The Monarch Was Not Sacred From The 
 Plottings Of This Nefarious Crew,  Who Planned Assassinations And Hatched 
 Conspiracies In The Very Purlieus Of The Royal Palace. Ramesses Himself 
 Would,  Apparently,  Have Fallen A Victim To A Plot Of The Kind,  Had Not 
 The Parties To It Been Discovered,  Arrested,  Tried By A Royal 
 Commission,  And Promptly Executed. 
   
 The Descendants Of Ramesses Iii. Occupied The Throne From His Death 
 (About B.C. 1280) To B.C. 1100. Ten Princes Of The Name Of Ramesses,  And 
 One Called Meri-Tum,  Bore Sway During This Interval,  Each Of Them 
 Showing,  If Possible,  Greater Weakness Than The Last,  And All Of Them 
 Sunk In Luxury,  Idle,  Effeminate,  Sensual. Ramesses Iii. Provoked 
 Caricature By His Open Exhibition Of Harem-Scenes On The Walls Of His 
 Medinet-Abou Palace. His Descendants,  Content With Harem Life,  Scarcely 
 Cared To Quit The Precincts Of The Royal Abode,  Desisted From All War, 
 And Even Devolved The Task Of Government On Other Shoulders. The 
 Pharaohs Of The Twentieth Dynasty Became Absolute _Faineants_,  And 
 Devolved Their Duties On The High-Priests Of The Great Temple Of Ammon 
 At Thebes,  Who "Set Themselves To Play The Same Part Which At A Distant 
 Period Was Played By The Mayors Of The Palace Under The Later French 
 Kings Of The Merovingian Line." 
   
 In An Absolute Monarchy,  The Royal Authority Is The Mainspring Which 
 Controls All Movements And All Actions In every Part Of The State. Let 
 This Source Of Energy Grow Weak,  And Decline At Once Shows Itself 
 Throughout The Entire Body Politic. It Is As When A Fatal Malady Seizes 
 On The Seat Of Life In an Individual--Instantly Every Member,  Every 
 Tissue,  Falls Away,  Suffers,  Shrinks,  Decays,  Perishes. Egyptian 
 Architecture Is Simply Non-Existent From The Death Of Ramesses Iii. To 
 The Age Of Sheshonk; The "Grand Style" Of Pictorial Art Disappears; 
 Sculpture In Relief Becomes A Wearisome Repetition Of The Same 
 Stereotyped Religious Groups; Statuary Deteriorates And Is Rare; Above 
 All,  Literature Declines,  Undergoing An Almost Complete Eclipse. A 
 Galaxy Of Literary Talent Had,  As We Have Seen,  Clustered About The 
 Reigns Of Ramesses Ii. And Menephthah,  Under Whose Encouragement Authors 
 Had Devoted Themselves To History,  Divinity,  Practical Philosophy, 
 Poetry,  Epistolary Correspondence,  Novels,  Travels,  Legend. From The 
 Time Of Ramesses Iii.--Nay,  From The Time Of Seti Ii.--All Is A Blank: 
 "The True Poetic Inspiration Appears To Have Vanished," Literature Is 
 Almost Dumb; Instead Of The Masterpieces Of Pentaour,  Kakabu,  Nebsenen, 
 Enna,  And Others,  Which Even Moderns Can Peruse With Pleasure,  We Have 
 Only Documents In Which "The Dry Official Tone" Prevails--Abstracts Of 
 Trials,  Lists Of Functionaries,  Tiresome Enumerations In The Greatest 
 Detail Of Gifts Made To The Gods,  Together With Fulsome Praises Of The 
 Kings,  Written Either By Themselves Or By Others,  Which We Are Half 
 Inclined To Regret The Lapse Of Ages Has Spared From Destruction. At The 
 Same Time Morals Fall Off. Sensuality Displays Itself In High Places. 
 Intrigue Enters The Charmed Circle Of The Palace. The Monarch Himself Is 
 Satirized In Indecent Drawings. Presently,  The Whole Idea Of A Divinity 
 Hedging In The King Departs; And A "Thieves' Society" Is Formed For 
 Rifling The Royal Tombs,  And Tearing The Jewels,  With Which They Have 
 Been Buried,  From The Monarchs' Persons. The King'S Life Is Aimed At By 
 Conspirators,  Who Do Not Scruple To Use Magical Arts; Priests And High 
 Judicial Functionaries Are Implicated In The Proceedings. Altogether, 
 The Old Order Seems To Be Changed,  The Old Ideas To Be Upset; And No 
 
 
 
 Story 17 ( The Decline Of Egypt Under The Later Ramessides.) Pg 134 
 New Principles,  Possessing Any Vital Efficacy,  Are Introduced. Society 
 Gradually Settles Upon Its Lees; And Without Some Violent Application Of 
 Force From Without,  Or Some Strange Upheaval From Within,  The Nation 
 Seems Doomed To Fall Rapidly Into Decay And Dissolution. 
 
 
 
 Story 18 ( The Priest-Kings--Pinetem And Solomon.) Pg 135 
   
 The Position Of The Priests In egypt Was,  From The First,  One Of High 
 Dignity And Influence. Though Not,  Strictly Speaking,  A Caste,  They 
 Formed A Very Distinct Order Or Class,  Separated By Important 
 Privileges,  And By Their Habits Of Life,  From The Rest Of The Community, 
 And Recruited Mainly From Among Their Own Sons,  And Other Near 
 Relatives. Their Independence And Freedom Was Secured By A System Of 
 Endowments. From A Remote Antiquity A Considerable Portion Of The Land 
 Of Egypt--Perhaps As Much As One-Third--Was Made Over To The Priestly 
 Class,  Large Estates Being Attached To Each Temple,  And Held As Common 
 Property By The "Colleges," Which,  Like The Chapters Of Our Cathedrals, 
 Directed The Worship Of Each Sacred Edifice. These Priestly Estates 
 Were,  We Are Told,  Exempt From Taxation Of Any Kind; And They Appear To 
 Have Received Continual Augmentation From The Piety Or Superstition Of 
 The Kings,  Who Constantly Made Over To Their Favourite Deities Fresh 
 "Gardens,  Orchards,  Vineyards,  Fields," And Even "Cities." 
   
 The Kings Lived Always In a Considerable Amount Of Awe Of The Priests. 
 Though Claiming A Certain Qualified Divinity Themselves,  They Yet Could 
 Not But Be Aware That There Were Divers Flaws And Imperfections In 
 Their Own Divinity--"Little Rifts Within The Lute"--Which Made It Not 
 Quite A Safe Support To Trust To,  Or Lean Upon,  Entirely. There Were 
 Other Greater Gods Than Themselves--Gods From Whom Their Own Divinity 
 Was Derived; And They Could Not Be Certain What Power Or Influence The 
 Priests Might Not Have With These Superior Beings,  In Whose Existence 
 And Ability To Benefit And Injure Men They Had The Fullest Belief. 
 Consequently,  The Kings Are Found To Occupy A Respectful Attitude 
 Towards The Priests Throughout The Whole Course Of Egyptian History, 
 From First To Last; And This Respectful Attitude Is Especially 
 Maintained Towards The Great Personages In Whom The Hierarchy 
 Culminates,  The Head Officials,  Or Chief Priests,  Of The Temples Which 
 
 
 
 Story 18 ( The Priest-Kings--Pinetem And Solomon.) Pg 136 
 Are The Principal Centres Of The National Worship--The Temple Of Ra,  Or 
 Tum,  At Heliopolis,  That Of Phthah At Memphis,  And That Of Ammon At 
 Thebes. According To The Place Where The Capital Was Fixed For The Time 
 Being,  One Or Other Of These Three High-Priests Had The Pre-Eminence; 
 And,  In The Later Period Of The Ramessides,  Thebes Having Enjoyed 
 Metropolitan Dignity For Between Five And Six Centuries,  The Theban 
 High-Priest Of Ammon Was Recognized As Beyond Dispute The Chief Of The 
 Sacerdotal Order,  And The Next Person In The Kingdom After The King. 
   
 It Had Naturally Resulted From This High Position,  And The Weight Of 
 Influence Which It Enabled Its Possessor To Exercise,  That The Office 
 Had Become Hereditary. As Far Back As The Reign Of Ramesses Ix.,  We Find 
 That The Holder Of The Position Has Succeeded His Father In It,  And 
 Regards Himself As High-Priest Rather By Natural Right Than By The Will 
 Of The King. The Priest Of That Time,  Amenhotep By Name,  The Son Of 
 Ramesses-Nekht,  Undertakes The Restoration Of The Temple Of Ammon At 
 Thebes Of His Own Proper Motion,  "Strengthens Its Walls,  Builds It Anew, 
 Makes Its Columns,  Inserts In Its Gates The Great Folding-Doors Of 
 Acacia Wood." Formerly,  The Kings Were The Builders,  And The 
 High-Priests Carried Out Their Directions And Then In The Name Of The 
 Gods Gave Thanks To The Kings For Their Pious Munificence. Under The 
 Ninth Ramesses The Order Was Reversed--"Now It Is The King Who Testifies 
 His Gratitude To The High-Priest Of Ammon For The Care Bestowed On His 
 Temple By The Erection Of New Buildings And The Improvement And 
 Maintenance Of The Older Ones." The Initiative Has Passed Out Of The 
 King'S Hands Into Those Of His Subject; He Is Active,  The King Is 
 Passive; All The Glory Is Amenhotep'S; The King Merely Comes In at The 
 Close Of All,  As An Ornamental Person,  Whose Presence Adds A Certain 
 Dignity To The Final Ceremony. 
   
   
 Under The Last Of The Ramessides The High-Priest Of Ammon At Thebes Was 
 A Certain Her-Hor. He Was A Man Of A Pleasing Countenance,  With Features 
 That Were Delicate And Good,  And An Expression That Was Mild And 
 Agreeable. He Had The Art So To Ingratiate Himself With His Sovereign As 
 To Obtain At His Hands At Least Five Distinct Offices Of State Besides 
 His Sacred Dignity. He Was "Chief Of Upper And Lower Egypt," "Royal Son 
 Of Gush," "Fanbearer On The Right Hand Of The King," "Principal 
 Architect," And "Administrator Of The Granaries," Some Of These Offices 
 May Have Been Honorary; But The Duties Of Others Must Have Been 
 Important,  And Their Proper Discharge Would Have Required A Vast Amount 
 Of Varied Ability. It Is Not Likely That Herhor Possessed All The 
 Needful Qualifications; Rather We Must Presume That He Grasped At The 
 Multiplicity Of Appointments In Order To Accumulate Power,  So Far As Was 
 Possible,  In His Own Hands,  And Thereby To Be In a Better Position To 
 Seize The Royal Authority On The Monarch'S Demise. If Ramesses Iii. Died 
 Without Issue,  His Task Must Have Been Facilitated; At Any Rate,  He 
 Seems To Have Had The Skill To Accomplish It Without Struggle Or 
 Disturbance; And If,  As Some Suppose,  He Banished The Remaining 
 Descendants Of Ramesses Iii. To The Great Oasis,  At Any Rate He Did Not 
 Stain His Priestly Hands With Bloodshed,  Or Force His Way To The Throne 
 Through Scenes Of Riot And Confusion. Egypt,  So Far As Appears,  Quietly 
 Acquiesced In His Rule,  And Perhaps Rejoiced To Find Herself Once More 
 Governed By A Prince Of A Strong And Energetic Nature. 
   
 For Some Time After He Had Mounted The Throne,  Herhor Did Not Abandon 
 His Priestly Functions. He Bore The Title Of High-Priest Of Ammon 
 
 
 
 Story 18 ( The Priest-Kings--Pinetem And Solomon.) Pg 137 
 Regularly On One Of His Royal Escutcheons,  While On The Other He Called 
 Himself "Her-Hor Si-Ammon," Or "Her-Hor,  Son Of Ammon," Following The 
 Example Of Former Kings,  Who Gave Themselves Out For Sons Of Ra,  Or 
 Phthah,  Or Mentu,  Or Horus. But Ultimately He Surrendered The Priestly 
 Title To His Eldest Son,  Piankh,  And No Doubt At The Same Time Devolved 
 Upon Him The Duties Which Attached To The High-Priestly Office. There 
 Was Something Unseemly In a Priest Being A Soldier,  And Herhor Was 
 Smitten With The Ambition Of Putting Himself At The Head Of An Army,  And 
 Reasserting The Claim Of Egypt To A Supremacy Over Syria. He Calls 
 Himself "The Conqueror Of The Ruten," And There Is No Reason To Doubt 
 That He Was Successful In a Syrian Campaign,  Though To What Distance He 
 Penetrated Must Remain Uncertain. The Egyptian Monarchs Are Not Very 
 Exact In Their Geographical Nomenclature,  And Herhor May Have Spoken Of 
 Ruten,  When His Adversaries Were Really The Bedouins Of The Desert 
 Between Egypt And Palestine. The Fact That His Expedition Is Unnoticed 
 In The Hebrew Scriptures Renders It Tolerably Certain That He Did Not 
 Effect Any Permanent Conquest,  Even Of Palestine. 
   
 Herhor'S Son,  Piankh,  Who Became High-Priest Of Ammon On His Father'S 
 Abdication Of The Office,  Does Not Appear To Have Succeeded Him In The 
 Kingdom. Perhaps He Did Not Outlive His Father. At Any Rate,  The Kingly 
 Office Seems To Have Passed From Herhor To His Grandson,  Pinetem,  Who 
 Was A Monarch Of Some Distinction,  And Had A Reign Of At Least 
 Twenty-Five Years. Pinetem'S Right To The Crown Was Disputed By 
 Descendants Of The Ramesside Line Of Kings; And He Thought It Worth 
 While To Strengthen His Title By Contracting A Marriage With A Princess 
 Of That Royal Stock,  A Certain Ramaka,  Or Rakama,  Whose Name Appears On 
 His Monuments. But Compromise With Treason Has Rarely A Tranquillizing 
 Effect; And Pinetem'S Concession To The Prejudices Which Formed The 
 Stock-In-Trade Of His Opponents Only Exasperated Them And Urged Them To 
 Greater Efforts. The Focus Of The Conspiracy Passed From The Oasis To 
 Thebes,  Which Had Grown Disaffected Because Pinetem Had Removed The Seat 
 Of Government To Tanis In The Delta,  Which Was The Birthplace Of His 
 Grandfather,  Herhor. So Threatening Had Become The General Aspect Of 
 Affairs,  That The King Thought It Prudent To Send His Son,  Ra-Men-Khepr 
 Or Men-Khepr-Ra,  The Existing High-Priest Of The Temple Of Ammon At 
 Thebes,  From Tanis To The Southern Capital,  In Order That He Should Make 
 Himself Acquainted With The Secret Strength,  And With The Designs Of The 
 Disaffected,  And See Whether He Could Not Either Persuade Or Coerce 
 Them. It Was A Curious Part For The Priest Of Ammon To Play. Ordinarily 
 An Absentee From Thebes And From The Duties Of His Office,  He Visits The 
 Place As Royal Commissioner,  Entrusted With Plenary Powers To Punish Or 
 Forgive Offenders At His Pleasure. His Fellow-Townsmen Are In The Main 
 Hostile To Him; But The Terror Of The King'S Name Is Such That They Do 
 Not Dare To Offer Him Any Resistance,  And He Singles Out Those Who 
 Appear To Him Most Guilty For Punishment,  And Has Them Executed,  While 
 He Grants The Royal Pardon To Others Without Any Let Or Hindrance On The 
 Part Of The Civic Authorities. Finally,  Having Removed All Those Whom He 
 Regarded As Really Dangerous,  He Ventured To Conclude His Commission By 
 Granting A General Amnesty To All Persons Implicated In The Conspiracy, 
 And Allowing The Political Refugees To Return From The Oasis To Thebes 
 And To Live There Unmolested. 
   
 Men-Khepr-Ra Soon Afterwards Became King. He Married A Wife Named 
 Hesi-Em-Kheb,  Who Is Thought To Have Been A Descendant Of Seti L,  And 
 Thus Gave An Additional Legitimacy To The Dynasty Of Priest-Kings. He 
 
 
 
 Story 18 ( The Priest-Kings--Pinetem And Solomon.) Pg 138 
 Also Adorned The City Of Kheb,  The Native Place Of His Wife,  With Public 
 Buildings; But Otherwise Nothing Is Known Of The Events Of His Reign. As 
 A General Rule,  The Priest-Kings Were No More Active Or Enterprizing 
 Than Their Predecessors,  The Ramessides Of The Twentieth Dynasty. They 
 Were Content To Rule Egypt In Peace,  And Enjoy The Delights Of 
 Sovereignty,  Without Fatiguing Themselves Either With The Construction 
 Of Great Works Or The Conduct Of Military Expeditions. If The People 
 That Has No History Is Rightly Pronounced Happy,  Egypt May Have 
 Prospered Under Their Rule; But The Historian Can Scarcely Be Expected 
 To Appreciate A Period Which Supplies Him With No Materials To Work 
 Upon. 
   
 The Inaction Of Egypt Was Favourable To The Growth And Spread Of Other 
 Kingdoms And Empires. Towards The Close Of The Ramesside Period Assyria 
 Had Greatly Increased In Power,  And Extended Her Authority Beyond The 
 Euphrates As Far As The Mediterranean. After This,  Causes That Are Still 
 Obscure Had Caused Her To Decline,  And,  Syria Being Left To Itself,  A 
 New Power Grew Up In It. In The Later Half Of The Eleventh Century, 
 Probably During The Reign Of Men-Khepr-Ra In egypt,  David Began That 
 Series Of Conquests By Which He Gradually Built Up An Empire,  Uniting In 
 One All The Countries And Tribes Between The River Of Egypt 
 (Wady-El-Arish) And The Euphrates. Egypt Made No Attempt To Interfere 
 With His Proceedings; And Assyria,  After One Defeat (1 Chron. Xix. 
 16-19),  Withdrew From The Contest. David'S Empire Was Inherited By 
 Solomon (1 Kings Iv. 21-24); And Solomon'S Position Was Such As 
 Naturally Brought Him Into Communication With The Great Powers Beyond 
 His Borders,  Among Others With Egypt. A Brisk Trade Was Carried On 
 Between His Subjects And The Egyptians,  Especially In Horses And 
 Chariots (Ib. X. 28,  29): And Diplomatic Intercourse Was No Doubt 
 Established Between The Courts Of Tanis And Jerusalem. It Is A Little 
 Uncertain Which Egyptian Prince Was Now Upon The Throne; But 
 Egyptologers Incline To Pinetem Ii.,  The Second In Succession After 
 Men-Khepr-Ra,  And The Last King But One Of The Dynasty. The Hebrew 
 Monarch Having Made Overtures Through His Ambassador,  This Prince,  It 
 Would Seem,  Received Them Favourably; And,  Soon After His Accession (1 
 Kings Iii. 1),  Solomon Took To Wife His Daughter,  An Egyptian Princess, 
 Receiving With Her As A Dowry The City And Territory Of Gezer,  Which 
 Pinetem Had Recently Taken From Its Independent Canaanite Inhabitants 
 (Ib. Ix. 16). The New Connection Had Advantages And Disadvantages. The 
 Excessive Polygamy,  Which Had Been Affected By The Egyptian Monarchs 
 Ever Since The Time Of Ramesses Ii.,  Naturally Spread Into Judea,  And 
 "King Solomon Loved Many Strange Women,  Together With The Daughter Of 
 Pharaoh,  Women Of The Moabites,  Ammonites,  Edomites,  Zidonians,  And 
 Hittites ... And He Had Seven Hundred Wives,  Princesses,  And Three 
 Hundred Concubines; And His Wives Turned Away His Heart" (Ib. Xi. 1,  3). 
 On The Other Hand,  Commerce Was No Doubt Promoted By The Step Taken,  And 
 Much Was Learnt In The Way Of Art From The Egyptian Sculptors And 
 Architects. The Burst Of Architectural Vigour Which Distinguishes 
 Solomon'S Reign Among Those Of Other Hebrew Kings,  Is Manifestly The 
 Direct Result Of Ideas Brought To Jerusalem From The Capital Of The 
 Pharaohs. The Plan Of The Temple,  With Its Open Court In Front,  Its 
 Porch,  Its Holy Place,  Its Holy Of Holies,  And Its Chambers,  Was 
 Modelled After The Egyptian Pattern. The Two Pillars,  Jachin And Boaz, 
 Which Stood In Front Of The Porch,  Took The Place Of The Twin Obelisks, 
 Which In every Finished Example Of An Egyptian Temple Stood Just In 
 Front Of The Principal Entrance. The Lions On The Steps Of The Royal 
 
 
 
 Story 18 ( The Priest-Kings--Pinetem And Solomon.) Pg 139 
 Throne (Ib. X. 20) Were Imitations Of Those Which In egypt Often 
 Supported The Seat Of The Monarch On Either Side; And "The House Of The 
 Forest Of Lebanon" Was An Attempt To Reproduce The Effect Of One Of 
 Egypt'S "Pillared Halls." Something In The Architecture Of Solomon Was 
 Clearly Learnt From Phoenicia,  And A Little--A Very Little--May Perhaps 
 Have Been Derived From Assyria; But Egypt Gave At Once The Impulse And 
 The Main Bulk Of The Ideas And Forms. 
   
 The Line Of Priest-Kings Terminated With Hor-Pa-Seb-En-Sha,  The 
 Successor Of Pinetem Ii. They Held The Throne For About A Century And A 
 Quarter; And If They Cannot Be Said To Have Played A Very Important Part 
 In The "Story Of Egypt," Or In any Way To Have Increased Egyptian 
 Greatness,  Yet At Least They Escape The Reproach,  Which Rests Upon Most 
 Of The More Distinguished Dynasties,  Of Seeking Their Own Glory In Modes 
 Which Caused Their Subjects Untold Suffering. [Illustration: 
 Decorative] 
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 19 (Shishak And His Dynasty.) Pg 140 
   
 The Rise Of The Twenty-Second Resembles In Many Respects That Of The 
 Twenty-First Dynasty. In both Cases The Cause Of The Revolution Is To Be 
 Found In The Weakness Of The Royal House,  Which Rapidly Loses Its 
 Pristine Vigour,  And Is Impotent To Resist The First Assault Made Upon 
 It By A Bold Aggressor. Perhaps The Wonder Is Rather That Egyptian 
 Dynasties Continued So Long As They Did,  Than That They Were Not 
 Longer-Lived,  Since There Was In almost Every Instance A Rapid Decline, 
 Alike In The _Physique_ And In The Mental Calibre Of The Holders Of 
 Sovereignty; So That Nothing But A Little Combined Strength And Audacity 
 Was Requisite In Order To Push Them From Their Pedestals. Shishak Was An 
 Official Of A Semitic Family Long Settled In egypt,  Which Had Made The 
 Town Of Bubastis Its Residence. We May Suspect,  If We Like,  That The 
 Family Had Noble--Shall We Say Royal?--Blood In Its Veins,  And Could 
 Trace Its Descent To Dynasties Which Had Ruled At Nineveh Or Babylon. 
 The Connexion Is Possible,  Though Scarcely Probable,  Since No _Eclat_ 
 Attended The First Arrival Of The Shishak Family In egypt,  And The 
 Family Names,  Though Semitic,  Are Decidedly Neither Babylonian Nor 
 Assyrian. It Is Tempting To Adopt The Sensational Views Of Writers, 
 Who,  Out Of Half A Dozen Names,  Manufacture An Assyrian Conquest Of 
 Egypt,  And The Establishment On The Throne Of The Pharaohs Of A Branch 
 Derived From One Or Other Of The Royal Mesopotamian Houses; But "Facts 
 Are Stubborn Things," And The Imagination Is Scarcely Entitled To Mould 
 Them At Its Will. It Is Necessary To Face The Two Certain Facts--(1) 
 That No One Of The Dynastic Names Is The Natural Representative Of Any 
 Name Known To Have Been Borne By Any Assyrian Or Babylonian; And (2) 
 That Neither Assyria Nor Babylonia Was At The Time In Such A Position As 
 To Effect,  Or Even To Contemplate,  Distant Enterprizes. Babylonia Did 
 Not Attain Such A Position Till The Time Of Nabopolassar; Assyria Had 
 
 
 
 Story 19 (Shishak And His Dynasty.) Pg 141 
 Enjoyed It About B.C. 1150-1100,  But Had Lost It,  And Did Not Recover It 
 Till B.C. 890. Moreover,  Solomon'S Empire Blocked The Way To Egypt 
 Against Both Countries,  And Required To Be Shattered In Pieces Before 
 Either Of The Great Mesopotamian Powers Could Have Sent A _Corps 
 D'Armee_ Into The Land Of The Pharaohs. 
   
 Sober Students Of History Will Therefore Regard Shishak (Sheshonk) 
 Simply As A Member Of A Family Which,  Though Of Foreign Extraction,  Had 
 Been Long Settled In egypt,  And Had Worked Its Way Into A High Position 
 Under The Priest-Kings Of Herhor'S Line,  Retaining A Special Connection 
 With Bubastis,  The Place Which It Had From The First Made Its Home. 
 Sheshonk'S Grandfather,  Who Bore The Same Name; Had Had The Honour Of 
 Intermarrying Into The Royal House,  Having Taken To Wife Meht-En-Hont,  A 
 Princess Of The Blood Whose Exact Parentage Is Unknown To Us. His 
 Father Namrut,  Had Held A High Military Office,  Being Commander Of The 
 Libyan Mercenaries,  Who At This Time Formed The Most Important Part Of 
 The Standing Army. Sheshonk Himself,  Thus Descended,  Was Naturally In 
 The Front Rank Of Egyptian Court-Officials. When We First Hear Of Him He 
 Is Called "His Highness," And Given The Title Of "Prince Of The 
 Princes," Which Is Thought To Imply That He Enjoyed The First Rank Among 
 All The Chiefs Of Mercenaries,  Of Whom There Were Many. Thus He Held A 
 Position Only Second To That Occupied By The King,  And When His Son 
 Became A Suitor For The Hand Of A Daughter Of The Reigning Sovereign,  No 
 One Could Say That Etiquette Was Infringed,  Or An Ambition Displayed 
 That Was Excessive And Unsuitable. The Match Was Consequently Allowed To 
 Come Off,  And Sheshonk Became Doubly Connected With The Royal House, 
 Through His Daughter-In-Law And Through His Grandmother. When, 
 Therefore,  On The Death Of Hor-Pa-Seb-En-Sha,  He Assumed The Title And 
 Functions Of King,  No Opposition Was Offered: The Crown Seemed To Have 
 Passed Simply From One Member Of The Royal Family To Another. 
   
 In Monarchies Like The Egyptian,  It Is Not Very Difficult For An 
 Ambitious Subject,  Occupying A Certain Position,  To Seize The Throne; 
 But It Is Far From Easy For Him To Retain It Unless There Is A General 
 Impression Of The Usurper'S Activity,  Energy,  And Vigour,  His Authority 
 Is Liable To Be Soon Disputed,  Or Even Set At Nought It Behoves Him To 
 Give Indications Of Strength And Breadth Of Character,  Or Of A Wise, 
 Far-Seeing Policy,  In Order To Deter Rivals From Attempting To Undermine 
 His Power. Sheshonk Early Let It Be Seen That He Possessed Both Caution 
 And Far-Reaching Views By His Treatment Of A Refugee Who,  Shortly After 
 His Accession,  Sought His Court. This Was Jeroboam,  One Of The Highest 
 Officials In The Neighbouring Kingdom Of Israel,  Whom Solomon,  The Great 
 Israelite Monarch,  Regarded With Suspicion And Hostility,  On Account Of 
 A Declaration Made By A Prophet That He Was At Some Future Time To Be 
 King Of Ten Tribes Out Of The Twelve. To Receive Jeroboam With Favour 
 Was Necessarily To Offend Solomon,  And Thus To Reverse The Policy Of The 
 Preceding Dynasty,  And Pave The Way For A Rupture With The State Which 
 Was At This Time Egypt'S Most Important Neighbour. Sheshonk, 
 Nevertheless,  Accorded A Gracious Reception To Jeroboam; And The Favour 
 In Which He Remained At The Egyptian Court Was An Encouragement To The 
 Disaffected Among The Israelites,  And Distinctly Foreshadowed A Time 
 When An Even Bolder Policy Would Be Adopted,  And A Strike Made For 
 Imperial Power. The Time Came At Solomon'S Demise. Jeroboam Was At Once 
 Allowed To Return To Palestine,  And To Foment The Discontent Which It 
 
 
 
 Story 19 (Shishak And His Dynasty.) Pg 142 
 Was Foreseen Would Terminate In Separation. The Two Kings Had,  No Doubt, 
 Laid Their Plans. Jeroboam Was First To See What He Could Effect 
 Unaided,  And Then,  If Difficulty Supervened,  His Powerful Ally Was To 
 Come To His Assistance. For The Egyptian Monarch To Have Appeared In The 
 First Instance Would Have Roused Hebrew Patriotism Against Him. Sheshonk 
 Waited Till Jeroboam Had,  To A Certain Extent,  Established His Kingdom, 
 Had Set Up A New Worship Blending Hebrew With Egyptian Notions,  And Had 
 Sufficiently Tested The Affection Or Disaffection Towards His Rule Of 
 The Various Classes Of His Subjects. He Then Marched Out To His 
 Assistance. Levying A Force Of Twelve Hundred Chariots,  Sixty Thousand 
 Horse (? Six Thousand),  And Footmen "Without Number" (2 Chron,  Xii. 3), 
 Chiefly From The Libyan And Ethiopian Mercenaries Which Now Formed The 
 Strength Of The Egyptian Armies,  He Proceeded Into The Holy Land, 
 Entering It "In Three Columns," And So Spreading His Troops Far And Wide 
 Over The Southern Country. Rehoboam,  Solomon'S Son And Successor,  Had 
 Made Such Preparation As Was Possible Against The Attack. He Had 
 Anticipated It From The Moment Of Jeroboam'S Return,  And He Had 
 Carefully Guarded The Main Routes Whereby His Country Could Be 
 Approached From The South,  Fortifying,  Among Other Cities,  Shoco, 
 Adullam,  Azekah,  Gath,  Mareshah,  Ziph,  Tekoa,  And Hebron (2 Chron. Xi. 
 6-10). But The Host Of Sheshonk Was Irresistible. Never Before Had The 
 Hebrews Met In battle The Forces Of Their Powerful Southern 
 Neighbour--Never Before Had They Been Confronted With Huge Masses Of 
 Disciplined Troops,  Armed And Trained Alike,  And Soldiers By Profession. 
 The Jewish Levies Were A Rude And Untaught Militia,  Little Accustomed To 
 Warfare,  Or Even To The Use Of Arms,  After Forty Years Of Peace,  During 
 Which "Every Man Had Dwelt Safely Under The Shade Of His Own Vine And 
 His Own Fig-Tree" (1 Kings Iv. 25). They Must Have Trembled Before The 
 Chariots,  And Cavalry,  And Trained Footmen Of Egypt. Accordingly,  There 
 Seems To Have Been No Battle,  And No Regularly Organized Resistance. As 
 The Host Of Sheshonk Advanced Along The Chief Roads That Led To The 
 Jewish Capital,  The Cities,  Fortified With So Much Care By Rehoboam, 
 Either Opened Their Gates To Him,  Or Fell After Brief Sieges (2 Chron. 
 Xii. 4). Sheshonk'S March Was A Triumphal Progress,  And In an Incredibly 
 Short Space Of Time He Appeared Before Jerusalem,  Where Rehoboam And 
 "The Princes Of Judah" Were Tremblingly Awaiting His Arrival. The Son Of 
 Solomon Surrendered At Discretion; And The Egyptian Conqueror Entered 
 The Holy City,  Stripped The Temple Of Its Most Valuable Treasures, 
 Including The Shields Of Gold Which Solomon Had Made For His Body-Guard, 
 And Plundered The Royal Palace (2 Chron,  Xii. 9). The City Generally 
 Does Not Appear To Have Been Sacked: Nor Was There Any Massacre. 
 Rehoboam'S Submission Was Accepted; He Was Maintained In His Kingdom; 
 But He Had To Become Sheshonk'S "Servant" (2 Chron. Xii. 8),  _I.E.,_ He 
 Had To Accept The Position Of A Tributary Prince,  Owing Fealty And 
 Obedience To The Egyptian Monarch. 
   
 The Objects Of Sheshonk'S Expedition Were-Not Yet Half Accomplished. By 
 The Long Inscription Which He Set Up On His Return To Egypt,  We Find 
 That,  After Having Made Judea Subject To Him,  He Proceeded With His Army 
 Into The Kingdom Of Israel,  And There Also Took A Number Of Towns Which 
 Were Peculiarly Circumstanced. The Levites Of The Northern Kingdom Had 
 From The First Disapproved Of The Religious Changes Effected By 
 Jeroboam; And The Levitical Cities Within His Dominions Were Regarded 
 
 
 
 Story 19 (Shishak And His Dynasty.) Pg 143 
 With An Unfriendly Eye By The Israelite Monarch,  Who Saw In Them Hotbeds 
 Of Rebellion. He Had Not Ventured To Make A Direct Attack Upon Them 
 Himself,  Since He Would Thereby Have Lighted The Torch Of Civil War 
 Within His Own Borders; But,  Having Now An Egyptian Army At His Beck 
 And Call,  He Used The Foreigners As An Instrument At Once To Free Him 
 From A Danger And To Execute His Vengeance Upon Those Whom He Looked 
 Upon As Traitors. Sheshonk Was Directed Or Encouraged To Attack And Take 
 The Levitical Cities Of Rehob,  Gibeon,  Mahanaim,  Beth-Horon,  Kedemoth, 
 Bileam Or Ibleam,  Alemoth,  Taanach,  Golan,  And Anem,  To Plunder Them And 
 Carry Off Their Inhabitants As Slaves; While He Was Also Persuaded To 
 Reduce A Certain Number Of Canaanite Towns,  Which Did Not Yield Jeroboam 
 A Very Willing Obedience. We May Trace The March Of Sheshonk By Megiddo, 
 Taanach,  And Shunem,  To Beth-Shan,  And Thence Across The Jordan To 
 Mahanaim And Aroer; After Which,  Having Satisfied His Vassal,  Jeroboam, 
 He Proceeded To Make War On His Own Account With The Arab Tribes 
 Adjoining On Trans-Jordanic Israel,  And Subdued The Temanites,  The 
 Edomites,  And Various Tribes Of The Hagarenes. His Dominion Was Thus 
 Established From The Borders Of Egypt To Galilee,  And From The 
 Mediterranean To The Great Syrian Desert. 
   
 On His Return To Egypt From Asia,  With His Prisoners And His Treasures, 
 It Seemed To The Victorious Monarch That He Might Fitly Follow The 
 Example Of The Old Pharaohs Who Had Made Expeditions Into Palestine And 
 Syria,  And Commemorate His Achievements By A Sculptured Record. So Would 
 He Best Impress The Mass Of The People With His Merits,  And Induce Them 
 To Put Him On A Par With The Thothmeses And The Amenhoteps Of Former 
 Ages. On The Southern External Wall Of The Great Temple Of Karnak,  He 
 Caused Himself To Be Represented Twice--Once As Holding By The Hair Of 
 Their Heads Thirty-Eight Captive Asiatics,  And Threatening Them With 
 Uplifted Mace; And A Second Time As Leading Captive One Hundred And 
 Thirty-Three Cities Or Tribes,  Each Specified By Name And Personified In 
 An Individual Form,  The Form,  However,  Being Incomplete. Among These 
 Representations Is One Which Bears The Inscription "Yuteh Malek," And 
 Which Must Be Regarded As Figuring The Captive Judaean Kingdom. 
   
   
   
 Thus,  After Nearly A Century And A Half Of Repose,  Egypt Appeared Once 
 More In Western Asia As A Conquering Power,  Desirious Of Establishing An 
 Empire. The Political Edifice Raised With So Much Trouble By David,  And 
 Watched Over With Such Care By Solomon,  Had Been Shaken To Its Base By 
 The Rebellion Of Jeroboam; It Was Shattered Beyond All Hope Of Recovery 
 By Shishak. Never More Would The Fair Fabric Of An Israelite Empire Rear 
 Itself Up Before The Eyes Of Men; Never More Would Jerusalem Be The 
 Capital Of A State As Extensive As Assyria Or Babylonia,  And As Populous 
 As Egypt. After Seventy Years,  Or So,  Of Union,  Syria Was Broken Up--The 
 Cohesion Effected By The Warlike Might Of David And The Wisdom Of 
 Solomon Ceased--The Ill-Assimilated Parts Fell Asunder; And Once More 
 The Broad And Fertile Tract Intervening Between Assyria And Egypt Became 
 Divided Among A Score Of Petty States,  Whose Weakness Invited A 
 Conqueror. 
   
 Sheshonk Did Not Live Many Years To Enjoy The Glory And Honour Brought 
 
 
 
 Story 19 (Shishak And His Dynasty.) Pg 144 
 Him By His Asiatic Successes. He Died After A Reign Of Twenty-One Years, 
 Leaving His Crown To His Second Son,  Osorkon,  Who Was Married To The 
 Princess Keramat,  A Daughter Of Sheshonk'S Predecessor. The Dynasty Thus 
 Founded Continued To Occupy The Egyptian Throne For The Space Of About 
 Two Centuries,  But Produced No Other Monarch Of Any Remarkable 
 Distinction. The Asiatic Dominion,  Which Sheshonk Had Established,  Seems 
 To Have Been Maintained For About Thirty Years,  During The Reigns Of 
 Osorkon L,  Sheshonk'S Son,  And Takelut I.,  His Grandson; But In The 
 Reign Of Osorkon Ii.,  The Son Of Takelut,  The Jewish Monarch Of The 
 Time,  Asa,  The Grandson Of Rehoboam,  Shook Off The Egyptian Yoke, 
 Re-Established Judaean Independence,  And Fortified Himself Against Attack 
 By Restoring The Defences Of All Those Cities Which Sheshonk Had 
 Dismantled,  And "Making About Them Walls,  And Towers,  Gates,  And Bars" 
 (2 Chron. Xiv. 7). At The Same Time He Placed Under Arms The Whole Male 
 Population Of His Kingdom,  Which Is Reckoned By The Jewish Historian At 
 580,000 Men. The "Men Of Judah" Bore Spears And Targets,  Or Small Round 
 Shields; The "Men Of Benjamin" Had Shields Of A Larger Size,  And Were 
 Armed With The Bow (Ib. Ver. 8). "All These," Says The Historian,  "Were 
 Mighty Men Of Valour." It Was Not To Be Supposed That Egypt Would Bear 
 Tamely This Defiance,  Or Submit To The Entire Loss Of Her Asiatic 
 Dominion,  Which Was Necessarily Involved In The Revolt Of Judaea,  Without 
 An Effort To Retain It. Osorkon Ii.,  Or Whoever Was King At The Time, 
 Rose To The Occasion. If It Was To Be A Contest Of Numbers,  Egypt Should 
 Show That She Was Certainly Not To Be Outdone Numerically; So More 
 Mercenaries Than Ever Before Were Taken Into Pay,  And An Army Was 
 Levied,  Which Is Reckoned At "A Thousand Thousand" (Ib. Ver. 9), 
 Consisting Of Cushites Or Ethiopians,  And Of Lubim (Ib. Xvi. 8),  Or 
 Natives Of The North African Coast-Tract,  With These Was Sent A Picked 
 Force Of Three Hundred War-Chariots,  Probably Egyptian; And The Entire 
 Host Was Placed Under The Command Of An Ethiopian General,  Who Is Called 
 Zerah. The Host Set Forth From Egypt,  Confident Of Victory,  And 
 Proceeded As Far As Mareshah In Southern Judaea,  Where They Were Met By 
 The Undaunted Jewish King. What Force He Had Brought With Him Is 
 Uncertain,  But The Number Cannot Have Been Very Great. Asa Had Recourse 
 To Prayer,  And,  In Words Echoed In Later Days By The Great Maccabee (1 
 Mac. Iii. 18,  19),  Besought Jehovah To Help Him Against The Egyptian 
 "Multitude." Then The Two Armies Joined Battle; And,  Notwithstanding The 
 Disparity Of Numbers,  Zerah Was Defeated. "The Ethiopians And The Lubim, 
 A Huge Host,  With Very Many Chariots And Horsemen" (2 Chron. Xvi. 8) 
 Fled Before Judah--They Were "Overthrown That They Could Not Recover 
 Themselves,  And Were Destroyed Before Jehovah And Before His Host" (Ib. 
 Xiv. 13). The Jewish Troops Pursued Them As Far As Gerar,  Smiting Them 
 With A Great Slaughter,  Taking Their Camp? And Loading Themselves With 
 Spoil. What Became Of Zerah We Are Not Told. Perhaps He Fell In The 
 Battle; Perhaps He Carried The News Of His Defeat To His Egyptian 
 Master,  And Warned Him Against Any Further Efforts To Subdue A People 
 Which Could Defend Itself So Effectually. 
   
 The Direct Effect Of The Victory Of Asa Was To Put An End,  For Three 
 Centuries,  To Those Dreams Of Asiatic Dominion Which Had So Long Floated 
 Before The Eyes Of Egyptian Kings,  And Dazzled Their Imaginations. If A 
 Single One Of The Petty Princes Between Whose Rule Syria Was Divided 
 Could Defeat And Destroy The Largest Army That Egypt Had Ever Brought 
 Into The Field,  What Hope Was There Of Victory Over Twenty Or Thirty Of 
 
 
 
 Story 19 (Shishak And His Dynasty.) Pg 145 
 Such Chieftains? Henceforth,  Until The Time Of The Great Revolution 
 Brought About In Western Asia Through The Destruction Of The Assyrian 
 Empire By The Medes,  The Eyes Of Egypt Were Averted From Asia,  Unless 
 When Attack Threatened Her. She Shrank From Provoking The Repetition Of 
 Such A Defeat As Zerah Had Suffered,  And Was Careful To Abstain From All 
 Interference With The Affairs Of Palestine,  Except On Invitation. She 
 Learnt To Look Upon The Two Israelite Kingdoms As Her Bulwarks Against 
 Attack From The East,  And It Became An Acknowledged Part Of Her Policy 
 To Support Them Against Assyrian Aggression. If She Did Not Succeed In 
 Rendering Them Any Effective Assistance,  It Was Not For Lack Of 
 Good-Will. She Was Indeed A "Bruised Reed" To Lean Upon,  But It Was 
 Because Her Strength Was Inferior To That Of The Great Mesopotamian 
 Power. 
   
 From The Time Of Osorkon Ii.,  The Sheshonk Dynasty Rapidly Declined In 
 Power. A System Of Constituting Appanages For The Princes Of The 
 Reigning House Grew Up,  And In a Short Time Conducted The Country To 
 The Verge Of Dissolution. "For The Purpose Of Avoiding Usurpations 
 Analogous To That Of The High-Priests Of Ammon," Says M. Maspero, 
 "Sheshonk And His Descendants Made A Rule To Entrust All Positions Of 
 Importance,  Whether Civil Or Military,  To The Princes Of The Blood 
 Royal. A Son Of The Reigning Pharaoh,  Most Commonly His Eldest Son,  Held 
 The Office Of High-Priest Of Ammon And Governor Of Thebes; Another 
 Commanded At Sessoun (Hermopolis); Another At Hakhensu,  Others In all 
 The Large Towns Of The Delta And Of Upper Egypt. Each Of Them Had With 
 Him Several Battalions Of Those Libyan Soldiers--Matsiou And 
 Mashuash--Who Formed At This Time The Strength Of The Egyptian Army,  And 
 On Whose Fidelity It Was Always Safe To Count. Ere Long These Commands 
 Became Hereditary,  And The Feudal System,  Which Had Anciently Prevailed 
 Among The Chiefs Of Nomes Or Cantons,  Re-Established Itself For The 
 Advantage Of The Members Of The Reigning House. The Pharaoh Of The Time 
 Continued To Reside At Memphis,  Or At Bubastis,  To Receive The Taxes,  To 
 Direct As Far As Was Possible The Central Administration,  And To Preside 
 At The Grand Ceremonies Of Religion,  Such As The Enthronement Or The 
 Burial Of An Apis-Bull; But,  In Point Of Fact,  Egypt Found Itself 
 Divided Into A Certain Number Of Principalities,  Some Of Which Comprised 
 Only A Few Towns,  While Others Extended Over Several Continuous Cantons. 
 After A Time The Chiefs Of These Principalities Were Emboldened To 
 Reject The Sovereignty Of The Pharaoh Altogether; Relying On Their Bands 
 Of Libyan Mercenaries,  They Usurped,  Not Only The Functions Of Royalty, 
 But Even The Title Of King,  While The Legitimate Dynasty,  Cooped Up In a 
 Corner Of The Delta,  With Difficulty Preserved A Certain Remnant Of 
 Authority." 
   
 Upon Disintegration Followed,  As A Natural Consequence,  Quarrel And 
 Disturbance. In The Reign Of Takelut Ii.,  The Grandson Of Osorkon Ii., 
 Troubles Broke Out Both In The North And In The South. Takelut'S Eldest 
 Son,  Osorkon,  Who Was High-Priest Of Ammon,  And Held The Government Of 
 Thebes And The Other Provinces Of The South,  Was Only Able To Maintain 
 The Integrity Of The Kingdom By Means Of Perpetual Civil Wars. Under His 
 Successors,  Sheshonk Iii.,  Pamai,  And Sheshonk Iv.,  The Revolts Became 
 More And More Serious. Rival Dynasties Established Themselves At Thebes, 
 Tanis,  Memphis,  And Elsewhere. Ethiopia Grew More Powerful As Egypt 
 Declined,  And Threatened Ere Long To Establish A Preponderating 
 
 
 
 Story 19 (Shishak And His Dynasty.) Pg 146 
 Influence Over The Entire Nile Valley. But The Egyptian Princes Were Too 
 Jealous Of Each Other To Appreciate The Danger Which Threatened Them. A 
 Very Epidemic Of Decentralization Set In; And By The Middle Of The 
 Eighth Century,  Just At The Time When Assyria Was Uniting Together And 
 Blending Into One All The Long-Divided Tribes And Nations Of Western 
 Asia,  Egypt Suicidally Broke Itself Up Into No Fewer Than Twenty 
 Governments! 
   
 Such A Condition Of Things Was,  Of Course,  Fatal To Literature And Art. 
 Art,  As Has Been Said,  "Did Not So Much Decline As Disappear." After 
 Sheshonk I. No Monarch Of The Line Left Any Building Or Sculpture Of The 
 Slightest Importance. The Very Tombs Became Unpretentious,  And Merely 
 Repeated Antique Forms Without Any Of The Antique Spirit. Each Apis, 
 Indeed,  Had,  In His Turn,  His Arched Tomb Cut For Him In The Solid Rock 
 Of The Serapeum At Memphis,  And Was Laid To Rest In a Stone Sarcophagus, 
 Formed Of A Single Block. A Stela,  Moreover,  Was In every Case Inscribed 
 And Set Up To His Memory: But The Stelae Were Rude Memorials,  Devoid Of 
 All Artistic Taste; The Tombs Were Mere Reproductions Of Old Models; And 
 The Inscriptions Were Of The Dullest And Most Prosaic Kind. Here Is One, 
 As A Specimen: "In The Year 2,  The Month Mechir,  On The First Day Of The 
 Month,  Under The Reign Of King Pimai,  The God Apis Was Carried To His 
 Rest In The Beautiful Region Of The West,  And Was Laid In The Grave,  And 
 Deposited In His Everlasting House And His Eternal Abode. He Was Born In 
 The Year 28,  In The Time Of The Deceased King,  Sheshonk Iii. His Glory 
 Was Sought For In all Places Of Lower Egypt. He Was Found After Some 
 Months In The City Of Hashedabot. He Was Solemnly Introduced Into The 
 Temple Of Phthah,  Beside His Father--The Memphian God Phthah Of The 
 South Wall--By The High-Priest In The Temple Of Phthah,  The Great Prince 
 Of The Mashuash,  Petise,  The Son Of The High-Priest Of Memphis And Great 
 Prince Of The Mashuash,  Takelut,  And Of The Princess Of Royal Race, 
 Thes-Bast-Per,  In The Year 28,  In The Month Of Paophi,  On The First Day 
 Of The Month. The Full Lifetime Of This God Amounted To Twenty-Six 
 Years." Such Is The Historical Literature Of The Period. The Only Other 
 Kind Of Literature Belonging To It Which Has Come Down To Us,  Consists 
 Of What Are Called "Magical Texts." These Are To The Following 
 Effect:--"When Horns Weeps,  The Water That Falls From His Eyes Grows 
 Into Plants Producing A Sweet Perfume. When Typhon Lets Fall Blood From 
 His Nose,  It Grows Into Plants Changing To Cedars,  And Produces 
 Turpentine Instead Of The Water. When Shu And Tefnut Weep Much,  And 
 Water Falls From Their Eyes,  It Changes Into Plants That Produce 
 Incense. When The Sun Weeps A Second Time,  And Lets Water Fall From His 
 Eyes,  It Is Changed Into Working Bees; They Work In The Flowers Of Each 
 Kind,  And Honey And Wax Are Produced Instead Of The Water. When The Sun 
 Becomes Weak,  He Lets Fall The Perspiration Of His Members,  And This 
 Changes To A Liquid." Or Again--"To Make A Magic Mixture: Take Two 
 Grains Of Incense,  Two Fumigations,  Two Jars Of Cedar-Oil,  Two Jars Of 
 _Tas_,  Two Jars Of Wine,  Two Jars Of Spirits Of Wine. Apply It At The 
 Place Of Thy Heart. Thou Art Protected Against The Accidents Of Life; 
 Thou Art Protected Against A Violent Death; Thou Art Protected Against 
 Fire; Thou Art Not Ruined On Earth,  And Thou Escapest In Heaven." 
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 20 (The Land Shadowing With Wings--Egypt Under The Ethiopians) Pg 147 
 The Name Of Ethiopia Was Applied In ancient Times,  Much As The Term 
 Soudan Is Applied Now,  Vaguely To The East African Interior South Of 
 Egypt,  From About Lat. 24 Deg. To About Lat. 9 Deg.. The Tract Was For The Most 
 Part Sandy Or Rocky Desert,  Interspersed With Oases,  But Contained Along 
 The Course Of The Nile A Valuable Strip Of Territory; While,  South And 
 South-East Of The Point Where The Nile Receives The Atbara,  It Spread 
 Out Into A Broad Fertile Region,  Watered By Many Streams,  Diversified By 
 Mountains And Woodlands,  Rich In Minerals,  And Of Considerable 
 Fertility. At No Time Did The Whole Of This Vast Tract--A Thousand Miles 
 Long By Eight Or Nine Hundred Broad--Form A Single State Or Monarchy. 
 Rather,  For The Most Part,  Was It Divided Up Among An Indefinite Number 
 Of States,  Or Rather Of Tribes,  Some Of Them Herdsmen,  Others Hunters Or 
 Fishermen,  Very Jealous Of Their Independence,  And Frequently At War One 
 With Another. Among The Various Tribes There Was A Certain Community Of 
 Race,  A Resemblance Of Physical Type,  And A Similarity Of Language. 
 Their Neighbours,  The Egyptians,  Included Them All Under A Single Ethnic 
 Name,  Speaking Of Them As Kashi Or Kushi--A Term Manifestly Identical 
 With The Cush Or Cushi Of The Hebrews. They Were A Race Cognate With The 
 Egyptians,  But Darker In complexion And Coarser In Feature--Not By Any 
 Means Negroes,  But Still More Nearly Allied To The Negro Than The 
 Egyptians Were. Their Best Representatives In Modern Times Are The 
 Pure-Bred Abyssinian Tribes,  The Gallas,  Wolaitzas,  And The Like,  Who 
 Are Probably Their Descendants. 
   
 The Portion Of Ethiopia Which Lay Nearest To Egypt Had Been From A Very 
 Early Date Penetrated By Egyptian Influence. Wars With "The Miserable 
 Kashi" Began As Far Back As The Time Of Usurtasen I.; And Usurtasen Iii. 
 Carried His Arms Beyond The Second Cataract,  And Attached The Northern 
 Portion Of Ethiopia To Egypt. The Great Kings Of The Eighteenth Dynasty, 
 Thothmes Iii.,  Amenhotep Ii.,  And Amenhotep Iii.,  Proceeded Still 
 Further Southward; And The Last Of These Monarchs Built A Temple To 
 Ammon At Napata,  Near The Modern Gebel Berkal. The Ethiopians Of This 
 Region,  A Plastic Race,  Adopted To A Considerable Extent The Egyptian 
 
 
 
 Story 20 (The Land Shadowing With Wings--Egypt Under The Ethiopians) Pg 148 
 Civilization,  Worshipped Egyptian Gods In egyptian Shrines,  And Set Up 
 Inscriptions In The Hieroglyphic Character And In The Egyptian Tongue. 
 Napata,  And The Nile Valley Both Below It And Above It,  Was Already Half 
 Egyptianized,  When,  On The Establishment Of The Sheshonk Dynasty In 
 Egypt,  The Descendants Of Herhor Resolved To Quit Their Native Country, 
 And Remove Themselves Into Ethiopia,  Where They Had Reason To Expect A 
 Welcome. They Were Probably Already Connected By Marriage With Some Of 
 The Leading Chiefs Of Napata,  And Their Sacerdotal Character Gave Them 
 A Great Hold On A Peculiarly Superstitious People. The "Princes Of Noph" 
 Received Them With The Greatest Favour,  And Assigned Them The Highest 
 Position In The State. Retaining Their Priestly Office,  They Became At 
 Once Ethiopian Monarchs,  And High-Priests Of The Temple Of Ammon Which 
 Amenhotep Iii. Had Erected At Napata. Napata,  Under Their Government, 
 Flourished Greatly,  And Acquired A Considerable Architectural 
 Magnificence. Fresh Temples Were Built,  In Which The Worship Of Egyptian 
 Was Combined With That Of Ethiopian Deities; Avenues Of Sphinxes Adorned 
 The Approaches To These New Shrines; The Practice Of Burying The Members 
 Of The Royal House In Pyramids Was Reverted To; And The Necropolis Of 
 Napata Recalled The Glories Of The Old Necropolis Of Memphis. 
   
 Napata Was Also A Place Of Much Wealth. The Kingdom,  Whereof It Was The 
 Capital,  Reached Southward As Far As The Modern Khartoum,  And Eastward 
 Stretched Up To The Abyssinian Highlands,  Including The Valleys Of The 
 Atbara And Its Tributaries,  Together With Most Of The Tract Between The 
 Atbara And The Blue Nile. This Was A Region Of Great Natural Wealth, 
 Containing Many Mines Of Gold,  Iron,  Copper,  And Salt,  Abundant Woods Of 
 Date-Palm,  Almond-Trees,  And Ilex,  Some Excellent Pasture-Ground,  And 
 Much Rich Meadow-Land Suitable For The Growth Of _Doora_ And Other Sorts 
 Of Grain. Fish Of Many Kinds,  And Excellent Turtle,  Abounded In The 
 Atbara And The Other Streams; While The Geographical Position Was 
 Favourable For Commerce With The Tribes Of The Interior,  Who Were Able 
 To Furnish An Almost Inexhaustible Supply Of Ivory,  Skins,  And Ostrich 
 Feathers. 
   
 The First Monarch Of Napata,  Whose Name Has Come Down To Us,  Is A 
 Certain Piankhi,  Who Called Himself Mi-Ammon,  Or Meri-Ammon--That Is To 
 Say,  "Beloved Of Ammon." He Is Thought To Have Been A Descendant Of 
 Herhor,  And To Have Begun To Reign About B.C. 755. At This Time Egypt 
 Had Reached The State Of Extreme Disintegration Described In The Last 
 Section. A Prince Named Tafnekht,  Probably Of Libyan Origin,  Ruled In 
 The Western Delta,  And Held Sais And Memphis; An Osorkon Was King Of The 
 Eastern Delta,  And Held His Court At Bubastis; Petesis Was King Of 
 Athribis,  Near The Apex Of The Delta; And A Prince Named Aupot,  Or 
 Shupot,  Ruled In Some Portion Of The Same Region. In Middle Egypt,  The 
 Tract Immediately Above Memphis Formed The Kingdom Of Pefaabast,  Who Had 
 His Residence In Sutensenen,  Or Heracleopolis Magna,  And Held The Fayoum 
 Under His Authority; While Further South The Nile Valley Was In The 
 Possession Of A Certain Namrut,  Whose Capital Was Sesennu,  Or 
 Hermopolis. Bek-En-Nefi,  And A Sheshonk,  Had Also Principalities,  Though 
 In What Exact Position Is Uncertain; And Various Towns,  Including 
 Mendes,  Were Under The Government Of Chiefs Of Mercenaries,  Of Whom It 
 Is Reckoned That There Were More Than A Dozen. Thebes And Southern Egypt 
 From About The Latitude Of Hermopolis Had Already Been Absorbed Into The 
 Kingdom Of Napata,  And Were Ruled Directly By Piankhi. 
 
 
 
 Story 20 (The Land Shadowing With Wings--Egypt Under The Ethiopians) Pg 149 
   
 Such Being The State Of Affairs When He Came To The Throne,  Piankhi 
 Contrived Between His First And His Twenty-First Year (About B.C. 
 755-734) Gradually To Extend His Authority Over The Other Kings,  And To 
 Reduce Them To The Position Of Tributary Princes Or Feudatories. It Is 
 Uncertain Whether He Used Force To Effect His Purpose. Perhaps The Fear 
 Of The Assyrians,  Who,  Under Tiglath-Pileser Ii.,  Were About This Time 
 (B.C. 745-730) Making Great Advances In Syria And Palestine,  May Have 
 Been Sufficiently Strong To Induce The Princes Voluntarily To Adopt The 
 Protection Of Piankhi,  Whom They May Have Regarded As An Egyptian Rather 
 Than A Foreigner. At Any Rate,  We Do Not Hear Of Violence Being Used 
 Until Revolt Broke Out. In The Twenty-First Year Of Piankhi,  News 
 Reached Him That Tafnekht,  King Of Memphis And Sais,  Had Rebelled,  And, 
 Not Content With Throwing Off His Allegiance,  Had Commenced A Series Of 
 Attacks Upon The Princes That Remained Faithful To Their Suzerain,  And 
 Was Endeavouring To Make Himself Master Of The Whole Country. Already 
 Had He Fallen Upon Pafaabast,  And Forced Him To Surrender At Discretion; 
 He Was Advancing Up The River; Namrut Had Joined Him; And He Would Soon 
 Threaten Thebes,  Unless A Strenuous Resistance Were Offered. Piankhi 
 Seems At First To Have Despised His Enemy. He Thought It Enough To Send 
 Two Generals,  At The Head Of A Strong Body Of Troops,  Down The Nile, 
 With Orders To Suppress The Revolt,  And Bring The Arch-Rebel Into His 
 Presence. The Expedition Left Thebes. On Its Way Down The River,  It Fell 
 In With The Advancing Fleet Of The Enemy,  And Completely Defeated It. 
 The Rebel Chiefs,  Who Now Included Petesis,  Osorkon,  And Aupot,  As Well 
 As Tafnekht,  Pefaabast,  And Namrut,  Abandoning Hermopolis And The 
 Middle Nile,  Fell Back Upon Sutensenen Or Heracleopolis Magna,  Where 
 They Concentrated Their Forces,  And Awaited A Second Attack. This Was 
 Not Long Delayed. Piankhi'S Fleet And Army,  Having Besieged And Taken 
 Hermopolis,  Descended The River To Sutensenen,  Gave The Confederates A 
 Second Naval Defeat,  And Disembarking,  Followed Up Their Success With 
 Another Great Victory On Land,  Completely Routing The Rebels,  And 
 Driving Them To Take Refuge In Lower Egypt,  Or In The Towns On The River 
 Bank Below Heracleopolis. But Now A Strange Reverse Of Fortune Befell 
 Them. Namrut,  The Hermopolitan Monarch,  Hearing Of The Occupation Of His 
 Capital By Piankhi'S Army,  Resolved On A Bold Attempt To Retake It; And, 
 Having Collected A Number Of Ships And Troops,  Quitted His Confederates, 
 Sailed Up The Nile,  Besieged The Ethiopian Garrison Which Had Been Left 
 To Hold The Place,  Overpowered Them,  And Recovered His City. 
   
 This Unexpected Blow Roused Piankhi From His Inaction. Having Collected 
 A Fresh Army,  He Quitted Napata In The First Month Of The Year,  And 
 Reached Thebes In The Second,  Where He Stopped Awhile To Perform A 
 Number Of Religious Ceremonies; At Their Close,  He Descended The Nile To 
 Hermopolis,  Invested It,  And Commenced Its Siege. Moveable Towers Were 
 Brought Up Against The Walls,  From Which Machines Threw Stones And 
 Arrows Into The City; The Defenders Suffered Terribly,  And After A Short 
 Time Insisted On A Surrender. Namrut Made His Peace With His Offended 
 Sovereign Through The Intercession Of His Wife With Piankhi'S Wives, 
 Sisters,  And Daughters,  And Was Allowed Once More To Do Homage To His 
 Lord In The Temple Of Thoth,  Leading His War-Horse In One Hand And 
 Holding A Sistrum,  The Instrument Wherewith It Was Usual To Approach A 
 God,  In The Other. Piankhi Entered Hermopolis,  And Examined The 
 Treasury,  Store-Houses,  And Stables,  Finding In The Last A Number Of 
 Horses,  Which Had Been Reduced Almost To Starvation By The Siege. Either 
 
 
 
 Story 20 (The Land Shadowing With Wings--Egypt Under The Ethiopians) Pg 150 
 On This Account,  Or For Some Other Reason,  Piankhi Treated The 
 Hermopolitan Prince With Coldness,  And Did Not For Some Time Reinstate 
 Him In His Kingdom. 
 Continuing His Triumphal March Towards The North,  Piankhi Received The 
 Submission Of Heracleopolis,  The Capital Of Pefaabast,  And Of Various 
 Other Cities On Either Bank Of The Nile,  And In a Short Time Appeared 
 Before Memphis And Summoned It To Surrender; But His Summons Was Set At 
 Nought. Tafnekht Had Recently Visited The City,  Had Strengthened Its 
 Defences,  Augmented Its Supplies,  And Reinforced Its Garrison With An 
 Addition Of Eight Thousand Men,  Thereby Greatly Inspiriting Them. It Was 
 Resolved To Resist To The Uttermost. So The Gates Were Shut,  The Walls 
 Manned,  And Piankhi Challenged To Do His Worst. "Then Was His Majesty 
 Furious Against Them,  Like A Panther." Piankhi Attacked The City 
 Fiercely,  Both By Land And Water. Taking The Command Of The Fleet In 
 Person,  He Sailed Down The Nile,  And,  Bringing His Vessels Close Up To 
 The Walls And Towers On The Riverside,  Made Use Of The Masts And Yards 
 As Ladders,  And So Scaled The Fortifications; Then After Slaughtering 
 Thousands On The Ramparts,  He Forced An Entrance Into The Town. Memphis, 
 Upon This,  Surrendered. Piankhi Entered The Town,  And Sacrificed To The 
 God Phthah. A Number Of The Princes,  Including Aupot And Merkaneshu,  A 
 Leader Of Mercenaries,  Came In and Made Their Submission; But Two Of The 
 Principal Rebels Still Remained Unsubdued--Tafnekht,  The Leader Of The 
 Revolt,  And Osorkon,  King Of Bubastis,  Piankhi Proceeded Against The 
 Latter. Advancing First On Heliopolis,  Instead Of Resistance He Was 
 Received With Acclamations,  The People,  Priests,  And Soldiery Having 
 Gone Over To His Side. "Nothing Succeeds Like Success." Egypt Was As 
 Prone As Other Countries To "Worship The Rising Sun;" And Piankhi'S 
 Victories Had By This Time Marked Him Out In The Eyes Of The Egyptians 
 As The Favourite Of Heaven,  Their Predestined Monarch And Ruler. 
 Accordingly,  Heliopolis Received Him Gladly,  Hailing Him As "The 
 Indestructible Horus"--He Was Allowed To Bathe In The Sacred Lake Within 
 The Precincts Of The Great Temple,  To Offer Sacrifice To Ra,  And To 
 Enter Through The Folding-Doors Into The Central Shrine,  Where Were Laid 
 Up The Sacred Boats Of Ra And Turn. After This Surrender,  Osorkon 
 Thought It Vain To Attempt Further Resistance. He Quitted Bubastis, 
 And,  Seeking The Presence Of The Victorious Piankhi,  Submitted Himself 
 And Renewed His Homage. At The Same Time,  Petisis,  King Of Athribis, 
 Made His Submission. 
   
 The Only Prince Who Still Remained Unsubdued Was Tafnekht,  The Original 
 Rebel. Tafnekht Had Fled After The Fall Of Memphis,  And Had Taken Refuge 
 Either In One Of The Islands Of The Delta,  Or Beyond The Seas,  In aradus 
 Or Cyprus. But He Saw That Further Resistance Was Vain; And That,  If He 
 Was To Rule An Egyptian Principality,  It Must Be As A Secondary Monarch. 
 Accordingly He,  Too,  Submitted Himself,  And Was Restored To His Former 
 Kingdom. Piankhi Returned Up The Nile To His Own City Of Napata Amid 
 Songs And Rejoicings--Whether Sincere Or Feigned,  Who Shall Say? His Own 
 Account Of The Matter Is The Following: "When His Majesty Sailed Up The 
 River,  His Heart Was Glad; All Its Banks Resounded With Music. The 
 Inhabitants Of The West And Of The East Betook Themselves To Making 
 Melody At His Majesty'S Approach. To The Notes Of The Music They Sang, 
 'O King,  Thou Conqueror! O Piankhi,  Thou Conquering King! Thou Hast Come 
 And Smitten Lower Egypt; Thou Madest The Men As Women. The Heart Of The 
 Mother Rejoices Who Bare Such A Son,  For He Who Begat Thee Dwells In The 
 Vale Of Death. Happiness Be To Thee,  O Cow That Hast Borne The Bull! 
 Thou Shalt Live For Ever In after Ages. Thy Victory Shall Endure,  O King 
 
 
 
 Story 20 (The Land Shadowing With Wings--Egypt Under The Ethiopians) Pg 151 
 And Friend Of Thebes!'" 
   
 This Happy Condition Of Things Did Not,  However,  Continue Long. Piankhi, 
 Soon After His Return To His Capital,  Died Without Leaving Issue; And 
 The Race Of Herhor Being Now Extinct,  The Ethiopians Had To Elect A King 
 From The Number Of Their Own Nobles. Their Choice Fell On A Certain 
 Kashta,  A Man Of Little Energy,  Who Allowed Egypt To Throw Off The 
 Ethiopian Sovereignty Without Making Any Effort To Prevent It. 
 Bek-En-Ranf,  The Son Of Tafnekht,  Was The Leader Of This Successful 
 Rebellion,  And Is Said To Have Reigned Over All Egypt For Six Years. He 
 Got A Name For Wisdom And Justice,  But He Could Not Alter That Condition 
 Of Affairs Which Had Been Gradually Brought About By The Slow Working Of 
 Various More Or Less Occult Causes,  Whereby Ethiopia Had Increased And 
 Egypt Diminished In Power,  Their Relative Strength,  As Compared With 
 Former Times,  Having Become Inverted. Ethiopia,  Being Now The Stronger, 
 Was Sure To Reassert Herself,  And Did So In bek-En-Ranf'S Seventh Year. 
 Shabak,  The Son Of Kashta,  Whose Character Was Cast In a Far Stronger 
 Mould Than That Of His Father,  Having Mounted The Ethiopian Throne,  Lost 
 No Time In Swooping Down Upon Egypt From The Upper Region,  And,  Carrying 
 All Before Him,  Besieged And Took Sais,  Made Bek-En-Ranf A Prisoner,  And 
 Barbarously Burnt Him Alive For His Rebellion. His Fierce And Sensuous 
 Physiognomy Is Quite In Keeping With This Bloody Deed,  Which Was Well 
 Calculated To Strike Terror Into The Egyptian Nation,  And To Ensure A 
 General Submission. 
   
 The Rule Of The Ethiopians Was Now For Some Fifty Years Firmly 
 Established. Shabak Founded A Dynasty Which The Egyptians Themselves 
 Admitted To Be Legitimate,  And Which The Historian Manetho Declared To 
 Have Consisted Of Three Kings--Sabacos (Or Shabak),  Sevechus (Or 
 Shabatok),  And Taracus (Or Tehrak),  The Hebrew Tirhakah. The Extant 
 Monuments Confirm The Names,  And Order Of Succession,  Of These Monarchs. 
 They Were Of A Coarser And Ruder Fibre Than The Native Egyptians,  But 
 They Did Not Rule Egypt In any Alien Or Hostile Spirit. On The Contrary, 
 They Were Pious Worshippers Of The Old Egyptian Gods; They Repaired And 
 Beautified The Old Egyptian Temples; And,  Instead Of Ruling Egypt,  As A 
 Conquered Province,  From Napata,  They Resided Permanently,  Or At Any 
 Rate Occasionally,  At The Egyptian Capitals,  Thebes And Memphis. There 
 Are Certain Indications Which Make It Probable That To Some Extent They 
 Pursued The Policy Of Piankhi,  And Governed Lower Egypt By Means Of 
 Tributary Kings,  Who Held Their Courts At Sais,  Tanis,  And Perhaps 
 Bubastis. But They Kept A Jealous Watch Over Their Subject Princes,  And 
 Allowed None Of Them To Attain A Dangerous Pre-Eminence. 
   
   
   
 By A Curious Coincidence The Ethiopic Sway,  Or Extension Of Influence 
 Over Egypt By The Great Monarchy Of The South,  Exactly Synchronized With 
 The Development Of Assyrian Power In South-Western Asia,  Which Bordered 
 Egypt Upon The North; And Thus Were Brought Into Hostile Collision,  The 
 Two Greatest Military Powers Of The Then Known World Who Fought Over The 
 Prostrate Egypt,  Like Achilles And Hector Over The Corpse Of Patroclus. 
 Shabak'S Conquest Of The Lower Nile Valley Took Place About B.C. 725 Or 
 724. Exactly At That Time Shalmaneser Iv. Was Proceeding To Extremities 
 
 
 
 Story 20 (The Land Shadowing With Wings--Egypt Under The Ethiopians) Pg 152 
 Against The Kingdom Of Israel,  And Was Thus Threatening To Sweep Away 
 One Of The Last Two Feeble Barriers Which Had Hitherto Been Interposed 
 Between The Assyrian Territory And The Egyptian. Shabak,  Entreated By 
 Hoshea,  The Last Israelite Monarch,  To Lend Him Aid,  Consented To Take 
 The Kingdom Of Israel Under His Protection (2 Kings Xvii. 4),  Actuated 
 No Doubt By An Enlightened View Of His Own Interest. But When Samaria 
 Was Besieged (B.C. 723) And The Danger Became Pressing,  He Had Not The 
 Courage To Act Up To His Engagements. The Stout Resistance Offered By 
 The Israelite Capital For More Than Two Years (2 Kings Xvii. 5) Drew 
 Forth No Corresponding Effort On The Part Of The Ethiopic King. Hoshea 
 Was Left To His Own Resources,  And In b.C. 722 Was Forced To Succumb. 
 His Capital Was Taken By Storm,  Its Inhabitants Seized And Carried Off 
 By The Conqueror,  The Whole Territory Absorbed Into That Of Assyria,  And 
 The Cities Occupied By Assyrian Colonists (2 Kings Xvii. 24). Assyria 
 Was Brought One Step Nearer To Egypt,  And It Became More Than Ever 
 Evident That Contact And Collision Could Not Be Much Longer Deferred. 
   
 The Collision Came In b.C. 720. In That Year Sargon,  The Founder Of The 
 Last And Greatest Of The Assyrian Dynasties,  Who Had Succeeded 
 Shalmaneser Iv. In b.C. 722,  Having Arranged Matters In Samaria And 
 Taken Hamath,  Pressed On Against Philistia,  The Last Inhabited Country 
 On The Route Which Led To Egypt. Shabak,  Having Made Alliance With 
 Hanun,  King Of Gaza,  Marched To His Aid. The Opposing Hosts Met At 
 Ropeh,  The Raphia Of The Greeks,  On The Very Borders Of The Desert. 
 Sargon Commanded In Person On The One Side,  Shabak And Hanun On The 
 Other. A Great Battle Was Fought,  Which Was For A Long Time Stoutly 
 Contested; But The Strong Forms,  The Superior Arms,  And The Better 
 Discipline Of The Assyrians,  Prevailed. Asia Proved Herself,  As She Has 
 Generally Done,  Stronger Than Africa; The Egyptians And Philistines Fled 
 Away In disorder; Hanun Was Made A Prisoner; Shabak With Difficulty 
 Escaped. Negotiations Appear To Have Followed,  And A Convention To Have 
 Been Drawn Up,  To Which The Ethiopian And Assyrian Monarchs Attached 
 Their Seals. The Lump Of Clay Which Received The Impressions Was Found 
 By Sir A. Layard At Nineveh,  And Is Now In The British Museum. 
   
 Shortly Afterwards,  About B.C. 712,  Shabak Died,  And Was Succeeded In 
 Egypt By His Son Shabatok,  In ethiopia By A Certain Tehrak,  Who Appears 
 To Have Been His Nephew,  Tehrak Exercised The Paramount Authority Over 
 The Whole Realm,  But Resided At Napata,  While Shabatok Held His Court At 
 Memphis And Ruled Lower Egypt As Tehrak'S Representative,  Assyrian 
 Aggression Still Continued. In b.C. 711 Sargon Took Ashdod,  And 
 Threatened An Invasion Of Egypt,  Which Shabatok Averted By Sending A 
 Submissive Embassy With Presents. 
 Six Years Afterwards Sargon Died,  And His Son,  Sennacherib,  Mounted The 
 Assyrian Throne. At Once South-Western Asia Was In a Ferment. The 
 Phoenician And Philistine Kings Recently Subjected By Tiglath-Pileser And 
 Sargon,  Broke Out In Open Revolt. Hezekiah,  King Of Judah,  Joined The 
 Malcontents. The Aid Of Egypt Was Implored,  And Certain Promises Of 
 Support And Assistance Received,  In Part From Tehrak,  In Part From 
 Shabatok And Other Native Rulers Of Nomes And Cities. Sennacherib,  In 
 B.C. 701,  Led His Army Into Syria To Suppress The Rebellion,  Reduced 
 Phoenicia,  Received The Submission Of Ashdod,  Ammon,  Moab,  And Edom; Took 
 Ascalon,  Hazor,  And Joppa,  And Was Proceeding Against Ekron,  When For 
 The First Time He Encountered An Armed Force In The Field. A Large 
 
 
 
 Story 20 (The Land Shadowing With Wings--Egypt Under The Ethiopians) Pg 153 
 Egyptian And Ethiopian Contingent Had At Last Reached Philistia,  And, 
 Having United Itself With The Ekronites,  Stood Prepared To Give The 
 Assyrians Battle Near Eltekeh. The Force Consisted Of Chariots, 
 Horsemen,  And Footmen,  And Was So Numerous That Sennacherib Calls It "A 
 Multitude That No Man Could Number." Once More,  However,  Africa Had To 
 Succumb. Sennacherib At Eltekeh Defeated The Combined Forces Of Egypt 
 And Ethiopia With As Much Ease And Completeness As Sargon At Raphia; The 
 Multitudinous Host Was Entirely Routed,  And Fled From The Field,  Leaving 
 In The Hands Of The Victors The Greater Portion Of Their War-Chariots 
 And Several Sons Of One Of Their Kings. 
   
 After This Defeat,  It Is Not Surprising That Tehrak Made No Further 
 Effort. Hezekiah,  The Last Rebel Unsubdued,  Was Left To Defend Himself 
 As He Best Might. The Egyptians Retreated To Their Own Borders,  And 
 There Awaited Attack. It Seemed As If The Triumph Of Assyria Was 
 Assured,  And As If Her Yoke Must Almost Immediately Be Imposed Alike 
 Upon Judea,  Upon Egypt,  And Upon The Kingdom Of Napata; But An 
 Extraordinary Catastrophe Averted The Immediate Danger,  And Gave To 
 Egypt And Ethiopia A Respite Of Thirty-Four Years. Sennacherib'S Army, 
 Of Nearly Two Hundred Thousand Men,  Was Almost Totally Destroyed In One 
 Night. "The Angel Of The Lord Went Forth," Says The Contemporary Writer, 
 Isaiah,  "And Smote In The Camp Of The Assyrians A Hundred And Fourscore 
 And Five Thousand; And When They Arose Early In The Morning,  Behold, 
 They Were All Dead Corpses" (Isa. Xxxvii. 36). Whatever The Agency 
 Employed In This Remarkable Destruction--Whether It Was Caused By A 
 Simoon,  Or A Pestilence,  Or By A Direct Visitation Of The Almighty,  As 
 Different Writers Have Explained It--The Event Is Certain. Its Truth Is 
 Written In The Undeniable Facts Of Later History,  Which Show Us A Sudden 
 Cessation Of Assyrian Attack In This Quarter,  The Kingdom Of Judea Saved 
 From Absorption,  And The Countries On The Banks Of The Nile Left 
 Absolutely Unobstructed By Assyria For The Third Part Of A Century. As 
 The Destruction Happened On Their Borders,  The Egyptians Naturally 
 Enough Ascribed It To Their Own Gods,  And Made A Boast Of It Centuries 
 After. Everything Marks,  As One Of The Most Noticeable Facts In 
 History,  This Annihilation Of So Great A Portion Of The Army Of The 
 Greatest Of All The Kings Of Assyria. 
   
   
 The Reign Of Tirhakah (Tehrak) During This Period Appears To Have Been 
 Glorious. He Was Regarded By Judea As Its Protector,  And Exercised A 
 Certain Influence Over All Syria As Far As Taurus,  Amanus,  And The 
 Euphrates. In africa,  He Brought Into Subjection The Native Tribes Of 
 The North Coast,  Carrying His Arms,  According To Some,  As Far As The 
 Pillars Of Hercules. He Is Exhibited At Medinet-Abou In The Dress Of A 
 Warrior,  Smiting With A Mace Ten Captive Foreign Princes. He Erected 
 Monuments In The Egyptian Style At Thebes,  Memphis,  And Napata. Of All 
 The Ethiopian Sovereigns Of Egypt He Was Undoubtedly The Greatest; But 
 Towards The Close Of His Life Reverses Befell Him,  Which Require To Be 
 Treated Of In another Section. 
   
   
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 21 (The Fight Over The Carcase--Ethiopia _V_. Assyria.) Pg 154 
   
 The Miraculous Destruction Of His Army Was Accepted By Sennacherib As A 
 Warning To Desist From All Further Attempts Against The Independence Of 
 Judea,  And From All Further Efforts To Extend His Dominions Towards The 
 South-West. He Survived The Destruction During A Period Of Seventeen 
 Years,  And Was Actively Engaged In a Number Of Wars Towards The East, 
 The North,  And The North-West,  But Abstained Carefully From Further 
 Contact With Either Palestine Or Egypt. His Son Esarhaddon Succeeded Him 
 On The Throne In b.C. 681,  And At Once,  To A Certain Extent,  Modified 
 This Policy. He Re-Established The Assyrian Dominion Over Upper Syria, 
 Phoenicia,  And Even Edom; But During The First Nine Years Of His Reign 
 The Memory Of His Father'S Disaster Caused Him To Leave Judea And Egypt 
 Unattacked. At Last,  However,  In b.C. 672,  Encouraged By His Many 
 Military Successes,  By The Troubled State Of Judea Under The Idolatrous 
 Manasseh,  Who "Shed Innocent Blood Very Much From One End Of Jerusalem 
 To The Other" (2 Kings Xxi. 16),  And By The Advanced Age Of Tehrak, 
 Which Seemed To Render Him A Less Formidable Antagonist Now Than 
 Formerly,  He Resumed The Designs On Egypt Which His Father And 
 Grandfather Had Entertained,  Swept Manasseh From His Path By Seizing Him 
 And Carrying Him Off A Prisoner To Babylon,  Marched His Troops From 
 Aphek Along The Coast Of Palestine To Raphia,  And There Made The 
 Dispositions Which Seemed To Him Best Calculated To Effect The Conquest 
 Of The Coveted Country. As Tirhakah,  Aware Of His Intentions,  Had 
 Collected All His Available Force Upon His North-East Frontier,  About 
 Pelusium And Its Immediate Neighbourhood,  The Assyrian Monarch Took The 
 Bold Resolution Of Proceeding Southward Through The Waste Tract,  Known 
 To The Hebrews As "The Desert Of Shur," In Such A Way As To Turn The 
 Flank Of Tirhakah'S Army,  To Reach Pithom (Heroopolis) And To Attack 
 Memphis Along The Line Of The Old Canal. The Arab Sheikhs Of The Desert 
 Were Induced To Lend Him Their Aid,  And Facilitate His March By 
 Conveying The Water Necessary For His Army On The Backs Of Their Camels 
 In Skins. The March Was Thus Made In Safety,  Though The Soldiers Are 
 Said To Have Suffered Considerably From Fatigue And Thirst,  And To Have 
 Been Greatly Alarmed By The Sight Of Numerous Serpents. 
   
 Tehrak,  On His Part,  Did All That Was Possible. On Learning Esarhaddon'S 
 Change Of Route,  He Broke Up From Pelusium,  And,  By A Hasty March Across 
 The Eastern Delta Succeeded In Interposing His Army Between Memphis And 
 The Host Of The Assyrians,  Which Had To Follow The Line Taken By Sir 
 Garnet Wolseley In 1884,  And Encountered The Enemy,  Probably,  Not Far 
 From The Spot Where The British General Completely Defeated The Troops 
 Of Arabi. Here For The Third Time Asia And Africa Stood Arrayed The One 
 Against The Other. Assyria Brought Into The Field A Host Of Probably Not 
 
 
 
 Story 21 (The Fight Over The Carcase--Ethiopia _V_. Assyria.) Pg 155 
 Fewer Than Two Hundred Thousand Men,  Including A Strong Chariot Force,  A 
 Powerful Cavalry,  And An Infantry Variously Armed And Appointed--Some 
 With Huge Shields And Covered By Almost Complete Panoplies,  Others 
 Lightly Equipped With Targe And Dart,  Or Even Simply With Slings. Egypt 
 Opposed To Her A Force,  Probably,  Even More Numerous,  But Consisting 
 Chiefly Of A Light-Armed Infantry,  Containing A Large Proportion Of 
 Mercenaries Whose Hearts Would Not Be In The Fight,  Deficient In 
 Cavalry,  And Apt To Trust Mainly To Its Chariots. In The Flat Egyptian 
 Plains Lightly Accoutred Troops Fight At A Great Disadvantage Against 
 Those Whose Equipment Is Of Greater Solidity And Strength; Cavalry Are 
 An Important Arm,  Since There Is Nothing To Check The Impetus Of A 
 Charge; And Personal Strength Is A Most Important Element In determining 
 The Result Of A Conflict. The Assyrians Were More Strongly Made Than The 
 Egyptians; They Had Probably A Better Training; They Certainly Wore More 
 Armour,  Carried Larger Shields And Longer Spears,  And Were Better 
 Equipped Both For Offence And Defence. We Have,  Unfortunately,  No 
 Description Of The Battle; But It Is In No Way Surprising To Learn That 
 The Assyrians Prevailed; Tehrak'S Forces Suffered A Complete Defeat, 
 Were Driven From The Field In confusion,  And Hastily Dispersed 
 Themselves. 
   
 Memphis Was Then Besieged,  Taken,  And Given Up To Pillage. The Statues 
 Of The Gods,  The Gold And Silver,  The Turquoise And Lapis Lazuli,  The 
 Vases,  Censers,  Jars,  Goblets,  Amphorae,  The Stores Of Ivory,  Ebony, 
 Cinnamon,  Frankincense,  Fine Linen,  Crystal,  Jasper,  Alabaster, 
 Embroidery,  With Which The Piety Of Kings Had Enriched The 
 Temples--Especially The Great Temple Of Phthah--During Fifteen Or Twenty 
 Centuries,  Were Ruthlessly Carried Off By The Conquerors,  Who Destined 
 Them Either For The Adornment Of The Ninevite Shrines Or For Their Own 
 Private Advantage. Tehrak'S Wife And Concubines,  Together With Several 
 Of His Children And Numerous Officers Of His Court,  Left Behind In 
 Consequence Of His Hurried Flight,  Fell Into The Enemy'S Hands. Tehrak 
 Himself Escaped,  And Fled First To Thebes,  And Then To Napata; While The 
 Army Of Esarhaddon,  Following Closely On His Footsteps,  Advanced Up The 
 Valley Of The Nile,  Scoured The Open Country With Their Cavalry,  Stormed 
 The Smaller Towns,  And After A Siege Of Some Duration Took "Populous 
 No," Or Thebes,  "That Was Situate Among The Rivers,  That Had The Waters 
 Round About It,  Whose Rampart Was The Great Deep" (Nahum Iii. 8). All 
 Egypt Was Overrun From The Mediterranean To The First Cataract; 
 Thousands Of Prisoners Were Taken And Carried Away Captive; The Assyrian 
 Monarch Was Undisputed Master Of The Entire Land Of Mizraim From Migdol 
 To Syene And From Pelusium To The City Of Crocodiles. 
   
 Upon Conquest Followed Organization. The Great Assyrian Was Not Content 
 Merely To Overrun Egypt; He Was Bent Upon Holding It. Acting On The 
 Roman Principle,  "_Divide Et Impera_," He Broke Up The Country Into 
 Twenty Distinct Principalities,  Over Each Of Which He Placed A Governor, 
 While In The Capital Of Each He Put An Assyrian Garrison. Of The 
 Governors,  By Far The Greater Number Were Native Egyptians; But In One 
 Or Two Instances The Command Was Given To An Assyrian. For The Most 
 Part,  The Old Divisions Of The Nomes Were Kept,  But Sometimes Two Or 
 More Nomes Were Thrown Together And United Under A Single Governor. 
 Neco,  An Ancestor Of The Great Pharaoh Who Bore The Same Name (2 Kings 
 Xxiii. 29-35),  Had Sais,  Memphis,  And The Nomes That Lay Between Them; 
 
 
 
 Story 21 (The Fight Over The Carcase--Ethiopia _V_. Assyria.) Pg 156 
 Mentu-Em-Ankh Had Thebes And Southern Egypt As Far As Elephantine. 
 Satisfied With These Arrangements,  The Conqueror Returned To Nineveh, 
 Having First,  However,  Sculptured On The Rocks At The Mouth Of The 
 Nahr-El-Kelb A Representation Of His Person And An Account Of His 
 Conquests. 
 Egypt Lay At The Feet Of Assyria For About Three Or Four Years (B.C. 
 672-669). Then The Struggle Was Renewed. Tehrak,  Who Had Bided His Time, 
 Learning That Esarhaddon Was Seized With A Mortal Malady,  Issued (B.C. 
 669) From His Ethiopian Fastnesses,  Descended The Valley Of The Nile, 
 Expelled The Governors Whom Esarhaddon Had Set Up,  And Possessed Himself 
 Of The Disputed Territory. Thebes Received Him With Enthusiasm,  As One 
 Attached To The Worship Of Ammon; And The Priests Of Phthah Opened To 
 Him The Gates Of Memphis,  Despite The Efforts Of Neco And The Assyrian 
 Garrison. The Religious Sympathy Between Ethiopia And Egypt Was An 
 Important Factor In The As Yet Undecided Contest,  And Helped Much To 
 Further The Ethiopic Cause. But In War Sentiment Can Effect But Little. 
 Physical Force,  On The Whole,  Prevails,  Unless In The Rare Instances 
 Where Miracle Intervenes,  Or Where Patriotic Enthusiasm Is Exalted To 
 Such A Pitch As To Strike Physical Force With Impotency. 
   
 In The Conflict That Was Now Raging Patriotism Had Little Part. Ethiopia 
 And Assyria Were Contending,  Partly For Military Pre-Eminence,  Partly 
 For The Prey That Lay Between Them,  Inviting A Master--The Rich And Now 
 Weak Egyptian Kingdom. Tehrak'S Success,  Communicated To The Assyrian 
 Court By The Dispossessed Governors,  Drew Forth Almost Immediately A 
 Counter Effort On The Part Of Assyria,  Which Did Not Intend To 
 Relinquish Without A Struggle The Important Addition That Esarhaddon Had 
 Made To The Empire. In b.C. 668,  Asshur-Bani-Pal,  The Sardanapalus Of 
 The Greeks,  Having Succeeded His Father Esarhaddon,  Put The Forces Of 
 Assyria Once More In Motion,  And Swooping Down Upon The Unhappy Egypt, 
 Succeeded In carrying All Before Him,  Defeated Tehrak At Karbanit In The 
 Delta,  Recovered Memphis And Thebes,  Forced Tehrak To Take Refuge At 
 Napata,  Re-Established In Power The Twenty Petty Kings,  And Restored The 
 Country In all Respects To The Condition Into Which It Had Been Brought 
 Four Years Previously By Esarhaddon. Egypt Thus Passed Under The 
 Assyrians For The Second Time,  Ethiopia Relinquishing Her Hold Upon The 
 Prey As Soon As Assyria Firmly Grasped It. 
   
 Still The Matter Was Not Yet Settled,  The Conflict Was Not Yet Ended. 
 The Petty Kings Themselves Began Now To Coquet With Tehrak,  And To 
 Invite His Co-Operation In an Attempt,  Which They Promised They Would 
 Make,  To Throw Off The Yoke Of The Assyrians. Detected In This Intrigue, 
 Neco And Two Others Were Arrested By The Assyrian Commandants,  Loaded 
 With Chains,  And Sent As Prisoners To Nineveh. But Their Arrest Did Not 
 Check The Movement. On The Contrary,  The Spirit Of Revolt Spread. The 
 Commandants Tried To Stop It By Measures Of Extreme Severity: They 
 Sacked The Great Cities Of The Delta--Sais,  Mendes,  And Tanis Or Zoan; 
 But All Was Of No Avail. Tehrak Once More Took The Field,  Descended The 
 Nile Valley,  Recovered Thebes,  And Threatened Memphis. Asshur-Bani-Pal 
 Upon This Hastily Sent Neco From Nineveh At The Head Of An Assyrian Army 
 To Exert His Influence On The Assyrian Side--Which He Was Content To Do, 
 Since The Ninevite Monarch Had Made Him Chief Of The Petty Kings,  And 
 Conferred The Principality Of Athribis On His Son,  Psamatik. Tehrak,  In 
 Alarm Retreated From His Bold Attempt,  Evacuated Thebes And Returned To 
 His Own Dominions,  Where He Shortly Afterwards Died (B.C. 667). 
   
 It Might Have Been Expected That The Death Of The Aged Warrior-King 
 
 
 
 Story 21 (The Fight Over The Carcase--Ethiopia _V_. Assyria.) Pg 157 
 Would Have Been The Signal For Ethiopia To Withdraw From The Struggle So 
 Long Maintained,  And Relinquish Egypt To Her Rival; But The Actual 
 Result Was The Exact Contrary. Tehrak Was Succeeded At Napata By His 
 Step-Son,  Rut-Ammon,  A Young Prince Of A Bold And Warlike Temper. Far 
 From Recoiling From The Enterprize Which Tehrak Had Adjudged Hopeless, 
 He Threw Himself Into It With The Utmost Ardour. Once More An Ethiopian 
 Army Descended The Nile Valley,  Occupied Thebes,  Engaged And Defeated A 
 Combined Egyptian And Assyrian Force Near Memphis,  Took The Capital, 
 Made Its Garrison Prisoners,  And Brought Under Subjection The Greater 
 Portion Of The Delta. Neco,  Having Fallen Into The Hands Of The 
 Ethiopians,  Was Cruelly Put To Death. His Son,  Psamatik,  Saved Himself 
 By A Timely Flight. 
   
 History Now "Repeated Itself." In b.C. 666 Asshur-Bani-Pal Made,  In 
 Person,  A Second Expedition Into Egypt,  Defeated Rut-Ammon Upon The 
 Frontier,  Recovered Memphis,  Marched Upon Thebes,  Rut-Ammon Retiring As 
 He Advanced,  Stormed And Sacked The Great City,  Inflicted Wanton Injury 
 On Its Temples,  Carried Off Its Treasures,  And Enslaved Its Population. 
 The Triumph Of The Assyrian Arms Was Complete. Very Shortly All 
 Resistance Ceased. The Subject Princes Were Replaced In Their 
 Principalities. Asshur-Bani-Pal'S Sovereignty Was Universally 
 Acknowledged,  And Ethiopia,  Apparently,  Gave Up The Contest. 
   
 One More Effort Was,  However,  Made By The Southern Power. On The Death 
 Of Rut-Ammon,  Mi-Ammon-Nut,  Probably A Son Of Tirhakah'S,  Became King Of 
 Ethiopia,  And Resolved On A Renewal Of The War. Egyptian Disaffection 
 Might Always Be Counted On,  Whichever Of The Two Great Powers Held 
 Temporary Possession Of The Country; And Mi-Ammon-Nut Further Courted 
 The Favour Of The Egyptian Princes,  Priests,  And People,  By An 
 Ostentatious Display Of Zeal For Their Religion. Assyria Had Allowed The 
 Temples To Fall Into Decay; The Statues Of The Gods Had In Some 
 Instances Been Cast Down,  The Temple Revenues Confiscated,  The Priests 
 Restrained In Their Conduct Of The Religious Worship. Mi-Ammon-Nut 
 Proclaimed Himself The Chosen Of Ammon,  And The Champion Of The Gods Of 
 Egypt. On Entering Each Egyptian Town He Was Careful To Visit Its Chief 
 Temple,  To Offer Sacrifices And Gifts,  To Honour The Images And Lead 
 Them In Procession,  And To Pay All Due Respect To The College Of 
 Priests. This Prudent Policy Met With Complete Success. As He Advanced 
 Down The Nile Valley,  He Was Everywhere Received With Acclamations. "Go 
 Onward In The Peace Of Thy Name," They Shouted,  "Go Onward In The Peace 
 Of Thy Name. Dispense Life Throughout All The Land--That The Temples May 
 Be Restored Which Are Hastening To Ruin; That The Statues Of The Gods 
 May Be Set Up After Their Manner; That Their Revenues May Be Given Back 
 To The Gods And Goddesses,  And The Offerings Of The Dead To The 
 Deceased; That The Priest May Be Established In His Place,  And All 
 Things Be Fulfilled According To The Holy Ritual." In Many Places Where 
 It Had Been Intended To Oppose His Advance In arms,  The News Of His 
 Pious Acts Produced A Complete Revulsion Of Feeling,  And "Those Whose 
 Intention It Had Been To Fight Were Moved With Joy." No One Opposed Him 
 Until He Had Nearly Reached The Northern Capital,  Memphis,  Which Was 
 Doubtless Held In Force By The Assyrians,  To Whom The Princes Of Lower 
 Egypt Were Still Faithful. A Battle,  Accordingly,  Was Fought Before The 
 Walls,  And In This Mi-Ammon-Nut Was Victorious; The Egyptians Probably 
 Did Not Fight With Much Zeal,  And The Assyrians,  Distrusting Their 
 Subject Allies,  May Well Have Been Dispirited. After The Victory, 
 Memphis Opened Her Gates,  And Soon Afterwards The Princes Of The Delta 
 
 
 
 Story 21 (The Fight Over The Carcase--Ethiopia _V_. Assyria.) Pg 158 
 Thought It Best To Make Their Submission--The Assyrians,  We Must 
 Suppose,  Retired--Mi-Ammon-Nut'S Authority Was Acknowledged,  And The 
 Princes,  Having Transferred Their Allegiance To Him,  Were Allowed To 
 Retain Their Governments. 
   
 The Consequences Of This Last Ethiopian Invasion Of Egypt Appear To Have 
 Been Transient. Mi-Ammon-Nut Did Not Live Very Long To Enjoy His 
 Conquest,  And In egypt He Had No Successor. He Was Not Even Recognized 
 By The Egyptians Among Their Legitimate Kings. Egypt At His Death 
 Reverted To Her Previous Position Of Dependence Upon Assyria,  Feeling 
 Herself Still Too Weak To Stand Alone,  And Perhaps Not Greatly Caring, 
 So That She Had Peace,  Which Of The Two Great Powers She Acknowledged As 
 Her Suzerain. She Had Now (About B.C. 650) For Above Twenty Years Been 
 Fought Over By The Two Chief Kingdoms Of The Earth--Each Of Them Had 
 Traversed With Huge Armies,  As Many As Five Or Six Times,  The Nile 
 Valley From One Extremity To The Other; The Cities Had Been Half Ruined, 
 Harvest After Harvest Destroyed,  Trees Cut Down,  Temples Rifled, 
 Homesteads Burnt,  Villas Plundered. Thebes,  The Hundred-Gated,  Probably 
 For Many Ages Quite The Most Magnificent City In The World,  Had Become A 
 By-Word For Desolation (Nahum Iii. 8,  9); Memphis,  Heliopolis,  Tanis, 
 Sais,  Mendes,  Bubastis,  Heracleopolis,  Hermopolis; Crocodilopolis,  Had 
 Been Taken And Retaken Repeatedly; The Old Buildings And Monuments Had 
 Been Allowed To Fall Into Decay; No King Had Been Firmly Enough 
 Established On His Throne To Undertake The Erection Of Any But 
 Insignificant New Ones. Egypt Was "Fallen,  Fallen,  Fallen--Fallen From 
 Her High Estate;" An Apathy,  Not Unlike The Stillness Of Death,  Brooded 
 Over Her; Literature Was Silent,  Art Extinct; Hope Of Recovery Can 
 Scarcely Have Lingered In Many Bosoms. As Events Proved,  The Vital Spark 
 Was Not Actually Fled; But The Keenest Observer Would Scarcely Have 
 Ventured To Predict,  At Any Time Between B.C. 750 And B.C. 650,  Such A 
 Revival As Marked The Period Between B.C. 650 And B.C. 530. 
   
   
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 22 (The Corpse Comes To Life Again--Psamatik I. And His Son Neco.) Pg 159 
   
 When A Country Has Sunk So Gradually,  So Persistently,  And For So Long A 
 Series Of Years As Egypt Had Now Been Sinking,  If There Is A Revival,  It 
 
 
 
 Story 22 (The Corpse Comes To Life Again--Psamatik I. And His Son Neco.) Pg 160 
 Must Almost Necessarily Come From Without. The Corpse Cannot Rise 
 Without Assistance--The Expiring Patient Cannot Cure Himself. All The 
 Vital Powers Being Sapped,  All The Energies Having Departed,  The Valley 
 Of The Shadow Of Death Having Been Entered,  Nothing Can Arrest 
 Dissolution But Some Foreign Stock,  Some Blood Not Yet Vitiated,  Some 
 "Saviour" Sent By Divine Providence From Outside The Nation (Isa. Xix. 
 20),  To Recall The Expiring Life,  To Revivify The Paralyzed Frame,  To 
 Infuse Fresh Energy Into It,  And To Make It Once More Live,  Breathe, 
 Act,  Think,  Assert Itself. Yet The Saviour Must Not Be Altogether From 
 Without. He Must Not Be A Conqueror,  For Conquest Necessarily Weakens 
 And Depresses; He Must Not Be Too Remote In blood,  Or He Will Lack The 
 Power Fully To Understand And Sympathize With The Nation Which He Is To 
 Restore,  And Without True Understanding And True Sympathy He Can Effect 
 Nothing; He Must Not Be A Stranger To The Nation'S Recent History,  Or 
 He Will Make Mistakes That Will Be Irremediable. What Is Wanted Is A 
 Scion Of A Foreign Stock,  Connected By Marriage And Otherwise With The 
 Nation That He Is To Regenerate,  And Well Acquainted With Its 
 Circumstances,  Character,  Position,  History,  Virtues,  Weaknesses. No 
 Entirely New Man Can Answer To These Requirements; He Must Be Found,  If 
 He Is To Be Found At All,  Among The Principal Men Of The Time,  Whose Lot 
 Has For Some Considerable Period Been Cast In With The State Which Is To 
 Be Renovated. 
   
 In Egypt,  At The Time Of Which We Are Speaking,  Exactly This Position 
 Was Occupied By Psamatik,  Son Of Neco. He Was,  According To All 
 Appearance,  Of Libyan Origin; His Stock Was New; His Name And His 
 Father'S Name Are Unheard Of Hitherto In egyptian History; 
 Etymologically,  They Are Non-Egyptian; And Psamatik Has A Non-Egyptian 
 Countenance. He Was Probably Of The Same Family As "Inarus The Libyan," 
 Whose Father Was A Psamatik. He Belonged Thus To A Libyan Stock,  Which 
 Had,  However,  Been Crossed,  More Than Once,  With The Blood Of The 
 Egyptians. The Family Was One Of Those Libyan Families Which Had Long 
 Been Domiciled At Sais,  And Had Intermarried With The Older Saites,  Who 
 Were Predominantly Egyptian. He Had Also For Twenty Years Or More Been 
 An Important Unit In The Egyptian Political System,  Having Shared The 
 Vicissitudes Of His Father'S Fortunes From B.C. 672 To B.C. 667,  And 
 Having Then Been Placed At The Head Of One Of The Many Principalities 
 Into Which Egypt Was Divided. In The Same,  Or The Next,  Year He Seems To 
 Have Succeeded His Father; And He Had Reigned At Sais For Sixteen Or 
 Seventeen Years Before He Felt Himself Called Upon To Take Any Step That 
 Was At All Abnormal,  Or Attempt In any Way To Change His Position. 
   
   
 Familiar With The Politics And Institutions Of Egypt,  Yet,  As A 
 Semi-Libyan,  Devoid Of Egyptian Prejudices,  And Full Of The Ambition 
 Which Naturally Inspires Young Princes Of A Vigorous Stock,  Psamatik Had 
 At Once The Desire To Shake Off The Yoke Of Assyria,  And Reunite Egypt 
 Under His Own Sway,  And Also A Willingness To Adopt Any Means,  However 
 New And Strange,  By Which Such A Result Might Be Accomplished. He Had 
 Probably Long Watched For A Favourable Moment At Which To Give His 
 Ambition Vent,  And Found It At Last In The Circumstances That Ushered In 
 The Second Half Of The Seventh Century. Assyria Was,  About B.C. 651, 
 Brought Into A Position Of Great Difficulty,  By The Revolt Of Babylon In 
 Alliance With Elam,  And Was Thus Quite Unable To Exercise A Strict 
 Surveillance Over The More Distant Parts Of The Empire. The Garrison By 
 Which She Held Egypt Had Probably Been Weakened By The Withdrawal Of 
 
 
 
 Story 22 (The Corpse Comes To Life Again--Psamatik I. And His Son Neco.) Pg 161 
 Troops For The Defence Of Assyria Proper; At Any Rate,  It Could Not Be 
 Relieved Or Strengthened Under The Existing Circumstances. At The Same 
 Time A Power Had Grown Up In asia Minor,  Which Was Jealous Of Assyria, 
 Having Lately Been Made To Tremble For Its Independence. Gyges Of Lydia 
 Had,  In a Moment Of Difficulty,  Been Induced To Acknowledge Himself 
 Assyria'S Subject; But He Had Emerged Triumphant From The Perils 
 Surrounding Him,  Had Reasserted His Independent Authority,  And Was 
 Anxious That The Power Of Assyria Should Be,  As Much As Possible, 
 Diminished. Psamatik Must Have Been Aware Of This. Casting His Eyes 
 Around The Political Horizon In Search Of Any Ally At Once Able And 
 Willing To Lend Him Aid,  He Fixed Upon Lydia As Likely To Be His Best 
 Auxiliary,  And Dispatched An Embassy Into Asia Minor. Gyges Received His 
 Application Favourably,  And Sent Him A Strong Asiatic Contingent, 
 Chiefly Composed Of Ionians And Carians. Both Races Were At This Time 
 Warlike,  And Wore Armour Of Much Greater Weight And Strength Than Any 
 Which The Egyptians Were Accustomed To Carry. It Was In Reliance, 
 Mainly,  On These Foreigners,  That Psamatik Ventured To Proclaim Himself 
 "King Of The Two Countries," And To Throw Out A Gage Of Defiance At Once 
 To His Assyrian Suzerain And To His Nineteen Fellow-Princes. 
   
 The Gage Was Not Taken Up By Assyria. Immersed In Her Own Difficulties, 
 Threatened In Three Quarters,  On The South,  On The South-East,  And On 
 The East By Babylonia,  By Elam,  And By Media,  She Had Enough To Do At 
 Home In Guarding Her Own Frontiers,  And Seeking To Keep Under Her 
 Immediate Neighbours,  And Was Therefore In No Condition To Engage In 
 Distant Expeditions,  Or Even To Care Very Much What Became Of A Remote 
 And Troublesome Dependency. Thus Assyria Made No Sign. But The Petty 
 Princes Took Arms At Once. To Them The Matter Was One Of Life Or Death; 
 They Must Either Crush The Usurper Or Be Themselves Swept Out Of 
 Existence. So They Gathered Together In Full Force. Pakrur From Pisabtu, 
 And Petubastes From Tanis,  And Sheshonk From Busiris,  And Tafnekht From 
 Prosopitis,  And Bek-En-Nefi From Athribis,  And Nakh-He From 
 Heracleopolis,  And Pimai From Mendes,  And Lamentu From Hermopolis,  And 
 Mentu-Em-Ankh From Thebes,  And Other Princes From Other Cities,  Met And 
 Formed Their Several Contingents Into A Single Army,  And Stood At Bay 
 Near Momemphis,  The Modern Menouf,  In The Western Delta,  On The Borders 
 Of The Libyan Desert. Here A Great Battle Was Fought,  Which Was For Some 
 Time Doubtful; But The Valour Of The Greco-Carians,  And The Superiority 
 Of Their Equipment,  Prevailed. The Victory Rested With Psamatik; His 
 Adversaries Were Defeated And Dispersed; Following Up His First Success, 
 He Proceeded To Attack City After City,  Forcing All To Submit,  And 
 Determined That He Would Nowhere Tolerate Even The Shadow Of A Rival. 
 Disintegration Had Been The Curse Of Egypt For The Space Of Above A 
 Century; Psamatik Put An End To It. No More Princes Of Bubastis,  Or Of 
 Tanis,  Or Of Sais,  Or Of Mendes,  Or Of Heracleopolis,  Or Of Thebes! No 
 More Eikosiarchies,  Dodecarchies,  Or Heptarchies Even! Monarchy Pure, 
 The Absolute Rule Of One And One Only Sovereign Over The Whole Of Egypt, 
 From The Cataracts Of Syene To The Shores Of The Mediterranean,  And From 
 Pelusium And Migdol To Momemphis And Marea,  Was Established,  And 
 Henceforth Continued,  As Long As Egyptian Rule Endured. The Lesson Had 
 Been Learnt At A Tremendous Cost,  But It Had Now At Last Been Thoroughly 
 Learnt,  That Only In Unity Is There Strength--That The Separate Sticks 
 Of The Faggot Are Impotent To Resist The External Force Which The 
 Collective Bundle Might Without Difficulty Have Defied And Scorned. 
   
 Psamatik Had Gained The Object Of His Ambition--Sovereignty Over All 
 
 
 
 Story 22 (The Corpse Comes To Life Again--Psamatik I. And His Son Neco.) Pg 162 
 Egypt; He Had Now To Consider How It Might Best Be Kept. And First,  As 
 That Which Is Won By The Sword Must Be Kept By The Sword,  He Made 
 Arrangements With The Troops Sent To His Aid By Gyges,  That They Should 
 Take Permanent Service Under His Banner,  And Form The Most Important 
 Element In His Standing Army. His Native Troops Were Quartered At 
 Elephantine,  In The Extreme South,  And In Marea And Daphnae,  At The Two 
 Extremities Of The Delta Towards The West And East. The New Accession To 
 His Military Strength He Stationed At No Great Distance From The 
 Capital,  Settling Them In Permanent Camps On Either Side Of The Pelusiac 
 Branch Of The Nile,  Near The City Of Bubastis. We Are Told That This 
 Exaltation Of The New Corps To The Honourable Position Of Keeping Watch 
 Upon The Capital,  Greatly Offended The Native Troops,  And Induced 
 200,000 Of Them To Quit Egypt And Seek Service With The Ethiopians. The 
 Facts Have Probably Been Exaggerated,  For Ethiopia Certainly Does Not 
 Gain,  Or Egypt Lose,  In Strength,  Either At Or After This Period. 
   
 Psamatik,  Further,  For The Better Securing Of His Throne Against 
 Pretenders,  Thought It Prudent To Contract A Marriage With The 
 Descendant Of A Royal Stock Held In Honour By Many Of His Subjects. The 
 Princess,  Shepenput,  Was The Daughter Of A Piankhi,  Who Claimed Descent 
 From The Unfortunate Bek-En-Ranf,  The King Burnt Alive By Shabak,  And 
 Who Had Also Probably Some Royal Ethiopian Blood In His Veins. By His 
 Nuptials With This Princess,  Psamatik Assured To His Crown The 
 Legitimacy Which It Had Hitherto Lacked. Uniting Henceforth In His Own 
 Person The Rights Of The Twenty-Fourth And Twenty-Fifth Dynasties,  Those 
 Of The Saites And Those Of The Ethiopians,  He Became The One And Only 
 Legal King,  And No Competitor Could Possibly Arise With A Title To 
 Sovereignty Higher Or Better Than His Own. 
   
 Being Now Personally Secure,  He Could Turn His Attention To The 
 Restoration And Elevation Of The Nationality Of Which He Had Taken It 
 Upon Him To Assume The Direction. He Could Cast His Eyes Over The 
 Unhappy Egypt--Depressed,  Down-Trodden,  Well-Nigh Trampled To Death--And 
 Give His Best Consideration To The Question What Was To Be Done To 
 Restore Her To Her Ancient Greatness. There She Lay Before His Eyes In a 
 Deplorable State Of Misery And Degradation. All The Great Cities,  Her 
 Glory And Her Boast In Former Days,  Had Suffered More Or Less In The 
 Incessant Wars; Memphis Had Been Besieged And Pillaged Half A Dozen 
 Times; Thebes Had Been Sacked And Burnt Twice; From Syene To Pelusium 
 There Was Not A Town Which Had Not Been Injured In One Or Other Of The 
 Many Invasions. The Canals And Roads,  Carefully Repaired By Shabak,  Had 
 Since His Decease Met With Entire Neglect; The Cultivable Lands Had Been 
 Devastated,  And The Whole Population Decimated Periodically. Out Of The 
 Ruins Of The Old Egypt,  Psamatik Had To Raise Up A New Egypt. He Had To 
 Revivify The Dead Corpse,  And Put A Fresh Life Into The Stiff And 
 Motionless Limbs. With Great Energy And Determination He Set Himself To 
 Accomplish The Task. Applying Himself,  First Of All,  To The Restoration 
 Of What Was Decayed And Ruined,  He Re-Established The Canals And The 
 Roads,  Encouraged Agriculture,  Favoured The Development Of The 
 Population. The Ruined Towns Were Gradually Repaired And Rebuilt,  And 
 Vast Efforts Made Everywhere To Restore,  And Even To Enlarge And 
 Beautify The Sacred Edifices. At Memphis,  Psamatik Built The Great 
 Southern Portal Which Gave Completeness To The Ancient Temple Of The God 
 Phthah,  And Also Constructed A Grand Court For The Residence Of The 
 Apis-Bulls,  Surrounded By A Colonnade,  Against The Piers Of Which Stood 
 
 
 
 Story 22 (The Corpse Comes To Life Again--Psamatik I. And His Son Neco.) Pg 163 
 Colossal Figures Of Osiris,  From Eighteen To Twenty Feet In Height. At 
 Thebes He Re-Erected The Portions Of The Temple Of Karnak,  Which Had 
 Been Thrown Down By The Assyrians; At Sais,  Mendes,  Heliopolis,  And 
 Philae He Undertook Extensive Works. The Entire Valley Of The Nile Became 
 Little More Than One Huge Workshop,  Where Stone-Cutters And Masons, 
 Bricklayers And Carpenters,  Laboured Incessantly. Under The Liberal 
 Encouragement Of The King And Of His Chief Nobles,  The Arts Recovered 
 Themselves And Began To Flourish Anew. The Engraving And Painting Of The 
 Hieroglyphics Were Resumed With Success,  And Carried Out With A 
 Minuteness And Accuracy That Provokes The Admiration Of The Beholder. 
 Bas-Reliefs Of Extreme Beauty And Elaboration Characterize The Period. 
 There Rests Upon Some Of Them "A Gentle And Almost Feminine Tenderness, 
 Which Has Impressed Upon The Imitations Of Living Creatures The Stamp Of 
 An Incredible Delicacy Both Of Conception And Execution." Statues And 
 Statuettes Of Merit Were At The Same Time Produced In abundance. The 
 "Saitie Art",  As That Of The Revival Under The Psamatiks Has Been 
 Called,  Is Characterized By An Extreme Neatness Of Manipulation In The 
 Drawings And Lines,  The Fineness Of Which Often Reminds Us Of The 
 Performances Of A Seal-Engraver,  By Grace,  Softness,  Tenderness,  And 
 Elegance. It Is Not The Broad,  But Somewhat Realistic Style Of The 
 Memphitic Period,  Much Less The Highly Imaginative And Vigorous Style Of 
 The Ramesside Kings; But It Is A Style Which Has Quiet Merits Of Its 
 Own,  Sweet And Pure,  Full Of Refinement And Delicacy. 
   
 Egypt Was Thus Rendered Flourishing At Home; Her Magnificent Temples And 
 Other Edifices Put Off Their Look Of Neglect; Her Cities Were Once More 
 Busy Seats Of Industry And Traffic; Her Fields Teemed With Rich 
 Harvests; Her Population Increased; Her Whole Aspect Changed. But The 
 Circumstances Of The Time Led Psamatik To Attempt Something More. His 
 Employment Of Greek And Carian Mercenaries Naturally Led Him On Into An 
 Intimacy With Foreigners,  And Into A Regard And Consideration For Them 
 Quite Unknown To Previous Pharaohs,  And In contradiction To Ordinary 
 Egyptian Prejudices. Egypt Was The China Of The Old World,  And Had For 
 Ages Kept Herself As Much As Possible Aloof From Foreigners,  And Looked 
 Upon Them With Aversion. Foreign Vessels Were,  Until The Time Of 
 Psamatik,  Forbidden To Enter Any Of The Nile Mouths,  Or To Touch At An 
 Egyptian Port. Psamatik Saw That The New Circumstances Required An 
 Extensive Change. The Mercenaries,  If They Were To Be Content With 
 Their Position,  Must Be Allowed To Communicate Freely With The Cities 
 And Countries From Which They Came,  And Intercourse Between Greece And 
 Egypt Must Be Encouraged Rather Than Forbidden. Accordingly The Greeks 
 Were Invited To Make Settlements In The Delta,  And Naucratis,  Favourably 
 Situated On The Canopic Branch Of The Nile,  Was Specially Assigned To 
 Them As A Residence. Most Of The More Enterprizing Among The Commercial 
 States Of The Time Took Advantage Of The Opening,  And Miletus,  Phocaea, 
 Rhodes,  Samos,  Chios,  Mytilene,  Halicarnassus,  And Aegina Established 
 Factories At The Locality Specified,  Built Temples There To The Greek 
 Gods,  And Sent Out A Body Of Colonists. A Considerable Trade Grew Up 
 Between Egypt And Greece. The Egyptians Of The Higher Classes Especially 
 Appreciated The Flavour And Quality Of The Greek Wines,  Which Were 
 Consequently Imported Into The Country In Large Quantities. Greek 
 Pottery And Greek Glyptic Art Also Attracted A Certain Amount Of Favour. 
 On Her Side Egypt Exported Corn,  Alum,  Muslin And Linen Fabrics,  And The 
 Excellent Paper Which She Made From The _Cyperus Papyrus_. 
   
 
 
 
 Story 22 (The Corpse Comes To Life Again--Psamatik I. And His Son Neco.) Pg 164 
 The Trade Thus Established Was Carried On Mainly,  If Not Wholly,  In 
 Greek Bottoms,  The Egyptians Having A Distaste To The Sea,  And Regarding 
 Commerce With No Great Favour. Nevertheless,  The Life And Stir Which 
 Foreign Commerce Introduced Among Them,  The Familiarity With Strange 
 Customs And Manners,  Engendered By Daily Intercourse With The Greeks, 
 The Acquisition (On The Part Of Some) Of The Greek Language,  The Sight 
 Of Greek Modes Of Worship,  Of Greek Painting And Greek Sculpture,  The 
 Insight Into Greek Habits Of Thought,  Which Could Not But Follow, 
 Produced No Inconsiderable Effect Upon The National Character Of The 
 Egyptians,  Shaking Them Out Of Their Accustomed Groove,  And Awakening 
 Curiosity And Inquiry. The Effect Was Scarcely Beneficial. Egyptian 
 National Life Had Been Eminently Conservative And Unchanging. The 
 Introduction Of Novelty In Ten Thousand Shapes Unsettled And Disturbed 
 It. The Old Beliefs Were Shaken,  And A Multitude Of Superstitions Rushed 
 In. The Corruptions Introduced By The Greeks Were More Easy Of Adoption 
 And Imitation Than The Sterling Points Of Their Character,  Their 
 Intelligence,  Their Unwearied Energy,  Their Love Of Truth. Egypt Was 
 Awakened To A New Life By The Novel Circumstances Of The Psamatik 
 Period; But It Was A Fitful Life,  Unquiet,  Unnatural,  Feverish. The 
 Character Of The Men Lost In dignity And Strength By The Discontinuance 
 Of Military Training Consequent Upon The Substitution For A Native Army 
 Of An Army Of Mercenaries. The Position Of The Women Sank Through The 
 Adoption Of Those Ideas Concerning Them Which Their Contact With 
 Orientals Had Engrained Into The Minds Of The Asiatic Greeks. The 
 National Spirit Of The People Was Sapped By The Concentration Of The 
 Royal Favour On A Race Of Foreigners Whose Manners And Customs Were 
 Abhorrent To Them,  And Whom They Regarded With Envy And Dislike. If Some 
 Improvement Is To Be Seen On The Surface Of Egyptian Life Under The 
 Psamatiks,  Some Greater Activity And Enterprise,  Some Increased 
 Intellectual Stir,  Some Improved Methods In art,  These Ameliorations 
 Scarcely Compensate For The Indications Of Decline Which Lie Deeper,  And 
 Which In The Sequel Determined The Fate Of The Nation. 
   
 The Later Years Of The Reign Of Psamatik Were Coincident With A Time Of 
 Extreme Trouble And Confusion In asia,  In The Course Of Which The 
 Assyrian Monarchy Came To An End,  And South-Western Asia Was Partitioned 
 Between The Medes And The Babylonians. A Tempting Field Was Laid Open 
 For An Ambitious Prince,  Who Might Well Have Dreamt Of Syrian Or Even 
 Mesopotamian Conquest,  And Of Recalling The Old Glories Of Seti, 
 Thothmes,  And Amenhotep. Psamatik Did Go So Far As To Make An Attack 
 Upon Philistia,  But Met With So Little Success That He Was Induced To 
 Restrain Any Grander Aspirations Which He May Have Cherished,  And To 
 Leave The Asiatic Monarchs To Settle Asiatic Affairs As It Pleased Them. 
 Ashdod,  We Are Told,  Resisted The Egyptian Arms For Twenty-Nine Years; 
 And Though It Fell At Last,  The Prospect Of Half-A-Dozen Such Sieges Was 
 Not Encouraging. Psamatik,  Moreover,  Was An Old Man By The Time That The 
 Assyrian Empire Fell To Pieces,  And We Can Understand His Shrinking From 
 A Distant And Dangerous Expedition. He Left The Field Open For His Son, 
 Neco,  Having In No Way Committed Him,  But Having Secured For Him A Ready 
 Entrance Into Asia By His Conquest Of The Philistine Fortress. 
   
 Neco,  The Son Of Psamatik I.,  From The Moment That He Ascended The 
 Throne,  Resolved To Make The Bold Stroke For Empire From Which His 
 Father Had Held Back. Regarding His Mercenary Army As A Sufficient Land 
 Force,  He Concentrated His Energies On The Enlargement And Improvement 
 
 
 
 Story 22 (The Corpse Comes To Life Again--Psamatik I. And His Son Neco.) Pg 165 
 Of His Navy,  Which Was Weak In Numbers And Of Antiquated Construction. 
 Naval Architecture Had Recently Made Great Strides,  First By The 
 Inventiveness Of The Phoenicians,  Who Introduced The Bireme,  And Then By 
 The Skill Of The Greeks,  Who,  Improving On The Hint Furnished Them, 
 Constructed The Trireme. Neco,  By The Help Of Greek Artificers,  Built 
 Two Fleets,  Both Composed Of Triremes,  One In The Ports Which Opened On 
 The Red Sea,  The Other In Those Upon The Mediterranean. He Then,  With 
 The Object Of Uniting The Two Fleets Into One,  When Occasion Should 
 Require,  Made An Attempt To Re-Open The Canal Between The Nile And The 
 Red Sea,  Which Had Been Originally Constructed By Seti I. And Ramesses 
 Ii.,  But Had Been Allowed To Fall Into Disrepair. The Nile Mud And The 
 Desert Sand Had Combined To Silt It Up. Neco Commenced Excavations On A 
 Large Scale,  Following The Line Of The Old Cutting,  But Greatly Widening 
 It,  So That Triremes Might Meet In It And Pass Each Other,  Without 
 Shipping Their Oars. After A Time,  However,  He Felt Compelled To Desist, 
 Without Effecting His Purpose,  Owing To An Extraordinary Mortality Among 
 The Labourers. According To Herodotus,  120,000 Of Them Perished. At Any 
 Rate,  The Suffering And Loss Of Life,  Probably By Epidemics,  Was Such As 
 Induced Him To Relinquish His Project,  And To Turn His Thoughts Toward 
 Gaining His End In another Way. 
   
 Might Not Nature Have Herself Established A Water Communication Between 
 The Two Seas By Which Egypt Was Washed? It Was Well Known That The 
 Mediterranean And The Red Sea Both Communicated With An Open Ocean,  And 
 It Was The Universal Teaching Of The Greek Geographers,  That The Ocean 
 Flowed Round The Whole Earth. Neco Determined To Try Whether Africa Was 
 Not Circumnavigable. Manning Some Ships With Phoenician Mariners,  As The 
 Boldest And Most Experienced,  Accustomed To Brave The Terrors Of The 
 Atlantic Outside The Pillars Of Hercules,  He Dispatched Them From A Port 
 On The Red Sea,  With Orders To Sail Southwards,  Keeping The Coast Of 
 Africa On Their Right,  And See If They Could Not Return To Egypt By Way 
 Of The Mediterranean. The Enterprise Succeeded. The Ships,  Under The 
 Skilful Guidance Of The Phoenicians,  Anticipated The Feat Of Vasco Di 
 Gama--Rounded The Cape Of Storms,  And Returned By Way Of The Atlantic, 
 The Straits Of Gibraltar,  And The Mediterranean To The Land From Which 
 They Had Set Out. But They Did Not Reach Egypt _Till The Third Year_. 
 The Success Obtained Was Thus Of No Practical Value,  So Far As The 
 Pharaoh'S Warlike Projects Were Concerned. He Had To Relinquish The 
 Idea Of Uniting His Two Fleets In One,  Owing To The Length Of The Way 
 And The Dangers Of The Navigation. 
   
 He Had,  However,  No Mind To Relinquish His Warlike Projects,  Syria, 
 Phoenicia,  And Palestine Were Still In an Unsettled State,  The Yoke Of 
 Assyria Being Broken,  And That Of Babylon Not Yet Firmly Fixed On Them. 
 Josiah Was Taking Advantage Of The Opportunity To Extend His Authority 
 Over Samaria. Phoenicia Was Hesitating Whether To Submit To Nabopolassar 
 Or To Assert Her Freedom. The East Generally Was In a Ferment. Neco In 
 B.C. 608,  Determined To Make His Venture. At The Head Of A Large Army, 
 Consisting Mainly Of His Mercenaries,  He Took The Coast Route Into 
 Syria,  Supported By His Mediterranean Fleet Along The Shore,  And 
 Proceeding Through The Low Tracts Of Philistia And Sharon,  Prepared To 
 Cross The Ridge Of Hills Which Shuts In On The South The Great Plain Of 
 Esdraelon; But Here He Found His Passage Barred By An Army. Josiah, 
 
 
 
 Story 22 (The Corpse Comes To Life Again--Psamatik I. And His Son Neco.) Pg 166 
 Either Because He Feared That,  If Neco Were Successful,  His Own Position 
 Would Be Imperilled,  Or Because He Had Entered Into Engagements With 
 Nabopolassar,  Had Resolved To Oppose The Further Progress Of The 
 Egyptian Army,  And Had Occupied A Strong Position Near Megiddo,  On The 
 Southern Verge Of The Plain. In Vain Did Neco Seek To Persuade Him To 
 Retire,  And Leave The Passage Free. Josiah Was Obstinate,  And A Battle 
 Became Unavoidable. As Was To Be Expected,  The Jewish Army Suffered 
 Complete Defeat; Neco Swept It From His Path,  And Pursued His Way,  While 
 Josiah Mortally Wounded,  Was Conveyed In His Reserve Chariot To 
 Jerusalem. The Triumphant Pharaoh Pushed Forward Into Syria And Carried 
 All Before Him As Far As Carchemish On The Euphrates. The Whole Country 
 Submitted To Him. After A Campaign Which Lasted Three Months,  Neco 
 Returned In Triumph To His Own Land,  Carrying With Him Jehoahaz,  The 
 Second Son Of Josiah,  As A Prisoner,  And Leaving Jehoiakim,  The Eldest 
 Son,  As Tributary Monarch,  At Jerusalem. 
   
 For Three Years Egypt Enjoyed The Sense Of Triumph,  And Felt Herself 
 Once More A Conquering Power,  Capable Of Contending On Equal Terms With 
 Any State Or Kingdom That The World Contained. But Then Nemesis Swooped 
 Down On Her. In b.C. 605 Nabopolassar Of Babylon Woke Up To A 
 Consciousness Of His Loss Of Prestige,  And Determined On An Effort To 
 Retrieve It. Too Old To Undertake A Distant Campaign In Person,  He 
 Placed His Son,  Nebuchadnezzar,  At The Head Of His Troops,  And Sent Him 
 Into Syria To Recover The Lost Provinces. Neco Met Him On The Euphrates. 
 A Great Battle Was Fought At Carchemish Between The Forces Of Egypt And 
 Babylon,  In Which The Former Suffered A Terrible Defeat. We Have No 
 Historical Account Of It,  But May Gratefully Accept,  Instead,  The 
 Prophetic Description Of Jeremiah:-- 
   
   "Order Ye The Buckler And The Shield,  And Draw Ye Near To Battle; 
   Harness The Horses; And Get Up,  Ye Horsemen, 
           And Stand Forth With Your Helmets; 
   Furbish The Spears,  And Put On The Brigandines. 
   Wherefore Have I Seen Them Dismayed,  And Turned Away Backward? 
   And Their Mighty Ones Are Beaten Down,  And Fled Apace, 
           And Look Not Behind Them; 
   For Fear Is Round About,  Saith Jehovah. 
   Let Not The Swift Flee Away,  Nor The Mighty Men Escape; 
   They Shall Stumble And Fall Toward The North By The River Euphrates. 
   Who Is This That Cometh Up As A Flood [Like The Nile], 
           Whose Waters Are Moved As The Rivers? 
   Egypt Rises Up As A Flood [Like The Nile], 
           And His Waters Are Moved As The Rivers; 
   And He Saith,  I Will Go Up,  And I Will Cover The Earth; 
   I Will Destroy The City,  With Its Inhabitants. 
   Come Up,  Ye Horses; And Rage,  Ye Chariots; 
           And Let The Mighty Men Come Forth; 
   Cush And Phut,  That Handle The Shield, 
           And Lud That Handles And Bends The Bow. 
   For This Is The Day Of The Lord,  The Lord Of Hosts, 
           A Day Of Vengeance,  That He May Smite His Foes; 
   And The Sword Shall Devour,  And Be Made Satiate And Drunk With Blood; 
   For The Lord,  The Lord Of Hosts Hath A Sacrifice In The North Country, 
           By The River Euphrates. 
   Go Up Into Gilead,  And Take Balm,  O Virgin Daughter Of Egypt! 
 
 
 
 Story 22 (The Corpse Comes To Life Again--Psamatik I. And His Son Neco.) Pg 167 
   In Vain Shalt Thou Use Many Medicines; To Thee No Cure Shall Come. 
   The Nations Have Heard Of Thy Shame,  And Thy Cry Hath Filled The Land; 
   For The Mighty Man Has Stumbled Against The Mighty, 
           And Both Are Fallen Together."[29] 
   
 The Disaster Was Utter,  Complete,  Not To Be Remedied--The Only Thing To 
 Be Done Was To "Fly Apace," To Put The Desert And The Nile Between The 
 Vanquished And The Victors,  And To Deprecate The Conqueror'S Anger By 
 Submission. Neco Gave Up The Contest,  Evacuated Syria And Palestine,  And 
 Hastily Sought The Shelter Of His Own Land,  Whither Nebuchadnezzar Would 
 Probably Have Speedily Followed Him,  Had Not News Arrived Of His 
 Father'S,  Nabopolassar'S,  Death. To Secure The Succession,  He Had To 
 Return,  As Quickly As He Could,  To Babylon,  And To Allow The Egyptian 
 Monarch,  At Any Rate,  A Breathing Space. 
   
 Thus Ended The Dream Of The Recovery Of An Asiatic Empire,  Which 
 Psamatik May Have Cherished,  And Of Which Neco Attempted The 
 Realization. The Defeat Of Carchemish Shattered The Unsubstantial Fabric 
 Into Atoms,  And Gave A Death-Blow To Hopes Which No Pharaoh Ever 
 Entertained Afterwards. 
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 22 (Footnotes) Pg 168 
   
 [29] Jeremiah Xlvi. 3-12. 
 
 
 
 Story 23 (The Later Saite Kings.--Psamatik Ii.,  Apries,  And Amasis.) Pg 169 
 The Saitic Revival In art And Architecture,  In commercial And General 
 Prosperity,  Which Psamatik The First Inaugurated,  Continued Under His 
 Successors. To The Short Reign Of Psamatik Ii. Belong A Considerable 
 Number Of Inscriptions,  Some Good Bas-Reliefs At Abydos And Philae,  And A 
 Large Number Of Statues. One Of These,  In The Collection Of The Vatican, 
 Is Remarkable For Its Beauty. Apries Erected Numerous _Stelae_,  And At 
 Least One Pair Of Obelisks,  Wherewith He Adorned The Temple Of Neith At 
 Sais. Amasis Afforded Great Encouragement To Art And Architecture. He 
 Added A Court Of Entrance To The Above Temple,  With Propylaea Of Unusual 
 Dimensions,  Adorned The Dromos Conducting To It With Numerous 
 Andro-Sphinxes,  Erected Colossal Statues Within The Temple Precincts, 
 And Conveyed Thither From Elephantine A Monolithic Shrine Or Chamber Of 
 Extraordinary Dimensions. Traces Of His Architectural Activity Are Also 
 Found At Memphis,  Thebes,  Abydos,  Bubastis,  And Thmuis Or Leontopolis. 
 
 
 
 Story 23 (The Later Saite Kings.--Psamatik Ii.,  Apries,  And Amasis.) Pg 170 
 Statuary Flourished During His Reign. Even Portrait-Painting Was 
 Attempted; And Amasis Sent A Likeness Of Himself,  Painted On Panel,  As 
 A Present To The People Of Cyrene. It Was Maintained By The Egyptians Of 
 A Century Later That The Reign Of Amasis Was The Most Prosperous Time 
 Which Egypt Had Ever Seen,  The Land Being More Productive,  The Cities 
 More Numerous,  And The Entire People More Happy Than Either Previously 
 Or Subsequently. Amasis Certainly Gave A Fresh Impulse To Commerce, 
 Since He Held Frequent Communication With The Greek States Of Asia 
 Minor,  As Well As With The Settlers At Cyrene,  And Gave Increased 
 Privileges To The Trading Community Of Naucratis. 
   
 Even In a Military Point Of View,  There Was To Some Extent A Recovery 
 From The Disaster Of Carchemish. The Babylonian Empire Was Not 
 Sufficiently Established Or Consolidated At The Accession Of 
 Nebuchadnezzar For That Monarch To Form At Once Extensive Schemes Of 
 Conquest. There Was Much To Be Done In elam,  In asia Minor,  In Phoenicia, 
 And In Palestine,  Before His Hands Could Be Free To Occupy Themselves In 
 The Subjugation Of More Distant Regions. Within Three Years After The 
 Battle Of Carchemish Judaea Threw Off The Yoke Of Babylon,  And A Few 
 Years Later Phoenicia Rebelled Under The Hegemony Of Tyre. Nebuchadnezzar 
 Had Not Much Difficulty In crushing The Jewish Outbreak; But Tyre 
 Resisted His Arms With Extreme Obstinacy,  And It Was Not Till Thirteen 
 Years After The Revolt Took Place That Phoenicia Was Re-Conquered. Even 
 Then The Position Of Judaea Was Insecure: She Was Known To Be Thoroughly 
 Disaffected,  And Only Waiting An Opportunity To Rebel A Second Time. 
 Thus Nebuchadnezzar Was Fully Occupied With Troubles Within His Own 
 Dominions,  And Left Egypt Undisturbed To Repair Her Losses,  And Recover 
 Her Military Prestige,  As She Best Might. 
   
 Neco Outlived His Defeat About Eight Or Nine Years,  During Which He 
 Nursed His Strength,  And Abstained From All Warlike Enterprises. His 
 Son,  Psamatik Ii.,  Who Succeeded Him B.C. 596,  Made An Attack On The 
 Ethiopians,  And Seems To Have Penetrated Deep Into Nubia,  Where A 
 Monument Was Set Up By Two Of His Generals,  Apollonius,  A Greek,  And 
 Amasis,  An Egyptian,  Which May Still Be Seen On The Rocks Of Abu-Simbel, 
 And Is The Earliest Known Greek Inscription. The Following Is A 
 Facsimile,  Only Reduced In Size:-- 
   
   
 Apries,  The Son Of Neco,  Brought This War To An End In The First Year Of 
 His Reign (B.C. 590) By The Arms Of One Of His Generals; And,  Finding 
 That Nebuchadnezzar Was Still Unable To Reduce Phoenicia To Subjection, 
 He Ventured,  In b.C. 588,  To Conclude A Treaty With Zedekiah,  King Of 
 Judah,  And To Promise Him Assistance,  If He Would Join Him Against The 
 Babylonians. This Zedekiah Consented To Do,  And The War Followed Which 
 Terminated In The Capture And Destruction Of Jerusalem,  And The Transfer 
 Of The Jewish People To Babylonia. 
   
 It Is Uncertain What Exact Part Apries Took In This War. We Know That He 
 Called Out The Full Force Of The Empire,  And Marched Into Palestine, 
 With The Object Of Relieving Zedekiah. As Soon As He Knew That That 
 Monarch'S Safety Was Threatened. We Know That He Marched Towards 
 Jerusalem,  And Took Up Such A Threatening Attitude That Nebuchadnezzar 
 At One Time Actually Raised The Siege (Jer. Xxxvii. 5). We Do Not Know 
 What Followed. Whether Apries,  On Finding That The Whole Chaldaean Force 
 
 
 
 Story 23 (The Later Saite Kings.--Psamatik Ii.,  Apries,  And Amasis.) Pg 171 
 Had Broken Up From Before Jerusalem And Was Marching Against Himself, 
 Took Fright At The Danger Which He Had Affronted,  And Made A Sudden 
 Inglorious Retreat; Or Whether He Boldly Met The Babylonian Host And 
 Contended With Them In a Pitched Battle,  Wherein He Was Worsted,  And 
 From Which He Was Forced To Fly Into His Own Land,  Is Uncertain. 
 Josephus Positively Declares That He Took The Braver And More Honourable 
 Course: The Silence Of Scripture As To Any Battle Is Thought To Imply 
 That He Showed The White Feather. In either Case,  The Result Was The 
 Same. Egypt Recoiled Before Babylon; Palestine Was Evacuated; And 
 Zedekiah Was Left To Himself. In b.C. 586 Jerusalem Fell; Zedekiah Was 
 Made A Prisoner And Cruelly Deprived Of Sight; The Temple And City Were 
 Burnt,  And The Bulk Of The People Carried Into Captivity. Babylon 
 Rounded Off Her Dominion In This Quarter By The Absorption Of The Last 
 State Upon Her South-Western Border That Had Maintained The Shadow Of 
 Independence: And The Two Great Powers Of These Parts,  Hitherto 
 Prevented From Coming Into Contact By The Intervention Of A Sort Of 
 Political "Buffer," Became Conterminous,  And Were Thus Brought Into A 
 Position In Which It Was Not Possible That A Collision Should For Any 
 Considerable Time Be Avoided. 
   
 Recognizing The Certainty Of The Impending Collision,  Apries Sought To 
 Strengthen His Power For Resistance By Attaching To His Own Empire The 
 Phoenician Towns Of The Syrian Coast,  Whose Adhesion To His Side Would 
 Secure Him,  At Any Rate,  The Maritime Superiority. He Made An Expedition 
 Against Tyre And Sidon Both By Land And Sea,  Defeated The Combined Fleet 
 Of Phoenicia And Cyprus In a Great Engagement,  Besieged Sidon,  And After 
 A Time Compelled It To Surrender. He Then Endeavoured Further To 
 Strengthen Himself On The Land Side By Bringing Under Subjection The 
 Greek City Of Cyrene,  Which Had Now Become A Flourishing Community; But 
 Here His Good Fortune Forsook Him; The Cyrenaean Forces Defeated The Army 
 Which He Sent Against Them,  With Great Slaughter; And The Event Brought 
 Apries Into Disfavour With His Subjects,  Who Imagined That He Had,  Of 
 Malice Prepense,  Sent His Troops Into The Jaws Of Destruction. According 
 To Herodotus,  The Immediate Result Was A Revolt,  Which Cost Apries His 
 Throne,  And,  Within A Short Time,  His Life; But The Entire Narrative Of 
 Herodotus Is In The Highest Degree Improbable,  And Some Recent 
 Discoveries Suggest A Wholly Different Termination To The Reign Of This 
 Remarkable King. 
   
 It Is Certain That In b.C. 568 Nebuchadnezzar Made An Expedition Into 
 Egypt According To All Accounts This Date Fell Into The Lifetime Of 
 Apries. Amasis,  However,  The Successor Of Apries,  Appears To Have Been 
 Nebuchadnezzar'S Direct Antagonist,  And To Have Resisted Him In The 
 Field,  While Apries Remained In The Palace At Sais. The Two Were Joint 
 Kings From B.C. 571 To B.C. 565. Nebuchadnezzar,  At First,  Neglected 
 Sais,  And Proceeded,  By Way Of Heliopolis And Bubastis (Ezek. Xxx. 17), 
 Against The Old Capitals,  Memphis And Thebes. Having Taken These,  And 
 "Destroyed The Idols And Made The Images To Cease," He Advanced Up The 
 Nile Valley To Elephantine,  Which He Took,  And Then Endeavoured To 
 Penetrate Into Nubia. A Check,  However,  Was Inflicted On His Army By 
 Nes-Hor,  The Governor Of The South,  Whereupon He Gave Up His Idea Of 
 Nubian Conquest. Returning Down The Valley,  He Completed That Ravage Of 
 Egypt Which Is Described By Jeremiah And Ezekiel. It Is Probable That In 
 B.C. 565,  Three Years After His First Invasion,  He Took Sais And Put The 
 
 
 
 Story 23 (The Later Saite Kings.--Psamatik Ii.,  Apries,  And Amasis.) Pg 172 
 Aged Apries To Death.[30] Amasis He Allowed Still To Reign,  But Only As 
 A Tributary King,  And Thus Egypt Became "A Base Kingdom" (Ezek. Xxix. 
 14),  "The Basest Of The Kingdoms" (Ibid. Verse 15),  If Its Former 
 Exaltation Were Taken Into Account. 
   
 The "Base Kingdom" Was,  However,  Materially,  As Flourishing As Ever. The 
 Sense Of Security From Foreign Attack Was A Great Encouragement To 
 Private Industry And Commercial Enterprise. The Discontinuances Of 
 Lavish Expenditure On Military Expeditions Improved The State Finances, 
 And Enabled Those At The Head Of The Government To Employ The Money, 
 That Would Otherwise Have Been Wasted,  In Reproductive Undertakings. The 
 Agricultural System Of Egypt Was Never Better Organized Or Better 
 Managed Than Under Amasis. Nature Seemed To Conspire With Man To Make 
 The Time One Of Joy And Delight,  For The Inundation Was Scarcely Ever 
 Before So Regularly Abundant,  Nor Were The Crops Ever Before So 
 Plentiful. The "Twenty Thousand Cities," Which Herodotus Assigns To The 
 Time,  May Be A Myth; But,  Beyond All Doubt,  The Tradition Which Told Of 
 Them Was Based Upon The Fact Of A Period Of Unexampled Prosperity. 
 Amasis'S Law,  That Each Egyptian Should Appear Once Each Year Before The 
 Governor Of His Canton,  And Show The Means By Which He Was Getting An 
 Honest Living,  May Have Done Something Towards Making Industry General; 
 But His Example,  His Active Habits,  And His Encouragement Of Art And 
 Architecture,  Probably Did More. His Architectural Works Must Have Given 
 Constant Employment To Large Numbers Of Persons As Quarrymen,  Boatmen, 
 Bricklayers,  Plasterers,  Masons,  Carpenters,  And Master Builders; His 
 Patronage Of Art Not Only Gave Direct Occupation To A Multitude Of 
 Artists,  But Set A Fashion To The More Wealthy Among His Subjects By 
 Which The Demand For Objects Of Art Was Multiplied A Hundredfold. 
 Sculptors And Painters Had A Happy Time Under A King Who Was Always 
 Building Temples,  Erecting Colossi,  Or Sending Statues Or Paintings Of 
 Himself As Presents To Foreign States Or Foreign Shrines. 
   
 The External Aspect Of Egypt Under The Reign Of Amasis Is Thus As Bright 
 And Flourishing As That Which She Ever Wore At Any Former Time; But,  As 
 M. Lenormant Observes,  This Apparent Prosperity Did But Ill Conceal The 
 Decay Of Patriotism And The Decline Of All The Institutions Of The 
 Nation. The Kings Of The Saite Dynasty Had Thought To Re-Vivify Egypt, 
 And Infuse A Little New Blood Into The Old Monarchy Founded By Menes,  By 
 Allowing The Great Stream Of Liberal Ideas,  Whereof Greece Had Already 
 Made Herself The Propagator,  To Expand Itself In Her Midst. Without 
 Knowing It,  They Had By These Means Introduced On The Banks Of The Nile 
 A New Element Of Decline. Constructed Exclusively For Continuance,  For 
 Preserving Its Own Traditions In defiance Of The Flight Of Centuries, 
 The Civilization Of Egypt Could Only Maintain Itself By Remaining 
 Unmoved. From The Day On Which It Found Itself In contact With The 
 Spirit Of Progress,  Personified In The Grecian Civilization And In The 
 Greek Race,  It Was Under The Absolute Necessity Of Perishing. It Could 
 Neither Launch Itself Upon A Wholly New Path,  One Which Was The Direct 
 Negation Of Its Own Genius,  Nor Continue On Without Change Its Own 
 Existence. Thus,  As Soon As It Began To Be Penetrated By Greek 
 Influence,  It Fell At Once Into Complete Dissolution,  And Sank Into A 
 State Of Decrepitude,  That Already Resembled Death. We Shall See,  In The 
 Next Section,  How Suddenly And Completely The Egyptian Power Collapsed 
 When The Moment Of Trial Came,  And How Little Support The Surface 
 Prosperity Which Marked The Reign Of Amasis Was Able To Render To The 
 
 
 
 Story 23 (The Later Saite Kings.--Psamatik Ii.,  Apries,  And Amasis.) Pg 173 
 Empire In The Hour Of Need And Distress. 
 
 
 
 Story 23 ( Footnotes:) Pg 174 
   
 [30] Josephus,  _Ant. Jud_. X. 9,  97. 
 
 
 
 Story 24 (The Persian Conquest.) Pg 175 
   
 The Subjection Of Egypt To Babylon,  Which Commenced In b.C. 565,  Was Of 
 That Light And Almost Nominal Character,  Which A Nation That Is Not Very 
 Sensitive,  Or Very Jealous Of Its Honour,  Does Not Care To Shake Off. A 
 Small Tribute Was Probably Paid By The Subject State To Her Suzerain, 
 But Otherwise The Yoke Was Unfelt There Was No Interference With The 
 Internal Government,  Or The Religion Of The Egyptians; No Appointment Of 
 Babylonian Satraps,  Or Tax-Collectors; Not Even,  So Far As Appears,  Any 
 Demands For Contingents Of Troops. Thus,  Although Nebuchadnezzar Died 
 Within Seven Years Of His Conquest Of Egypt,  And Though A Time Of 
 Disturbance And Confusion Followed His Death,  Four Kings Occupying The 
 Babylonian Throne Within Little More Than Six Years,  Two Of Whom Met 
 With A Violent End,  Yet Amasis Seems To Have Continued Quiescent And 
 Contented,  In The Enjoyment Of A Life Somewhat More Merry And Amusing 
 Than That Of Most Monarchs,  Without Making Any Effort To Throw Off The 
 Babylonian Supremacy Or Reassert The Independence Of His Country. It Was 
 Not Till His Self-Indulgent Apathy Was Intruded Upon From Without,  And 
 He Received An Appeal From A Foreign Nation,  To Which He Was Compelled 
 To Return An Answer,  That He Looked The Situation In The Face,  And Came 
 To The Conclusion That He Might Declare Himself Independent Without Much 
 Risk. He Had At This Time Patiently Borne His Subject Position For The 
 Space Of Above Twenty Years,  Though He Might Easily Have Reasserted 
 Himself At The End Of Seven. 
   
 The Circumstances Under Which The Appeal Was Made Were The Following. A 
 New Power Had Suddenly Risen Up In asia. About B.C. 558,  Ten Years After 
 Nebuchadnezzar'S Subjection Of Egypt,  Cyrus,  Son Of Cambyses,  The 
 Tributary Monarch Of Persia Under The Medes,  Assumed An Independent 
 Position And Began A Career Of Conquest. Having Made Himself Master Of A 
 Large Portion Of The Country Of Elam,  He Assumed The Title Of "King Of 
 Ansan," And Engaged In a Long War With Astyages (Istivegu),  His Former 
 Suzerain,  Which Terminated (In B.C. 549) In His Taking The Median 
 Monarch Prisoner And Succeeding To His Dominions. It Was At Once 
 Recognized Through Asia That A New Peril Had Arisen. The Medes,  A 
 Mountain People Of Great Physical Strength And Remarkable Bravery,  Had 
 For About A Century Been Regarded As The Most Powerful People Of Western 
 
 
 
 Story 24 (The Persian Conquest.) Pg 176 
 Asia. They Had Now Been Overthrown And Conquered By A Still More 
 Powerful Mountain Race. That Race Had At Its Head An Energetic And 
 Enterprising Prince,  Who Was In The Full Vigour Of Youth,  And Fired 
 Evidently With A High Ambition. His Position Was Naturally Felt As A 
 Direct Menace By The Neighbouring States Of Babylon And Lydia,  Whose 
 Royal Families Were Interconnected. Croesus Of Lydia Was The First To 
 Take Alarm And To Devise Measures For His Own Security. He Formed The 
 Conception Of A Grand League Between The Principal Powers Whom The Rise 
 Of Persia Threatened,  For Mutual Defence Against The Common Enemy; And, 
 In Furtherance Of This Design,  Sent,  In b.C. 547,  An Embassy To Egypt, 
 And Another To Babylon,  Proposing A Close Alliance Between The Three 
 Countries. Amasis Had To Determine Whether He Would Maintain His 
 Subjection To Babylon And Refuse The Offer; Or,  By Accepting It,  Declare 
 Himself A Wholly Independent Monarch. He Learnt By The Embassy,  If He 
 Did Not Know It Before That Nabonadius,  The Babylonian Monarch,  Was In 
 Difficulties,  And Could Not Resent His Action. He Might Probably Think 
 That,  Under The Circumstances,  Nabonadius Would Regard His Joining The 
 League As A Friendly,  Rather Than An Unfriendly,  Proceeding. At Any 
 Rate,  The Balance Of Advantage Seemed To Him On The Side Of Complying 
 With The Request Of Croesus. Croesus Was Lord Of Asia Minor,  And It Was 
 Only By His Permission That The Ionian And Carian Mercenaries,  On Whom 
 The Throne Of The Pharaohs Now Mainly Depended,  Could Be Recruited And 
 Maintained At Their Proper Strength. It Would Not Do To Offend So 
 Important A Personage; And Accordingly Amasis Came Into The Proposed 
 Alliance,  And Pledged Himself To Send Assistance To Whichever Of His Two 
 Confederates Should Be First Attacked. Conversely,  They No Doubt Pledged 
 Themselves To Him; But The Remote Position Of Egypt Rendered It 
 Extremely Improbable That They Would Be Called Upon To Redeem Their 
 Pledges. 
   
 Nor Was Even Amasis Called Upon Actually To Redeem The Pledges Which He 
 Had Given. In b.C. 546,  Croesus,  Without Summoning Any Contingents From 
 His Allies,  Precipitated The War With Persia By Crossing The River 
 Halys,  And Invading Cappadocia,  Which Was Included In The Dominions Of 
 Cyrus. Having Suffered A Severe Defeat At Pteria,  A Cappadocian City,  He 
 Returned To His Capital And Hastily Sent Messengers To Egypt And 
 Elsewhere,  Begging For Immediate Assistance. What Steps Amasis Took Upon 
 This,  Or Intended To Take,  Is Uncertain; But It Must Have Been Before 
 Any Troops Could Have Been Dispatched,  That News Reached Egypt Which 
 Rendered It Useless To Send Out An Expedition. Croesus Had Scarcely 
 Reached His Capital When He Found Himself Attacked By Cyrus In His Turn; 
 His Army Suffered A Second Defeat In The Plain Before Sardis; The City 
 Was Besieged,  Stormed,  And Taken Within Fourteen Days. Croesus Fell, 
 Alive,  Into The Hands Of His Enemy,  And Was Kindly Treated; But His 
 Kingdom Had Passed Away. It Was Evidently Too Late For Amasis To Attempt 
 To Send Him Succour. The Tripartite Alliance Had,  By The Force Of 
 Circumstances,  Come To An End,  And Amasis Was An Independent Monarch,  No 
 Longer Bound By Any Engagements. 
   
 Shortly Afterwards,  In b.C. 538,  The Conquering Monarchy Of Persia 
 Absorbed Another Victim. Nabonadius Was Attacked,  Babylon Taken,  And The 
 Chaldaean Monarchy,  Which Had Lasted Nearly Two Thousand Years,  Brought 
 To An End. The Contest Had Been Prolonged,  And In The Course Of It Some 
 Disintegration Of The Empire Had Taken Place. Phoenicia Had Asserted Her 
 
 
 
 Story 24 (The Persian Conquest.) Pg 177 
 Independence; And Cyprus,  Which Was To A Large Extent Phoenician,  Had 
 Followed The Example Of The Mother-Country. Under These Circumstances, 
 Amasis Thought He Saw An Opportunity Of Gaining Some Cheap Laurels,  And 
 Accordingly Made A Naval Expedition Against The Unfortunate Islanders, 
 Who Were Taken Unawares And Forced To Become His Tributaries. It Was 
 Unwise Of The Egyptian Monarch To Remind Cyrus That He Had Still An Open 
 Enemy Unchastised,  One Who Had Entered Into A League Against Him Ten 
 Years Previously,  And Was Now Anxious To Prevent Him From Reaping The 
 Full Benefit Of His Conquests. We May Be Sure That The Persian Monarch 
 Noted And Resented The Interference With Territories Which He Had Some 
 Right To Consider His Own; Whether He Took Any Steps To Revenge Himself 
 Is Doubtful. According To Some,  He Required Amasis To Send Him One Of 
 His Daughters As A Concubine,  An Insult Which The Egyptian King Escaped 
 By _Finesse_ While He Appeared To Submit To It. 
   
 It Can Only Have Been On Account Of The Other Wars Which Pressed Upon 
 Him And Occupied Him During His Remaining Years,  That Cyrus Did Not 
 March In Person Against Amasis. First,  The Conquest Of The Nations 
 Between The Caspian And The Indian Ocean Detained Him; And After This,  A 
 Danger Showed Itself On His North-Eastern Frontier Which Required All 
 His Attention,  And In Meeting Which He Lost His Life. The Independent 
 Tribes Beyond The Oxus And The Jaxartes Have Through All History Been An 
 Annoyance And A Peril To The Power Which Rules Over The Iranian Plateau, 
 And It Was In Repelling An Attack In This Quarter That Cyrus Fell. 
 Amasis,  Perhaps,  Congratulated Himself On The Defeat And Death Of The 
 Great Warrior King; But Egypt Would,  Perhaps,  Have Suffered Less Had The 
 Invasion,  Which Was Sure To Come,  Been Conducted By The Noble, 
 Magnanimous,  And Merciful Cyrus,  Than She Actually Endured At The Hands 
 Of The Impulsive Tyrannical,  And Half-Mad Cambyses. 
   
 The First Step Taken By Cambyses,  Who Succeeded His Father Cyrus In b.C. 
 529,  Was To Reduce Phoenicia Under His Power. The Support Of A Fleet Was 
 Of Immense Importance To An Army About To Attack Egypt,  Both For The 
 Purpose Of Conveying Water And Stores,  And Of Giving Command Over The 
 Mouths Of The Nile,  So That The Great Cities,  Pelusium,  Tanis,  Sais, 
 Bubastis,  Memphis,  Might Be Blockaded Both By Land And Water. Persia,  Up 
 To The Accession Of Cambyses,  Had (So To Speak) No Fleet. Cambyses,  By 
 Threatening The Phoenician Cities On The Land Side,  Succeeded In Inducing 
 Them To Submit To Him; He Then,  With Their Aid,  Detached Cyprus From Her 
 Egyptian Masters,  And Obtained The Further Assistance Of A Cypriote 
 Squadron. Some Greek Ships Also Gave Their Services,  And The Result Was 
 That He Had The Entire Command Of The Sea,  And Was Able To Hold 
 Possession Of All The Nile Mouths,  And To Bring His Fleet Up The River 
 To The Very Walls Of Memphis. 
   
 Still,  There Were Difficulties To Overcome In Respect Of The Passage Of 
 An Army. Egypt Is Separated From Palestine By A Considerable Tract Of 
 Waterless Desert And It Was Necessary To Convey By Sea,  Or On The Backs 
 Of Camels,  All The Water Required For The Troops,  For The 
 Camp-Followers,  And For The Baggage Animals. A Numerous Camel Corps Was 
 Indispensable For The Conveyance,  And The Persians,  Though Employing 
 Camels On Their Expeditions,  Are Not Likely To Have Possessed Any Very 
 Considerable Number Of These Beasts. At Any Rate,  It Was Extremely 
 Convenient To Find A Fresh And Abundant Supply Of Camels On The Spot, 
 
 
 
 Story 24 (The Persian Conquest.) Pg 178 
 Together With Abundant Water-Skins. This Good Fortune Befell The Persian 
 Monarch,  Who Was Able To Make An Alliance With The Sheikh Of The Most 
 Powerful Bedouin Tribe Of The Region,  Who Undertook The Entire 
 Responsibility Of The Water Supply. He Thus Crossed The Desert Without 
 Disaster Or Suffering,  And Brought His Entire Force Intact To The 
 Pelusiac Branch Of The Nile,  Near The Point Where It Poured Its Waters 
 Into The Mediterranean Sea. 
   
 At This Point He Found A Mixed Egyptian And Graeco-Carian Army Prepared 
 To Resist His Further Progress. Amasis Had Died About Six Months 
 Previously,  Leaving His Throne To His Son,  Psamatik The Third. This 
 Young Prince,  Notwithstanding His Inexperience,  Had Taken All The 
 Measures That Were Possible To Protect His Kingdom From The Invader. He 
 Had Gathered Together His Greek And Carian Mercenaries,  And Having Also 
 Levied A Large Native Army,  Had Posted The Entire Force Not Far From 
 Pelusium,  In an Advantageous Position. On His Greeks And Carians He 
 Could Thoroughly Depend,  Though They Had Lately Seen But Little Service; 
 His Native Levies,  On The Contrary,  Were Of Scarcely Any Value; They 
 Were Jealous Of The Mercenaries,  Who Had Superseded Them As The Ordinary 
 Land Force,  And They Had Had Little Practice In Warfare For The Last 
 Forty Years. At No Time,  Probably,  Would An Egyptian Army Composed Of 
 Native Troops Have Been A Match For Such Soldiers As Cambyses Brought 
 With Him Into Egypt--Persians,  Medes,  Hyrcanians,  Mardians, 
 Greeks--Trained In The School Of Cyrus,  Inured To Arms,  And Confident Of 
 Victory. But The Native Soldiery Of The Time Of Psamatik Iii. Fell Far 
 Below The Average Egyptian Type; It Had Little Patriotism,  It Had No 
 Experience,  It Was Smarting Under A Sense Of Injury And Ill-Treatment At 
 The Hands Of The Saite Kings. The Engagement Between The Two Armies At 
 Pelusium Was Thus Not So Much A Battle As A Carnage. No Doubt The 
 Mercenaries Made A Stout Resistance,  But They Were Vastly Outnumbered, 
 And Were Not Much Better Troops Than Their Adversaries. The Egyptians 
 Must Have Been Slaughtered Like Sheep. According To Ctesias,  Fifty 
 Thousand Of Them Fell,  Whereas The Entire Loss On The Persian Side Was 
 Only Six Thousand. After A Short Struggle,  The Troops Of Psamatik Fled, 
 And In a Little Time The Retreat Became A Complete Rout. The Fugitives 
 Did Not Stop Till They Reached Memphis,  Where They Shut Themselves Up 
 Within The Walls. 
   
 It Is The Lot Of Egypt To Have Its Fate Decided By A Single Battle. The 
 Country Offers No Strong Positions,  That Are Strategically More 
 Defensible Than Others. The Whole Delta Is One Alluvial Flat,  With No 
 Elevation That Has Not Been Raised By Man. The Valley Of The Nile Is So 
 Wide As To Furnish Everywhere An Ample Plain,  Wherein The Largest Armies 
 May Contend Without Having Their Movements Cramped Or Hindered. An Army 
 That Takes To The Hills On Either Side Of The Valley Is Not Worth 
 Following: It Is Self-Destroyed,  Since It Can Find No Sustenance And No 
 Water. Thus The Sole Question,  When A Foreign Host Invades Egypt,  Is 
 This: Can It,  Or Can It Not,  Defeat The Full Force Of Egypt In an Open 
 Battle? If It Gains One Battle,  There Is No Reason Why It Should Not 
 Gain Fifty; And This Is So Evident,  And So Well Known,  That On Egyptian 
 Soil One Defeat Has Almost Always Been Accepted As Decisive Of The 
 Military Supremacy. A Beaten Army May,  Of Course,  Protract Its 
 Resistance Behind Walls,  And Honour,  Fame,  Patriotism,  May Seem 
 Sometimes To Require Such A Line Of Conduct; But,  Unless There Is A 
 Reasonable Expectation Of Relief Arriving From Without,  Protracted 
 Resistance Is Useless,  And,  From A Military Point Of View,  Indefensible. 
 
 
 
 Story 24 (The Persian Conquest.) Pg 179 
 Defeated Commanders Have Not,  However,  Always Seen This,  Or,  Seeing It, 
 They Have Allowed Prudence To Be Overpowered By Other Considerations. 
 Psamatik,  Like Many Another Ruler Of Egypt,  Though Defeated In The 
 Field,  Determined To Defend His Capital To The Best Of His Power. He 
 Threw Himself,  With The Remnant Of His Beaten Army,  Into Memphis,  And 
 There Stood At Bay,  Awaiting The Further Attack Of His Adversary. 
   
 It Was Not Long Before The Persian Army Drew Up Under The Walls,  And 
 Invested The City By Land,  While The Fleet Blockaded The River. A Single 
 Greek Vessel,  Having Received Orders To Summon The Defenders Of The 
 Place To Surrender It,  Had The Boldness To Enter The Town,  Whereupon It 
 Was Set Upon By The Egyptians,  Captured,  And Destroyed. Contrarily To 
 The Law Of Nations,  Which Protects Ambassadors And Their Escort,  The 
 Crew Was Torn Limb From Limb,  And An Outrage Thus Committed Which 
 Cambyses Was Justified In Punishing With Extreme Severity. Upon The Fall 
 Of The City,  Which Followed Soon After Its Investment,  The Offended 
 Monarch Avenged The Crime Which Had Been Committed By Publicly Executing 
 Two Thousand Of The Principal Citizens,  Including (It Is Said) A Son Of 
 The Fallen King. The King Himself Was At First Spared,  And Might Perhaps 
 Have Been Allowed To Rule Egypt As A Tributary Monarch,  Had He Not Been 
 Detected In a Design To Rebel And Renew The War. For This Offence He, 
 Too,  Was Condemned To Death,  And Executed By Cambyses' Order. 
   
 The Defeat Had Been Foretold By The Prophet Ezekiel,  Who Had Said:-- 
   
   "Woe Worth The Day! For The Day Is Near, 
    Even The Day Of The Lord Is Near,  A Day Of Clouds; 
    It Shall Be The Time Of The Heathen. 
    And A Sword Shall Come Upon Egypt,  And Anguish Shall Be In ethiopia; 
    When The Slain Shall Fall In egypt; 
           And They Shall Take Away Her Multitude, 
    And Her Foundations Shall Be Broken Down. 
    Ethiopia And Phut And Lud,  And All The Mingled People,  And Chub, 
    And The Children Of The Land That Is In League, 
           Shall Fall With Them By The Sword.... 
    I Will Put A Fear In The Land Of Egypt. 
    And I Will Make Pathros Desolate, 
    And Will Set A Fire In Zoan,  And Will Execute Judgments In No.... 
    Sin [Pelusium] Shall Be In Great Anguish, 
    And No Shall Be Broken Up, 
           And Noph Shall Have Adversaries In The Daytime. 
    The Young Men Of Aven And Of Pi-Beseth Shall Fall By The Sword: 
    And These Cities Shall Go Into Captivity. 
    At Tehaphnehes Also The Day Shall Withdraw Itself, 
    When I Shall Break There The Yokes Of Egypt; 
    And The Pride Of Her Power Shall Cease."[31] 
   
 According To Herodotus,  Cambyses Was Not Content With The 
 Above-Mentioned Severities,  Which Were Perhaps Justifiable Under The 
 Circumstances,  But Proceeded Further To Exercise His Rights As Conqueror 
 In A Most Violent And Tyrannical Way. He Tore From Its Tomb The Mummy Of 
 The Late King,  Amasis,  And Subjected It To The Grossest Indignities. He 
 Stabbed In The Thigh An Apis-Bull,  Recently Inaugurated At The Capital 
 With Joyful Ceremonies,  Suspecting That The Occasion Was Feigned,  And 
 That The Rejoicings Were Really Over The Ill-Success Of Expeditions 
 Carried Out By His Orders Against The Oasis Of Ammon,  And Against 
 Ethiopia. He Exhumed Numerous Mummies For The Mere Purpose Of Examining 
 
 
 
 Story 24 (The Persian Conquest.) Pg 180 
 Them. He Entered The Grand Temple Of Phthah At Memphis,  And Made Sport 
 Of The Image. He Burnt The Statues Of The Cabeiri,  Which He Found In 
 Another Temple. He Scourged The Priests Of Apis,  And Massacred In The 
 Streets Those Egyptians Who Were Keeping The Festival. Altogether,  His 
 Object Was,  If The Informants Of Herodotus Are To Be Believed,  To Pour 
 Contempt And Contumely On The Egyptian Religion,  And To Insult The 
 Religious Feelings Of The Entire People. 
   
 On The Other Hand,  We Learn From A Contemporary Inscription,  That 
 Cambyses So Far Conformed To Egyptian Usages As To Take A "Throne-Name," 
 After The Pattern Of The Ancient Pharaohs; That He Cleared The Temple Of 
 Neith At Sais Of The Foreigners Who Had Taken Possession Of It; That He 
 Entrusted The Care Of The Temple To An Egyptian Officer Of High 
 Standing; And That He Was Actually Himself Initiated Into The Mysteries 
 Of The Goddess. Perhaps We Ought Not To Be Greatly Surprised At These 
 Contradictions. Cambyses Had The Iconoclastic Spirit Strong In Him,  And, 
 Under Excitement,  Took A Pleasure In Showing His Abhorrence Of Egyptian 
 Superstitions. But He Was Not Always Under Excitement--He Enjoyed Lucid 
 Intervals,  During Which He Was Actuated By The Spirit Of An 
 Administrator And A Statesman. Having In Many Ways Greatly Exasperated 
 The Egyptians Against His Rule,  He Thought It Prudent,  Ere He Quitted 
 The Country,  To Soothe The Feelings Which He Had So Deeply Wounded,  And 
 Conciliate The Priest-Class,  To Which He Had Given Such Dire Offence. 
 Hence His Politic Concessions To Public Feeling At Sais,  His Initiation 
 Into The Mysteries Of Neith,  His Assumption Of A Throne-Name,  And His 
 Restoration Of The Temple Of Sais To Religious Uses. And The Policy Of 
 Conciliation,  Which He Thus Inaugurated,  Was Continued By His Successor, 
 Darius. Darius Built,  Or Repaired,  The Temple Of Ammon,  In The Oasis Of 
 El Khargeh,  And Made Many Acknowledgments Of The Deities Of Egypt; When 
 An Apis-Bull Died Early In His Reign,  He Offered A Reward Of A Hundred 
 Talents For The Discovery Of A New Apis; And He Proposed To Adorn The 
 Temple Of Ammon At Thebes With A New Obelisk. At The Same Time,  In His 
 Administration He Carefully Considered The Interests Of Egypt,  Which He 
 Entrusted To A Certain Aryandes As Satrap; He Re-Opened The Canal 
 Between The Nile And The Red Sea,  For The Encouragement Of Egyptian 
 Commerce; He Kept Up The Numbers Of The Egyptian Fleet; In His 
 Arrangement Of The Satrapies,  He Placed No Greater Burthen On Egypt Than 
 It Was Well Able To Bear; And He Seems To Have Honoured Egypt By His 
 Occasional Presence. He Failed,  However,  To Allay The Discontent,  And 
 Even Hatred,  Which The Outrages Of Cambyses Had Aroused; They Still 
 Remained Indelibly Impressed On The Egyptian Mind; The Persian Rule Was 
 Detested; And In Sullen Dissatisfaction The Entire Nation Awaited An 
 Opportunity Of Reclaiming Its Independence And Flinging Off The Accursed 
 Yoke. 
   
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 24 (Footnotes:) Pg 181 
 [31] Ezekiel Xxx. 3-18. 
 
 
 
 Story 25 (Three Desperate Revolts) Pg 182 
   
 The First Revolt Of The Egyptians Against Their Conquerors,  Appears To 
 Have Been Provoked By The News Of The Battle Of Marathon. Egypt Heard, 
 In B.C. 490,  That The Arms Of The Oppressor,  As She Ever Determined To 
 Consider Darius,  Had Met With A Reverse In european Greece,  Where 
 200,000 Medes And Persians Had Been Completely Defeated By 20,000 
 Athenians And Plataens. Darius,  It Was Understood,  Had Taken Greatly To 
 Heart This Reverse,  And Was Bent On Avenging It. The Strength Of The 
 Persian Empire Was About To Be Employed Towards The West,  And An 
 Excellent Opportunity Seemed To Have Arisen For A Defection On The 
 South. Accordingly Egypt,  After Making Secret Preparations For Three 
 Years,  In b.C. 487 Broke Out In Open Revolt. She Probably Overpowered 
 And Massacred The Persian Garrison In Memphis,  Which Is Said To Have 
 Numbered 120,000 Men,  And,  Proclaiming Herself Independent,  Set Up A 
 Native Sovereign. 
   
 The Egyptian Monuments Suggest That This Monarch Bore The 
 Foreign-Sounding Name Of Khabash. He Fortified The Coast Of Egypt 
 Against Attempts Which Might Be Made Upon It By The Persian Fleet,  And 
 Doubtless Prepared Himself Also To Resist An Invasion By Land. But He 
 Was Quite Unable To Do Anything Effectual. Though Darius Died In The 
 Year After The Revolt,  B.C. 486,  Yet Its Suppression Was Immediately 
 Undertaken By His Son And Successor,  Xerxes,  Who Invaded Egypt In The 
 Next Year,  Easily Crushed All Resistance,  And Placed The Province Under 
 A Severer Rule Than Any That It Had Previously Experienced. Achaemenes, 
 His Brother,  Was Made Satrap. 
   
 Twenty-Five Years Of Tranquillity Followed,  During Which The Egyptians 
 Were Submissive Subjects Of The Persian Crown,  And Even Showed 
 Remarkable Courage And Skill In The Persian Military Expeditions. Egypt 
 Furnished As Many As Two Hundred Triremes To The Fleet Which Was Brought 
 Against Greece By Xerxes,  And The Squadron Particularly Distinguished 
 Itself In The Sea-Fights Off Artemisium,  Where They Actually Captured 
 Five Grecian Vessels With Their Crews. Mardonius,  Moreover,  Set So High 
 A Value On The Marines Who Fought On Board The Egyptian Ships,  That He 
 Retained Them As Land-Troops When The Persian Fleet Returned To Asia 
 After Salamis. 
   
 No Further Defection Took Place During The Reign Of Xerxes; But In b.C. 
 460,  After The Throne Had Been Occupied For About Five Years By Xerxes' 
 Son,  Artaxerxes,  A Second Rebellion Broke Out,  Which Led To A Long And 
 Terrible Struggle. A Certain Inarus,  Who Bore Rule Over Some Of The 
 African Tribes On The Western Border Of Egypt,  And Who May Have Been A 
 Descendant Of The Psamatiks,  Headed The Insurrection,  And In conjunction 
 
 
 
 Story 25 (Three Desperate Revolts) Pg 183 
 With An Egyptian,  Named Amyrtaeus,  Suddenly Attacked The Persian Garrison 
 Stationed In egypt,  The Ordinary Strength Of Which Was 120,000 Men. A 
 Great Battle Was Fought At Papremis,  In The Delta,  Wherein The Persians 
 Were Completely Defeated,  And Their Leader,  Achaemenes,  Perished By The 
 Hand Of Inarus Himself. Memphis,  However,  The Capital,  Still Resisted, 
 And The Struggle Thus Remained Doubtful. Inarus And Amyrtaeus Implored 
 The Assistance Of Athens,  Which Had The Most Powerful Navy Of The Time, 
 And Could Lend Most Important Aid By Taking Possession Of The River. 
 Athens,  Which Was Under The Influence Of The Farsighted Pericles, 
 Cheerfully Responded To The Call,  And Sent Two Hundred Triremes,  Manned 
 By At Least Forty Thousand Men,  To Assist The Rebels,  And To Do As Much 
 Injury As Possible To The Persians. On Sailing Up The Nile,  The Athenian 
 Fleet Found A Persian Squadron Already Moored In The Nile Waters,  But It 
 Swept This Obstacle From Its Path Without Any Difficulty. Memphis Was 
 Then Blockaded Both By Land And Water; The City Was Taken,  And Only The 
 Citadel. Leucon-Teichos,  Or "The White Fortress," Held Out. A Formal 
 Siege Of The Citadel Was Commenced,  And The Allies Lay Before It For 
 Months,  But Without Result. Meanwhile,  Artaxerxes Was Not Idle. Having 
 Collected An Army Of 300,000 Men,  He Gave The Command Of It To 
 Megabyzus,  One Of His Best Generals,  And Sent Him To Egypt Against The 
 Rebels. Megabyzus Marched Upon Memphis,  Defeated The Egyptians And Their 
 Allies In a Great Battle Under The Walls Of The Town,  Relieved The 
 Persian Garrison Which Held The Citadel,  And Recovered Possession Of The 
 Place. The Athenians Retreated To The Tract Called Prosopitis,  A Sort Of 
 Island In The Delta,  Surrounded By Two Of The Branch Streams Of The 
 Nile,  Which They Held With Their Ships. Here Megabyzus Besieged Them 
 Without Success For Eighteen Months; But At Last He Bethought Himself Of 
 A Stratagem Like That Whereby Cyrus Is Said To Have Captured Babylon, 
 And Adapted It To His Purpose. Having Blocked The Course Of One Of The 
 Branch Streams,  And Diverted Its Waters Into A New Channel,  He Laid Bare 
 The River-Bed,  Captured The Triremes That Were Stuck Fast In The Soft 
 Ooze,  Marched His Men Into The Island,  And Overwhelmed The Unhappy 
 Greeks By Sheer Force Of Numbers. A Few Only Escaped,  And Made Their Way 
 To Cyrene. The Entire Fleet Of Two Hundred Vessels Fell Into The Hands 
 Of The Conqueror; And Fifty Others,  Sent As A Reinforcement,  Having Soon 
 Afterwards Entered The River,  Were Attacked Unawares And Defeated,  With 
 The Loss Of More Than Half Their Number. Inarus,  The Libyan Monarch, 
 Became A Fugitive,  But Was Betrayed By Some Of His Followers, 
 Surrendered,  And Crucified. Amyrtaeus,  Who Had Been Recognized As King Of 
 Egypt During The Six Years That The Struggle Lasted,  Took Refuge In The 
 Nile Marshes,  Where He Dragged Out A Miserable Existence For Another 
 Term Of Six Years. The Egyptians Offered No Further Resistance; And 
 Egypt Became Once More A Persian Satrapy (B.C. 455). 
   
 It Was At About This Time That Herodotus,  The Earliest Greek Historian, 
 The Father Of History,  As He Has Been Called,  Visited Egypt In Pursuance 
 Of His Plan Of Gathering Information For His Great Work. He Was A Young 
 Man,  Probably Not Far From Thirty Years Of Age (For He Was Born Between 
 The Dates Of The Battles Of Marathon And Thermopylae). He Travelled 
 Through The Land As Far As Elephantine,  Viewing With His Observant Eyes 
 The Wonders With Which The "Story Of Egypt" Has Been So Much Occupied; 
 And He Described Them With The Enthusiasm That We Have Occasionally 
 
 
 
 Story 25 (Three Desperate Revolts) Pg 184 
 Noted. He Saw The Battle-Field On Which Inarus Had Just Been 
 Defeated--The Ground Strewn With The Skulls And Other Bones Of The 
 Slain; He Made His Longest Stay At Memphis,  Then At The Acme Of Its 
 Greatness; He Visited The Quarries On The East Of The Nile Whence The 
 Stone Had Been Dug For The Pyramids,  And He Gazed Upon The Great 
 Monuments Themselves,  On The Opposite Side Of The Stream. We Have Seen 
 That He Visited Lake Moeris,  And Examined The Famous Labyrinth,  Which He 
 Thought Even More Wonderful Than The Pyramids Themselves. Finally,  He 
 Sailed Away For Tyre,  And Egypt Was Again Closed To Travellers From 
 Greece. 
   
 A Second Period Of Tranquillity Followed,  Which Covered The Space Of 
 About Half A Century. Nothing Is Known Of Egypt During This Interval; 
 And It Might Have Been Thought That She Had Grown Contented With Her 
 Lot,  And That Her Aspirations After Independence Were Over. For Fifty 
 Years She Had Made No Sign. Even The Troubled Time Between The Death Of 
 Artaxerxes I. And The Accession Of Darius Ii. Had Not Tempted Her To 
 Strike A Blow For Freedom. But Still She Was,  In Reality, 
 Irreconcilable. She Was Biding Her Time,  And Preparing Herself For A 
 Last Desperate Effort. 
   
 In B.C. 406 Or 405,  Towards The Close Of The Reign Of Darius Nothus,  The 
 Third Rebellion Of Egypt Against Persia Broke Out. A Native Of Mendes, 
 By Name Nepheritis,  Or More Properly Nefaa-Rut,  Raised The Banner Of 
 Independence,  And Commenced A War,  Which Must Have Lasted For Some 
 Years,  But Which Terminated In The Expulsion Of The Persian Garrison, 
 And The Reestablishment Of The Throne Of The Pharaohs. It Is Unfortunate 
 That No Ancient Authority Gives Any Account Of The Struggle. We Only 
 Know That,  After A Time,  The Power Of Nefaa-Rut Was Established; That 
 Persia Left Him In Undisturbed Possession Of Egypt,  And That He Reigned 
 Quietly For The Space Of Six Years,  Employing Himself In The Repair And 
 Restoration Of The Temple Of Ammon At Karnak. Nothing That Can Be Called 
 A Revival,  Or _Renaissance_,  Distinguished His Reign; And We Must View 
 His Success Rather As The Result Of Persian Weakness,  Than Of His Own 
 Energy. His Revolt,  However,  Inaugurated A Period Of Independence,  Which 
 Lasted About Sixty Years,  And Which Threw Over The Last Years Of The 
 Doomed Monarchy A Gleam Of Sunshine,  That For A Brief Space Recalled The 
 Glories Of Earlier And Happier Ages. 
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 26 (A Last Gleam Of Sunshine--Nectanebo I.) Pg 185 
   
   
   
 A Troubled Time Followed The Reign Of Nefaa-Rut. The Greek Mercenary 
 Soldiery,  On Whom The Monarchs Depended,  Were Fickle In Their 
 Temperament,  And Easily Took Offence,  If Their Inclinations Were In any 
 Way Thwarted. Their Displeasure Commonly Led To The Dethronement Of The 
 King Who Had Provoked It; And We Have Thus,  At This Period Of The 
 History,  Five Reigns In Twenty-Five Years. No Monarch Had Time To 
 Distinguish Himself By A Re-Organization Of The Kingdom,  Or Even By 
 Undertaking Buildings On A Large Scale--Each Was Forced To Live From 
 Hand To Mouth,  Meeting As He Best Might The Immediate Difficulties Of 
 His Position,  Without Providing For A Future,  Which He Might Never Live 
 To See. Fear Of Re-Conquest Was Also Perpetual; And The Monarchs Had 
 Therefore Constantly To Be Courting Alliances With Foreign States,  And 
 Subjecting Themselves Thereby To Risks Which It Might Have Been More 
 Prudent To Have Avoided. 
   
 With The Accession Of Nectanebo I. (Nekht-Horheb),  About B.C. 385,  An 
 Improvement In The State Of Affairs Set In. Nekht-Hor-Heb Was A Vigorous 
 Prince,  Who Held The Mercenaries Well Under Control,  And,  Having Raised 
 A Considerable Egyptian Army,  Set Himself To Place Egypt In Such A 
 State Of Defence,  That She Might Confidently Rely On Her Own Strength, 
 And Be Under No Need Of Entangling Herself With Foreign Alliances. He 
 Strongly Fortified All The Seven Mouths Of The Nile,  Guarding Each By 
 Two Forts,  One On Either Side Of Each Stream,  And Establishing A 
 Connection Between Each Pair Of Forts By A Bridge. At Pelusium,  Where 
 The Danger Of Hostile Attack Was Always The Greatest,  He Multiplied His 
 Precautions,  Guarding It On The Side Of The East By A Deep Ditch,  And 
 Carefully Obstructing All The Approaches To The Town,  Whether By Land Or 
 Sea,  By Forts And Dykes And Embankments,  And Contrivances For Laying The 
 Neighbouring Territory Under Water. No Doubt These Precautions Were 
 Taken With Special Reference To An Expected Attack On The Part Of 
 Persia,  Which Was Preparing,  About B.C. 376,  To Make A Great Effort To 
 Bring Egypt Once More Into Subjection. 
   
 The Expected Attack Came In The Next Year. Having Obtained The Services 
 Of The Athenian General,  Iphicrates,  And Hired Greek Mercenaries To The 
 Number Of Twenty Thousand,  Artaxerxes Mnemon,  In b.C. 375,  Sent A Huge 
 Armament Against Egypt,  Consisting Of 220,000 Men,  500 Ships Of War,  And 
 A Countless Number Of Other Vessels Carrying Stores And Provisions. 
 Pharnabazus Commanded The Persian Soldiery,  Iphicrates The Mercenaries. 
 Having Rendezvoused At Acre In The Spring Of The Year,  They Set Out 
 Early In The Summer,  And Proceeded In a Leisurely Manner Through 
 Philistia And The Desert,  The Fleet Accompanying Them Along The Coast. 
 This Route Brought Them To Pelusium,  Which They Found So Strongly 
 Fortified That They Despaired Of Being Able To Force The Defences And 
 Felt It Necessary To Make A Complete Change In Their Plan Of Attack. 
 Putting To Sea With A Portion Of The Fleet,  And With Troops To The 
 Number Of Three Thousand,  And Sailing Northward Till They Could No 
 Longer Be Seen From The Shore,  They Then,  Probably At Nightfall,  Changed 
 Their Course,  And Steering South-West,  Made For The Mendesian Mouth Of 
 The Nile,  Which Was Only Guarded By The Twin Forts With Their Connecting 
 
 
 
 Story 26 (A Last Gleam Of Sunshine--Nectanebo I.) Pg 186 
 Bridge. Here They Landed Without Opposition,  And Proceeded To 
 Reconnoitre The Forts. The Garrison Gave Them Battle Outside The Walls, 
 But Was Defeated With Great Loss; And The Forts Themselves Were Taken. 
 The Remainder Of The Force Conveyed By The Ships,  Was Then Landed 
 Without Difficulty; And The Invaders,  Having The Complete Mastery Of One 
 Of The Nile Mouths,  Had It In Their Power To Direct Their Attack To Any 
 Point That Might Seem To Them At Once Most Important And Most 
 Vulnerable. 
   
 Under These Circumstances The Athenian General,  Iphicrates,  Strongly 
 Recommended A Dash At Memphis. The Main Strength Of The Egyptian Army 
 Had Been Concentrated At Pelusium. Strong Detachments Held The Other 
 Mouths Of The Nile. Memphis,  He Felt Sure,  Must Be Denuded Of Troops, 
 And Could Probably Be Carried By A _Coup De Main_; But The Advice Of The 
 Rapid Greek Was Little To The Taste Of The Slow-Moving And Cautious 
 Persian. Pharnabazus Declined To Sanction Any Rash Enterprise--He Would 
 Proceed According To The Rules Of Art. He Had The Advantage Of 
 Numbers--Why Was He To Throw It Away? No,  A Thousand Times No. He Would 
 Wait Till His Army Was Once More Collected Together,  And Would Then 
 March On Memphis,  Without Exposing Himself Or His Troops To Any Danger. 
 The City Would Be Sure To Fall,  And The Object Of The Expedition Would 
 Be Accomplished. In Vain Did Iphicrates Offer To Run The Whole Risk 
 Himself--To Take No Troops With Him Besides His Own Mercenaries,  And 
 Attack The City With Them. As The Greek Grew More Hot And Reckless,  The 
 Persian Became More Cool And Wary. What Might Not Be Behind This 
 Foolhardiness? Might It Not Be Possible That The Greek Was Looking To 
 His Own Interests,  And Designing,  If He Got Possession Of Memphis,  To 
 Set Himself Up As King Of Egypt? There Was No Knowing What His Intention 
 Might Be; And At Any Rate It Was Safest To Wait The Arrival Of The 
 Troops. So Pharnabazus Once More Coolly Declined His Subordinate'S 
 Offer. 
   
 Nectanebo,  On His Side,  Having Thrown A Strong Garrison Into Memphis, 
 Moved His Army Across The Delta From The Pelusiac To The Mendesian 
 Branch Of The Nile,  And Having Concentrated It In The Neighbourhood Of 
 The Captured Forts,  Proceeded To Operate Against The Invaders. His 
 Troops Harassed The Enemy In a Number Of Petty Engagements,  And In The 
 Course Of Time Inflicted On Them Considerable Loss. In This Way 
 Midsummer Was Reached--The Etesian Winds Began To Blow,  And The Nile To 
 Rise. Gradually The Abounding Stream Spread Itself Over The Broad Delta; 
 Roads Were Overflowed,  River-Courses Obliterated; The Season For 
 Military Operations Was Clearly Past. There Was No Possible Course But 
 To Return To Asia. Iphicrates And Pharnabazus Took Their Departure Amid 
 Mutual Recriminations,  Each Accusing The Other Of Having Caused The 
 Expedition To Be A Complete Failure. 
   
 The Repulse Of This Huge Host Was Felt By The Egyptians Almost As The 
 Repulse Of The Host Of Xerxes Was Felt By The Greeks. Nectanebo Was 
 Looked Upon As A Hero And A Demigod; His Throne Was Assured; It Was Felt 
 That He Had Redeemed All The Failures Of The Past,  And Had Restored 
 Egypt To The Full Possession Of All Her Ancient Dignity And Glory. 
 Nectanebo Continued To Rule Over "The Two Lands" For Nine Years Longer 
 In Uninterrupted Peace,  Honour,  And Prosperity. During This Time He 
 Applied Himself,  With Considerable Success,  To The Revival Of Egyptian 
 Art And Architecture. At Thebes He Made Additions To The Great Temple Of 
 Karnak,  Restored The Temple Of Khonsu,  And Adorned With Reliefs A Shrine 
 Originally Erected By Ramesses Xii. At Memphis He Was Extraordinarily 
 
 
 
 Story 26 (A Last Gleam Of Sunshine--Nectanebo I.) Pg 187 
 Active: He Built A Small Temple In The Neighbourhood Of The Serapeum, 
 Set Up Inscriptions In The Apis Repository In Honour Of The Sacred 
 Bulls,  Erected Two Small Obelisks In black Granite,  And Left His Name 
 Inscribed More Than Once In The Quarries Of Toora. Traces Of His 
 Activity Are Also Found At Edfu,  At Abydos,  At Bubastis,  At Rosetta In 
 The Delta,  And At Tel-El-Maskoutah. The Art Of His Time Is Said To Have 
 All The Elegance Of That Produced Under The Twenty-Sixth (Psamatik) 
 Dynasty,  But To Have Been Somewhat More Florid. The Two Black Obelisks 
 Above-Mentioned,  Which Are Now In The British Museum,  Show The Admirable 
 Finish Which Prevailed At This Period. The Sarcophagus Which Nectanebo 
 Prepared For Himself,  Which Adorns The Same Collection,  Is Also Of Great 
 Beauty. 
   
 We Cannot Be Surprised To Find That Nectanebo Was Worshipped After His 
 Death As A Divine Being. A Priesthood Was Constituted In His Honour, 
 Which Handed Down His Cult To Later Times,  And Bore Witness To The 
 Impression Made On The Egyptian Mind By His Character And His Successes. 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Story 27 ( The Light Goes Out In darkness.) Pg 188 
   
 Nectanebo'S Successors Had Neither His Foresight Nor His Energy. Te-Her, 
 The Tachos Or Teos Of The Greeks,  Who Followed Him On The Throne In b.C. 
 366,  Went Out Of His Way To Provoke The Persians By Fomenting The War Of 
 The Satraps Against Artaxerxes Mnemon,  And,  Having Obtained The Services 
 Of Agesilaues And Chabrias,  Even Ventured To Invade Phoenicia And Attempt 
 Its Reduction. His Own Hold Upon Egypt Was,  However,  Far Too Weak To 
 Justify So Bold A Proceeding. Scarcely Had He Reached Syria,  When Revolt 
 Broke Out Behind Him. The Regent,  To Whom He Had Entrusted The Direction 
 Of Affairs During His Absence,  Proved Unfaithful,  And Incited His Son, 
 Nekht-Nebf,  To Become A Candidate For The Crown,  And To Take Up Arms 
 Against His Father. The Young Prince Was Seduced By The Offers Made Him, 
 And Egypt Became Plunged In a Civil War. But For The Courage And Conduct 
 Of Agesilaues,  Which Were Conspicuously Displayed,  Tacho Would Have 
 Yielded To Despair And Have Given Up The Contest. In Two Decisive 
 Battles The Spartan General Completely Defeated The Army Of The Rebels, 
 Which Far Outnumbered That Of Tacho,  And Replaced The King On His 
 
 
 
 Story 27 ( The Light Goes Out In darkness.) Pg 189 
 Tottering Throne. 
   
 However,  It Was Not Long Before The Party Of The Rebels Recovered From 
 Their Defeats. Agesilaues Either Joined Them,  Or Withdrew From The 
 Struggle,  And Removing To Cyrene Died There At An Advanced Age. Tacho, 
 Deserted By His Followers,  Quitted Egypt And Fled To Sidon,  Whence He 
 Made His Way Across The Desert To The Court Of The Great King. Ochus, 
 Who Had By This Time Succeeded Mnemon,  Received Him Favourably,  And 
 Professed An Intention Of Embracing His Cause; But Nothing Came Of This 
 Expression Of Good-Will. Tacho Lived A Considerable Time At The Court Of 
 Ochus,  Without Any Steps Being Taken To Restore Him To His Former 
 Position. At Last A Dysentery Carried Him Off,  And Legitimated The 
 Position Of The Usurper Who Had Driven Him Into Exile. 
   
 The End Now Drew Nigh. Nekht-Nebf,  Whom The Greeks Called Nectanebo Ii., 
 Having After A Time Established Himself Firmly Upon The Throne,  And Got 
 Rid Of Pretenders,  Resumed The Ambitious Policy Of His Predecessor,  And 
 Entered Into An Alliance With The People Of Sidon And Their Neighbours, 
 Who Were In Revolt Against Persia. He Had The Excuse That Ochus,  Some 
 Time Previously,  Had Sent An Expedition Against Egypt,  Which He Had 
 Repulsed By The Assistance Of Two Greek Generals,  Diophantus Of Athens 
 And Lamius Of Sparta. But This Expedition Was A Thing Of The Past; It 
 Had Inflicted No Injury On Egypt,  And It Demanded No Revenge. Nekht-Nebf 
 Was In No Way Called Upon To Join The Rebel Confederacy,  Which (In B.C. 
 346) Raised The Flag Of Revolt From Persia,  And Sought To Enrol In Its 
 Ranks As Many Allies As Possible. But He Rashly Gave In His Name,  And 
 Sent To Sidon As His Contingent Towards The Army That Was Being Raised, 
 Four Thousand Of His Greek Mercenaries,  Under The Command Of Mentor Of 
 Rhodes. With Their Aid,  Tennes,  The Sidonian King,  Completely Defeated 
 The Troops Which Ochus Had Sent Against Him,  And Drove The Persians Out 
 Of Phoenicia. 
   
 The Success,  However,  Which Was Thus Gained By The Rebels Only 
 Exasperated The Persian King,  And Made Him Resolve All The More On A 
 Desperate Effort. The Time Had Gone By,  He Felt,  For Committing Wars To 
 Satraps,  Or Sending Out Generals,  With A Few Thousand Troops,  To Put 
 Down This Or That Troublesome Chieftain. The Conjuncture Called For 
 Measures Of No Ordinary Character. The Great King Must Conduct An 
 Expedition In Person. Every Sort Of Preparation Must Be Made; Arms And 
 Provisions And Stores Of All Kinds Must Be Accumulated; The Best Troops 
 Must Be Collected From All Parts Of The Empire; A Sufficient Fleet Must 
 Be Manned; And Such An Armament Must Go Forth Under The Royal Banner As 
 Would Crush All Opposition. Ochus Succeeded In Gathering Together From 
 The Nations Under His Direct Rule 300,000 Foot,  30,000 Horse,  300 
 Triremes,  And 500 Transports Or Provision-Ships. He Then Directed His 
 Efforts Towards Obtaining Efficient Assistance From The Greeks. Though 
 Refused Aid By Athens And Sparta,  He Succeeded In Obtaining A Thousand 
 Theban Heavy-Armed Under Lacrates,  Three Thousand Argives Under 
 Nicostratus,  And Six Thousand Aeolians,  Ionians,  And Dorians From The 
 Greek Cities Of Asia Minor. The Assistance Thus Secured Was Numerically 
 Small,  Amounting To No More Than Ten Thousand Men--Not A Thirtieth Part 
 Of His Native Force; But It Formed,  Together With The Greek Mercenaries 
 From Egypt--Who Went Over To Him Afterwards--The Force On Which He 
 Placed His Chief Reliance,  And To Which The Ultimate Success Of His 
 Expedition Was Mainly Due. 
   
 The Overwhelming Strength Of The Armament Which Ochus Had Brought With 
 Him Into Syria Alarmed The Chiefs Of The Rebel Confederacy. Tennes, 
 
 
 
 Story 27 ( The Light Goes Out In darkness.) Pg 190 
 Especially,  The Sidonian Monarch,  Despaired Of A Successful Resistance, 
 And Made Up His Mind That His Only Chance Of Safety Lay In His Appeasing 
 The Anger Of Ochus By The Betrayal Of His Confederates And Followers. He 
 Opened His Designs To Mentor Of Rhodes,  The Commander Of The Greek 
 Mercenaries Furnished By Egypt,  And Found Him Quite Ready To Come Into 
 His Plans. The Two In conjunction Betrayed Sidon Into The Hands Of 
 Persia,  By The Admission Of A Detachment Within The Walls; After Which 
 The Defence Became Impracticable. The Sidonians,  Having Experienced The 
 Unrelenting Temper And Sanguinary Spirit Of The Persian King,  Who Had 
 Transfixed With Javelins Six Hundred Of Their Principal Citizens,  Came 
 To The Desperate Resolution Of Setting Fire To Their Houses,  And So 
 Destroying Themselves With Their Town. One Is Glad To Learn That The 
 Cowardly Traitor,  Tennes,  Who Had Brought About These Terrible 
 Calamities,  Did Not Derive Any Profit From Them,  But Was Executed By The 
 Command Of Ochus,  As Soon As Sidon Had Fallen. 
   
 The Reduction Of Sidon Was Followed Closely By The Invasion Of Egypt. 
 Ochus,  Besides His 330,000 Asiatics,  Had Now A Force Of 14,000 Greeks, 
 The Mercenaries Under Mentor Having Joined Him. Marshalling His Army In 
 Four Divisions,  He Proceeded To The Attack. The First,  Second,  And 
 Third Divisions Contained,  Each Of Them,  A Contingent Of Greeks And A 
 Contingent Of Asiatics,  Commanded Respectively By A Greek And A Persian 
 Leader. The Greeks Of The First Division,  Consisting Mainly Of Boeotians, 
 Were Under The Orders Of Lacrates,  A Theban Of Enormous Strength,  Who 
 Regarded Himself As A Second Hercules,  And Adopted The Traditional 
 Costume Of That Hero,  A Lion'S Skin And A Club. His Persian Colleague 
 Was Rhosaces,  Satrap Of Ionia And Lydia,  Who Claimed Descent From One Of 
 "The Seven" That Put Down The Conspiracy Of The Magi. In The Second 
 Division,  Where The Argive Mercenaries Served,  The Greek Leader Was 
 Nicostratus,  The Persian Aristazanes,  A Court Usher,  And One Of The Most 
 Trusted Friends Of The King. Mentor And The Eunuch Bagoas,  Ochus'S Chief 
 Minister In His Later Years,  Were At The Head Of The Third Division, 
 Mentor Commanding His Own Mercenaries,  And Bagoas The Greeks Whom Ochus 
 Had Levied In His Own Dominions,  Together With A Large Body Of Asiatics. 
 The King Himself Was Sole Commander Of The Fourth Division,  As Well As 
 Commander-In-Chief Of The Entire Host. Nekht-Nebf,  On His Side,  Was Only 
 Able To Oppose To This Vast Array An Army Less Than One-Third Of The 
 Size. He Had Enrolled As Many As Sixty Thousand Of The Egyptian Warrior 
 Class,  And Had The Services Of Twenty Thousand Greek Mercenaries,  And Of 
 About The Same Number Of Libyan Troops. 
   
 Pelusium,  As Usual,  Was The First Point Of Attack. Nekht-Nebf Had Taken 
 Advantage Of The Long Delay Of Ochus In Syria To See That The Defences 
 Of Egypt Were In Good Order; He Had Made Preparations For Resistance At 
 All The Seven Mouths Of The Nile,  And Had Guarded Pelusium With Especial 
 Care. Ochus,  As He Had Expected,  Advanced Along The Coast Route Which 
 Led To This Place. Part Of His Army Traversed The Narrow Spit Of Land 
 Which Separated The Lake Serbonis From The Mediterranean,  And In doing 
 So Met With A Disaster. A Strong Wind Setting In From The North,  As The 
 Troops Were Passing,  Brought The Waters Of The Mediterranean Over The 
 Low Strip Of Sand Which Is Ordinarily Dry,  And Confounding Sea And Shore 
 And Lake Together,  Caused The Destruction Of A Large Detachment; But The 
 
 
 
 Story 27 ( The Light Goes Out In darkness.) Pg 191 
 Main Army,  Which Had Probably Kept Lake Serbonis On The Right,  Reached 
 Its Destination Intact. A Skirmish Followed Between The Theban Troops Of 
 The First Division Under Lacrates And The Garrison Of Pelusium Under 
 Philophron; But This First Engagement Was Without Definite Result. 
   
 The Two Armies Lay Now For A While On The Pelusiac Branch Of The Nile, 
 Which Was Well Protected By Forts,  Fortified Towns,  And A Network Of 
 Canals On Either Side Of It. There Was Every Reason To Expect That 
 Nekht-Nebf,  By Warily Guarding His Frontier,  And Making Full Use Of His 
 Resources,  Might Baffle For A Considerable Time,  If Not Wholly 
 Frustrate,  The Persian Attack. But His Combined Self-Conceit And 
 Timidity Ruined His Cause. Taking The Direction Of Affairs Wholly Upon 
 Himself And Asking No Advice From His Greek Captains,  He Failed To Show 
 Any Of The Qualities Of A Great Commander,  And Was Speedily Involved In 
 Difficulties With Which He Was Quite Incapable Of Dealing. Having Had 
 His First Line Of Defence Partially Forced By A Bold Movement On The 
 Part Of The Argives Under Nicostratus,  Instead Of Trying To Redeem The 
 Misfortune By A Counter-Movement,  Or A Concentration Of Troops,  He 
 Hastily Abandoned To His Generals The Task Of Continuing The Resistance 
 On This Outer Line,  And Retiring To Memphis,  Concentrated All His 
 Efforts On Making Preparations To Resist A Siege. 
   
 Meantime,  The Persians Were Advancing. Lacrates The Theban Set Himself 
 To Reduce Pelusium,  And,  Having Drained Dry One Of The Ditches,  Brought 
 His Military Engines Up To The Walls Of The Place. In Vain,  However,  Did 
 He Batter Down A Portion Of The Wall--The Garrison Had Erected Another 
 Wall Behind It; In Vain Did He Advance His Towers--They Had Movable 
 Towers Ready Prepared To Resist Him. No Progress Had Been Made By The 
 Besiegers,  When On A Sudden The Resistance Of The Besieged Slackened. 
 Intelligence Had Reached Them Of Nekht-Nebf'S Hasty Retreat. If The King 
 Gave Up Hope,  Why Should They Pour Out Their Blood To No Purpose? 
 Accordingly They Made Overtures To Lacrates For A Surrender Upon Terms, 
 And It Was Agreed That They Should Be Allowed To Evacuate The Place And 
 Return To Greece,  With All The Goods And Chattels That They Could Carry 
 With Them. Bagoas Demurred To The Terms; But Ochus Confirmed Them,  And 
 Pelusium Passed Into The Possession Of The Persians Without Further 
 Fighting. 
   
 About The Same Time Mentor Had Proceeded Southwards And Laid Siege To 
 Bubastis. Having Invested The Town,  He Caused Intelligence To Reach The 
 Besieged That Ochus Had Determined To Spare All Who Should Surrender 
 Their Cities To Him Without Resistance,  And To Treat With The Utmost 
 Severity All Who Should Fight Strenuously In Their Defence. By These 
 Means He Introduced Dissension Within The Walls Of The Towns,  Since The 
 Native Egyptians And Their Greek Allies Naturally Distrusted And 
 Suspected Each Other. At Bubastis The Egyptians Were The First To Move. 
 The Siege Had Only Just Begun When They Sent An Envoy To Mentor'S 
 Colleague,  Bagoas,  To Offer To Surrender The Town To Him. But This 
 Proceeding Did Not Suit The Greeks,  Who Caught The Messenger,  Extracted 
 From Him His Message,  And Then Attacked The Egyptian Portion Of The 
 Garrison And Slew Great Numbers Of Them. The Egyptians,  However,  Though 
 Beaten,  Persisted,  Established Communication With Bagoas,  And Fixed A 
 Day On Which They Would Receive His Forces Into The Town. Mentor,  Who 
 Wished To Secure To Himself The Credit Of The Surrender,  Hereupon 
 Exhorted His Greek Friends To Be On The Watch,  And,  When The Time Came, 
 To Resist The Movement. This They Did With Such Success That They Not 
 
 
 
 Story 27 ( The Light Goes Out In darkness.) Pg 192 
 Only Frustrated The Attempt,  But Captured Bagoas Himself,  Who Had 
 Ventured Within The Walls. Bagoas Had To Implore The Interference Of His 
 Colleague On His Behalf,  And Was Obliged To Promise That Henceforth He 
 Would Attempt Nothing Without Mentor'S Knowledge And Consent. Mentor 
 Gained His Ends,  Had The Credit Of Being The Person To Whom The Town 
 Surrendered Itself,  And At The Same Time Established His Ascendancy Over 
 Bagoas. It Is Clear That Had The Egyptians Possessed An Active And Able 
 Commander,  Advantage Might Have Been Taken Of The Jealousies Which 
 Divided The Persian Generals From Their Greek Colleagues,  To Bring The 
 Expedition Into Difficulties. 
   
 Unfortunately,  The Egyptian Monarch,  Alike Pusillanimous And Incapable, 
 Was So Far From Making Any Offensive Effort,  That He Was Not Prepared 
 Even To Defend His Capital Against The Invaders. When He Found That 
 Pelusium And Bubastis Had Both Fallen,  And That The Way Lay Open For The 
 Persians To March Upon Memphis And Invest It,  He Left The City With All 
 The Wealth On Which He Could Lay His Hands,  And Fled Away Into Ethiopia. 
 Ochus Did Not Pursue Him. He Was Content To Have Regained A Valuable 
 Province,  Which For Above Fifty Years Had Been Lost To The Persian 
 Crown,  Without Even Having Had To Fight A Single Pitched Battle,  Or To 
 Engage In One Difficult Siege. According To The Greek Writers,  He Showed 
 His Contempt Of The Egyptian Religion After His Conquest By Stabbing An 
 Apis-Bull,  And Violating The Sanctity Of A Number Of The Most Holy 
 Shrines; But The Story Of The Apis-Bull Is Probably A Fiction,  And It 
 Was To Obtain The Plunder Of The Temples,  Not To Insult The Egyptian 
 Gods,  That He Violated The Shrines. There Is No Trace Of His Having 
 Treated The Conquered People With Cruelty,  Or Even With Severity. 
 Prudence Induced Him To Destroy The Walls And Other Fortifications Of 
 The Chief Egyptian Towns; And Cupidity Led Him To Carry Off Into Persia 
 All The Treasures That Nekht-Nebf Had Left Behind. Even The Sacred 
 Books,  Of Which He Is Said To Have Robbed The Temples,  May Have Been 
 Taken On Account Of Their Value. We Do Not Hear Of His Having Dragged 
 Off Any Prisoners,  Or Inflicted Any Punishment On The Country For Its 
 Rebellion. Even The Tribute Is Not Said To Have Been Increased. 
   
 There Is Nothing Surprising In The Fact That,  When Once Persia Took 
 Resolutely In Hand The Subjugation Of The Revolted Province,  A Few 
 Months Sufficed For Its Accomplishment. The Resources Of Persia Were Out 
 Of All Comparison With Those Of Egypt; Alike In Respect Of Men And Of 
 Money,  There Was An Extreme Disparity. What Had Protected Egypt So Long 
 Was The Multiplicity Of Persia'S Enemies,  The Large Number Of Wars That 
 Were Continually Being Waged And The Want Of A Bold,  Energetic,  And 
 Warlike Monarch. As Soon As The Full Power Of The Vast Empire Of The 
 Achaemenidae Was Directed Against The Little Country Which Had Detached 
 Itself,  And Pretended To A Separate Existence,  The Result Was Certain. 
 Egypt Could No More Maintain A Struggle Against Persia In Full Force 
 Than A Lynx Could Contend With A Lion. But While All This Is Indubitably 
 True,  The End Of Egypt Might Have Been More Dignified And More 
 Honourable Than It Was. Nekht-Nebf,  The Last King,  Was A Poor Specimen 
 Of The Pharaonic Type Of Monarch. He Had None Of The Qualities Of A 
 Great King. He Did Not Even Know How To Fall With Dignity. Had He 
 Gathered Together All The Troops That He Could Anyhow Muster,  And Met 
 Ochus In The Open Field,  And Fallen Fighting For His Crown,  Or Had He 
 Even Defended Memphis To The Last,  And Only Yielded Himself When He 
 Could Resist No Longer,  A Certain Halo Of Glory Would Have Surrounded 
 Him. As It Was,  Egypt Sank Ingloriously At The Last--Her Art,  Her 
 Literature,  Her National Spirit Decayed And Almost Extinct--Paying,  By 
 Her Early Disappearance From Among The Nations Of The Earth,  The Penalty 
 
 
 
 Story 27 ( The Light Goes Out In darkness.) Pg 193 
 Of Her Extraordinarily Precocious Greatness. 
   
   
 London: T. Fisher Unwin. Paternoster Square. E.C.] 
   
   
 
 
 
 Index. Pg 193 
   
 A 
   
 Aahmes I.,  152 
 "Aa-Khepr-Ka-Ra,  Abode Of," 168 
 "Abode Of Aa-Khepr-Ka-Ra," 168 
 Abraham,  Deceit Of,  127,  129 
 Abraham In egypt,  125 
 Abyssinia,  Rainfall In,  113 
 Alliance With Babylon And Lydia,  371 
 Amasis,  Prosperity Under,  367 
 Amenemhat I.,  101 
 Amenemhat I.,  Hunting Prowess Of,  103 
 Amenemhat Iii.,  109 
 "Amenemhat The Good," 116 
 Amenemhat'S Labyrinth,  121 
 Amenemhat'S Reservoir,  118 
 Amenhotep Ii.,  Conquests Of,  206 
 Amenhotep Ii.,  Cruelty Of,  207 
 Amenhotep Iii.,  Colossi Of,  208 
 Amenhotep Iii.,  Lion-Hunting Of,  220 
 Amenhotep Iii.,  Personal Appearance Of,  222 
 Amenhotep Iii.,  Wars Of,  219 
 Amenhotep Iv.,  Accession Of,  223 
 Ammon,  High Priest Of,  289 
 Ammon,  Restoration Of Temple Of,  290 
 Ammon,  Temple Of,  105,  167,  173,  186 
 Amon-Mes,  Or Amomneses,  Pretender To Crown,  265 
 Animal Worship,  31 
 Animals,  Sacred,  31 
 Antef I.,  97 
 Antef Ii.'S Dogs,  98 
 Antiquities Of Egypt,  45 
 Ape,  Or Apiu,  City Of,  56 
 Apepi And Joseph,  145 
 Apepi,  Rule Of,  144 
 Apis,  Sacred Bull,  32 
 Apries Offends Nebuchadnezzar,  363 
 Architecture,  21,  245,  267 
 
 
 
 Index. Pg 194 
 Art And Literature,  Decline Of,  285,  311 
 Art And Literature,  Revival Of,  350 
 Asa,  Judaea Revolts Under,  307 
 Asa,  Victory Of,  309 
 Asia,  Invasion Of,  167,  195 
 Asshur-Bani-Pal,  Accession Of,  336 
 Asshur-Bani-Pal,  Death Of,  338 
 Asshur-Bani-Pal,  Defeat Of Tehrak By,  336 
 Assyria,  Ii 
 Assyrian Gifts To Thothmes Iii.,  194 
 Athor Cow,  33 
 Auaris,  Siege Of,  152 
   
   
   
   
 B 
   
 Babylon,  Revolt Of,  345 
 Bacis,  Sacred Bull,  32 
 Bahr Yousouf,  1 
 Bastinado,  45 
 Bek-En-Ranf,  Burning Of,  323 
 Builders,  The Pyramid,  82 
 Buildings Of Thothmes Iii.,  199,  201 
 Bulls,  Sacred,  32 
   
 C 
   
 Cairo.,  Modern,  52,  95 
 Cambyses,  Indignities By,  378 
 Campaigns Of Thothmes Iii.,  191 
 Chaldean Monarchy,  End Of,  371 
 Character,  Egyptian,  24 
 Character,  Types Of,  27 
 Colossi Of Amenhotep Iii.,  208 
 Condition,  Social,  60 
 Corrupting Influences,  353 
 Costume,  Early,  60 
 Costume Of Women,  62 
 Crocodile,  Mode Of Hunting,  104 
 Croesus,  370 
 Cushites,  The,  154 
 Cyprus,  197 
 Cyrene,  Death Of,  394 
 Cyrus,  Death Of,  372 
   
   
   
   
 D 
   
 Darius,  Death Of,  382 
 Darius,  Revolt Against,  381 
 David And Solomon,  Empire Of,  295 
 Decline,  244,  269,  283 
 Decline Of Art And Literature,  285,  311 
 Decline Of Morals,  286 
 
 
 
 Index. Pg 195 
 Defeat,  Double,  Of Invaders,  277 
 Defeat Of Neco By Nebuchadnezzar,  358 
 Deities,  Egyptian,  30 
 Deities,  Evil,  36,  37 
 Delta,  The,  1,  95,  102 
 Disaster Of The Red Sea,  264 
 Disintegration,  311,  317 
 Disk Worship,  223,  225,  230,  231 
 Drollery,  Egyptian,  29 
 Dynasties,  Rival,  Established,  311 
   
   
   
   
 E 
   
 Egypt,  Monotony Of,  19 
 Egypt,  Seasons Of,  14 
 Egypt,  Shape Of,  1 
 Egypt,  Situation Of,  11 
 Egypt,  Size Of,  9 
 Egypt,  Soil Of,  10 
 Egyptian History,  Happiest Age Of,  100 
 Egyptian Independence Re-Established,  389 
 Egyptian Myths,  47 
 Egyptian Physique,  25 
 Egyptians,  Nature Of,  28 
 Elephant Hunting,  194 
 El-Uksur,  Temple Of,  217 
 Empire Of David And Solomon,  295 
 Esarhaddon,  Accession Of,  331 
 Esarhaddon'S Defeat Of Tehrak,  333 
 Ethiopia And Syria,  Struggles Between,  337 
 Ethiopia,  Egyptian Influence In,  315 
 Ethiopia,  Last Efforts Of,  339 
 Ethiopian Rule Firmly Established,  323 
 Ethiopians,  Cruelty Of,  338 
 Evil Deities,  36,  37 
 Expeditions Into Asia,  167,  195 
   
   
   
   
 F 
   
 Famines Through Deficient Inundation,  115 
 Fayoum,  Obelisk At,  106 
 Fayoum,  The,  4,  7 
 Fellahin,  Explanation Of,  45 
 First Sea-Fight,  277 
 Fleet Of Hatasu,  178 
 Flora Of Egypt,  15 
 Foreigners,  Encouragement Of,  351 
 Forests,  Incense,  183 
 Free Trade In Punt,  183 
   
   
   
 
 
 
 Index. Pg 196 
   
 G 
   
 Geology Of Egypt,  15 
 Great Pyramid,  72 
 Greece,  Trade With,  352 
 Ghizeh,  Three Pyramids At,  67 
 Ghizeh,  Tombs At,  56,  137 
 Gyges And Psamatik,  345 
   
   
   
   
 H 
   
 Hall At Karnak,  266 
 Hall Of Seti,  245 
 Handicrafts,  Egyptian,  44 
 Hapi,  32 
 Hapi,  Merchant Fleet Of,  178 
 Hapi Regarded As A Male,  178 
 Hapi Regent For Thothmes Ii.,  173 
 Hapi,  Thothmes Iii.'S Animosity Against,  187 
 Hatasu Actual Queen,  177 
 Hatasu'S Fleet,  Return Of 184 
 Hebrew Art,  Egyptian Influence In,  297 
 Heliopolis,  Temple At,  106 
 Her-Hor,  First High-Priest King,  290 
 Herodotus,  384 
 Hittites,  Peace With,  242 
 Hittites,  Treaty With,  243 
 Hittites,  War With,  233 
 Hosea,  Shabak'S Dealings With,  325 
 Hostage,  Thothmes Iii.'S System Of,  195 
 Hyksos Conquered,  151 
 Hyksos,  Religion Of,  143 
 Hyksos Rule,  139 
   
   
   
   
 I 
   
 Immigrants,  Semitic,  109,  130 
 Immortality Of The Soul,  Belief In,  39 
 Inarus,  Death Of,  384 
 Inarus,  Revolt Of,  383 
 Incense Forests,  183 
 Industries,  Revival Of,  350 
 Influences,  Corrupting,  353 
 Inundation,  13 
 Inundation,  Deficient,  Famines Through,  115 
 Invasion,  396 
 Invasion By Land And Sea,  275 
 Invasion,  Libyan,  235 
 Invasion,  The Great,  134 
 Israel'S Oppressor,  249 
   
 
 
 
 Index. Pg 197 
   
   
 J 
   
 Jeroboam At Shishak'S Court,  301 
 Jerusalem,  Destruction Of,  362 
 Joseph And Apepi,  145 
 Josiah,  Defeat Of,  By Nico,  357 
 Judaea Insecure,  361 
 Judaea'S Conquest,  Record Of,  305 
   
   
   
   
 K 
   
 Kadesh,  Battle Of,  239 
 Karnak,  Hall At,  266 
 Karnak,  Temple At,  173,  198,  200,  304,  349,  386 
 Khabash,  Accession Of,  381 
 Khartoum,  8 
 Khu-En-Aten,  227 
 Khu-En-Aten,  Personal Appearance Of,  229 
 Khufu,  King,  82,  90 
 King,  Supposed First,  49 
 Kings In awe Of Priests,  288 
   
   
   
   
 L 
   
 Labouring Class,  Condition Of,  45 
 Labyrinth,  Amenemhat'S,  121 
 Legend Of Osiris,  34 
 Libyan Desert,  Battle In,  346 
 Libyan Invasion,  255 
 Libyans,  Defeat Of,  274 
 Libyans,  Slaughter Of, 
 Literature And Art,  Decline Of,  311 
 Lower Egypt,  96 
 Lower Orders,  Condition Of,  45 
 Luxor,  Temple Of,  217 
   
   
   
   
 M 
   
 Medes,  The,  369 
 Medinet-Abou,  Temple At,  272 
 Megiddo,  Capture Of,  191 
 Memphis,  51 
 Memphis,  Blockade And Fall Of,  377,  383 
 Memphis Taken By Esarhaddon,  333 
 Menephthah I.,  Accession Of,  253 
 Menes,  King,  50,  52 
 
 
 
 Index. Pg 198 
 Men-Kau-Ra,  King,  68,  82,  90 
 Men-Khepr-Ra,  King,  Accession,  Of,  294 
 Mentu-Hotep I.,  97 
 Mertitefs,  Wife Of Sneferu,  64 
 Meydoum,  Pyramid Of,  58 
 Mi-Ammon-Nut,  Accession Of,  338 
 Mi-Ammon-Nut,  Death Of,  340 
 Mi-Ammon-Nut,  Submission To,  340 
 Mnevis,  Sacred Bull,  32 
 Moeris,  Lake,  120 
 Monuments,  Objects On,  196 
 Moral Standard,  42 
 Morality,  Egyptian,  41 
 Morals,  Decline Of,  286 
 Myth,  Chief Egyptian,  34 
 Myths,  Egyptian,  47 
   
   
   
   
 N 
   
 Nairi,  War On The,  167 
 Napatra,  Necropolis At,  316 
 Natural History Of Egypt,  16 
 Naval Power Of Thothmes,  111 
 Navy Of Nero,  354 
 Nebuchadnezzar And Neco,  358 
 Nebuchadnezzar Overruns Egypt,  365 
 Neco,  Accession Of,  354 
 Neco Defeats Josiah,  357 
 Neco,  Navy Of,  354 
 Neco,  Victories Of,  358 
 Nectanebo I.,  Accession Of,  387 
 Nectanebo I.,  Sarcophagus Of,  391 
 Nefer-Mat,  Son Of Sneferu,  64 
 Nekht-Nebf,  Accession Of,  394 
 Nile,  Navigation On,  13 
 Nile,  Rising Of The,  113 
 Nile Valley,  1,  95,  102,  117 
 Nineveh,  192 
   
   
   
   
 O 
   
 Obelisk Of Usurtasen I.,  137 
 Objects On Monuments,  196 
 Ochus,  Expedition Of,  394 
 Osiris,  Legend Of,  34 
 Osorkon I.,  Accession Of,  306 
   
   
   
   
 P 
   
 
 
 
 Index. Pg 199 
 Pacis,  Sacred Bull,  32 
 Parihu,  King Of Punt,  182 
 Payment Of Tribute,  149 
 Pelusium,  Surrender Of,  399 
 Persia,  Third Rebellion Against,  385 
 Persian Conquest,  368 
 Persian Power,  Rise Of,  369 
 Persians,  Revolt Against,  382 
 Pharnabazus,  Attack By,  388 
 Pharnabazus,  Repulse Of,  390 
 Phoenicia,  11 
 Phthah,  Temple Of,  51,  349 
 Piankhi,  King Of Napatra,  317 
 Piankhi,  Rebellion Against,  318 
 Piankhi,  Submission Of Petty Princes To,  320 
 Pinetum I.,  Accession Of,  293 
 Plagues Of Egypt,  The,  262 
 Polytheism,  31 
 Priest,  High,  Of Ammon,  289 
 Priest-Kings,  Last Of The,  297 
 Priests,  Kings In awe Of,  288 
 Prosopis,  Battle Of,  260 
 Prosperity Under Amasis,  367 
 Psamatik I. And Gyges,  345 
 Psamatik I.,  Origin Of,  343 
 Psamatik I.,  Sole King,  347 
 Psamatik I.,  Marriage Of,  348 
 Psamatik I.,  Victory Of,  346 
 Psamatik Ii.,  Architectural Activity Of,  361 
 Psamatik Iii.,  Accession Of,  374 
 Psamatik Iii.,  Death Of,  377 
 Psamatik Iii.,  Defeat Of,  375 
 Public Schools,  45 
 Punt,  Free Trade In,  183 
 Punt'S,  Queen Of,  Visit To Hatasu,  182 
 Pyramid Builders,  Egypt Under The,  91 
 Pyramid Builders,  The,  82 
 Pyramid,  Great,  72 
 Pyramid Of Meydoum,  58 
 Pyramid Of Saccarah,  59 
 Pyramids,  Egyptian Idea Of,  66 
 Pyramids,  Three,  At Ghizeh,  67 
   
   
   
   
 R 
   
 Ra-Sekenen Iii.,  Apepi'S Jealousy Of,  150 
 Ra-Sekenen Iii.,  War Forced Upon,  151 
 Ramesses I.,  232 
 Ramesses Ii.,  Hittite War Of,  239 
 Ramesses Ii.,  Israel'S Oppressor,  249 
 Ramesses Iii.,  Accession Of,  271 
 Ramesses Iii.,  Closing Years Of,  283 
 Ramesses Iii.,  Plot To Kill,  284 
 Ramesses Iii.,  Temple Of,  272 
 Red Sea,  Disaster Of,  264 
 
 
 
 Index. Pg 200 
 Rehoboam,  Submission Of,  303 
 Religion,  35-41 
 Reservoir,  Amenemhat'S,  118 
 Revival Of Arts And Industries,  350 
 Revolt Against Darius,  381 
 Revolt Against The Persians,  382 
 Rival Dynasties,  311 
 Rut-Ammon,  Accession And Death Of,  338 
   
   
   
   
 S 
   
 Saccarah,  Great Pyramid Of,  59 
 Sacred Animals,  31 
 Sacred Bulls,  32 
 St. John Lateran,  Monument Of,  202 
 Sankh-Ka-Ra,  King,  99 
 Saplal,  Hittite King,  232 
 Sargon,  Death Of,  327 
 Sargon,  Founder Of Last Assyrian Dynasty,  326 
 Schools,  Public,  45 
 Sea-Fight,  First,  277 
 Second Cataract,  106,  111 
 Semetic Immigrants,  130 
 Sennacherib,  Accession Of,  327 
 Sennacherib,  Victories Of,  328 
 Sennacherib'S Army,  Destruction Of,  329,  331 
 Set,  Egyptian Deity,  143 
 Set The Victorious,  269 
 Seti The Great,  Victories Of,  234 
 Seti The Great,  Wars Of,  236 
 Seti The Great,  Long Wall Of,  237 
 Seti The Great,  Pillared Hall,  245 
 Seti The Great,  Tomb Of,  246 
 Seti I.,  Head Of,  250 
 Seti I.,  Images Of,  248 
 Seti I.,  Mummy Of,  251 
 Shabak Bums Bek-En-Ranf,  323 
 Shabak,  Death Of,  327 
 Shabak'S Conquest Of Lower Nile,  324 
 Shabak'S Dealings With Hosea,  325 
 Shabatok,  Accession Of,  327 
 Shafra,  King,  82,  90,  92 
 Shasu,  Campaign Against The,  273 
 Shepherds,  Egypt Under,  139 
 Sheshonk Dynasty,  Defeat Of,  309 
 Shishak,  Accession Of,  300 
 Shishak,  Dominion Of,  304 
 Shishak,  Foreign Origin Of,  298 
 Shishak Invades Judaea,  303 
 Shishak'S Reception Of Jeroboam,  301 
 Sidon,  Capture Of,  396 
 Siege Of Memphis,  376 
 Signs On Tombs,  57 
 Slave-Hunting Lucrative,  220 
 Sneferu,  First Certain King,  54 
 
 
 
 Index. Pg 201 
 Social Condition,  60 
 Social Ranks,  43 
 Society,  Divisions Of,  43 
 Song Of Egyptians,  26 
 Song Of Victory,  198 
 Soul,  Belief In Immortality Of,  39 
 Sphinx,  The,  92 
 Standard,  Moral,  42 
 Suez,  Isthmus Of,  11 
 Syria And Ethiopia,  Struggle Between,  337 
 Syria Evacuated By Neco,  359 
   
   
   
   
 T 
   
 Tachos,  Accession Of,  393 
 Taxation,  Heavy,  45 
 Tehrak,  Death Of,  337 
 Tehrak Defeated By Asshur-Bani-Pal,  336 
 Tehrak Defeated By Esarhaddon,  333 
 Tel-El-Bahiri,  185 
 Tel-Mouf,  51 
 Temple Of Ammon,  167,  173,  186,  290 
 Temple Of Karnak,  198,  200,  304,  349,  386 
 Temple Of Medinet-Abou,  272 
 Temple Of Phthah,  349 
 Temple Of Tel-El-Bahiri,  185 
 Theban Kings,  99 
 Thothmes I.,  Accession Of,  158 
 Thothmes I.,  Greatness Of,  168 
 Thothmes I.,  Victories Of,  159 
 Thothmes Ii.,  Death Of,  177 
 Thothmes Iii.,  Animosity Against Hatasu,  187 
 Thothmes Iii.,  Buildings Of,  199,  201 
 Thothmes Iii.,  Campaigns Of,  191 
 Thothmes Iii.,  Conquests Of,  204 
 Thothmes Iii.,  Lost Obelisks Of,  201 
 Thothmes Iii.,  Naval Power Of,  197 
 Thothmes Iii.,  Personal Appearance Of,  204 
 Thothmes Iii.'S System Of Tribute,  195 
 Thothmes Iii.,  Tributes Of,  196 
 Tinaeus,  King,  135 
 Tombs At Ghizeh,  56,  137 
 Tombs,  Description Of,  57 
 Tombs,  Signs On,  57 
 Trade With Greece,  352 
 Trade With The Jews,  295 
 Transport,  Difficulty Of,  12 
 Treaty With The Hittites,  243 
 Tribute,  Payment Of,  149 
   
   
   
   
 U 
 
 
 
 Index. Pg 202 
 Usurtasen I.,  Obelisk Of,  137 
 Usurtasen I.,  Son Of Amenemhat,  104 
 Usurtasen I.,  Statue Of,  105 
 Usurtasen Ii.,  109 
 Usurtasen Iii.,  Conquest Of,  111 
   
   
   
   
 V 
   
 Victoria,  Lake,  8 
 Victory,  Song Of,  198 
 Vocal Memnon,  The,  212 
   
   
   
   
 W 
   
 Wady Haifa,  106 
 Wady Magharah,  54,  106 
 Water,  Modes Of Storing,  117 
 Western Asia,  History Of,  162 
 Western Asia,  Topography Of,  155 
 "Wilderness Of The Wanderings," 164 
 Women,  Costume Of,  62 
 Women Held In High Estimation,  170 
 Worship,  Animal,  31 
   
   
   
   
 Z 
   
 Zabara,  Mount,  15 
 Zerah,  Defeat Of,  308 
   
 Printed By Morrison And Gibb Limited,  Edinburgh 
   
 
 
 Publication Date: May 29th 2014 https://www.bookrix.com/-azbdcf75988b535