 The obvious rejoinder is to deny that unjust associations have the sort of value that can ground associative obligations, or at least that this is so for those “members” who are routinely exploited and oppressed. Thus, John Horton develops a two-pronged account of associative political obligation according to which a polity must provide its citizens “the generic good of order and security” and its members must identify with it and acknowledge its political authority (Horton 2010). Similarly, Scheffler maintains that “the value of one’s membership is not independent of the nature of the society or the justice of its institutions,” (2018, p. 14) while Ronald Dworkin holds that associative political obligations arise only among members of a community of principle, one committed to the treatment of all its members with equal concern and respect (1986, pp. 213–215). Whereas these rejoinders all make associative political obligations conditional on the polity adequately satisfying certain substantive moral standards, Massimo Renzo sketches a response that focuses instead on what makes a person a member of a political society. His answer is a “quasi-voluntarist reformulation of the associative model” which holds that we voluntarily occupy our roles even in families and polities as long as “we could have stepped out of them if we had wanted” (2012, p. 109, p. 120). Oppressed “members” of a polity have no associative obligations, at least if stepping out of their role as “members” is not an option available to them at a reasonable cost.