 In this respect, however, it should be noted that Weber’s take on civil society is crucially different from a communitarian-Tocquevillean outlook, and this contrast can be cast into sharper relief once put in terms of the contemporary democratic theory of partisanship [cf., inter alia, Rosenblum 2008; Muirhead 2014; White and Ypi 2016]. Like the contemporary advocates of partisanship, Weber is critical of the conventional communitarian view that simply equates civil society with voluntary associational life itself. For not all voluntary associations are conducive to democracy; some are in fact “bad” for its viability. Even in a “good” civil society, those “associative practice,” or Vergesellschaftung in Weber’s parlance [Weber 1910/2002], may cultivate the kind of civil virtues that regulate our private lives, but such social capital cannot be automatically transferred to the public realm as a useful set of civic virtues and skills for democratic politics. Political capital can be acquired by living political experiences daily. This realization led Weber as well as a growing number of contemporary democratic theorists to converge on an insistent call for the politicization of civil society in the form of not less, but better partisanship, making his politics of civil society crucially different from that of a communitarian-Tocquevillean persuasion [see Kim in Hanke, Scaff &amp; Whimster (eds.) 2020].