 Haidt’s empirical claim is that moral judgments are for the most part intuitions proximally caused by gut reactions, quick and automatic flashes of affect. In support of this, manipulating affect has been shown to make a difference to people’s judgments (Wheatley and Haidt 2005), and areas of the brain associated with such affective responses found active when people make judgments (e.g., Greene and Haidt 2002; Moll, de Oliveira-Souza, and Eslinger 2003). Further, in some studies, people are easily dumbfounded when challenged on their moral views: they cannot (Haidt claims) give reasons for why they disapprove of harmless sibling incest, for example (Haidt 2001). On Haidt’s somewhat pessimistic picture, the role of reason is for the most part lawyerly rationalization of the pre-existing gut reactions, in particular in a social context. In the same vein, Joshua Greene (2008) claims on the basis of brain imaging and reaction-time data (Greene et al. 2001), among others, that it is in particular deontological judgments, such as the thought that it is wrong to kill one person as a means to save five, that are driven by affective gut reactions, which philosophers like Kant subsequently try to rationalize. Greene holds that utilitarian judgments, in contrast, result from conscious reasoning. However, Guy Kahane (2012) argues persuasively that once we look at broader data, we see that the difference between Type I and Type II processes corresponds to the difference between intuitive and counterintuitive judgments rather than deontological and utilitarian content.