 Third, many authors have recognized that whatever trends or tendencies there are in the evolution of individuals, there have also been changes over evolutionary time in the social relations between individuals (e.g., Frank 1998), and in the sorts of shared resources that are available to the biological individuals that Douglas Erwin has recently discussed while drawing on the economic concepts of public goods and club goods (Erwin 2015, McInerney &amp; Erwin 2017). Yet how sociality should be integrated into a view of the evolution of biological individuals remains under-theorized (for recent exceptions, see Birch 2017 and Okasha 2018). And however limited fossil evidence for individual structures and ecological niches may be, such evidence for the kinds and extent of sociality is significantly more sparse. Much of the work to be done here seems distinctly philosophical in that it concerns how sociality is conceptualized. Should one accept the simple aggregation of individuals as a basic form of sociality? Does sociality essentially involve some form of cooperation, and if not, what is the relationship between “prosocial” sociality and antagonistic forms of sociality (e.g., competition or predation)? Although the “evolution of sociality” has been taken up by animal biologists (especially by primatologists) and evolutionary anthropologists (where it is often viewed game-theoretically), this has served to reinforce a view of sociality that seems somewhat narrow, e.g., the view is not clearly applicable to structurally simpler individuals. Perhaps the idea that sociality is not a relatively recent addition to multicellular life needs to be taken seriously. Instead, sociality may be a more sweeping feature of many if not all biological individuals, with the evolution of individuality understood in tandem with the idea of changing, shared, public and club goods. This would make for a more dynamic and cyclical view of the history of life than has been assumed in past thinking about biological individuals.