 In the virtue-theoretic framework, people are not necessarily assumed to already be virtuous. However, they are assumed to be at least potentially responsive to the considerations that a virtuous person would ordinarily notice and take into account. Flanagan (1993), followed by Doris (1998, 2002, in press), Harman (1999, 2000), and Alfano (2013), made trouble for this framework by pointing to social psychological evidence suggesting that much of people’s thinking, feeling, and acting is instead predicted by (and hence responsive to) situational factors that don’t seem to count as reasons at all—not even bad reasons or temptations to vice. Early discussions of these situational factors emphasized influences such as ambient sensibilia (sounds, smells, light levels, etc.), seemingly trivial and normatively irrelevant inducers of positive and negative moods, order of presentation of stimuli, and a variety of framing and priming effects, many of which are reviewed in Alfano (2013:  40–50).[7]   It’s  worth emphasizing the depth of the problem these studies appeared to pose. It’s not that they suggest that most people aren’t virtuous (although they do suggest that as well). It’s that they suggest that they undermine the entire framework in which people are conceived as cognitively sensitive and motivationally responsive to reasons. Someone whose failure to act virtuously because they gave in to temptation can be understood in the virtue-theoretic framework. Someone whose failure to act virtuously because they’d just been subliminally primed with physical coldness, which in turn is metaphorically associated with social coldness, finds no place in the virtue-theoretic framework. These sorts of effects push us to revamp our whole notion of agency and personhood (Doris 2015).