 Alternatively, we can stipulate that the first inference takes place after the word ‘needed’. It is clear that a lot needs to be done to clarify the notion of local defaults: most importantly, (i) what counts as the triggering unit, (ii) to what extent context is consulted, and (iii) how common cancellation is. But it seems that if defaults prove to be so local as to arise out of words or even morphemes, then they are part of the computational power of grammar and they belong to grammar and lexicon rather than to semantics and pragmatics. Chierchia (2004) and Landman (2000) represent this view. Chierchia argues that since scalar implicatures do not arise in downward-entailing contexts (contexts that license inference from a set to its subset), there is a clear syntactic constraint on their behaviour (but see Chemla et al. 2011). Jaszczolt (2012) calls such units that give rise to defaults or inferential modification ‘fluid characters’, employing Kaplan’s (1989) content-character distinction, to emphasise the fact that the unit of meaning that leads to inference or to a default meaning varies from context to context and from speaker to speaker: characters are ‘fluid’ because they correspond to ‘flexible inferential bases’ or ‘flexible default bases’. But much more theorizing and substantial empirical support are needed to establish the exact size of such local domains and the corresponding fluid characters.