 There is also a long tradition of thinkers critical of markets. This was, in a sense, the “default” position in the Christian culture of the European middle ages, where trade and markets were seen as driven by, and favorable to, the sins of gluttony and greed, and as inimical to the established  order.[2]  In the last three centuries, the most important critics of markets include Jean-Jacques Rousseau (notably in the Second Discourse on the Origins of Inequality [1764] (1997)), and Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (e.g., Communist Manifesto, Capital) and the Marxist tradition, which has unfolded into a wide spectrum of positions, from left-wing social democrats to radical communists (see Kołakowski 1978). Common themes in this tradition are the inegalitarian, disruptive results of unregulated markets, their instability, their alienating effects (e.g., separating individuals from the fruits of their labor, see also  section 3.2  below), and their degrading effects on the poor. What also unites these thinkers is the hope that there are alternatives to markets for organizing the economic life of large-scale societies. In the 19th century and the first three quarters of the 20th century what was standardly quoted as an alternative to a market economy was a centrally planned economy. After the fall of communism in Eastern Europe and Russia other, usually more modest, models have been discussed and sometimes experimented with (for examples see e.g., Wright 2011, ch. 7). Much of the force of criticisms of markets depends on the availability of alternative models that score better on a number of normative dimensions. Research on and experiments with alternative models are therefore of great interest for philosophers who wish to evaluate markets from a normative perspective.