 But what does public reason entail in non-ideal circumstances, such as our own, where arguably none of the three conditions listed above are met (Boettcher 2012, 174–175)? Some proponents of public reason encourage us to observe the moral duty of civility in our political life, but if the duty of civility has been designed for ideal conditions, it is unclear whether or how it might apply under less than ideal conditions (Donahue 2021; Lister 2017). For example, many accounts of public reason include a sincerity principle that directs individuals to only support those principles or rules they sincerely believe meet the test of public reason (Gaus 1996, 139–140; Rawls 1996, 241–242; Schwartzman 2011. For an alternative view see Carey 2018). But does this requirement still apply in conditions where many of those with whom we are debating do not embrace the idea of public reason, and may behave only strategically or cynically? Similarly, if we believe our existing political institutions are not publicly justifiable or do not meet certain minimal requirements of justice, do the requirements of public reason nevertheless apply to our political deliberations and discourse, or do those requirements only apply once reasonably just institutions have been secured (Rawls 1996, 247–252)?