 These arguments are, of course, intended to undermine global distributive justice as an independent goal, much as Nozick intended his work to undermine the Rawlsian belief than the gap between the rich and the poor was itself a relevant consideration for social justice. As such, the same arguments that have been made against Nozick might also hold true for those who defend libertarianism at the global level. In the first instance, we might note that there is, on these views, no independent worry about the size of the gap between the rich and the poor; even if the universalization of property rights were to produce an increase in overall wealth, there is nothing within these theories that allows us to regard an increased inequality between the rich and the poor as problematic in its own right. This, of course, is not an objection to the libertarian view; it is, instead, simply evidence that the libertarian and the liberal are motivated by distinct moral concerns. But it is also worth noting that some of what the libertarian says here is motivated by predictions about what the globalization of individual property rights would do. The libertarian is convinced that a global expansion of those rights would produce a world of flourishing communities and flourishing individuals. Others, however, would worry that the universalization of libertarian rights might produce something entirely different—that a world of unconstrained capitalism might produce dystopia and rampant inequality, rather than perpetual peace. The debate between the global liberal and the global libertarian is, then, going to turn upon both principle and prediction, in a way that makes this debate unlikely to be resolved soon.