 Stalnaker’s work was part of an avalanche of pragmatic attacks on the semantic conception of presupposition. Working in the immediate aftermath of Grice’s 1967 William James   lectures[10],  accounts like Atlas (1976; 1977; 1979), Atlas and Levinson (1981), Kempson (1975), Wilson (1975), and Böer and Lycan (1976) all present detailed arguments that presuppositions should be understood as something akin to conversational implicatures. Generally speaking, these approaches justify presuppositional inferences by using the maxims of relevance and quantity. Thus, for example, Atlas (1976) suggests that an embedding of a definite under a negation will tend to produce a meaning that is ruled out as insufficiently strong to satisfy the maxim of quantity, unless it is strengthened by treating the definite as if it had wide scope and could act referentially. Contemporary descendants of this pragmatic tradition include Abbott (2000; 2006; 2008), Simons (2001; 2003; 2004; 2006; 2007), and Schlenker (2007; 2008). Both Abbott and Simons are at pains to distinguish between different presupposition triggers, rather than lumping them all together. Thus Simons, for example, makes a case for deriving presuppositional inferences associated with factives and aspectual adverbs using a combination of Stalnakerian and Gricean reasoning, allowing that typically anaphoric triggers like the additive “too” might function conventionally. On the other hand, Schlenker’s pragmatic derivation of projection properties, using both standard maxims and at least one rule specific to  presuppositions[11],  does not make fine-grained distinctions between presupposition triggers.