 Second, the quarantine model places several constraints on the treatment of criminals (see Pereboom 2001, 2014a). First, as less dangerous diseases justify only preventative measures less restrictive than quarantine, so less dangerous criminal tendencies justify only more moderate restraints. In fact, for certain minor crimes perhaps only some degree of monitoring could be defended. Secondly, the incapacitation account that results from this analogy demands a degree of concern for the rehabilitation and well-being of the criminal that would alter much of current practice. Just as fairness recommends that we seek to cure the diseased we quarantine, so fairness would counsel that we attempt to rehabilitate the criminals we detain. If a criminal cannot be rehabilitated, and our safety requires his indefinite confinement, this account provides no justification for making his life more miserable than would be required to guard against the danger he poses. Finally, there are measures for preventing crime more generally, such as providing for adequate education and mental health care, which the moral responsibility skeptic can readily endorse. The public health-quarantine model proposed by Caruso, for instance, extends the quarantine analogy into the arena of public health and attempts to prioritize prevention and social justice. It calls for a shift away from the myopic focus on punishment and toward a more holistic approach to criminal behavior aimed at addressing the causal determinants of crime and the social injustices that give rise to crime. (For criticisms of the quarantine model, see Corrado 1996; Smilansky 2011, 2017; Lemos 2016; Tadros 2017).