 In response to this challenge, defenders point out again how political organizing through contemporary feminism and anti-racism—by way of movements like #MeToo or Black Lives Matter, for example—has not shied away from the economic components to their analyses. The binary between economic critique that marks discussion of “redistribution,” and discussion of group identity that characterizes “recognition,” may in moments be conducted as if the two were separate. The idea, however, that proponents of treating gender, sexuality, or race as intersecting axes of individual meaning and social stratification have consistently neglected the economic aspects of their analyses is hard to sustain. As Suzanna Danuta Walters points out, “the critique of identity politics is dependent upon seeing identity as only the province of the disenfranchised and marginal” as well as upon seeing white men (including the working-class, straight men who are the imagined community of the neonationalist right) as somehow not having “identity” (Walters 2018, 477). Described by Paul Joshua as “anti-identity identity politics,” this position, as exemplified in his description of the “All Lives Matter” response to Black Lives Matter, “is predicated on the taken-for-grantedness of a pre-established racist system which from centuries of de jure and de facto practices is now fixed almost silently into the socio-political infrastructure…. Despite its universalist pretentions, it remains a cloaked identitarian politics which through a hegemonic narrative (re)presents itself as a radically inclusionary counter-narrative” (2019, 16).