 But what of the intuitions behind Donnellan’s example? For, even if we reject his claim that a description like ‘the F’ can be used to refer to something that isn’t an F, it still seems as though communication is possible in a case like (14). That is, I should be able to tell who you’re asking about regardless of whether I know that this man is drinking a water rather than a martini. Kripke (1977) suggested that the way to deal with cases like these is to view the sort of reference involved as merely pragmatic, as having to do with communicative efficacy rather than with the sort of strict aboutness relevant to determining truth or falsity in a context. According to Kripke, there is no need to posit that definite descriptions ever refer; instead, we can explain away their apparent referential properties by noting that, even if they do not refer, speakers will typically have targets in mind for them to latch onto nonetheless. So long as we are reasonably good at recovering those targets, we can use them to direct each other’s thought to particular objects without needing to posit that token instances of these expressions themselves ever manage to lock onto those objects and individuals. In other words, we are free to accept the Russellian theory of descriptions, supplemented with this claim that descriptions are very often used to direct listeners’ attention to the ‘speaker’s referent’, as Kripke called what he took to be the referential analogue of Gricean ‘speaker’s meaning’ (or, roughly, whatever the speaker is trying to get across to the listener, literally or otherwise).