 The strength of such arguments depends on whether individuals can and do restrict their “market attitude” to the economic sphere, or whether this attitude comes to dominate society as a whole. For example, can it be kept at a distance from private relationships, or do individuals develop a market attitude with regard to intimate relationships as well, as sociologist Eva Illouz argues (e.g., 2012)? Pressure on the private sphere not only comes from people’s conscious or unconscious transmission of certain ways of thinking, but also from the increasing number (or at least the perceived increase) of monetary transactions that concern this sphere, for example in the form of paid child care or surrogate motherhood. This has led critics of markets to call for limitations of their sphere of influence in order not to “commodify” goods whose meaning is closely tied to values such as intimate relations, individual flourishing, or child-parent relationships (cf. e.g., Radin 1996; Anderson 1993; Sandel 2012; for a critical discussion see Satz 2010, 80ff.). As Anderson emphasizes, the larger question behind this issue is how a society can accommodate a plurality of goods that are valued in different ways (1993, esp. ch. 1 and 3). A similar strand of arguments concerns the question of whether markets push people towards the consumption of material rather than immaterial goods (see e.g., the popular account by Fromm 1976). If this is the case, they not only “pollute” their preferences, but also contribute to the overconsumption of natural resources and a variety of ecological problems (e.g., Wright 2011, 70; Hardin 1968).