 Perhaps the most well-known and controversial example of such an interplay marks the beginning of this kind of exploration. In 2001, Joshua Greene scanned people while they made a series of moral and nonmoral decisions in different scenarios, including dilemmas modeled on the philosophical “Trolley Problem” (Thomson, 1985). He noted systematic differences in the engagement of brain regions associated with moral processing in “personal” as opposed to “impersonal” moral dilemmas and hypothesized that emotional interference was behind the differential reaction times in judgments of permissibility in the footbridge case. In later work, he proposed a dual-process model of moral judgment, where relatively automatic emotion-based reactions and high-level cognitive control jointly determined responses to moral dilemmas, and he related his findings to philosophical moral theories (Greene, 2004, 2008). Most controversially, he suggested that there are reasons to be suspicious of our deontological judgments, and interpreted his work as lending credence to utilitarian theories (Greene 2013). Greene’s work is thus a clear example of how neuroscience might affect our ethical theorizing. Claims regarding the import of neuroscience studies for philosophical questions have sparked a heated debate in philosophy and beyond, and prompted critiques and replies from scholars both within and outside of philosophy (see, e.g. Berker, 2009; Kahane, 2011; Christensen, 2014). One effect of these exchanges is to highlight a problematic tendency for scientists and some philosophers to think they can draw normative conclusions from purely descriptive data; another is to illuminate the ways in which descriptive data might itself masquerade as normative (Roskies, forthcoming).