 There have been many accounts of the semantics of anaphora according to which anaphoric pronouns in some sense function like definite descriptions. Though there are important differences between such theories, examples of theories of this sort include Evans (1977), Parsons (1978, Other Internet Resources), Davies (1981), Neale (1990), Heim (1990) and Elbourne (2005). Theories of this sort are often called E-Type or D-type approaches. Though it is beyond the scope of this article to compare all the different accounts, some of the main differences in types of accounts are as follows. E-type accounts are sometimes distinguished as ones in which a definite description fixes the referent of an anaphoric pronoun, whereas D-type accounts are ones in which the pronoun itself has the semantics of a definite description. However, it is common to describe the latter as 'E-type' as well. These are further sub-divided into those that treat pronouns as definite descriptions merely at the level of semantics and those that also treat them as descriptions at the level of syntax. Finally, accounts differ in how the descriptive material is recovered. Some accounts hold that the descriptive material has to be recovered linguistically, from prior discourse. Others hold that it can be any contextually salient description.