 Montague’s language of intensional logic (Montague 1974) was developed in the tradition of Kripke and Prior, and does not have variables ranging over times or worlds: tense and modal operators shift evaluation indices, as illustrated in (22), but do not bind variables in the object language. Quantification over worlds and times is treated differently from quantification over individuals, then. The distinction was made deliberately because it predicts differences that were thought correct at the time. Once an evaluation index is shifted, it is gone for good, and can no longer be used for the evaluation of other expressions. This constrains temporal and modal anaphora. Until the early seventies anaphoric reference to times and worlds in natural languages was believed to be constrained in precisely the way predicted by the evaluation index approach. The belief was challenged by work on temporal anaphora (Kamp 1971, Partee 1973, Vlach 1973, van Benthem 1977), however. Cresswell 1990 presented parallel arguments for modal anaphora, and showed more generally that natural languages have the full expressive power of object language quantification over worlds and times. Quantification over worlds or times is thus no different from quantification over individuals, and should be accounted for in the same way.