 On the one hand, this should come as no surprise given that politics is concerned with human institutions that serve human needs, and Leibowitz cannot allow for acts of religious worship that are directed towards human needs. On the other hand, it does clearly represent a shift in his thought, from a de facto to a de jure rejection of the religious Zionist dream. Nonetheless, in noting that the state “sets the ground for the struggle for religion, which is by its very nature an eternal struggle that will never end in victory” (Judaism, 215–216), he does appear to leave open the possibility of political action having some form of religious import. Indeed, he goes on to say that the reason that Israel has no religious significance is precisely “because no such struggle is being conducted in it” (ibid.), which appears to imply the possibility of a state having such significance were it to provide for such a struggle, though at this stage the idea that this could eventuate in any form of democratic religious polity has been replaced by a vision of the state as maximally “a mere platform for struggles in the spirit of liberal ideas that celebrate the neutrality of statehood” (Hellinger, 2008, 279).