  There are centuries-long, quite rich traditions of thought articulated, and political praxis engaged in, by Black folks for whom it is the case that the constitutive racially of Black folks is such that it sets the terms not only of identity, but, as well, of the ethical imperatives of intra- and interracial mutualities, that is, of various modes and instances of solidarity. And, as well, for compelling pragmatic reasons: to contend with, ultimately to overcome, invidious racial discrimination and oppression. No small matters for persons and peoples suffering racialized dehumanization and exploitation thus in need of shared motivating and guiding notions of how to gain and sustain freedom and justice. Many concerned to forge freedom in just conditions have sought morally compelling guiding understandings in shared raciality, in being, by particular understandings of raciality, a distinctive people, a distinctive nation of Black people. Hence, traditions of “Black Nationalism,” waxing and waning across the centuries, resurgent more recently in various forms (music and art; “Afrocentric” thought) and locales in the United States, in particular. Tommie Shelby, who became a certified professional philosopher after the resurgent Black nationalisms of the Black Power and Black Arts movements, while deeply committed to philosophical engagements with and out of contexts of lived experiences of Black folks in which much of his life has been conditioned, has, in his We Who Are Dark: The Philosophical Foundations of Black Solidarity, endeavored to work out a philosophically clarified and justified account of the terms and agenda of solidarity as a basis for organized and coordinated struggles for justice. The account is intended to be both motivating and welcoming of the solidaristic cooperation of persons Black and non-Black without needing to resort to what he reasons to be the philosophically indefensible racial essentialism of various construals of Black nationalism. Yet, the account is intended to be in keeping with important conceptual and normative groundings of Black political cultural life that are, as well, compatible with a notion of political liberalism worked out by John Rawls. With Shelby’s efforts, too, there is the hard work of extending decidedly prominent mainstream philosophical thought (that of of Rawls in this particular case) to a creatively critical engagement with unjust limiting conditions on the lives of Black folks in conjunction with efforts of philosophical reconstruction and defense of principles of Black solidarity that embrace a notion of Blackness suitable for emancipatory work.