 In response to the fourth charge—that an ideal of public reason will directly or indirectly discourage religious expression, or create the perception that those who invoke religious arguments are, in some sense, second class citizens—the proponent of public reason can offer at least two replies. First, not all theories of public reason share Rawls’s view regarding the moral duty of civility. As we saw in section 6, some accounts of public reason entail fewer, if any, direct restrictions on the behavior of individual citizens. Second, Rawls’s own view does not prohibit citizens from offering religious or nonpublic arguments for their favored positions; it only requires that individuals who do so eventually supplement these arguments with public reasons (again see sect. 6). Finally, proponents of public reason are likely to deny that there are plausible alternative conceptions of civility or respect that would allow religious and other non-shared arguments to play a more central role in moral or political justification (Quong 2013), or else they may deny that the grounds of public reason are in fact best explicated by appeal to notions of civility or respect (see sect. 1).