  The most widely attended Encuentro of 1981, “Feminism and Political Struggle”, focused on the autonomy of the feminist movement, double militancy (concurrent participation in a political party and the feminist movement), and feminism and imperialism (Saporta Sternbach et al. 1992: 408). The response to the session exemplified the diversity of ideas involved in the feminist struggle. All of the participants agreed that women suffer a specific oppression by virtue of their womanhood, which is exacerbated by class. Their agreement translated into particular demands: equal pay, end of the double workday, and the right to safe abortion as well as the right to choose motherhood (Saporta Sternbach et al. 1992: 408). Furthermore, it was clear that the political parties of the time across the region were not centered on these demands in their claims for social change. Two notable positions were developed in response to the session. The first position maintained that neither capitalism nor socialism on their own could end women’s oppression. Women’s liberation needed to be articulated outside the networks of party-affiliated activism that would make demands for complete social transformation to alter oppressive relations. They held that severing the militante and the feminista was to misunderstand feminist politics, which is a comprehensive political praxis. The focus of feminist political activism needed to be in targeted feminist organizations, since the revolutionary Left tended to place men in the center (Saporta Sternbach et al. 1992: 409). The second position held that feminism on its own could not be revolutionary because of its inherent commitment to socialism. They thought feminism should be an organic outgrowth of socialist struggles that could not be separated from struggles against class oppression. Double militancy, on this view, was a practical difficulty, but one that could be overcome (Saporta Sternbach et al. 1992: 409).