 The response on behalf of Rawls’s account and similar views is likely to take the following form. First, Rawls does not purport to offer a determinate account of public reason’s content; rather he suggests that the content of public reason is given by a family of political conceptions of justice. His theory thus “does not try to fix public reason once and for all in the form of one favored political conception of justice” (Rawls 1999b, 582). Second, insofar as the content of public reason is partly determinate—for example, Rawls claims it must include certain basic rights and liberties for all persons—this does not appear particularly objectionable, nor does it seem a problematic restriction of the democratic process, unless one believes that democratic majorities can permissibly vote to deny the basic rights of certain individuals (Quong 2013). Finally, since all conceptions of public reason aim at the public justification of moral or political rules, it is not strange to suppose that the content of public reason might be partly determinate prior to any actual discussion and deliberation. It is plausible to believe that certain basic rules prohibiting non-consensual harming of innocent persons, or protecting certain minimal rights of bodily integrity, must be justifiable to all members of the constituency of public reason, provided we assume those members are committed to certain minimal ideals of freedom and equality (Cohen 2010, 272–277). To assume otherwise—as those who press the antidemocratic objection appear to do—would be to concede that we cannot be certain, in advance of actual deliberation amongst real persons, that our most basic moral and political commitments are publicly justifiable. If this assumption were true, it seems more likely to count against the very idea of public reason, as opposed to something that counts against Rawls’s particular conception of public reason.