 The implicature doesn’t look like part of the truth-conditions of B’s utterance. All that B says is that she has to work. That doesn’t become false if B attends the party after all. The implicature is conversational because A has to work it out from B’s utterance by relying on contextual observations and rules of cooperative communication, such as that B wouldn’t utter a sentence that isn’t directly relevant to A’s question unless she was trying to convey something that is relevant, namely that she won’t be coming to the party. (Grice 1975: 26–31.) Among writers on thick concepts, Simon Blackburn occasionally suggests that the evaluations normally conveyed by thick terms are conversational implicatures (Blackburn 1992; his 1998 is harder to read this way; see also Zangwill 1995: 322). But this view doesn’t explain the projection data above: conversational implicatures mostly don’t survive embedding under negation, questions, and so on, except by coincidence. (If B had said “I don’t have to work”, she wouldn’t have implicated that she can’t come to the party.) The evaluations normally conveyed by T-utterances are also not as directly deniable as conversational implicatures: “I have to work, but I don’t mean to imply that I won’t be coming to the party” sounds perfectly fine, unlike the similarly direct denials in  (1)  and  (2)  above. Unlike most views on how thick terms convey evaluation, the conversational implicature view has also been tested empirically. In a study designed to test whether the evaluative aspects of thick concepts are separable from their non-evaluative aspects, Willemsen and Reuter (2020) found evidence that the two aren’t separable in the way that conversational implicatures are separable from the contents whose utterances generate those implicatures. Further empirical studies to test other semantic and pragmatic hypotheses about the relationship between thick terms and evaluation would be a welcome development in the debate. 