 Universal quantifiers can also be restricted, as in ‘\(\forall x{:}B(x) [S(x)]\)’, interpreted as follows: for every individual \(x\) such that \(x\) is a boy, \(x\) sang. Restrictors can also be logically complex, as in ‘Some boy from Canada sang’ or ‘Some boy who respects Mary sang’, rendered as ‘\(\exists x{:}B(x) \land F(x, c)[S(x)]\)’ and ‘\(\exists x{:}B(x) \land R(x, m)[S(x)]\)’. Given these representations, the inferential difference between ‘some boy sang’ and ‘every boy sang’ lies with the propositional contributions of ‘some’ and ‘every’ after all, and not partly with the contribution of connectives like ‘\(\land\)’ and ‘\(\rightarrow\)’.