  This line of thought prompts several questions. If stringent egalitarian duties to needy people arise only because the needy participate in a scheme of cooperation with the non-needy, then strategic action to avoid the duties seems permissible. If the rich separate from the poor and form their own distinct political communities, the reciprocity argument will no longer support the claim that the rich have substantial obligations to the poor. One might question whether genuine justice obligations are avoidable in this way (Cohen and Sabel 2006). Another question is whether reciprocity obligations formed by cooperative collective provision nicely divide state by state as the argument supposes. In Southern California, the law abidingness of neighbors in Mexico is more crucial to people's physical security than the law abidingness of fellow citizens in Maine or Florida. Treaties and peaceful relations among militarily armed states, brought into being by peaceable desires of people in all the states, are immensely important to people's physical security in all of the potentially threatening nations. A third question is why reciprocity obligations owed to fellow cooperators in basic security schemes amount to more than the requirement to contribute a fair share to the burdens of supplying the goods. It is not immediately clear why requirements of egalitarian redistribution arise in this way, since socially disadvantaged people may benefit equally as much as socially advantaged folk from the goods that such cooperation supplies.