 The problem is that all these experiments assume Levinson’s notion of a fast and inference-free default while this is, as we have seen, by no means the only understanding of default interpretations, and, arguably, not even the most commonly assumed one. The experimenters talk of arguments for and against ‘the Default View’, ‘the Default Model’ (see also Bezuidenhout and Morris 2004, Breheny et al 2006), while, in fact there is no such unique model to be falsified: there are very different understandings of defaultness even in post-Gricean pragmatics alone, as is evident from Section 1. The list of possible defining characteristics of default interpretations in [1]–[8] shows that one cannot talk about the default meaning. At the same time, it is much harder to provide any experimental evidence for or against salient meaning that draw on some contextual information, arise late in utterance processing, and are not normally cancellable. The latter also seem much more intuitively plausible than Levinson’s rigid defaults in that they are simply shortcuts through costly pragmatic inference and as such can be triggered by the situation itself rather than by the properties of a lexical item or construction at large. They are just normal, unmarked meanings for the context at hand and it is not improbable that such default, salient interpretations will prove to constitute just the polar end of a scale of degrees of inference rather than have qualitatively different properties from non-default, clearly inference-based interpretations. They will occupy the area towards the ‘zero’ end of the scale of inference but will not trigger the dichotomy ‘default vs. inferential interpretation’. But since it is debatable whether salience ought to be equated with defaultness in he first place, our terminological quandary comes back with full strength (see Section 3).