 Judah ben Solomon Natan, a physician and translator active in Provence around 1330, explicitly declared the reason for his interest in Avicenna in the introduction to his Hebrew translation of al-Ghazali’s Intentions of the Philosophers (Maqasid al-falasifa), where he affirmed that he translated that book since it was very useful for reconciling religious tradition and philosophy, and he found a substantial correspondence between that book and some parts of Avicenna’s The Cure about physics and metaphysics, as well as Avicenna’s The Salvation. Judah Natan’s translation was employed by his friend Todros Todrosi for his own translation of the “Avicennist” work The Sources of Questions (‘Uyun al-masa’il): in the introduction to the latter, he affirms to have found there the same opinion expressed in al-Ghazali’s above mentioned book. Here and in his philosophical anthology (dating back to 1334) Todros quoted some of Avicenna’s passages about logical, physical and metaphysical questions: he took them both from the logical sections of The Cure (he also quoted a passage about infinite motion from book three, chapter 8 of the physical section of this work), and from Avicenna’s Remarks and Admonitions. Finally, he was the unique Medieval Hebrew author who wrote an almost complete translation of one of Avicenna’s philosophical works: books two and three of The Salvation, about physics and metaphysics. Two other Provençal Jewish authors employed Avicenna: Judah Cohen, who might have been active in Provence around 1350, was apparently inspired by Avicenna’s Epistle On Love (Risala fi l-‘ishq) (Vajda 1977, 136); the well-known Jewish philosopher and commentator of Averroes Moses Narboni, living there in the period 1300–1360, occasionally quoted some passage from The Cure and The Salvation in his own “Averroistic” commentary on the Intentions of the Philosophers (Steinschneider 1893, 318). Various approaches to Avicenna are found in 13th- and 14th-century Spain: Avicenna’s metaphysics was the main source of Moses ha-Levi’s Metaphysical (lit. “divine”)Treatise (Maqala ilahiyya), written in Judaeo-Arabic probably before 1300, whose contents were studied in detail by Vajda (see Vajda 1948) – here there is one of the few cases of ‘committed Avicennism’; the Jewish philosopher Abner of Burgos (1270–1350 circa), both before and after having converted to Christianity, seems to have often employed Avicenna in favor of determinism and against Averroes (he claims to have transmitted some lost passages of Avicenna’s The Oriental Wisdom [al-Hikma al-mashriqiyya]; but see Szpiech 2010); Josef Ibn Waqqar, in his Treatise for Reconciling Philosophy and Religious Law (Maqala al-jami‘a bayna l-falsafa wa-l-shari‘a), written in Judaeo-Arabic around 1360 and analyzed by Vajda, even tried to reconcile Averroes, Avicenna and al-Ghazali in a very difficult field: metaphysics (Vajda 1962, 132). In a different, indirect way the Neoplatonic circle of Jewish authors of Hebrew supercommentaries on Abraham Ibn Ezra’s Biblical commentaries, active in Spain in the second half of the 14th century and in Provence in the first decades of the 15th century, could have employed Avicennian ideas for defending the doctrine of astral determinism (see Schwartz 1996); still indirectly, Avicenna’s thought might have influenced some aspect of Hasdai Crescas’ philosophy (see below, 6). According to Dov Schwartz, the role played by Avicenna in influencing some aspects of 14th- and also 15th-century Judaic thought was even more widespread than that played by Averroes, who was until now regarded as the most important “master” in Late Medieval Jewish philosophy after Maimonides (Schwartz 1995, 420).