 In terms of contemporary political realism, Weber seemed to hold that the primary concern of politics is the establishment of an orderly domination and its management within a given territory rather than the realization of such pre- or extra-political moral goals as justice (Kant) or freedom (Hegel) – thus the brevity with which the state is defined above. Sharing this Hobbesian outlook on politics, or what Bernard Williams calls the “First Political Question” (FPQ), enables Weber to square his diagnosis of agonistic value pluralism with an entrenched suspicion of natural-law foundation of liberalism to sustain a democratic politics that is uniquely his own [see 6.2 below]. He went beyond Ordorealism, however, when an evaluative perspective on politics is advocated without recourse to the moral commitments coming from outside the political sphere. The making of a workable political order cannot be authorized by virtue of its coming-into-being and has to satisfy what Williams called the “Basic Legitimation Demand” (BLD) to be an acceptable arrangement of social coordination. A legitimate political order is an institutionalized modus vivendi for collective life that “makes sense as an intelligible order” (MSIO) in the eyes of the beholder [Williams 2005, 1–17]. Since such an acceptance by those living under a particular arrangement depends on the political morality animating that particular community, the ruler’s claim to authority can meet with success only when based on a reasonable fit with the local mores, values, and cultures [Cozzaglio and Greene 2019, 1025–26]. Like Machiavelli’s Principe, then, Weber’s Herren do not behave in a normless vacuum. They rule under certain political-normative constraints that turn on the congruence between the way their domination is justified and the way such a public justification is interpreted as acceptable to the ruled. Weber’s concept of domination is as much noumenal as phenomenal. To that extent, it is little wonder that his name figures not only prominently but also uniquely in the pantheon of political realists [Galston 2010].