 Moreover, the very idea that the legitimacy of higher-level plural quantification is decided by the existence or non-existence of higher-level plural locutions in English and other natural languages is problematic (Hazen 1993: 138 and 1997: 247; Linnebo 2003: 87; Rayo 2006). What really matters is presumably whether we can iterate the principles and considerations on which our understanding of ordinary first-level plural quantification is based: if we can, then higher-level plural quantification will be justified in much the same way as ordinary first-level plural quantification; and if not, then not. Thus, even if there were no higher-level plural locutions in natural languages, this would provide little or no evidence for the stronger — and philosophically more interesting — claim that there can be no iteration of the step from the singular to the plural in any language spoken by intelligent agents. Moreover, any evidence of this sort could be defeated by pointing to independent reasons why higher-level plural locutions are scarce in natural languages. One such independent reason may simply be that ordinary speakers aren’t very concerned about their ontological commitments and thus find it more convenient to express facts involving second-level pluralities by positing objects to represent the first-level pluralities (for instance by talking about two pairs of shoes) rather than by keeping track of additional grammatical device for second-level plurals (as in the above example from Icelandic).