 In the Korean Confucian tradition, social position and age have important implications for maintaining social hierarchies, and women were particularly disadvantaged through interpretations of these relationships, expected always to be subordinate to men: fathers, husbands and sons (see Cawley 2018). Adhering to these clearly delineated relationships was associated with a well-functioning “harmonious” society, whereby harmony was achieved through fulfilling one’s specific role. Nevertheless, the “superior” person in these relationships should be a morally and socially responsible individual, especially the king, who also has obligations to the population he governs, a theme that is recurrent in the literature on “Sage Learning” (聖學, C. shengxue, K. sŏnghak), that shapes and defines Korean Neo-Confucianism. The other relationship, emphasised much more in Korea than in China, is the idea of filial piety (孝, C. xiao, K. hyo). Hyo remains one of the defining features of Korean Confucianism, where respect for one’s parents and elders is still emphasised. The eldest male is the most respected person in the family, which also highlights the gender bias that Confucianism has facilitated on the peninsula, something that is contentious today in a Korea that is heavily debating this gender imbalance, gaining traction thanks to the #MeToo movement.