 However, whether or not a notional reading of a depiction VP is possible depends on which quantificational determiner occurs in the noun phrase complement. If we say ‘Guercino drew every dog’, ‘Guercino drew most dogs’, or ‘Guercino drew the dog’ (non-anaphoric ‘the dog’), we seem to advert to some antecedent domain with respect to which ‘drew every/most/the dog(s)’ are to be evaluated. So specific readings are  required.[1]  This resistance to unspecific construal is robust across languages and is typical of those quantificational determiners which do not occur naturally in existential contexts such as ‘there is’: contrast ‘there is a dog in the garden’ with ‘there is every dog in the garden’, ‘there are most dogs in the garden’, or ‘there is the dog in the garden’. An account of what is wrong with ‘there is every dog in the garden’ (see Keenan 2003) might well contain the materials for explaining the lack of unspecific readings of depiction VPs with determiners like ‘every’, ‘most’ and ‘the’; see further (Forbes 2006:142–150).