 Luck-egalitarians, inter alia, question whether this picture is correct (Barry 2006; Knight 2005; Gheaus 2018; Knight 2009, 122–166; Navin 2011; Tan 2008; Miklosi 2018; but see Kaufman 2004). First, they might dispute the very way in which Anderson describes the disagreement. They might do so because they think social standing can be seen as a good, which, setting aside considerations about responsibility, should be distributed equally from a luck egalitarian point of view (Lippert-Rasmussen 2015a,b; Lippert-Rasmussen forthcoming). If so, luck egalitarianism might be able to accommodate many of Anderson’s concerns. Or they might think that (most) luck egalitarians and critics like Anderson simply address different questions. The former ask what constitutes a fair distribution, whereas the latter asks what we owe one another (Vallentyne 2015). These are different (though possibly related) questions, because, arguably, distributions might be unfair even if no one has failed to do what they owe others, say, if some die young and others die old, and there is nothing anyone could do to prevent this from being so (cp. Lippert-Rasmussen 2018, forthcoming; Moles and Parr forthcoming). Second, suppose resources are distributed in such a way that equal functioning in civil society and in political decision making is assured. Suppose, moreover, that we can choose between two distributions: one that benefits those who are worse off in terms of how well their lives go, and another that benefits those who are best off in terms of how well their lives go.  Since this choice will not affect democratic equality, these options are equally good on Anderson’s account. To many, this is an unattractive implication of her view. Of course, if the threshold of equal functioning is very high the problem becomes less serious.  However, with high thresholds a different problem becomes more serious.  For if people should be assured of equal functioning at a very high level irrespective of whether they act (perhaps repeatedly) in irresponsibly foolish ways, it will not seem fair to impose the cost of their choices on others—i.e., the cost of bringing them up to the appropriate threshold of equal functioning (Arneson 2000, 347–348; for a reply, see Anderson (Other Internet Resources, 2(e)).  Intuitively, then, the complaint is that democratic equality ascribes no significance to the fact that responsibility can negate luck. It is far from clear that concern about equal status overturns the pivotal belief that justice is concerned with compensation for bad luck (see, however, Scheffler 2003; Scheffler 2005; Scheffler 2015). Indeed, the present line of thought suggests that luck-ist versions of the relational ideal might be more plausible than non-luckist versions. While much of the relational egalitarian critique of luck egalitarianism has focused on the weight it gives to considerations concerning luck, the issue of how this question is resolved is a different issue from the issue of whether justice concerns distributions or relations (or both). This is reflected in the fact that two possible views are outcome egalitarianism and luckist versions of relational egalitarianism, according to which to relate as equals the way in which we treat one another must reflect differential choice, responsibility etc. On the latter view I might not relate to others as equals if I expect them to bear the costs of my irresponsible choices.