 These conflicting positions within gender and sexual politics are exemplified in the history of the expansion of gay and lesbian organizing to those with other queer affiliations. Those describing themselves as “gay” and “lesbian” wondered if bisexual and transgender (and then intersex, Two Spirit, asexual, and more) people shared sufficiently similar experience and interests to make an identity political movement. Indeed, this suspicion sometimes worked in the opposite direction: not all trans or intersex people have understood themselves to be queer, or to share the same political goals as gay and lesbian organizers, for example. The debate finds a parallel in a form of challenge to the inclusion of transwomen in women-only spaces (or indeed, their identification as “women” in the first place). The possibility of feminist solidarity across cis and trans lines hinges on the centrality of sex and gender identities—and how those are understood—to political spaces and organizing (Heyes 2003). Traditions of trans, mestiza, and cyborg feminist politics have resisted the claim of sameness and recommended models that embrace the historicity of subject-positions and intrasubjective plurality (Stone 1991; Haraway 1991; Lugones 1994; see Bettcher 2014 for an overview).