 There is, first of all, the problem of markets having become global, whereas the political framework is still largely based on nation states. This can lead to enforcement deficits, but also puts pressure on states to forego stricter regulations or higher taxation because capital, especially financial capital, will leave the country and escape to so-called “tax havens” (Dietsch 2015). In recent years, there has been increased interest in international markets: What distinguishes them from domestic markets; for example, do the immense inequalities of power and the different institutional frameworks in different countries mean that they need to be conceptualized differently? How could they be regulated and supplemented by other institutions in order to achieve more global justice? How could the community of states, or at least groups of states, cooperate to achieve this? These questions are embedded in the wider debate about global justice (cf. e.g., Pogge 2002; Caney 2005; Brock 2009, see also Blake 2008). This debate turns, for example, on institutions such as the World Trade Organization that could enforce certain standards on labor conditions (see. e.g., Barry/Reddy 2008), or on how the trade in natural resources could be embedded in institutions that prevent the “resource curse” that haunts countries with rich natural resources but weak governance structures (see e.g., Wenar 2015). Such proposals ask how the institutions that structure international markets could be changed in ways that make the gains from trade mutual and give everyone a fair share (see also James 2005; Risse 2007; Kurjanska/Risse 2008; Christensen 2017).