 Now, on the one hand, linguistic research informs us that expressions with thin semantic content such as anaphorically used demonstrative pronouns or personal pronouns are employed for referents whose cognitive status is high. In other words, they are used when the object is in focus of attention or at least activated in memory (Gundel et al. 1993; see Jaszczolt 2002: 140–149 for a discussion). On the other hand, when combined with an act of demonstration, the object can be made salient. Cappelen and Dever (2016) discuss here two types of successful referring by demonstratives: pointing and intending (i.e. (i) and (ii) above), contrasted with prominence (i.e. (iii) above). The first creates salience, while the latter pertains to extant salience; the first brings entities into focus, while the latter exploits their in-focus cognitive status. What is of particular interest to semanticists (of both orientations discussed here, Gricean and computational) is that the first type allows for accommodation (Lewis 1979): objects are made more salient when communication requires it.