 Others, by contrast, see libertarian paternalism as too restrictive in its conditions (and therefore too weak) to be applicable or adequate for many public health contexts (Nuffield Council on Bioethics 2007; Ubel 2009; Conly 2013; Conly 2014; Menard 2010). For instance, some charge that libertarian paternalism is so concerned with individual decision-making that it is not well-suited to producing public goods associated with public health, nor is it effective at removing underlying social determinants of bad public health outcomes (Menard 2010). And some restrictions of liberty have yielded significant public health benefits, such as seatbelt or motorcycle laws, or bans on the use of trans fats (Conly 2013; Conly 2014; Menard 2010). In other words, those unmoved by the objections to restricting individual liberty for the sake of realizing public health gains find the libertarian paternalist proposal to be too concessive to the liberty tradition. Because policies that conform to libertarian paternalist criteria are too limited in their effects, libertarian paternalism is unable to accomplish central tasks of public health – and therefore does not satisfy those who reject the liberty tradition.