 Though there is some variety in terms of content and particular thematic sites, Fanon’s relationship to sub-Saharan Africa is fairly consistent. The Algerian experience and ideology that emerged from it structures Fanon’s take on anti-colonial struggle in the region, but he does not return to questions of anti-Black racism. Algeria is for Fanon the exemplar of revolutionary struggle. So, when talking about black Africa, Fanon will urge forgoing deep connections to or retrievals of pre-colonial Africa—something that reflects his early critiques of Négritude, for sure, but are in these later essays really plainly political and strategic. Africa is, ideologically, a unity for Fanon, and that unity is regularly articulated in terms of shared colonial struggle. Thus, the divisions between North and sub-Saharan Africa are erased in a shift of perspective; memories and grievances that might flow from legacies of the Arab slave trade are part of the disposable past. What matters is the shared condition in the present, and therefore to the future of unified anti-colonial struggle. In “Unity and Effective Solidarity are the Conditions for African Liberation” (“Unité et solidarité effective sont les conditions de la libération africaine”) (1960), Fanon is plain in writing that “inter-African solidarity must be a solidarity of fact, a solidarity of action, a solidarity concrete in men, in equipment, in money” (1964 [1994: 173]). All of these solidarities reflect an anti-essentialist approach to revolutionary struggle, which is consonant with Fanon’s work from the beginning. Also of note is how Fanon, in this context, asserts the necessity of the neutrality of anti-colonial struggle in Africa with regard to Cold War alliances. The history of post-independence Africa, which was the site of so many proxy wars and destabilization efforts from both sides of the Cold War, bears out Fanon’s observation and assertion.