 But there have also been very substantial developments broadening and building upon the feminist use of speech theory—extending it to issues like racist speech, and hate speech more generally. McGowan (2009a) argues for the existence of a different sort of silencing due to pornography; and in her 2009b she argues that speech may be counted not just as silencing or subordinating, but also as oppressing. Moreover, she suggests that oppressive speech is likely to be a very widespread phenomenon. These ideas are developed further in McGowan (2012), which takes as its focus racist speech, and in Simpson (2013). Maitra (2012) also applies ideas from feminist work on subordinating speech to racist speech. Langton also turns her attention to hate speech more broadly, including in her 2012. This paper is also notable for its focus on the role of pragmatics in shaping attitudes other than belief. Rachel McKinney (2016), “Extracted Speech”, builds on this literature by exploring the ways that speech may be unjustly extracted rather than silenced (as in, for example, the paradigm case of the Central Park Five’s false confessions). Rebecca Kukla introduces the notion of discursive injustice, in order to discuss a broader range of ways that “members of a disadvantaged group face a systematic inability to produce a specific kind of speech act they are entitled to perform” (2014: 440), which often takes the form of performing a different speech act from the one that they intend. Although she draws on Langton and Hornsby, she abandons their focus on illocution and perlocution, focussing instead simply on performative force. Also considering the role of pragmatics in politics (though developed independently from Langton and Hornsby), Marina Sbisà (1999) explores the role of presuppositions in political persuasion. Finally, Jason Stanley (2015) draws heavily on Langton and Hornsby’s work in developing his account of propaganda (focused, but not exclusively, on racist propaganda).