 Not much has been published on possible policies of reparations to U.S. blacks. But at least a few words concerning such matters are in order in case said reparations are morally justified and  required.[5] A rights-based approach to reparations to U.S. blacks by the U.S. government might most plausibly construe such reparations both compensatorily and non-compensatorily. In so doing, reparations are a cluster of rights to such means of corrective justice imposing duties on the U.S. government to provide said reparations to U.S. blacks. The provision of such rights is not to be diminished due to the amount of that which is owed, though it would be counter-productive to settle on an amount or demand so much that the U.S. could not possibly pay it. The main point is to estimate a combined figure that captures the fact that the peculiar institution was widely and deeply supported by several U.S. industries and workforces, from U.S. financial institutions to ship builders, from U.S. lawmakers and courts to slave owners, and well beyond (DeWolf 2008). Thus it is not unreasonable to argue that there was and remains a collective liability of the U.S. to provide such reparations (Corlett 2010: 161–186; McGary 1999).