 Yet another line of feminist argument draws on the work of the prominent liberal philosopher, John Rawls, to suggest that regulation of pornography is justified insofar as rational, self-interested individuals in the original position would not agree to basic social institutions that “asymmetrically either forced or gave strong incentives to members of one sex to become sex objects for the other” (Okin 1987, 68). Rae Langton (1990) also seeks to use liberals’ own theoretical commitments to make a (liberal) case for the legitimacy of censorship, though her chosen liberal is Ronald Dworkin. Langton seeks to turn the tables on Dworkin’s argument in an ingenious way, arguing that a consistent application of Dworkin’s own principles actually supports a policy that prohibits pornography, rather than the permissive policy he himself favours. Preferences to consume pornography necessarily depend on external preferences about the inferior worth of women that violate women’s right to moral independence. Furthermore, positive arguments for prohibiting pornography may aim at securing social equality for women. If this is the goal, then, by Dworkin’s own lights, pornographers would have no rights against a prohibitive policy.