 Prinz offers four additional arguments, only two of which are considered briefly here. The first argues from experimental evidence that seems to show that people ordinarily “regard emotions as necessary for having moral attitudes” (75). For example, subjects in one study were asked to assess the moral attitudes of two individuals. Person A smokes marijuana, feels no guilt for doing so, does not have negative attitudes toward others who do, but nevertheless says that he thinks smoking marijuana is morally wrong. Person B smokes marijuana, feels guilt for doing so, has negative feelings toward those who do, but nevertheless says she thinks that smoking marijuana is not morally wrong. The majority of respondents concluded that the first smoker does not really think smoking marijuana is morally wrong, whereas the second really does think it is morally wrong, despite his claims to the contrary. Prinz says that “the majority treat emotions as necessary and sufficient for moral attribution,” which suggests that “the ordinary folk are committed to a kind of sentimentalism.” This at most would show us what ordinary folks think, though; it would not support sentimentalism as a metaphysical thesis “that it is part of the essence of moral judgments that they can be motivating” (64). Prinz speculates that more research might “establish a more consistent conceptual link between emotions and moral judgments” (76). At present, though, the studies Prinz cites are insufficient to lend much support to internalism.