  If in fact law must be backed by coercion to be law, and if, as follows from this, states will necessarily and legitimately use coercion against their citizens, then this may place a particular justificatory burden on the state and its citizens. Christopher J. Eberle sees that “justificatory liberalism” (which he associates with the work of liberals such as Rawls, Charles Larmore, Robert Audi, and Gerald Gaus) rightly puts the justification of coercion as its central mission. “The claim that respect requires public justification provides a basis for the central component of the justificatory liberal's ethic of citizenship: the norm of respect imposes an obligation on each citizen to discipline herself in such a way that she resolutely refrains from supporting any coercive law for which she cannot provide the requisite public justification” (Eberle 2002, 12, emphasis omitted; see also Gaus 2010). But along with this obligation, the necessity of state coercion is argued to put citizens of a single state in a kind of relationship to one another that differs from their relationship to those outside their state. Michael Blake argues along these lines to conclude that a duty to promote economic equality as a matter of justice “is a plausible interpretation of liberal principles only when those principles are applied to individuals who share liability to the coercive network of state governance” (Blake, 2002, 258).