 The next three chapters explore in great detail how revolutionary violence is related to collective identity formation (Chapter Two), consciousness of national identity (Chapter Three), and perhaps most importantly the formation of national culture (Chapter Four). What we see across these chapters is how potent and fecund Fanon’s conception of violence is, as well as how his various meditations on revolution and identity in the essays between his first and his last book pay real conceptual and strategic dividends. Conceptually, Fanon draws the sharpest contrast between what he calls the colonized intellectual and the revolutionary masses. The colonized intellectual is exactly what the terms suggests: a go-between who translates the colonized for the colonizer, in the colonizer’s language and for the political, social, and cultural purposes of the colonizer. The masses do not drive the colonized intellectual’s reflections, but rather the colonial vision of the world structures everything. Contrasted to that are the revolutionary masses who make a new political, social, and cultural order through revolutionary struggle itself. In this characterization, Fanon eschews vanguardism and all the sorts of elite revolutionary structures that follow from it. Rather, for Fanon, struggle itself generates political, social, and cultural identities and concepts; there is no prefiguring this element of a postcolonial world. Revolution makes everything revolutionary, and the postcolonial state cannot be thought without it. And so Fanon’s elaboration of this movement also criticizes atavistic notions of postcolonial state- and culture-craft, rejecting nostalgic turns to a precolonial African society as a vision for post-revolutionary society.