 There is a different gauge of Grotius’ originality in the domain of politics. Through his writings, he gave rise to a theory of statehood and the relations among states which has come to be known as, simply, “Grotian” (the labels are used by Wight (1991), among others). This theory is an account of the origins and identity conditions of states. It conceives of states as existing not in a pre- or anti-social condition but rather in an international society governed by a system of norms. Those norms hold apart from a positive action by a legislature or legislator. At the same time as it insists on the existence and relevance of these norms (which are, of course, the laws of nature), it is also cognizant of the force of real politick. Individual states will engage in the pursuit of their own perceived interests, regardless of whether such pursuits place them in conflict with the natural law. By doing all of this, the Grotian school is supposed to negotiate a middle way between bare-knuckled “Machiavellianism” and excessively idealistic “Kantianism” (for more, see Wight together with the criticisms in Bull 1976). Depending on the fortunes of these schools at any particular moment in history, Grotius’ influence on international relations will be waxing or waning.