 Even theorists who do not agree with the assumption that indefinites contribute just predicates and unbound variables to their logical forms (see, e.g., Chierchia 1998) tend to agree that a tripartite structure nonetheless is the correct analysis for generics. One notable exception is David Liebesman (2011), who argues that characterizing generics are themselves direct kind predications—that, e.g., “tigers have stripes” is best understood as simply the attribution of the predicate “have stripes” to the kind tigers. (See also Cohen 2012; Teichman 2016. Cohen argues that although pragmatic factors lead many generics to ultimately receive reinterpretations involving Gen, generics are always in the first instance kind predications.) It is not clear, however, whether a view such as Liebesman’s is able to account for the full range of semantic data. Recall that sentences such as “cats lick themselves” led Carlson (1977) to introduce a G‘ operator to capture the dominant interpretation, namely that individual cats lick themselves (i.e., their own bodies)—an interpretation which is not captured by the logical form Lick(cats, cats). Similar complications arise for generics involving so-called donkey anaphora, e.g., “lions that see a gazelle chase it”. Without the additional structure provided by an operator, it is not clear how these sentences can be adequately captured (Leslie 2015a).