 Interestingly, several studies have found that, throughout the preschool years, children have a tendency to interpret kind-wide quantified statements as generics—e.g., evaluating a statement quantified with “all”, “most” or “some” as though it were a generic. This phenomenon has been documented among English-, Mandarin-, and Quechua-speaking children (Brandone et al. 2015; Hollander et al. 2002; Leslie and Gelman 2012; Mannheim et al. 2011; Tardif et al. 2010; see also Gelman and Tardif 1998 for more discussion of the acquisition of generics by Mandarin-speaking children). The tendency is not limited to children either; under some circumstances, adults will also “default” to the generic interpretation when confronted with a quantified statement. For example, adults show a consistent tendency to accept, e.g., “all ducks lay eggs”, despite knowing that male ducks don’t lay eggs (a tendency which does not seem to be due to adults interpreting the quantified statement as ranging over subkinds of ducks; Leslie, Khemlani and Glucksberg 2011; Meyer, Gelman and Stilwell 2011; but see Lazaridou-Chatzigoga, Katsos, and Stockall 2015). Further, a range of adult reasoning errors with universal quantifiers are readily explicable on the hypothesis that adults sometimes interpret universally quantified statements as generics (Jönsson and Hampton 2006; Sloman 1993, 1998). Additionally, both adults and preschoolers frequently recall quantified statements as generics, but not vice versa, a tendency that has been documented in both Spanish and English (Gelman, Sánchez Tapia, and Leslie 2015; Leslie and Gelman 2012).