 A rather different empirical literature addresses the issue of “implicit attitudes”, for example implicit racism or sexism, which are often held to conflict with verbally or consciously espoused attitudes. Such implicit attitudes might be revealed by emotional reactions (e.g., more negative affect among white participants when assigned to a co-operative task with a black person than with a white person) or by association or priming tasks (e.g., faster categorization responses when white participants are asked to pair negative words with dark-skinned faces and positive words with light-skinned faces than vice versa). (For reviews, see Wittenbrink and Schwarz, eds., 2007; Petty, Fazio, and Briñol, eds., 2009.) However, it remains controversial to what extent tests of this sort reveal subjects’ (implicit) beliefs, as opposed to merely culturally-given associations or attitudes other than full-blown belief (Wilson, Lindsey, and Schooler 2000; Kihlstrom 2004; Lane et al. 2007; Hunter 2011; Tumulty 2014; Levy 2015; Machery 2016; Madva 2016; Zimmerman 2018). Gendler, for example, suggests that we regard such implicit attitudes as arational and automatic aliefs rather than genuine evidence-responsive beliefs (Gendler 2008a–b; for critique see Schwitzgebel 2010; Mandelbaum 2013).