 Another study relevant for the discussion in the previous sections is an ERP study on the imperfective paradox by Baggio et al. (2008). They investigated the processing of Dutch imperfective sentences such as het meisje was een brief aan het schrijven (the girl was writing a letter) which were either followed by a  when-clause that made the culmination unlikely (when her friend spilled coffee on the paper) or by a sentence which was compatible with the attainment of the goal (when her friend spilled coffee on the tablecloth). The first kind of sentences elicited larger sustained anterior negativities compared to sentences that were compatible with the culmination. Moreover, the amplitude of the negativity was correlated with the frequency with which participants responded that the culmination was not reached. These findings indicate that a progressive sentence triggers a default inference to a complete event which can be canceled again, if the context so requires. 