 The (intended) effect of Lim’s modifications, then, would be to limit the authority of the particular political judgments of the actual disability rights movement in determining who is disabled. This points to what may be a deeper problem for Barnes’ account, and the parts of Lim’s that follow her in making recognition by the rules that guide the disability movement determinative of disability. If the disability movement ought to adopt rules that pick out a certain group, isn’t that precisely because that group shares some other property, that makes that choice reasonable? That is, isn’t there something that those the disability rights movement share, that explains why they ought to seek justice in solidarity together? Wouldn’t that thing, whatever it is, make a better candidate definition of disability? To put the question for Lim’s account in particular: why would we want to deny that a condition is a disability, it if were a medically interesting constraint on legitimate interests, but not recognized as such by the rules of the disability rights movement?