 Beginning with (A), it has been argued that mirroring processes do not qualify as simulation processes, because they fail to satisfy the definition of “simulation process” (Gallagher 2007; Herschbach 2012; Jacob 2008; Spaulding 2012) and/or because they are better characterized in different terms, e.g., as enactive perceptual processes (Gallagher 2007) or as elements in an information-rich process (Spaulding 2012). As for (B), the main worry runs as follows. Granting that mirroring processes are simulation processes, what evidence do we have for the claim that they contribute to mindreading? This, in particular, has been asked with respect to the role of mirroring processes in “action understanding” (i.e., the interpretation of an agent’s behavior in terms of the agent’s intentions, goals, etc.). After all, the neuroscientific evidence just indicates that action mirroring correlates with episodes of action understanding, but correlation is not causation, let alone constitution. In fact, there are no studies examining whether disruption of the monkey mirror neuron circuit results in action understanding deficits, and the evidence on human action understanding following damage to the action mirror mechanism is inconclusive at best (Hickok 2009). In this regard, some authors have suggested that the most plausible hypothesis is instead that action mirroring follows (rather than causes or constitutes) the understanding of others’ mental states (Csibra 2007; Jacob 2008). For example, Jacob (2008) proposes that the job of mirroring processes in the action domain is just that of computing a representation of the observed agent’s next movement, on the basis of a previous representation of the agent’s intention. Similar deflationary accounts of the action mirror mechanism have been given by Brass et al. (2007), Hickok (2014), and Vannuscorps and Caramazza (2015)—these accounts typically take the STS (superior temporal sulcus, a brain region lacking mirror neurons) to be the critical neural area for action understanding.