 Also different from this intensely political civil society is a liberal-Habermasian “public sphere,” a rational-communicative haven in which the open exchange and fair deliberation of impartial opinions take place until reasonable consensus emerges. By contrast, Weber’s civil society is to be an agonistic arena of organized rivalry, competition, and struggle on behalf of the irreducibly partial claims between which consensus – be that reasonable, overlapping, or bipartisan – may not always be found. Given the incommensurable value fragmentation of the modern politics and society, Weber would wholeheartedly embrace the so-called “circumstances of politics” under which deep disagreements are reasonable and permanent, agreeing that it is not necessarily a bad thing for democracy as long as those “permanent disagreements” remain peaceful [Waldron 1999]. From such an agonistic perspective, the best that can be expected is some kind of mixture of those partial claims – a compromise wherein lies the true meaning of political virtue. That is to say, although no “overlapping consensus” can be expected, it is precisely because all partisan claims are so partial that a political compromise can be made at least between good partisans. For neither too unprincipled (as in opportunistic power-seekers) nor too principled (as in moral zealots), good partisan citizens welcome a political compromise, albeit their passionate value convictions, because they know that some reasonable disagreements are permanent. Then, the kind of political capital expected to be accumulated in a good partisan civil society is a mixture of “principle and pragmatism” [Muirhead 2014, 41–42] – a political virtue much akin to Weber’s syncretic ethics of conviction (Gesinnungsethik) and responsibility (Verantwortungsethik) [see 6.3 below].