 The semantics of imperatives and interrogatives lies beyond the scope of this entry. However, we mention such constructions because they too may be seen as supporting Kratzer’s restrictor analysis. In particular, S. Kaufmann and Schwager (2011) treat imperatives as involving a covert modal operator, which can have a deontic, or bouletic meaning, but basically acting like “must”. In the case of questions, Isaacs and Rawlins (2008) treat questions as prefixed with a covert speech act operator, coming with a modal domain restricted by the if-clause. In a related way, Ciardelli, Groenendijk, and Roelofsen (2018) point out that the semantics of a question can be specified by resolution conditions relative to an information state. Again, conditional questions can be viewed as appropriately restricting the information state to the antecedent worlds, so as to resolve the question relative to those (see Ciardelli, forthcoming). For a polar question of form \(?M\) (“will Mary visit?”) the information state \(s\) resolves it if either \(s\) supports \(M\) or \(s\) supports \(\neg M\). In the case of a conditional polar question like  (11),  the semantics of Ciardelli, Groenendijk, and Roelofsen (2018) predicts that a state \(s\) will resolve a question of the form \(J &gt;{?M}\) provided either \(s\) supports \(J &gt;M\) or \(s\) supports \(J &gt;\neg M\).