 The semantics of the conditional involves universal quantification over minimal situations. In particular, a conditional claims that for every minimal situation \(s_1\) in which its antecedent is true, there is a situation \(s_2\) that \(s_1\) is part of in which its consequent is true. In the case of (25), a minimal situation in which the antecedent is true consists of Sarah and a single donkey she owns. The final element here is that the definiteness and/or anaphoricness of the CDQ “it” in the consequent of (25) makes a difference to its truth conditions. The definiteness and anaphoricness of “it” in (25) induces a sort of “familiarity  effect”.[31]  In particular, for any (minimal) \(s_1\) in which the antecedent is true, there must be an \(s_2\) that \(s_1\) is part of in which the consequent (understood as expressing the claim that Sarah beats a donkey she owns) is true. But in addition, because of the “familiarity” condition induced by the anaphoric definite “it”, there must be a donkey in \(s_2\) that is also in \(s_1\) and that makes the consequent true. In other words, familiarity requires that a donkey that makes the CDQ-containing consequent true in \(s_2\) also be present in \(s_1\). In this sense, the donkey is “familiar”, having been introduced by the antecedent and the situation \(s_1\) in which it is true. To see what this means, consider a situation \(s_1\) that is a minimal situation in which the antecedent is true. \(s_1\) consists of Sarah owning a single donkey. If e.g., Sarah owns ten donkeys, there are ten such minimal situations. For (25) to be true, each such \(s_1\) must be part of a situation \(s_2\) such that \(s_2\) is a situation in which Sarah beats a donkey that she owns and that is in \(s_1\). Now the only way that every minimal \(s_1\) in which Sarah owns a donkey can be part of an \(s_2\) in which Sarah beats a donkey she owns in \(s_1\) is if Sarah beats every donkey she owns. Thus, the CDQ account claims that (25) is true iff Sarah beats every donkey she owns.