 As such, Weber’s sociology of domination has been suspected variously of its embedded normative biases. For one, his theory of legitimacy is seen as endorsing a cynical and unrealistic rejection of universal morality in politics that makes it hard to pass an objective and moral evaluative judgment on legitimacy claims, a charge that is commonly leveled at political realism at large. Under Weber’s concept of legitimacy, anything goes, so to speak, as long as the ruler goes along with the local political morality of the ruled (even if it is formed independently of any coercive or corrosive interference by the ruler, thereby satisfying Williams’s “critical theory principle”). Read in conjunction with his voluminous political writings, especially, it is criticized to this day as harbouring or foreshadowing, among others, Bonapartist caesarism, passive-revolutionary Fordist ideology, quasi-Fascist elitism, and even proto-Nazism (especially with respect to his robust nationalism and/or nihilistic celebration of power) [inter alia, Strauss 1950; Marcuse in Stammer (ed.) 1971; Mommsen 1984; Rehman 2013]. In addition to these politically heated charges, Weber’s typology also reveals a crucial lacuna even as an empirical political sociology. That is to say, it allows scant, or ambiguous, a conceptual topos for democracy.