 The paratactic account, both solely as an account of indirect speech reports and as an account of propositional attitude reports more generally, has been subject to a wide range of criticisms. (For a sampling, see Bigelow 1980, Blackburn 1975, Burge 1986, Clapp 2002, McFetridge 1980, Rumfitt 1993, and especially Schiffer 1987b, pp. 122–38. See Lepore and Loewer 1989 for a defense.) First, there are languages where the apparent complementizer – ‘that’, in English – is not homophonic with a demonstrative. How deep this problem is depends on how seriously the paratactic account is about taking surface syntactic form as some kind of guide. One might claim that ‘believes’ (and its fellows) express a two place relation between an agent and some kind of utterance-like entity, where the embedded sentence functions as a representer of the utterance-like entity that the agent in question bears the relation to. There is no need, at least not without other assumptions, that the apparent complementizer itself function as a demonstrative. And even if there is a need for the complementizer itself to function as a demonstrative, there is no need for it to be a demonstrative.