 However, Elbourne’s account doesn’t encounter the same problem as Neale’s in predicting numberless readings where there are none, as he doesn’t posit a numberless interpretation of the pronoun at all. This highlights a difference between the way that Neale’s theory approaches the truth conditions of conditional donkey sentences and the way DRT, dynamic semantics, the CDQ theory (discussed in the next section) and other D-type theories like Elbourne’s and Heim (1990)’s do (Heim 1990 also employs a situation semantics to account for conditional donkey anaphora). In these other theories, the requirement that all the donkey-owning men beat all the donkeys they own for (47) to be true arises due to the interaction of the semantic of indefinites, the semantics of anaphoric pronouns and the semantics of  conditionals.[28]  Indeed, it is the latter that is primarily implicated in (47)’s truth requiring that all donkeys owned by donkey-owning men be beaten (since the theories posit some sort of universal quantification in the semantics of conditionals). By contrast, on Neale’s view, the requirement that the men beat all the donkeys they own for (47) to be true (on one of its readings) essentially falls out of the semantics of the anaphoric pronoun alone, since on one of its readings, it expresses universal quantification over donkeys Sarah owns (the numberless description reading).