 There is, however, an apparent problem with Nozick’s independence claim. Nozick distinguishes among three sorts of utopians. There are “existential utopians” who have a particular utopia in mind for themselves and others who will be drawn to it but have no problem with yet others being drawn to different utopia. There are “missionary utopians” who hope “to persuade or convince everyone to live in one particular kind of community, but will not force them to do so”. And there are “imperialistic utopians” who countenance “the forcing of everyone into one pattern of community” (319–320). While existential utopians will embrace the framework and missionary utopians will (less heartily) support it, imperialistic “will oppose the framework as long as some others do not agree with them” (320). Nozick’s response to the imperialist is to say “Well you can’t satisfy everyone, especially if there are those who will be dissatisfied unless not everybody is satisfied” (320). The suggestion—never explicitly stated by Nozick—is that the imperialist pursuit of utopia is to be suppressed by the framework precisely because it is impermissibly coercive. But, if so, the justification for this crucial operation of the framework must appeal to some of “the moral arguments for individual liberty” from which Nozick wants his utopia argument to be independent.