 Critics have also charged that integration (or, more provocatively, assimilation) is a guiding principle of liberalism (see Callan 2005). If the liberal subject is coded in the way Young (1990) suggests, then attempts to apply liberal norms of equality will risk demanding that the marginalized conform to the identities of their oppressors. For example, many commentators on the politics of gender and sexuality objected to campaigns defending “gay marriage” or otherwise representing queer people as living up to heterosexual (white, or middle-class) norms, on the grounds that these legal developments assimilate same-sex relationships to an existing dominant model, rather than challenging its historical, material, and symbolic terms (e.g., Card 2007; Puar 2017). If this is equality, they claim, then it looks suspiciously like the erasure of socially subordinate identities rather than their genuine incorporation into the polity. One of the central charges against identity politics by liberals, among others, has been its alleged reliance on notions of sameness to justify political mobilization. Looking for people who are like you rather than who share your political values as allies runs the risk of sidelining critical political analysis of complex social locations and ghettoizing members of social groups as the only persons capable of making or understanding claims to justice. After an initial wave of relatively uncompromising identity politics, proponents have taken these criticisms to heart and moved to more philosophically nuanced accounts that appeal to coalitions as better organizing structures. On this view, separatism around a single identity formation must be muted by recognition of the intersectional nature of social group memberships. The idea of a dominant identity from which the oppressed may need to dissociate themselves remains, but the alternative becomes a more fluid and diverse grouping, less intent on guarantees of internal homogeneity.