 From this standpoint, a theory of word meaning translates into an account of the information stored in the semantic form of lexical entries. A crucial part of the task consists in determining exactly what kind of information is stored in lexical semantic forms as opposed to, e.g., bits of information that fall under the scope of episodic memory or general factual knowledge. Recall the example we made in  Section 3.3:  how much of the information that a competent zoologist can associate to tigers is part of her knowledge of the meaning of the word ‘tiger’? Not surprisingly, even in psycholinguistics tracing a neat functional separation between word processing and general-purpose cognition has proven a problematic task. The general consensus among psycholinguists seems to be that lexical representations and conceptual representations are richly interfaced, though functionally distinct (e.g., Gleitman &amp; Papafragou 2013). For example, in clinical research it is standard practice to distinguish between amodal deficits involving an inability to process information at both the conceptual and the lexical level, and modal deficits specifically restricted to one of the two spheres (Saffran &amp; Schwartz 1994; Rapp &amp; Goldrick 2006; Jefferies &amp; Lambon Ralph 2006; more in more in  Section 5.3).  On the resulting view, lexical activity in humans is the output of the interaction between two functionally neighboring systems, one broadly in charge of the storage and processing of conceptual-encyclopedic knowledge, the other coinciding with the mental lexicon. The role of lexical entries is essentially to make these two systems communicate with one another through semantic forms (see Denes 2009). Contrary to the folk notion of a mental lexicon where words are associated to fully specified meanings or senses which are simply retrieved from the lexicon for the purpose of language processing, in these models lexical semantic forms are seen as highly schematic representations whose primary function is to supervise the recruitment of the extra-linguistic information required to interpret word occurrences in language use. In recent years, appeals to “ultra-thin” lexical entries have taken an eliminativist turn. It has been suggested that psycholinguistic accounts of the representational underpinnigs of lexical competence should dispose of the largely metaphorical notion of an “internal word store”, and there is no such thing as a mental lexicon in the human mind (e.g., Elman 2004, 2009; Dilkina, McClelland &amp; Plaut 2010).