 These revitalised Confucian ethics would redefine the moral guiding discourse of the emerging Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1910). Chŏng Tojŏn (1342–1398), who helped to validate the new kingship, instigated a rejuvenation of Confucian morality, that would culminate in a renewal of society through the use of propriety, manifest in specific rites (K. ye) (Deuchler 2004: 46). Lee Sang-wha (2005) draws attention to the remodeling of patriarchal patterns of behaviour, validated through the metaphysics of the Yin, or Ŭm in Korean (as weak) and Yang (as strong), linked to the social functions of women (as passive) and men (as active), also inculcated through the study of detailed ritual sourcebooks, especially Zhuzi jiali (朱子家禮) [Zhu Xi’s Family Rites], which linked personal self-discipline with the cultivation of the mind through the rigid application of propriety. In the Korean context, propriety was embodied by four specific rites that were to be put into practice to reorganise society: coming of age (also known as capping), wedding, mourning, and most importantly, ancestral rites (Deuchler 1992: 108–111). In Korea, rites were made a legal requirement and even encoded into the national “Grand Code for State Administration”, known as the Kyŏngguk taejŏn (經國大典), first promulgated in the late fifteenth century. Failure to perform the prescribed rituals could lead to physical punishment, imprisonment, and even death (as would be the case for thousands of Catholics during the nineteenth century). These laws asserted and ingrained a newly prescribed Neo-Confucian cultural order into the social matrix, that suppressed and repressed any challenges to its authority, including Buddhism.