 A question that remains is how to explain this variation: are people being inconsistent? Are they tracking something besides the moral question—perhaps the degree of consensus that exists about a question? Further research may help shed some light on these issues, but even if the questions are answered in the affirmative, the realist’s claim to capture folk morality is called into question, since these experiments suggest that folk intuitions are either not uniformly realist, or they are confused (and hence poorly suited for a role in metaethical theorizing). Another response to these findings is that they reveal a kind of folk metaethical pluralism. For example, Michael Gill (2008, 2009) and Walter Sinnott-Armstrong (2009) have suggested a noncognitivist treatment of some areas of morality and cognitivism about others. This response is under-motivated by empirical data, however, since such data shows at most that our judgments about the extent to which moral claims describe mind-independent facts is variable, and not that their semantics itself varies. Nor does such data settle the question whether our moral judgments are beliefs or another conative state: while experimental data can reveal a role for emotion in moral judgment, as discussed above, it does not show that in such cases belief is absent. We will discuss limitations on experimental moral philosophy in more detail in Section 5 below. For now, it seems that data about folk realism are best viewed as undermining one of the most commonly-cited sources of evidence for moral realism, namely, that it captures our ordinary moral discourse and practice better than its competitors. A further question, open to exploration, is whether an anti-realist view might do better at capturing and explaining our folk intuitions than realist competitors.