 This section discussed and tested a particular possibilistic account of the relation between a proposition and its exemplifying situations. The test cases were conditionals that quantify over situations that are “minimal” in a way that is responsive to specific properties of their antecedents: the presence of count nouns versus mass nouns, telic versus atelic verb phrases, modified versus unmodified numerals, negative versus positive quantifiers. The account showed the right responsiveness in interaction with independently motivated interpretations for the sentences involved. Interestingly, once possible maximalizations are factored into sentence denotations, the exemplification account spelled out in definition (29) coincides with the naïve minimalization account in most cases. The only systematic exceptions seem to be atelic antecedents, including those involving negation. Contrary to initial appearance, then, the naïve minimalization accounts found in most existing analyses of donkey sentences within a possibilistic situation semantics are close to correct (but see section 9 for discussion of another potentially problematic case, example (61)).